or unemployment increased female hou: sework and reduced that of her partner Ramos (2003) notes that domestic labour is more likely to be equally distributed when the male is unemployed and his partner works full time. Pleck (1985) argues that where parents hold ‘traditional g4ender beliefs women do more housework than in families where beliefs reflect sexual equality. In households where partners hold conflicting beliefs, men do less domestic work and where there are no clear ‘gender associations with particular tasks, such as pet care, these are performed equally. Why do women do more domestic labour than men? Although more women are now in paid employments ‘vomen still do the majority of work within the home. ‘This is particularly evident in families with dependent children, Women in this situation generally perform many of the mundane aspects of childcare, such as feeding and clothing, while men focus on the less mundane, such as playing with their children. Willmott (2000), however, argues there is less relianeé On ‘traditional roles when dividing up tasks in the home’ Changing family (and wider social) relationships mean that domestic labour is ‘negotiated by every couple depending on their individual ‘circumstances. The significant factors in determining ‘who does what’ in the family ae time and inclination ‘not whether they area ‘man or a women’ Cultural beliefs abo roles may also help expla Pilcher (1988) found that younger counterparts, did not talk about ‘equality’ but aottead thought about gender roles, responsibilities and relationships in traditional ways about gender roles This reflected their socialisation and life experiences, where ‘men undertook limited household work, married women wut male and female abilities and jin domestic labour differences. ‘older people, unlike their had limited involvement in paid work gendered division of labour was the nora norm, Baas ‘Suggest two reasons wh y women do mor labour then men. do more domesye Markey Children and parents Children’s family roles are intimately connected to relationship with their parents. We can gain a dere” tinderstanding of the contemporary role of children noting what Archard (2004) calls ‘a dissimilarity in ide about childhood between past and present’. How Paton relate to children has changed, not justin terms ofthe, different roles in pre-industrial and industrial society, but also in relation to post modernity. Fionda (2002). fy example, suggests that adults in contemporary S0ciet view children in several different ways: a Asobjects of concern requiring care and Proventon fx their parents. nthe UK, much recent fami policy cay, Charon this ole, withthe state ‘stePPINB I 10, thedemage done oa child's physical emotional and psychological development by ‘dysfunctional’ family re ionships (hid abuse san extreme example oth, kind of relationship). ‘ps autonomous possessors of rights who SROvId enjoy ‘Fnitar levels of feedom to adults and who should mt be denied the rights adults take for granted such Fe protection from assault. Thisinterpretation males Ghildren accountable for their actions ~ if they demang scare given adult ights in terms of what they do, how they do it and with whom itis done, they must fake responsiblity for their behaviour. te Aslacking moral consciousness. Their status as ‘ldren means they cannot be expected to show fl moral responsibilities. They should therefore not be subject to the same reprisals (such as criminal law) asadults. reflect a basic uncertainty about the status emporary families. Are they Jht or dependent on adults? societies the ‘These ideas and role of children in cont individuals in their own rig) “Aries (1962) argues that in pre-industrial felationship was more clear-cut: children were litle vaults, considered an economic asset tothe family ‘They dressed, lived and worked like adults. Robertson (2001), however, argues that we have reached a stage in post industrial society where children have becomeeconomically worthless and emotion, . ald oles and relationships. While children may hace teas paid employment now than inthe pas, they make ome economic general contribution to family hfe thr omestc labour. Although Bonke (1999) argues th Te past cases this is eatively small contribution, Howrd {ord reports that substantial numbers of children Z the UK ~ between 100,000 and 700,000 ~ take on ‘cain responsibilities suchas dressing, washing or bathing family members. hat does the idea that children are ‘economically worthless and ‘emotionally priceless’ mean? Postman (1994) argues that modern communication «ystems, such as television the internet and mobile phones, have changed the child-adult relationship that developed throughout the modern industrial period. In terms of their