Received: 25 January 2022 | Revised: 8 July 2022 | Accepted: 17 July 2022

DOI: 10.1111/jan.15391

E M P I R I C A L R E S E A R C H - ­ Q U A L I T A T I V E

Perceptions and experiences of sexual violence among Chinese

men who have sex with men in Hong Kong

Edmond Pui Hang Choi1 | Jojo Yan Yan Kwok1 | Kitty Wai Ying Choi1,2 |
Jung Jae Lee1 | Kris Yuet Wan Lok1 | Janet Yuen Ha Wong1 |
1 3,4
Daniel Yee Tak Fong | Eric Yuk Fai Wan | William Chi Wai Wong3 |
5,6,7
Eric Pui Fung Chow
1
School of Nursing, The University of
Hong Kong, Pok Fu Lam, Hong Kong Abstract
Aim: This study aimed to understand the perceptions and experiences of sexual vio-
2
Sticky Rice Love, Hong Kong
3
Department of Family Medicine and lence among Chinese men who have sex with men (MSM) in Hong Kong.
Primary Care, School of Clinical Medicine,
The University of Hong Kong, Pok Fu Lam, Design: The study adopted a qualitative descriptive design with thematic analysis.
Hong Kong Methods: Thirty-­one Chinese MSM were recruited in Hong Kong from May to June
4
Department of Pharmacology and
2019 using purposive sampling. Individual semi-­structured interviews were con-
Pharmacy, The University of Hong Kong,
Pok Fu Lam, Hong Kong ducted with the participants. The interview data were transcribed verbatim from the
5
Melbourne Sexual Health Centre, Alfred recordings and analysed using Braun and Clarke's thematic analysis approach.
Health, Melbourne, Victoria, Australia
6 Results: Four themes were identified: (1) different forms of sexual violence, from
Central Clinical School, Monash
University, Melbourne, Victoria, Australia physical to virtual; (2) inner struggles with fears and worry; (3) low awareness and
7
Melbourne School of Population perceived risk of sexual violence –­ ‘it has nothing to do with me’ and (4) dilemma to-
and Global Health, The University of
Melbourne, Melbourne, Victoria, Australia
wards sexual violence prevention.
Conclusion: The study provided qualitative evidence regarding the experiences and
Correspondence
Edmond Pui Hang Choi, School of Nursing,
perceptions of sexual violence among Chinese MSM in Hong Kong. Physical and
The University of Hong Kong, 5/F, image-­based forms of sexual violence were identified, which led the participants
Academic Building, 3 Sassoon Road, Pok
Fu Lam, Hong Kong.
to experience psychological distress, fear of contracting human immunodeficiency
Email: h0714919@connect.hku.hk virus/other sexually transmitted infections, notoriety within the gay community, and

Funding information
Australian National Health and Medical
Research Council (NHMRC) Emerging
Leadership Investigator Grant, Grant/
Award Number: GNT1172873; Early
Career Scheme, Research Grants Council,
Grant/Award Number: 27607518
discrimination and stigmatization within their family and workplace. To reduce the risk
of sexual violence, some participants were cautious about the venue in which they
engaged in sex and the habit of sharing sexually explicit photos with others. However,
some participants had low awareness and perceived risk of sexual violence.
Impacts: This study was the first to fill the research gap on sexual violence issues
among Chinese MSM using dating apps in Hong Kong. The qualitative findings en-
hanced the scholarly understanding of Chinese MSM's perceptions and experiences
of sexual violence. The study findings can help nursing staff and other healthcare
professionals to develop tailored primary, secondary and tertiary sexual violence pre-
vention programmes for MSM or beyond.

This is an open access article under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution-­NonCommercial-­NoDerivs License, which permits use and distribution in
any medium, provided the original work is properly cited, the use is non-­commercial and no modifications or adaptations are made.
© 2022 The Authors. Journal of Advanced Nursing published by John Wiley & Sons Ltd.

