NUR JAHAN’S JUNTA

 Nur Jahan was born Meherunissa, and married Jahangir in

1611
 Much controversy surrounded her role in politics and the
impact it had on court politics during the remaining 16 years of
Jahangir’s life

CONTEMPORARY SOURCES
 According to MUTAMAD KHAN, Nur Jahan’s father,
Itmaduddaula, and brother Asaf Khan had risen to such
prominence that they had control over practically all important
affairs of the Empire
 In the Jahangirnama, however, the Emperor states that his
decision to promote Itmaduddaula and Asaf Khan was due to
their seniority in service and experience in the affairs of
government

BENI PRASAD
 Put forward the theory of Nur Jahan’s Junta, consisting of
herself, her father, her brother and Prince Khurram
 Argues that the Junta consolidated its power by filling most
vacancies in the imperial service with its own creatures to an
extent that its favour was the sole passport to honour and rank,
naturally rousing the jealousy and hostility of other nobles
 In consequence, the court was split into two factions during
this period – adherents to the Junta and the rival party whose
candidate for the throne was Prince Khusrau
 Also ascribes the rebellion of Khurram in 1622 and the break-
up of the Junta to Nur Jahan’s machinations
o Felt Khurram’s dominant personality would relegate her
to the background should he come to power
o She instead favoured Shahriyar, who was married to her
daughter from her first marriage, Ladli Begum

EUROPEAN SOURCES
 Testimonies such as those of Sir Thomas Roe spoke of
Khurram’s alliance with Nur Jahan, and the existence of a
faction in court which controlled most of the power
 However, these were based on the evidence of rumours and
hearsay in court
CRITIQUE
 His theory of the Junta was severely criticized by other modern
scholars
NURUL HASAN
 The main rise of Itmaduddaula and his family took place after
1616
 Also, at this time, Nur Jahan’s family was not the only one to
rise to prominence as even families who were hostile to the so-
called Junta benefitted
 Even nobles such as Mahabat Khan were favoured by the
Emperor, despite lack of support from the Junta
 Thus, he argues that promotions were fairly well spread out
and it would not be correct to assume that the sole passport to
promotion was the favour of the Junta or Nur Jahan

SATISH CHANDRA
 No contemporary sources present concrete evidence of such a
factional alliance between 1611 and 1620
 Despite that, even European sources spoke of an estrangement
between Khurram and Nur Jahan
 He argues that there was no coincidence of interests between
Nur Jahan and Khurram as Nur Jahan’s main interest was the
protection and preservation of Jahangir’s position while
Khurram had his eyes on the throne
 Khurram’s own position was due to him proving himself in the
Mewar campaign and leading Mughal forces in the Deccan
 He was granted unprecedented zat and sawar rank of 30,000,
accorded a chair in the durbar near the throne and was given
the jagir of Hisar-Firuza, considered the domain reserved for
the crown prince

NURUL HASAN
 There were many factions among the nobles that intrigued
against each other, but no single group succeeded in ousting
the others from positions of power

IRFAN HABIB
 Though relations of Nur Jahan held high positions throughout
the Empire, it did not mean that the entire Mughal nobility
 came to be divided into two groups – the protégés and
supporters of Nur Jahan’s family and the older nobility
 It has been suggested that the family of Nur Jahan formed the
core of the Persian (Khurasani) element in the Mughal nobility,
and that its rise represented the predominance of this section,
though there is little evidence to suggest that the Persians as a
class rallied together under the banner of Nur Jahan

ANSWER

In the history of the Mughal period, the rule of Jahangir (1605 –

1627) was unique in the historiography of the Timurid rulers, not
simply for his role in the expansion of the kingdom or his
characterization as an asthete and naturalist, but more
controversially for the importance of his favourite queen. Many
historians have commented upon the personality of Nur Jahan, and
have often looked at her role beyond that of a wife and queen. It is
agreed that she wielded a number of qualities that other queens in
that era lacked, and did indeed hold great sway in the Mughal court
while Jahangir ruled. However, it is important to analyze the reasons
that led historians to conjecture upon her political clout going
beyond normal bounds.