criminality, sexuality and dress, children have become more like adults ~ similar to their status in pre-industrial society. Adults, however, have become snore like children by equating ‘youthfulness’ with health, vitality and excitement. Robertson argues that as the distinction between child and adults becomes less clear, family roles and relationships are more focused on allowing children to find their own general way in life. According to Mann, this involves the ‘rise of more democratic forms of parent-child relationships ... children are having an input in decision making’. However, his relationship can be both uneasy and uncertain. In modern societies, technology means that children have access to a wealth of knowledge about the adult world. Robertson suggests that roles and responsibilities in postmodernity are rapidly changing, with children increasingly seeing the world through the eyes of consumers, encouraged to buy goods and services, such as mobile phones, formerly the preserve of adults Advertisers target ‘children’s markets, which leads to « consumption culture that encourages children to locate their identity and sense of selfin what they consume. In the postmodern society children develop a status as autonomous individuals rather than dependent being: they acquire ‘rights’ formerly only extended to adults. Asa result, children become more rebellious, sexually precocious and active, They become involved adult world that requires them to be increasingly sophisticated and less ‘hild-Hike, ‘These changes, in turn affect how children are raised. They may have greater control over their own social development, but they must also take responsibility for their mistakes. These changes are linked to contemporary ideas about the role of fathers. In some ways, parent-child relationships in postmodernty resemble those of the past, particularly the idea of children as ‘little adults’ with rights and responsibilities. However, the situation has not entirely reverted to that of pre-industrial societies ~ children are banned from numerous ‘adult’ experiences, such as drinking, smoking and sexual activity. This ‘postmodern ambivalence’ is reflected in changes to perceptions of parental roles. In particular, the role ofthe father has become more uncertain. Is his role one of economic provision, emotional and psychological provision, a combination of both ~ or neither? Grandparents Grandparents were once considered an economic and emotional drain on family resources. Today, however, Bengston (2001) argues that grandparents represent ‘a valuable new resource for families’, particularly in relation to childcare. Grandparenting is not a new phenomenon, as Anderson's study of 19th-century Lancashire revealed: “Most working mothers had 4 co-resident grandmother who looked after the children in return for her own keep.’ It is the extent of sgrandparenting in modern societies that is new. Wellard, for example, notes that around 30% of UK families ‘depend on grandparents for childcare’. This figure increases to nearly 50% in lone-parent families. ‘Smallwood and Wilson (2007) argue that has led to ‘modifications in family structures. While ‘the once classic extended family is now almost extinct, extended family networks that include grandparents have become more important. Rake (2009) argues that we should not see families in terms of either nuclear or extended structures, but rather in terms of ‘whole family’ extended networks. She notes that grandparents now provide childcare for‘more than two million British families’ with around “200,000 grandparents as sole carers’. As work pressures ‘ommunal leave mothers with less time for childeare, parenting ‘will become commonplace in many families’ for reasons that include: = more women working = parents working long and unsociable hours = the high cost of childcare longer active life expectancy. ‘The contribution of grandparents is not restricted to childcare. Rake estimates that 90% of grandparents now provide some form of financial support for their ‘grandchildren, and Broad etal (2001) suggest that inter {generational ties are important fr sociability and emotional support. This relationship is not, however, one-way. Brannen notes that longer life expectancy in industrial societies results in more children returning to the family home to provide financial and domestic care for their parents. Grandparents have become an increasingly valuable family resource, especallyin an age in which more mothers have to work fora living ‘Mann argues that family roles and responsibilities are increasingly open to negotiation. The breakdown of rigid social identities in postmodernity means there is no longer a ‘right’ and a ‘wrong’ way to perform such roles, This applies to