J Adv Nurs. 2023;79:1385–1398.  wileyonlinelibrary.com/journal/jan | 1385

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1386
1 | I NTRO D U C TI O N
Sexual violence is a significant public health problem that af-
fects people across different races, socioeconomic statuses, gen-
der identities and sexual orientations. The Centers for Disease
Control and Prevention defines sexual violence as ‘a sexual act
that is committed or attempted by another person without freely
given consent of the victim or against someone who is unable to
consent or refuse’ (Basile et al., 2014). Sexual violence includes a
continuum of behaviours, such as attempted or completed rape,
sexual coercion, unwanted sexual contact, forced chemsex (i.e.
the use of psychoactive substances before or during sexual activ-
ities), non-­consensual condom removal during sexual intercourse
referred to as ‘stealthing’ and image-­b ased sexual violence (Bonar
et al., 2021; Dills et al., 2016; Eaton & McGlynn, 2020; Gaspar
et al., 2021; Lutgendorf, 2019).
1.1 | Background
One of the key features of contemporary digital society is the in-
tegration of communications and digital technologies into every-
day life. The entangling of the social and the digital has particular
implications for interpersonal relationships (Powell et al., 2020).
Technology-­f acilitated sexual violence, which refers to a range of
behaviours in which digital technologies are used to facilitate both
face-­to-­f ace and virtual sexual violence, has become increasingly
common (Henry & Powell, 2018). The advent of smartphones,
dating apps and easy access to the internet have made it easier
for individuals to both perpetrate and become victims of sexual
violence (Choi et al., 2018; Patel & Roesch, 2022). A study in
Australia reported that 62.3% of study participants had experi-
enced technology-­f acilitated sexual violence victimization (Powell
& Henry, 2019).
Image-­based sexual violence is an emerging form of technology-­
facilitated sexual violence that deserves attention. McGlynn and
Rackley (2017) broadly define it as the ‘non-­consensual creation
and distribution of sexually explicit images’. According to Henry
et al. (2019), image-­based sexual violence includes three main
behaviours: (1) the non-­consensual creation of nude or sexual
images, including images that are digitally altered or manipulated
to add a person's face to a pre-­existing nude or sexual image; (2)
the non-­consensual distribution of nude or sexual images; and (3)
threats to distribute such images. O'Malley and Holt (2022) include
sextortion within the continuum of image-­based sexual violence.
Victims of sextortion are threatened to have their sexually explicit
materials, including information and images, shared unless they
satisfy the requests of the perpetrator. As access to the internet
has increased and online platforms are being extensively used,
sextortion has transformed into the online context and become an
emerging phenomenon of sexual violence (O'Malley & Holt, 2022).
Some quantitative studies have been conducted to examine the
prevalence of image-­based sexual violence. A recent meta-­analysis
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CHOI et al.
found that 8.8% of people have had sexually explicit images or
videos shared without their consent, 7.2% have been threatened
with ‘sext’ distribution and 17.6% have had sexually explicit im-
ages taken without permission (Patel & Roesch, 2022). Regarding
perpetration, 8.9% have non-­consensually taken a sexually explicit
image (Patel & Roesch, 2022).
Compared with heterosexual populations in which the issue of
sexual violence has been extensively studied, research on sexual
violence among men who have sex with men (MSM) is still very lim-
ited (Binion & Gray, 2020; Callan et al., 2021; Dame et al., 2020). A
systematic review and meta-­analysis using 52 studies published be-
tween 2000 and 2020 reported that the pooled prevalence of sex-
ual violence victimization among MSM was 9% (Liu et al., 2021). A
quantitative study found that nearly 30% of MSM have experienced
image-­based sexual violence, such as receiving unwanted sexually
explicit images (29.8%) and being threatened with the distribution
of nude pictures to others (19.1%; Powell et al., 2020). In fact, stud-
ies have suggested that MSM experience sexual violence at a rate
of nearly six times that of those who engage in heterosexual sex
(Dame et al., 2020). Some quantitative studies have been conducted
to examine the prevalence of sexual violence in Hong Kong. A study
reported that sexual violence in young adults engaged in homosex-
ual or bisexual sex was about twice as high as those engaged in het-
erosexual sex (22% vs 11.1%, p < .001; Wong et al., 2021). Another
study on university students in Hong Kong reported that, compared
with heterosexual males, MSM were likelier to experience sexual
violence (adjusted odds ratio: 4.74, p < .01; Choi et al., 2018). The
health impacts of sexual violence are substantial and can include
depression, anxiety, post-­traumatic stress disorder, suicide and
transmission of the human immunodeficiency virus (HIV) and other
sexually transmitted infections (STIs; Dame et al., 2020).
Internalized homophobia, which is the degree to which indi-
viduals belonging to a sexual minority have internalized negative
feelings, attitudes, beliefs, behaviours and assumptions about their
homosexuality, was found to be a factor associated with sexual vi-
olence (Badenes-­Ribera et al., 2019; Callan et al., 2021; Rostosky
et al., 2007). Previous studies have illustrated that the deep and
profound influence of Chinese values, including filial piety, collec-
tivism and familism, can deepen internalized homophobia among
Chinese MSM (Huang et al., 2020). Studies have suggested that
internalized homophobia is associated with sexual violence among
MSM (Badenes-­Ribera et al., 2019; Finneran & Stephenson, 2014)
because negative assumptions about homosexuality are integrated
into an individual's identity (West, 2012). Thus, MSM with negative
attitudes towards sexual minority identities might engage in sexual
violence against other men (Badenes-­Ribera et al., 2019).
To date, sexual violence among MSM has been understudied.
Recent reviews have also called for more empirical studies to un-
derstand the nature of sexual violence among MSM, as well as their
perceptions and experiences (Callan et al., 2021; Dame et al., 2020).
Furthermore, most previous studies on sexual violence among MSM
have been conducted in Western populations, particularly in the
United States. Studies on the experiences and perceptions of sexual

CHOI et al.
violence among MSM within Chinese contexts are lacking. As such,
the Chinese population is underrepresented.
In particular, values pertinent to traditional Confucianism and
Western Christianity continue to influence the culture in Hong
Kong (Kwok & Wu, 2015) and societal attitudes about equality and
the acceptance of sexual minorities (Yeo & Chu, 2018). Scholars
have highlighted that the obstacles Chinese sexual minorities in
Hong Kong encounter include opposition from religious bodies
and the workplace, as well as disapproval from their families (Yeo
& Chu, 2018). Current laws in Hong Kong explicitly prohibit dis-
crimination only on the grounds of sex, disability, family status
and race but not sexual orientation (Yeo & Chu, 2018). Sexual
minorities in Hong Kong have reported experiencing discrimina-
tion on the grounds of sexual orientation in areas such as employ-
ment, education and access to services. Publicly funded schools
and different agencies with conservative Christian backgrounds
often become sites where the human rights of sexual minori-
ties are denied (Kwok, 2021). Additionally, under the influence
of Confucianism, it has always been a traditional obligation of
Chinese adults to bring offspring to the family (Wu et al., 2021).
Thus, homosexuality is widely rejected by the Chinese and is
considered a threat not only to the family but also to society as
a whole. As Chan (2008) argued, the inherently anti-­g ay rights
culture in Hong Kong stems from the primacy of Confucianism
aligned with Christianity. Whether such cultural background im-
pacts how local MSM react to sexual violence and access to social
support remains unclear. Therefore, there was a need to gain a
better understanding of the perceptions and experiences of sex-
ual violence among Chinese MSM in Hong Kong.
2 | TH E S T U DY
2.1 | Aims
This study aimed to understand the perceptions and experiences of
sexual violence among Chinese MSM in Hong Kong.
2.2 | Design
This study adopted a qualitative descriptive design with the-
matic analysis (Braun & Clarke, 2006). It forms part of a larger
mixed-­m ethod study that aimed to develop and evaluate the
effectiveness of an interactive web-­b ased intervention in im-
proving the sexual health of Chinese MSM who use smartphone
dating apps (Choi et al., 2020). The overall study consisted of
two phases. The first phase was a qualitative study, the current
study, which aimed to understand the perceptions and experi-
ences of sexual violence among Chinese MSM who use dating
apps in Hong Kong. The second phase of the study was a rand-
omized controlled trial to evaluate the effectiveness of a web-­
based intervention to improve sexual health.
|
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1387
2.3 | Participants
The ideal sample size has not been standardized in qualitative stud-
ies, but based on previous guidelines (Dworkin, 2012; Saunders
et al., 2018) and qualitative studies on sexual violence among MSM
(Dame et al., 2020; Peitzmeier et al., 2017), we planned to recruit at
least 30 Chinese MSM in the current study to obtain a good variety
of experiences and responses. In total, 31 study participants were
recruited using criterion and snowball sampling approaches –­types
of purposive sampling (Palinkas et al., 2015).
The study inclusion criteria for this qualitative study were as
follows: (1) MSM, (2) cis-­males, (3) aged 18 years or older, (4) cur-
rently using smartphone dating apps and (5) sexually active (defined
as having any sexual activities in the last 12 months) and (6) self-­
reported HIV-­negative. Individuals who were unable to communi-
cate in Cantonese were excluded.
Study recruitment posts were uploaded to social media plat-
forms, such as Instagram and Facebook. Non-­governmental organi-
zations (NGOs) that target the MSM population in Hong Kong also
helped recruit participants. As the study addressed a socially and
culturally sensitive topic in Asian contexts, snowball sampling was
also adopted to facilitate participant recruitment.
2.4 | Data collection
Individual semi-­structured interviews were conducted from May
to June 2019. The interviews were divided into two parts. The first
part obtained data on the participants' experiences of using dating
apps to form sexual relationships (Choi et al., 2021). The second part
focused on the participants' perceptions and experiences of sexual
violence. The topics and interview questions were developed based
on an extensive literature review, together with consultations with
experienced frontline workers who were experts in providing sex-
ual health services for MSM in Hong Kong and a social work prac-
titioner who specialized in intimate partner violence. Open-­ended
questions focused on (1) study participants' perceptions of sexual
violence, (2) their experiences of sexual violence, (3) their reactions
and responses after experiencing sexual violence and (4) preven-
tion strategies for sexual violence. The participants were first asked
‘What is your understanding of sexual violence?’. Afterwards, the
participants were briefed on the definition and given descriptions
of the types of sexual violence as the interview evolved. To obtain
the participants' perceptions, we asked them what actions they con-
sider to be sexual violence and what factors increase the chance of
sexual violence occurring in online and offline contexts. We also
asked whether they thought they might encounter those activities
someday. To obtain data on the participants' experiences, we invited
them to share relevant sexual violence incidents of their own or their
acquaintances if they felt comfortable doing so. Lastly, to determine
their thoughts on sexual violence prevention, we asked them to de-
scribe what comes to mind when we mentioned the phrase ‘sexual
violence prevention’. We refined the details of the questions as the
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1388 CHOI et al.