Born Meher-un-nissa, she married Emperor Jahangir in 1611 after

being included in his harem post the death of her first husband, Sher
Afghan. Beni Prasad wrote that Nur Jahan’s role extended to heading
a faction in the Mughal court, which he termed as Nur Jahan’s junta.
In the period of Jahangir’s rule, her father, Itimaduddaula, and her
brother Asaf Khan, rose up the ranks and came to hold powerful
positions in the Mughal court. Contemporary European observers
fuelled rumours of the existence of a junta in their memoirs,
recollecting much talk in court about the power wielded by Nur
Jahan’s faction. Beni Prasad, drawing from this, went on to argue that
though Jahangir was ruler in name, Nur Jahan’s junta controlled the
affairs of the state. This led to the factionalisation of the court, with
Nur Jahan’s faction standing to one side, while the enemy faction
stood at the other, under the leadership of Prince Khusrau. Prasad
further opines that the junta consolidated power by filling vacancies
in imperial administration with their own, and that the only way to
ensure one’s rise in the court was to align with this group.
Sir Thomas Roe wrote that there was certainly a kind of alliance
between Nur Jahan and Prince Khurram. However, tensions between
Nur Jahan and Khurram were certainly evident, as witnessed in the
Kandahar campaign, which was under the leadership of Nur Jahan. It
is said that the dominant personality of Nur Jahan clashed with that
of Khurram, who had his eyes set on the throne. Nur Jahan could see
the difficulties that would arise from such a possibility, as she would
lose the control she had over the court. Instead, she favoured
Shahriyar, who was married to her daughter from her first marriage,
Ladli Begum. Beni Prasad argues that it was Nur Jahan’s
machinations that led to the rebellion of Khurram in 1622 and the
subsequent break-up of the junta. In this period, Nur Jahan issued a
number of hukums or imperial orders, as evidenced by the presence
of her seal on these orders. Interestingly, the seal was of two types,
one referring to her as the Queen-Consort, while the other calling her
‘Empress’

Beni Prasad’s thesis has come under severe criticism from modern
historians, who do not find anything concrete in his conjecture.
Contemporary sources such as the Jahangirnama, for instance,
mention that the Emperor promoted Itimaduddaula and Asaf Khan
purely on merit. Nurul Hasan was vehement in his criticism of
Prasad’s theory, arguing that Itimaduddaula and his family began to
gain prominence after 1616, well into the rule of Jahangir.
Additionally, a survey of records reveals that his was not the only
noble family that rose. Even nobles like Mahabat Khan, who was not
on good terms with Nur Jahan and her alleged Junta, managed to
receive favour from the Emperor. Promotions were fairly well spread
out and it seemed unlikely that the sole passport to power lay with
Nur Jahan’s faction.

Satish Chandra argued against the idea that Nur Jahan and Prince
Khurram formed an alliance. He said that neither did any
contemporary sources record any such alliance, nor was there a
coincidence of interests between the two. Nur Jahan looked to
preserve the power of the throne of her husband, while Khurram had
his eyes firmly set on the throne. As for the records of Europeans,
Chandra states that this was based mainly on court gossip and
hearsay. Khurram’s rise, according to Chandra, was due to his success
in the campaigns against Mewar and in the Deccan. He was accorded
an unprecedented zat and sawar rank of 30,000 and given the jagir of
Hisar-Firuza, said to be reserved for the crown prince.
Irfan Habib, too, critiqued Beni Prasad’s view, arguing that though
there was much intrigue between noble factions in the Mughal court,
there is no evidence to suggest that these factions were those allied
with Nur Jahan and those against. His explanation was that Nur
Jahan’s family formed the core of the Persian (Khurasani) element in
the court, which was most powerful at the time. However, he states
that this did not mean that the Persian nobility rallied around Nur
Jahan.

Hence, it is clear that though Nur Jahan was certainly a more hands-
on queen than others, it is hardly conclusive that there existed a
group headed by her that was the actual power behind the throne.
Some credit must go to Jahangir in the achievements of the Mughals
in that period, and that Nur Jahan’s personality was such that it
elicited such conjecture.