grandparents as wells parents and children. Negotiation, however, isa two-way process and, as Mann ——————————————— argues‘Most grandparents want to he} help ou nol necessarily wan o provide chide ty irandparents can no longer be taken li basis, While negotiation influence of wider socal factors should not oP American Academy of Child and Adolescen pe" (2011) report that while‘an increasing numba sing numbers inthe United Stats live in households ender et grandparent, this is mainly due to: ae 1 high ates of divorce, lone parenthood and te ay pregnancy 1 parentalilnes, disability, imprisonment orden, = parental abuse or neglect. | rest ours] Briefly explain why we shouldn'tseefamilisig either nuclear or extended structures [ scry ad “Farson (1974) argues for‘ children’ liberation yh, every child has the right 1: ts exercise choice in their own living arrangemen, information that is accessible to adults choose belief systems, including to educate ony sexual freedom work . . . = vole ‘= freedom from physical punishment . . . . justice own property travel independently whatever drugs their elders use, Which ofthese ‘rights’ do you agree or disagree with? Conjugal roles and debates about gender equality within the family Functionalism ‘Traditional functionalist approaches see family development in evolutionary terms. From this perspetiv. asymmetrical gender relationships, where males and females have separate roles characteristic ofthe early industrial family, gradually give way to symmetrical olJationships based on joint conjugal roles in lat Fustrial society. This is based aie detinn Rr ss through different stages ofindustrialisation, genday Fates gradually converge through a process of what " willmott and Young (1973) call ‘stratified diffusion’ conjugal roles in the upper class moved towards greater equality these changes trickled down’ the class structure ‘They were adopted next by middle-class families and, by the middle of the 20th century, the working class. ‘On thisbasis, Sullivan etal. (2008) suggest that industrial societies have experienced a ‘quiet revolution’ in conjugal roles based on a general acceptance of ender tality. Evidence for this canbe seen in: ‘increased male housework ‘e_ decreased female housework fe men devoting more time to childcare tthe family group becoming more home-centred. ‘Two further developments include the new man ~ an identity that developed in the 1980s when men began to take on a greater share of domestic work ~ and the New Father, someone who combines a traditional masculinity wth being “y good, caring and responsible father. MeMahon (1998), however, calls the new man a fantasy ~ most men have litle interest in changing the patterns of child care and housework. by Paco Neo-functionalism ‘Traditional functionalism theorises men and women playing diferent family roles. Men generally take an instrumental role, dealing with people in an objective, ‘unemotional way, based on a mutually beneficial relationship. For men to be successful in their provider role outside the family, they need instrumental orientations. Because they traditionally spend more time within the family, women tend to take an expressive role; dealing with family members on the basis of love and affection. Qo Swenson (2004) offers a different interpretation of conjugal roles. He focuses on adults, including lone parents, as providers of a safe, stable family environment for primary socialisation. From this perspective, parents give their children a knowledge ‘of both expressive and instrumental relationships and it does not matter which partner provides which; For Swenson, conjugal roles in contemporary families can be fluid, Women can provide instrumental values and men expressive values (or vice versa depending on specific family conditions and relationships). Same-sex families can perform these roles. Lone-parent families are not automatically excluded since the parent may successfully combine both roles or they may have help from others, such as extended family members, who provide the alternative role. For example, grandparents may play an expressive role while the parent’s role is instrumental. Swenson does believe that the source of ‘antisocial behaviour’ in children is the instability of family roles ‘and relationships. ‘Optimal socialisation’ takes place in stable (married) families where both parents play complementary roles. el What's new about neo-functionalism? Marxism Marxist analyses focus on families as social spaces involving complex conflicts and power struggles. Morgan (2001) illustrates this through three ‘family economies! 