TA B L E 1 Summary of participants' characteristics

proposed by Braun and Clarke (2006). The steps of analysis included
Age N (%) Dating Apps useda N (%) (1) familiarizing yourself with the data, (2) generating initial codes, (3)
Mean (standard 27.32 (5.64) Grindr 30 (96.8) searching for themes, (4) reviewing the themes and (5) defending and
deviation) naming themes. The internal homogeneity and external heterogene-
Education level Jack'd 27 (87.1) ity of the themes were considered during the analysis (Patton, 1990).
Secondary school 4 (12.9) Hornet 18 (58.1) The first and third authors with substantial sexual health re-
Post-­secondary 6 (19.4) Tinder 15 (48.4) search backgrounds discussed the issues related to the data analysis

Undergraduate or 21 (67.7) Coffee Meets Bagel 5 (16.1) process –­such as how the initial codes, subthemes and themes were
above generated and the meaning of the subthemes and themes –­ until
Type of sexual behaviours in the Apps/sites use experience consensus was achieved (Kwok et al., 2020). The data analysis was
past 12 monthsa conducted in the original language. The final themes and supporting
Anal sex 28 (90.3) 1 year or less 8 (25.8) quotes were translated into English by four Cantonese-­English bi-
Oral sex 27 (87.1) >1 year 23 (74.2) lingual speakers, using the forward–­backward translation approach
Masturbation 27 (87.1) (Kwok et al., 2020).
a
Participants could select more than one option.

interviews progressed to obtain more detailed information from the
study participants. Interviews were conducted in a private room
at the university or at NGOs that provide MSM support services
in Hong Kong and started with ice-­breaker interview questions to
facilitate building rapport with the participants. Each interview ses-
sion lasted from one to one-­and-­a-­half hours. Data collection was
completed at the 31st interview, as no new meaningful findings
were identified, and information redundancy was achieved with 31
interviews.
All individual interviews were coordinated by one researcher
(the third author and the project coordinator of the overall study)
for data collection consistency, as she had extensive experience in
sexual health research and education. The interviews were audio-­
recorded with the participants' consent.
2.5 | Ethical considerations
The Institutional Review Board of the University of Hong Kong/
Hospital Authority Hong Kong West Cluster (HKU/HA HKW IRB)
reviewed and approved the study (Reference No: 18–­129). To ensure
participation was voluntary, the study's aims and procedures were
explained to each study participant before each interview. The par-
ticipants were then asked to decide whether to continue their par-
ticipation in the study and written consent was obtained from each
study participant before the interviews were conducted. To promote
autonomy, we respected the study participants' personal decisions
about what information to discuss in the interview; they could skip
any questions they did not want to answer.
2.7 | Rigour
To promote the trustworthiness of the study findings, we adopted
the following strategies. First, to increase the accuracy of the
transcription, the data were transcribed verbatim by two individ-
ual transcribers who were not part of the investigation team. The
transcribers were briefed on the slang and terms used by the MSM
community. The accuracy of the transcripts was checked by two
members of the research team who were not involved in the tran-
scription process. Any inconsistent contents were checked against
the recordings and field notes by the interviewer. Regarding the
translation of the themes and quotes, four Cantonese-­English bi-
lingual speakers were involved in the forward-­b ackground trans-
lation process to ensure the accuracy of the translation. Second,
to enhance credibility, we explored each set of transcribed verba-
tim in depth, discussed the findings (such as codes, themes and
quotes) and compared them with each case to check for differ-
ences. We iteratively revised the data to reduce biased decisions
and idiosyncratic interpretations by the first and third authors.
Peer debriefing with a qualitative researcher who was not part
of the research team was also conducted to validate the results.
Third, to enhance the study's transferability, a detailed description
of the study settings, participant characteristics and the research
process were reported (Korstjens & Moser, 2018). Finally, NVivo
was used to assist in the managing, coding and analysis of data and
to identify recurring themes (Kwok et al., 2020). The consolidated
criteria for reporting qualitative research (COREQ) checklist was
used to guide the reporting of the study.
3 | FI N D I N G S

2.6 | Data analysis
The interview data were transcribed verbatim from interview record-
ings by two individual transcribers who were not part of the investiga-
tion team. The data were then analysed using the thematic analysis
A total of 31 Chinese MSM with an average age of 27 years (stand-
ard deviation: 5.64) who used dating apps shared their perceptions
and experience of sexual violence. Of the participants, 21 (67.7%)
had a bachelor's degree or above, and many used a range of dat-
ing apps: 30 (96.8%) used Grindr, 27 (87.1%) used Jack'd, 18 (58.1%)

CHOI et al.
used Hornet and 15 (48.4%) used Tinder. Regarding sexual practices
with male partners over the last 12 months, 28 participants (90.3%)
had anal sex, 27 participants (87.1%) had oral sex and 27 participants
(87.1%) had masturbated themselves. Table 1 shows the summary of
participants' characteristics.
3.1 | Theme 1: Different forms of sexual violence,
from physical to virtual
The participants experienced various forms of sexual violence, in-
cluding non-­consensual condom removal, forced chemsex, forced
sexual encounters in offline settings such as a sauna and image-­
based sexual violence.
3.1.1 | Stealthing
The participants expressed concerns about a penetrative partner
(top) removing a condom during anal sex without the receptive sexual
partner's (bottom) knowledge or consent. The participants expressed
that the bottoms were more susceptible to being stealthed by the
tops. Even if the tops wear a condom to start with, they can take it off
anytime, and because of the sex position, it is difficult for a receptive
sexual partner to notice when they are being stealthed. Participant
009 recounted his experience of being stealthed during sex:
He agreed to wear a condom at the very beginning.
However, he took it off during sex. Bottoms are more
susceptible to being victims because it is hard for bot-
toms to notice whether their partners remove a con-
dom during sex.
3.1.2 | Forced chemsex
The participants experienced forced sexual encounters and were even
forced to engage in chemsex. In addition to experiencing unpleasant
feelings of being coerced, they were worried about the potential harm
of chemsex, such as a drug overdose. Even though some participants
insisted that they did not want to take drugs at the beginning of an
encounter, their partners eventually forced them to take them. The
participants expressed that the incidents were out of their control.
I had no choice, indeed. I was naked. How could I
escape?
(Participant 029)
3.1.3 | Physical sexual violence in gay saunas
The availability and types of meeting venues for sex influenced
whether a match via dating apps would be possible. Some participants
|
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1389
did not prefer to have sex at home because they lived with their fami-
lies, while some participants were concerned about the LGBT friend-
liness of hotels in Hong Kong. Therefore, some participants could
choose only to have sex in the gay sauna. However, gay saunas were
identified as particularly risky, as they were often portrayed as a plat-
form for casual sex. At these saunas, people tend to assume that all
attendees are seeking sex in these gay cruising areas, and our partici-
pants reported attempts at non-­consensual sex.
He lifted me up, dragged me into the room and tried
to have sex with me. I told him I did not want to and I
struggled to escape.
(Participant 027)
As most of the areas of gay saunas are devoid of light, tops can easily
take off condoms without the bottoms' knowledge. Many participants
reported personal or friends' experiences of being stealthed at saunas.
Saunas are pretty dangerous. The rooms are often
dark; you can hardly notice or feel if they have taken
off the condom. Many people have had this experi-
ence at saunas.
(Participant 029)
3.1.4 | Image-­based sexual violence
In addition to physical forms of sexual violence, participants also re-
ported that image-­based sexual violence emerged recently. For example,
a sexual partner would take a video or photograph of another partner
committing sexual acts without his consent. The participants would
then discover that this type of recording is quite common on social
media platforms, such as Tumblr and Twitter. In an interview, Participant
011 detailed his experience with non-­consensual recording during sex:
I had sex with my partner whom I met on a dating app
in a hotel room. I found that there was a phone and
the camera was facing the bed. When my partner was
taking a shower, I checked the phone and found that
it was recording.
Some participants discovered that their nude pictures or sexually
explicit images were non-­consensually distributed to others by their
sexual partners. For instance, Participant 019 described his experience
of having nude photos of him shared by a sexual partner whom he met
on a dating app:
Sadly, he distributed my pictures to other groups and
online platforms. He even sent the pictures to the
Facebook account of the company where I worked.
Participants had seen photoshopped versions of their photos cap-
tioned with misinformation on different online platforms. Sometimes,
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the photos were used as proof of their gay identities, forcing them to
come out to the public. Participant 017 reported seeing various photos
online that had been sexually photoshopped:
They superimposed your head onto another person's
body. Even if the photos were poorly edited, many
people believed them.
Similarly, Participant 008 recalled seeing people's photos on differ-
ent online forums that were extracted from dating apps. He explained
that people reposted these photos and disclosed that the man was gay.
The images, whether sexually explicit or not, were also often
used for sextortion, particularly to extort favours relating to rela-
tionship maintenance. For instance, Participants 030 and 019 were
both victims of image-­based sexual violence. They reported being
threatened by their sexual partners that the images would be used
to damage their reputations if they failed to remain in a sexual or
romantic relationship with them.
He said, ‘If you don't fulfil my requests, I will send your
photos to your family or your workplace. I will tell them
you're gay and you love to have sex with teenagers’.
(Participant 030)
It happened after we had casual sex. He wanted to
develop a romantic relationship, but I refused. He
then created a fake social media account with my
photos and defamed me by saying that I have a bad
personality and that I have contracted different STIs.
(Participant 019)
3.2 | Theme 2: Inner struggles with fears and worry
Subsequent to sexual violence, the participants reported experienc-
ing distress over the incident of sexual violence itself and its poten-
tial consequences.
3.2.1 | Distress following an incident of
sexual violence
After being forced to engage in unwanted sexual activities, the par-
ticipants expressed distress, fear and worry. They did not expect that
they would be victims of sexual violence. Participant 007 expressed
that a guy sexually penetrated him without a condom and without
his consent. At that point, he felt extremely frightened and shocked.
3.2.2 | Worry about HIV/STIs
After being forced to engage in condomless sexual activities, the partic-
ipants reported concerns about their physical health and whether they
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CHOI et al.
might have contracted HIV/STIs. In addition, for those who were still in
the closet, the risk of becoming a person with HIV/STIs provoked wor-
ries about whether they would be accepted by society and overcome
the double stigmas (being gay and HIV-­positive). Participants expressed
that MSM in Hong Kong still face a lot of discrimination in family, work-
place and healthcare systems. There is no anti-­discrimination ordinance
on sexual orientation discrimination in Hong Kong, and the dispropor-
tionate rate of the HIV infection among MSM has engendered the in-
tersection of stigma against HIV and homosexuality. Participant 014
detailed his fear following a non-­consensual instance of condomless
anal sex with a risk of HIV infection:
I realised that there was a high possibility of contract-
ing HIV/STIs because he hinted he was HIV positive.
I was worried, nervous and even terrified. My fam-
ily did not know I was gay. If I contracted HIV, then I
would have to come out from a double closet –­being
gay and being HIV positive.
3.2.3 | A destruction of reputation in the
gay community
When sexual violence takes the form of non-­consensual images, as
well as having one's intimate parts and sexual activities exposed to
the public, the comments and misinformation spread at the same
time can have disastrous consequences. Participant 030 shared his
concern over his reputation after knowing that his photos were dis-
tributed non-­consensually.
People added a lot of subjective comments and even
untrue information to the captions of the photos. Once
these images were circulated without my control, they
changed and twisted how other people thought about
me, leading people to misjudge me as a bad person.
In an interview, Participant 019 also reported being recognized as
notorious figures within the community ever since his photos were dis-
tributed online.
Very often, when I exchange photos with others on
dating apps, I receive sarcastic messages, such as,
‘Oh, you are that person’, ‘Did you know you are really
“famous”’ and ‘I received your photos multiple times’.
Some people even just blocked me after seeing my
photos. This makes me feel quite bad.
3.2.4 | Discrimination and stigma in the
family and workplace
Aside from spreading sexually explicit and non-­consensual images
online, such information can also be maliciously disseminated to