1 The political economy centres on the economic aspect ‘of family lif, According to Pahl (2007), this involves understanding how money is ‘received, controlled ‘and managed before being allocated to spending’ This involves a resource theory where power struggles are an inevitable part of conjugal relationships; thosewho control the most valued resources, such as family income, have the greatest power. In this respect, financial decision-making indicates where power lies, and Pahl and Vogler (1984) found men made the most important financial decisions. Other areas of major decision-making in dual-earner families relate to whose ‘work has the greatest priority when, for example, the family relocates due to a change in employment. Hardil (2003) found that women were more likely to be the “trailing spouse’, revealing that male occupations had Breatest priority. 2 The moral economy refers to the values and norms relating to the conjugal roles and responsibilities of different family members. The female partner can ‘exercise high levels of power through her ability to ‘organise family resources and behaviours even where her partner may be the only breadwinner. 3. The emotional economy relates to interpersonal relationships and what Dallos etal. (1997) call ‘affective Power’ If someone ‘loves you’ this gives you power. Pahl ‘Suggests that this family power’ can be subtle. Itcan shift depending on such factors as who ‘oves' the other the most: the partner who ‘loves least’ can use thisto exert power over the one who ‘loves more’ Like any institution in capitalist society, families involve power struggles. These might take place openly in the form of domestic violence, or covertly in the form of decision-making, Domestic violence involves a range of behaviours, both physical and emotional, aimed at aggressively controlling another family member. The extent of domestic violence is difficult to estimate, as many victims do not report the attacks. Kirkwood (1993) notes that there are several possible reasons for this: = the victim's low self-esteem (a belief that they ‘deserveit’) = economic or psychological dependence on the perpetrator f= fear of further consequences (repeat victimisation). Nicholas et al. (2007) note that around 75% of victims are female and Coleman et al. (2007) suggest that around 40% of victims experience domestic abuse more than once. Dang ‘Suggest one reason why domestic violence is a ‘crime prone to repeat victimisation’. Feminism and conjugal roles es offerinism have slighty di conjugal roles. em cminism is based on th Different typ* perspectives 0” Liber equality of opportunity. 19 conjugal relation vamen should Be free £0 choose pn men ems, This softer’ form of feminism promotes “practi gc’ ways of reating a Bender balance wig reatiy his recognises that some Women chy jc and child-rearing responsibilities §'", eon a career and some want (Or need) tp teonly and work responsibilities. Equality of saree on the idea that men and women cay ually in oth the private and public doming aay of feminism argue that male cultural cp {otaiting from ingrained patriarchal ideas aby,” vin female capabilities; gives them an advan, the home and the workplace My Marxist: This applies Marxist ideas about cy, equalities t-an explanation of gender inequality conjugal roles in capitalist societies. Women peg. pervice role in the family, which gives them th. strunpaid servants This roe is sometimes perfor. wrillingly but more often they take on this respons. because their partner is unable or unwilling to do, ‘more women now entering paid employment thy, doubly exploited, in the public sphere as paid enpiy and inthe private sphere as unpald workers whose primarily benefits men. As noted earlier, Duncombe. Marsden (1993) argue that women may perform ays, shift - through the emotional work they invest tine x, effort in the psychological well-being of family meng ‘Marxist feminists, therefore, argue that women increasingly suffer from two forms of economic exp, ‘patriarchal, as unpaid domestic labourers whose work, benefits men and capitalist as paid employees whose iy ‘creates profits for a ruling class. In this respect, captksy is the ‘eal cause of female oppression’ because it ini relations of domination, subordination and oppression Female exploitation inside and outside the family wil continue for as long as capitalism exists. Gender isa ‘secondary’ form of exploitation ~ one that will dispyex once primary (economic) forms of exploitation are exe Radical: Radical feminism sees patriarchy asthe primary source of male domination within the fanih believes that this problem can be resolved in a rane ways. Firestone (1970) argues that biology isthe es ey ‘on domesti i ineer ference which al ea tithe fact that women experience How gcd 10 depend on men crete 3 mination If technology sioogical dependency, by ena outside the womb, an essential uruminated and