CHOI et al.
one's family and workplace, exaggerating discrimination and stigma-
tization in the family and workplace. One participant reported being
forced to come out in his private life and even lost his job.
To protect myself from discrimination and stigma
due to my sexual orientation, I had never disclosed
my sexual orientation to any of my friends or fam-
ily members. He sent my photos and information to
my brother's Facebook account. I was pissed off and
crapped my pants. My brother is a religious person, so
he was furious. He [the sex partner] also sent the im-
ages to my workplace, claiming that I had contracted
HIV. I was requested to take a blood test. Eventually,
my employer did not renew my contract.
(Participant 019)
3.3 | Theme 3: Low awareness and perceived
risk of sexual violence –­‘It has nothing to do with me’
The need to take precautions or preventive measures was not highly
recognized among some study participants, especially those who
had not experienced sexual violence. Despite knowing that sexual
violence could also happen to MSM, some participants had a low
awareness of sexual violence and thought it was less likely to hap-
pen to them.
3.3.1 | It has nothing to do with me
Some of them denied the possibility of sexual violence, irrespec-
tive of type, happening to themselves. They argued that the con-
sequences were also harmful to the perpetrators and thought that
no one would bother to engage in these behaviours. Some of these
participants also assumed that they were unlikely to be victims of
violence.
I don't think such things would happen. It has nothing
to do with me. If anyone dares to record or take pho-
tos secretly without my consent, they will ruin their
own reputation in the community.
(Participant 009)
I don't think anyone would take photos or videos
of me without my consent; even if they did, they
wouldn't put them online. I am not good looking at all;
no one would want to see my images anyway.
(Participant 013)
In many of the participants' eyes, Hong Kong is a safe place.
They considered that the environment was sufficiently protected
that many participants found sexual violence uncommon and did
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1391
not see the need to be concerned. For instance, Participant 020
compared his current lifestyle to when he lived in other countries
and expressed that there was no need to worry about safety in
Hong Kong:
Even when I was living in other countries, I did not
worry about such things. Why should I be concerned
when I am back in Hong Kong, which is a relatively
safer place?
Participant 016 mentioned in his interview that he found inci-
dences of sexual violence to be very rare in Hong Kong and thus con-
sidered himself to be very safe.
3.3.2 | I can always fight back
Participants described confidence in their own ability to counteract
violence, specifically physical force. Being in same-­sex relationships,
participants considered themselves to be equal in strength to their
partners.
I am less concerned, as my date is also male. Unless he
drugs me, I don't see the possibility of failing to resist.
I can always fight back.
(Participant 024)
Mainly because I only date males, I assume that I will
not experience any violence during dates because we
share equal power and strength. It is meaningless to
use force. I am strong enough to resist.
(Participant 010)
Aside from reacting with force, participants suggested
other means of acting against unwanted behaviours. For exam-
ple, Participant 024 suggested that they would leave the venue
directly.
People can resist things that they don't want to do.
If it [sexual violence or being forced by their date]
happens, I can run out of the house. There are always
ways to escape.
3.4 | Theme 4: Dilemma towards sexual
violence prevention
People react to sexual violence differently, but the experience is
hardly favourable. When participants were asked about sexual vio-
lence prevention, they tended to focus on preventive measures on
an individual level. They identified different coping strategies to
diminish their chances of being victimized or re-­victimized across
 |
1392
contexts. Nonetheless, some of the participants found it difficult to
avoid sexual violence.
3.4.1 | Picking a safer place to have sex
The physical venues for sexual encounters offer different levels of
safety against various forms of sexual violence. The participants
expressed that they would pick a place that they deemed safe to
have sex, such as gay saunas. Participant 028 pointed out several
advantages of having sex in gay saunas. First, compared with private
venues, such as hotel rooms and a sexual partner's home, it was un-
likely that cameras could be set up in saunas in advance. Second, it is
easier to seek help or even escape in a sauna if they are coerced to
have sex. Furthermore, in gay saunas, people could seek help from
other customers and staff members if necessary.
3.4.2 | Thinking twice before sharing
personal identities
Specific to the experience of image-­based sexual violence, many
participants stated that they would change their original practices of
sharing photos online, especially photos that were sexually explicit,
and become more cautious about what photos they uploaded in
the future. The participants also expressed continued fear of being
found to be gay by outsiders or having their photos disseminated
without their consent.
Sometimes, I feel reluctant to share sexual photos on
dating apps. I am worried that I might see them on
Tumblr and Twitter later.
(Participant 017)
Participant 018 wanted to reduce the possible harm caused by the
non-­consensual distribution of his images. As such, he uses the same
photos for all online platforms to prevent excessive disclosure of his
private parts and personal information.
I use the same set of photos for all online exchanges,
so if someone were to circulate my images, there
would not be a lot of content and the harm would be
largely reduced.
(Participant 018)
3.4.3 | Preventing sexual violence is not always easy
Despite understanding that being sexually abused is not the fault
of the victims, some participants considered certain kinds of sexual
violence inevitable or difficult to avoid. The participants expressed
that stigmatization related to same-­sex behaviours and sexual vio-
lence in Hong Kong hindered them from seeking help from others.
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CHOI et al.
The participants also expressed that the criminal justice system in
Hong Kong could not protect them. Participants who were victims
of image-­based sexual violence reported difficulties prosecuting
the perpetrator due to the limitations of the existing laws in Hong
Kong at that time. For instance, Participant 019 detailed his experi-
ence in attempting to report his cases to the police in an interview:
I reported the issue to the police twice. The police
reviewed my case, but they did not find it to be a
criminal offence, so there was nothing they could do
at the time. They recommended that I reach out to
a lawyer and follow up on the situation from a civil
dispute perspective.
(Participant 019)
Photographic equipment for clandestine photography can be diffi-
cult to identify. The drop in size and increase in popularity and acces-
sibility of this equipment in the general market have exacerbated this
problem.
Cameras can be very small nowadays and hidden in
unknown places. I think it would be very difficult to
prevent someone's intention to film me secretly.
(Participant 032)
One participant also anticipated difficulties in rejecting or re-
sisting sexual violence if it were to happen within a romantic rela-
tionship. Explicitly, discrepancies in power and strength are likely
to impact the ability to resist violent acts in an offline context.
If we were romantically attached, it would be rela-
tively harder to say ‘no’ to each other, especially if my
partner has greater power in the relationship. It would
be very difficult to reject his requests.
(Participant 022)
4 | DISCUSSION
This study explored the experiences and perceptions of sexual
violence among Chinese MSM who use dating apps in Hong Kong.
The types of sexual violence experienced by the study participants
varied from physical to image-­based forms. The experiences and
consequences of sexual violence were traumatizing, and the ef-
fects included fear of HIV/STIs, notoriety in the gay community, and
discrimination against and stigmatization by family members and
workplaces. The study participants adopted different ways to pro-
tect themselves, such as picking safer places to have sex and altering
dating app use patterns. However, some participants expressed that
it was difficult to avoid physical and image-­based forms of sexual
violence. At the other extreme, some participants had a relatively
low awareness and perceived risk of sexual violence, as they thought
their chances of becoming victims were low.

CHOI et al.
Some participants experienced stealthing and they were
worried about contracting HIV/STIs. In fact, stealthing is quite
common among MSM. Compared with heterosexual men, non-­
heterosexual men are more likely to be the victims of stealthing
(Bonar et al., 2021). An epidemiological study in Melbourne re-
ported that 19% of MSM had experienced stealthing (Latimer
et al., 2018). People's motivations to engage in stealthing are com-
plex (Brennan, 2017). One possible explanation is that stealthing
has become ‘popular’ in adult sex culture, especially pornography
(Ahmad et al., 2020). We can also understand this phenomenon
from the perspective of the hegemonic power of masculinity
(Ebrahim, 2019). During anal intercourse between MSM, tops (i.e.
men who are penetrative during anal intercourse) tend to feel more
dominant and may have stronger hegemonic masculine identities
than bottoms (i.e., men who are receptive during anal intercourse).
Bottoms often feel more submissive and vulnerable during anal
intercourse (Ravenhill & de Visser, 2018). It has also been sug-
gested that some men practise stealthing with the belief that they
have the right to ‘spread their seed’ because of sexual supremacy
(Ebrahim, 2019; Ferrari et al., 2021). Studies among Chinese MSM
also proposed that some Chinese tops may have a more active and
dominant role. They may possess a ‘controlling tendency’ and an in-
terest in violence (Lin, 2016; Zheng & Zheng, 2017; Zhou, 2019). On
the other hand, some Chinese bottoms are considered submissive
and obedient. Therefore, tops might think that they have great con-
trol over bottoms (Lin, 2016; Zheng & Zheng, 2017; Zhou, 2019).
However, both qualitative and quantitative studies about stealth-
ing among Chinese MSM are lacking. Therefore, more studies are
required to understand the phenomenon and healthcare needs of
victims. Further investigation is also needed to understand the in-
tentions of people who practice stealthing. In particular, it is essen-
tial to unpack the impacts of heteronormativity and patriarchy on
sexual violence among Chinese MSM. This information is import-
ant to nurses and other public health practitioners in developing
educational interventions to stop people from committing acts of
sexual violence as well as to protect people from sexual violence.
Stealthing has potentially serious consequences, such as emo-
tional distress, anger and fear of STIs (Ebrahim, 2019; Latimer
et al., 2018). In fact, men who engage in stealthing are 30% more
likely to be diagnosed with an STI (Feldstein Ewing & Bryan, 2020),
which might increase the risk of STI transmission to their partners.
Stealthing appeared in a court case in the UK in which a man living
with HIV was charged with deliberately infecting partners he had
met through Grindr (Albury et al., 2020). Given the significant ad-
verse psychological and physical consequences of sexual violence,
such as a stealthing, victims should receive holistic care as soon
as possible to mitigate psychological distress and the risk of HIV/
STIs. However, there are still unmet care needs for MSM in Hong
Kong. It is difficult for victims who have been stealthed to obtain
HIV post-­exposure prophylaxis (PEP). Although PEP is effective in
preventing HIV infection, its accessibility is limited in Hong Kong
(Choi et al., 2021). On the one hand, public hospitals in Hong Kong
reserve PEP mainly for healthcare professionals who might have
|
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1393
been infected with HIV through occupational exposure. On the
other hand, obtaining PEP in private clinics is very expensive (Choi
et al., 2021). Therefore, we highlight the need to enhance HIV pre-
ventive care in Hong Kong. According to O'Byrne et al. (2018), a
nurse-­led PEP programme is recommended to care for MSM who
are at high risk for HIV seroconversion.
Some participants stated in the interviews that they were forced
to have chemsex. Under the influence of chemsex, people's cog-
nition changes (Wilkerson et al., 2021). It may be difficult for peo-
ple forced to engage in chemsex to refuse an unwanted sex act. A
predatory power dynamic can also take place in forced chemsex in
which the “weakest” are targeted by the more powerful (Wilkerson
et al., 2021). According to the power and control model of violence
(Swan et al., 2017), forced chemsex is a tactic to reduce victims'
control over their own body. Perpetrators can therefore gain and
maintain power and control over victims to subject them to sexual vi-
olence (Swan et al., 2017). It has been reported that non-­consensual
sex and coercion are rising among people who engage in chemsex
(Ward et al., 2017). A study in London claimed that under the in-
fluence of chemsex, consent to have sex was difficult to establish
(Bourne et al., 2015). One participant in a qualitative study reported
that he experienced sexual violence when he was using crystal meth
during sex (Gaspar et al., 2021).
Another notable finding was the paradoxical view towards the
safety of gay saunas. While some participants considered gay saunas
to be a high-­risk area, others experienced sexual violence in gay sau-
nas. Some even expressed that sexual violence, such as stealthing,
can easily happen in the gay sauna because the interiors of these
venues are dark, making it difficult to notice whether their sexual
partners are wearing condoms. By contrast, some participants pre-
ferred gay saunas to private spaces because they considered it more
difficult to set up a camera in saunas in advance. Therefore, having
sex in the sauna could protect them from being video-­recorded
non-­consensually. Also, compared with a private space, it is easier
to escape from a sauna. The conflicting views about the safety of
gay saunas are not unique to our study. A qualitative study in the
UK found that some interviewees perceived the gay sauna to be a
risky environment due to the availability of multiple sexual partners
and the high prevalence of condomless sex, while some expressed
that the gay sauna is a space for safer sex because of the availability
of condoms and the visibility of the safer sex ‘warnings’ pervasive
across sauna (Jaspal & Papaloukas, 2021). In fact, gay saunas are a
valuable venue where MSM can gather, meet other men and engage
in a variety of sexual activities (Holmes et al., 2007; Race, 2015). Gay
saunas are also spaces of convenience, allowing MSM to disentan-
gle themselves easily for further engagement should they so desire
(Race, 2015). Whether it is safe or not depends on the people who
visit it (Holmes et al., 2007). Nonetheless, coupled with the previous
study by Jaspal and Papaloukas (2021), sexual violence prevention
should be enhanced in gay saunas, in addition to routine sexual health