male powe appeat er mecond argument believes that should exp salues of emininity such 28a sense of commen es vapathy and sharing. These are the characterise re them diffrent from men, whose interests sett triarchal values of aggressiveness, selfish sen "fd, Women should embrace the power epradscr res because fo Stanworth (1987) itis the frat sr ens entity: Stanworth argues that women mens Me technologies embraced by writers such as Firestone fier source ofrale Power and domination - by taking fy one ofthe most important differences between na” *Peomen ~the ability to reproduce = Frieden (1963) and Millett (1969) se the patriarchal srotares and practice of the family itself asthe sours Semale oppression. Friedan argues that's housewife orp paraite’ because she is forced to depend on men for ersocial existence. The solution to gender inequality is wer the abandonment of the patriarchal family or the Sevlopmentof matriarchal family structures and conjugal septa exclude men through, for example, lesbian reatonships. Post-feminism rejects the claim that any single theory can eqylan the poston of women in society. The socal positon sence, However, in Western industria ad aro seen asa diminished ident ee od ag sof satus Mutran and Burke (1979) note that = 21 ns have identities which, while different from dd pee persons. ae iil TO Young adults they se el esses useful and less poverfl than mde 7 ihe duals Part ofthe reason for this is thestigm, age mao age. People sei asan inevitable proves of se ity Nelplesnss, withdrawal ad online Te Sat “ame tobe perceived asa deviant min proce yowened bythe medicalsation of ld age Hees Sse isused to define and manage the elderly and an Sorentations ey show are not the result of personal and nr hange ut rather evidence of ent, si erst higher lif expectancy and more goonies contributed tothe reinvention 2M aeration oferty identities. These imvohe an ptonsetween the ld andthe very ok changing sie of consumption and leisure, and diferent ie petatons ofthe meaning of"being ol where the indy jest conventional stereotypes and soil entities, The oldest (23) runner in the 2008 London Marathon. Have cultural changes closed the gap between young and old entities? Barrett etal (2003) argue that different societies produce different subjective experiences of ageing. Americans and Germans, for example, ‘tend to feel younger than their actual age .. but the bias toward youthful identities stronger at older ages, particularly among Americans: ‘There is no clear historical or cross-cultural agreement about the age at which the individual loses one identity and takes on another. Settersten (2006) suggests the significance of age divisions in contemporary societies involves two ideas. 12 Age identities have a formal, organisational, importance (Colience) as a way of structuring "ights, responsibilities, and entitlements’ between, for example, adults and children. informally, individual age divisions shape everyday social interactions, such as those between 9 parent and child, and provide a basic structure to these social exchanges. ‘= The passage of biological time anchors the passage of social time (defined by Halbwachs, 1980 as the “temporal rhythms of everyday life?) when societies give certain age-related events, such as an 18th birthday or retirement from work, a social significance as markers signifying the transition from one phase in the life course to another. This process is sometimes termed a rte of passage that takes different forms in different cultures. For Aborigines, one transition is marked by ‘walkabout. ‘At age 13, the child spends six months in the Australian Bush and on their return they are accepted into adulthood. In Jewish culture, this transition is marked by the Bar ‘mitzvah for boys (aged 13) and the Bat mitzvah for girls (aged 12). Other rites of passage include marriage ceremonies and funerals. For Settersten (2006), biological age itself relatively unimportant here: ‘What matters is what the age indexes ~ the important experiences that happen at those times. Social significance extends to two further ideas: 1. Agedivisions come bundled with normative expectations (the types of behaviour expected from different age groups) that are used as a ‘life map’. Polkinghorne (1991), for example, suggests that ‘individuals construct private and personal stories linking diverse events into rrTy) unified and understandable wholes. They are the basis of personal identity and they provide answers to the question “Who am!?”, In other words, people come to understand their personal identity by linking age-related experiences to create a life narrative. 