promotion, such as consistent condom use and rapid HIV testing.
In addition to physical sexual violence, the participants also
reported experiencing image-­b ased sexual violence. Similar to
 |
1394
those found by Henry et al. (2019), the participants reported
being photoshopped into sexual images unwillingly, had their ex-
plicit images distributed without consent and received threats
about distributing their images. Advances in communication
technologies have transformed and expanded the possibilities
for perpetrating sexual abuse, and the proliferation of smart-
phones in particular has facilitated image-­b ased sexual violence
(McGlynn & Rackley, 2017). There is also evidence that men, in
particular, frequently engage in this form of sexual behaviour
(Oswald et al., 2020). Another recent study found that nearly
30% of MSM experienced some image-­b ased sexual abuse, and
19% had experienced being threatened with the distribution
of nude pictures to others (Powell et al., 2020). Another study
reported that MSM who use dating apps are more than twice
as likely as the general population to experience image-­b ased
sexual violence (Dietzel, 2022). The negative impacts and harm
of image-­b ased sexual violence are significant and profound
because they represent an infringement on sexual autonomy,
privacy and dignity, with potential consequences that include
psychological distress and negative impacts on interpersonal re-
lationships (McGlynn & Rackley, 2017). Furthermore, the distri-
bution of sexually explicit images can have a long-­t erm negative
impact on victims, who often have to live with the fear that their
pictures will resurface at a later time, even months or years later
(Johansen et al., 2019; Van Ouytsel et al., 2021). The threat of re-
distribution has also been used for the purposes of intimidation,
extortion and harassment (Karaian, 2016). Notably, the reactions
of family members and employers to the victims of image-­b ased
sexual violence found in the present study were unpalatable,
which further traumatized the victims.
The perceptions of sexual violence are diverse. Some study par-
ticipants had low awareness and perceived risk of sexual violence,
especially among those who had never experienced any kind of
sexual violence. They thought they were unlikely to experience any
forms of sexual violence and that even if they were to occur, they
could resist. Their responses correspond to the ‘male rape myths’,
referring to the suggestions by previous researchers that there is
a myth and an assumption that men cannot be the victims of sex-
ual violence (Walfield, 2021). Rape culture has heteronormatively
conceptualized that sexual violence only occurs between men
and women and that men are always the perpetrator (Buchwald
et al., 1993; Gretgrix & Farmer, 2022). Scholars have noted that rape
myths include the idea that men cannot be raped and that ‘real’ men
can defend themselves against rape (Walfield, 2021). These male
rape myths are related to gender norms and perceptions of male
sexuality (Turchik & Edwards, 2012). Further, the assumption that
sex is a necessity among men has caused MSM to dismiss or trivi-
alize the experience of being sexually abused (Hollway et al., 2003).
Therefore, some MSM, especially those who have not experienced
any forms of sexual violence before, might not recognize themselves
as a potential target of sexual violence.
Some participants, especially the victims of sexual violence,
expressed that it is not easy to avoid sexual violence and so they
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CHOI et al.
just accepted it. This perception echoes previous studies that ar-
gued that MSM ‘normalize’ sexual coercion (Gaspar et al., 2021;
McKie et al., 2020). The sexual aggression of men as perpetra-
tors is also often accepted and tolerated in rape cultures (Keller
et al., 2018; Phipps et al., 2018; Sills et al., 2016). The presump-
tion that MSM always agree to sexual activities also creates
pressure for individuals to feel obligated to engage in any sexual
interactions even when feeling uncomfortable (Dietzel, 2021;
Klesse, 2016). However, as MSM face difficulties convincing oth-
ers that they are the victim of sexual violence due to male rape
myths (Braun et al., 2009; Gavey, 2018), they may choose to re-
main silent (Mortimer et al., 2019).
Stigmatization and discrimination against homosexuality in
Chinese contexts also hinder MSM from seeking help when they
experience sexual violence, such as stealthing, forced chemsex and
image-­b ased sexual violence. The concept of ‘face’ has a tremen-
dous influence on the disclosure of socially undesirable behaviours
such as same sex behaviours and sexual violence in Chinese cul-
ture (Bouhours & Broadhurst, 2015; Kwok & Wu, 2015). ‘Face’
can be viewed as ‘dignity’, ‘respect’ and ‘honour’. The avoidance
of ‘face-­losing situations’ has shaped the behaviours of Chinese
people, especially when socially undesirable situations are in-
volved (Chan, 2012). MSM's disclosure of their sexual violence
experience to others, such as family members and health profes-
sionals, might induce a sense of ‘losing face’ (Chan, 2012). Several
studies have shown that stigma causes MSM to defer health
service utilization for HIV-­related health concerns or prevention
(Mo et al., 2018), and an integrative review reported that sexual
minority people experienced a nexus of exclusion and oppressive
social norms when they received nursing services (Nhamo-­Murire
& Macleod, 2018). A recent study in Brazil found that MSM en-
countered unfavourable experiences when they wanted to obtain
PEP (Ferrari et al., 2021). The nurses were judgmental and disre-
spectful because of their sexual orientation (Ferrari et al., 2021). A
study in Hong Kong also found that sexual minorities experienced
discrimination when accessing services, including help from social
worker and counsellors (Suen et al., 2018). Therefore, MSM in
Hong Kong might be reluctant to seek help when they experience
sexual violence.
4.1 | Limitations
This study had some limitations. First, our findings might not be en-
tirely applicable to all MSM in Chinese populations in Hong Kong.
Dating app users was one of the inclusion criteria. However, previ-
ous studies have reported that psychosocial attributes and sexual
behaviours differ between users and non-­users; thus, it is plausible
that non-­users have different experiences and perceptions of sexual
violence. Second, the perceptions and experiences revealed in this
study were culturally specific, which may affect the transferability
of the findings and should be considered when applying them to
non-­Chinese contexts. Nonetheless, the current study was one of