2 Riach (2007) suggests that people use knowledge of how age divisions are organised to both upset normative expectations of ‘age-appropriate’ behaviour and ‘pre- empt possible forms of marginalization’. She suggests that in situations where ageism s (literally) at work, people may take conscious steps to avoid embodying the older worker’ Whatiis meant by the term ‘rite of passage’? Age stratification Age groups always exist in some sort of status hierarchy (ranked above or below each other on the basis of theit social standing - adults, for example, have a higher status position than children). Theoretical explanations for why societies are age stratified fall into three broad categories, which are described below. Modernisation Modernisation theory suggests that the significance of age stratification varies in relation to social change and, in particular, the transition from pre-industrial (pre~ modern) to industrial (modern) society. In the former, where class-based forms of stratification are absent, age-grading systems develop with peer groups forming age sets - each generation has certain rights and responsibilities. Johnson and Tamanka (2004) note that aage-setting is still common in some traditional societies, such as the Maasai in Kenya. Modernisation theory argues that economic changes produce cultural changes. “The need for trained labour, for example, produces an education system that creates age-stratified groups, such as ‘youth’, Similarly, the idea of ‘retirement’ produces concepts of old age. en n x ‘ : ‘Age stratification: system of social ranking by age. Children, for example, may be ranked lower than adults because they have fewer rights. ‘Age set: people of a similar age who share certain rights ‘and responsibilities because of their age. ee How is age-setting functional for the Maasai? Cohorts Cohort theory focuses on societies having what yp, (1996) terms an ‘age structure associated with dig, roles and statuses: In this respect, age is considereg asa group rather than an individual construct the relative status of whole groups (cohorts) changes i, age. Stratification by cohort, therefore, isa flexible interpretation of structural differences in age group, ‘Aseach cohort ages (biologically/chronologicaly attracts socially produced roles, slf-concepts and id, changes in the form of normative expectations, Zhoy (1997) suggests that ‘age is a basis for acquiring roles, status, and deference from others in society. When p become old, they exit roles as workers and take on rj, retirees’ In addition, Riley (1994) argues that people bor, into the same cohort have similar ‘experiences in time may share meanings, ideologies, orientations, attitude, and values’. This theory reflects how social changes: aff, different cohorts in different ways, at different times, he life experiences of a young adult today are very differen from those of a young adult a century ago. Life course Life-course analysis suggests that the concept of chronological age is increasingly blurred in modern societies. It argues that a more useful concept is that of social age - the idea that, over an individual’ lifetime, certain structured life events mark the divisions between different phases and experiences. Mitchell (2003) sugges Qan Life-course analysis: the examination of differences and changes over the course ofan individual’ lifetime. An individual's family experiences as a child and an adult are, for example, very different. rea, ~~spat soe age involves thinking about transition we events, Such as starting work or ren dividual age identities. Norms are cabana in terms of both general social perceptions net rite, in opr oF iaPPFOPFa” behaviour and spe en aro individuals terpret, incorporate ve tdess tenors and perceptions. Societies not only oh ative rules associated with age categories, the, p ideas about age categories ~ ss how aio affect in th oo lp develo fot example, the erat at which childhood changes to adulthood lop gue tree examples of ageism. cas For each of the following groups, make a list of their permissions and denials in your society: children a adults the elderly. Choosing an example from each group, what happens when people defy the expected permissions and denials? Childhood as a concept that is socially constructed “Archard (2004) argues that every human society has “developed a concept of childhood, but societies differ in their definitions of childhood and, by extension, ‘adulthood. If childhood was a simple biological category, ‘we would expect every society to see it in a similar way. ‘The fact that they do not suggests that childhood is socially constructed rather than biologically determined. ‘The work of Aries has stimulated extensive debate about the changing nature of childhood and the status of children. Although some of Aries’ claims have been questioned, his work helps to focus on a number of areas relating to the historical analysis of childhood. Aries argues that ‘childhood’ as a distinctive phase in social development is a consequence of modern societies. Childhood as both a social and biological category only came into existence around three centuries ago. Childhood as a special status, therefore, is linked to social change and, more specifically, the change from pre-industrial to industrial society. While there were ‘non-adults’ in pre-industrial society, they were neither called ‘children’, nor treated in ways we would currently Tecognise as appropriate to this stage in an individual's life. Aries suggests that changing beliefs about children developed as the Christian church popularised the idea of them as ‘fragile creatures of God’. Childhood became defined as a phase of ‘uncorrupted innocence, tobe nurtured and encouraged. Children were not to be seen as ‘little adults’, but as beings who needed the protection of adults. While in pre-industrial society, ‘children’ lived and worked alongside their parents, the development of industrial society saw a gradual physical and cultural ‘separation between children ‘and adults. In the UK, the ication system in the late 19th century development of an edu sm adult society: resulted in being ‘progressively removed fro Pollack (1983) attacks the suggestion that there was no conception of childhood in pre-industrial society, and Archard argues that ‘Aries claims to disclose an 4 of childhood, whereas he should only absence of the ide jut childhood claim to find a dissimilarity in ideas abot ‘Portrait of a Young Gir’ Adriaen van der Linde (c. 1570-1609). Why were children treated as little adults’? 143in’, However, itis evident that the st and prese bene a a paged in the transition to modern of children chang eee ra has changed, according to Jenks (1996), modern period ical childhood statuses: se The Dionysian chilis constructed as ‘a wilful material impish and harbouring a potential evil. This view a I children to prevent societies, js! , He notes the existence of throughout the two basic histor force ; st contro suggests that adults must contra children top them falling victim to their essential badness ss TheApollonian child, onthe other hand, is constructed as‘angelc, innocent, untainted by the world it has recently entered. thas a natural goodness and a clarity ‘of vision’ This view suggests thatthe role of adults isto create the conditions under which children can develop their essential ‘goodness: ‘Adult attitudes towards childhood and children (which are ‘not necessarily the same thing) tend to shift between these two extremes of characterisation. Fionda suggests that in ‘modern industrial societies children are variously seen as: objects of concern requiring adult protection 1 autonomous possessors of rights 1 lacking moral consciousness 1 aware of and accountable for ther actions. ‘These ideas reflect a basic uncertainty about the status of children. They need to be simultaneously controlled and given the freedom to develop ‘naturally’, away from the corrupting influence of adult society. Uncertainty about how children should be seen and treated is nothing new. Hendrick (1990) has identified a range of transformations inthe status of children and childhood since 1800: "= The Delinquent child appeared in the mid 19th century, reflecting concems abouthow to deal with aw-breaking children and provide protection and care '= The Schooled child involved ideas about the need for education - moral and spiritual as well as technical - the tracy and numeracy requied for the newiy emerging industrial culture. 1 The Psycho-medical child was constructed towards {heend ofthe 1th century with the development of psychological theories. This stressed the unique nature of childhood a : nd con biological and emotional eye vita, childhood also developey yy ‘such as Hall (1904), 1 The Welfare child emerged inthe 2 ms children’s vulnerability ang ideas aby, *y, behaviour being shaped by nepieg ot in. The Psychologica child emergegis 4" focused on children having theirone tatezog turn, should be protected and couraged ren Fionda summarises this gen. ra who and what children ae am eto Co have changed over time’. Heywood com ee shen he notes: ‘Childhood, according yo century cleric Pierte de Bérlle, "so sate of human nature, after that of deaths eg toagree - not least asan antidote toll he nonsense surrounding the supposedly pun sty child of the Victorian era ... Such extremes aie us that childhood isa socal construc, vig ~ time and varies between social and ethnic rou ups, * tur Met Thy Ped throueh ne "ag *, The cross-cultural dimension The cross-cultural dimension is also childhood was a simple, Diloialy Pains “i we would expect different societies to have ge the cas, Malinowski’ (1922) study ofthe Te Islanders of Papua New Guinea argues that pet tribal societies difered from ther industrah in three main ways: “unt = Children were given more rest Ponsibil more rights. ne 1 Adult- cil relationships were closer, es attr and more supportive than is typi t ically societies. ntmeaa oo 1 iilden were encouraged to explore the seul, ‘There was less, Built attached to ‘sex lay’ and adults ey more tolerant of sexual discovery through ply Meads (1928) study of the Pacific Island of Samoa baked Specifically at female experiences ofadolescen pie characterised as far less stressful than that ofr ie USA. She attributed this situation ences in childrearng S489 tudes toward send a Comparative Studies of this kind are important becxe ' Us fo test competing explanations of cildholpment. In this instance, adolescence seers een) chartered mea soto tensions an LANIFUNS that are ated piochemical changes during puberty. However, Mead beta thes arcu in orgin “spe sits respect #8 more important than biog tn in ern societis,fmly Weis chld-ented go toa parents ave certain rights over that ois 0935) study ofthe Mundugumor of New a vss evidence of alternative child-rearing payne aerueen were looked after by family relatives or eho gis wth aouschol. As res, the jy Sil ath as mc oe a Nore recent studies South America, soeand Mrcahavereveleda diene rome ren rclationshs. Hecht (198) ethnographic su ot er ynconventonal childhood of Brazilian stret ca ‘Fo that while many children find themsliestiving sed toss with parents and wider family. This relationship fegenty takes te form of helping to provide forthe Fed by begging or selling bottles, cans and cardboard eh historical and cross-cultural evidence points a. the social construction of childhood, an idea underlined iyaragef ew coring treo kidoo in vy emporay industrial societies. One significant arg chat childhood, as we have generally understood tover the past 50 years has disappeared. Postman argues thata tn Pesan fr thsisthe development of open adm Tahnologis that expose children to images of adulthood tecrnlence, news) that make it more dificult to define rere childhood ends and adulthood begins. The internet, frexampl, gives children accesso information and svoges hatin former times, were denied until adulthood. ‘he virtual world also has two unique features | but 1 Age stnetions are dificult to maintain itis easier for adults and children to interact on equal terms in ways that would nat be possible inthe physical world. 2 Itisnot compartmentalised. children and adults can mix freely, blurring distinctions made inthe physical word, suchas status differences and the interaction norms that usually govern adult-chld relationships. Robertson suggests that a further factor in the disappearance of childhood is that children are encouraged to see the world through the eyes of consumers, using goods and services that were formerly available only to adults (for example, mobile phones). ‘Advertisers target ‘children’s markets’ in increasingly sophisticated ways, and ths has led to the development of ‘consumption culture’ among children that mirrors that ofthe adult world. Postman links the disappearance of traditional childhood with its reappearance in another form, in which the chikd-adult distinction is increasingly blurred and Where ‘adults havea different conception of what sort of person a childs, one not unlike that which prevailed in the ‘Mth century: that they are miniature adults: This changing status of children, Robertson argues, changes how they are defined and treated by adult institutions, such as the legal system, schools and the workplace. O'Donnell and White (1998) discovered that around 25% of working children in North Tyneside in England were under the age of 13. (Guch employment is illegal in the UK except for actors. ‘or models) ‘A third perspective on how childhood is socially constructed argues that, although there are changes in the way children are perceived and treated, this is neither one-way (children effectively becoming ‘little adults’) nor necessarily evidence of the disappearance of childhood. Rather, childhood is being reinvented in postmodern societies, as it adapts to wider social changes. While children are increasingly consumers of products, they also shape those products. Instead of being passive receivers of ‘adult culture’, they develop relatively sophisticated ‘childhood cultures’. The postmodern child inhabits @ world quite different from their modern predecessor (of even a generation ago). ‘They are exposed to a far wider and richer range of experiences, albeit ones still markedly different from the adult world, asa Suggest two ways in which childhoods socially constructed. rena