CHOI et al.
the few sources of information on the perceptions and experiences
of sexual violence among Chinese MSM in Hong Kong. Third, we
did not further explore participants' perceptions and experiences of
reporting sexual violence incidents to authorities such as the police.
Additional qualitative studies are therefore needed to deepen our
understanding of these aspects.
4.2 | Implications
Nurses play a vital role in preventing sexual violence (Long, 2014).
Regarding clinical nursing, nurses should be more aware of pos-
sible cases of sexual violence, particularly in primary care, pub-
lic health and emergency care settings. When interacting with
MSM, despite the heavy influence of rape culture, nurses should
acknowledge the possibility of sexual violence occurring among
MSM. Huge assumptions are being made about how an incident
of sexual violence should occur and what a victim should look like.
Therefore, nurses need to be more confident about and open to
talking about sexual violence with male clients and listening to
their concerns. A clinical pathway that streamlines sexual abuse
screening, STI control, the provision of PEP, acute treatments and
rehabilitation should be developed and implemented. Regarding
nursing research, more studies are needed to understand the ex-
periences and care needs of male victims of sexual violence, and
more clinical trials are needed to evaluate what nursing interven-
tions are effective in preventing sexual violence among MSM
(primary prevention), screening for sexual violence (secondary
prevention) and diminishing the adverse impacts among men sur-
vivors of sexual abuse (tertiary prevention). Finally, from the per-
spective of nursing education, nurses must be equipped with the
knowledge and skills needed to provide culturally sensitive and
appropriate care to sexual minorities (Yingling et al., 2017). When
conducting community education, nurses should recognize the va-
riety in types of sexual violence and bear in mind that unwanted
sexual acts can occur in both online and offline interactions among
MSM. Furthermore, given the possibility for MSM to be both the
perpetrator and victim of sexual violence, discussions should not
only aim at how one could protect them but also emphasize the
importance of respecting and communicating consent for sexual
activities across different contexts. Finally, a study found that
nursing students had negative attitudes towards homosexuality,
highlighting the need for educational awareness interventions to
increase acceptance of sexual minorities among nursing and medi-
cal students (Ng et al., 2015).
5 | CO N C LU S I O N
This study was one of the first to explore the experiences and
perceptions of sexual violence among Chinese MSM. Physical and
image-­b ased forms of sexual violence were identified, which led
to participants experiencing psychological distress, fear of HIV,
|
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1395
notoriety within the gay community and discrimination and stig-
matization within the family and workplace. To lower the risk of
sexual violence, the participants were cautious about the venue
in which to have sex and the habit of sharing photos. However,
some participants had low awareness and perceived risk of sexual
violence. Our study provides preliminary qualitative data about
sexual violence among Chinese MSM in Hong Kong. We highlight
the need for more empirical research to understand this under-
studied area and recommend developing tailored primary, second-
ary and tertiary sexual violence prevention programmes for MSM.
Further exploration on the intersectionality between different
identities of MSM, cultural settings and experience of sexual vio-
lence should also be conducted.
AU T H O R C O N T R I B U T I O N S
Edmond P. H. Choi was the principle investigator of the project. He
was also responsible for data analysis and manuscript writing (whole
manuscript). Jojo Y. Y. Kwok was responsible for data analysis, inter-
pretation of study findings and manuscript writing (part of the result
section). Kitty W. Y. Choi was responsible for data collection, data
analysis and manuscript writing (part of the result section). Jung Jae
Lee provided support and advice on qualitative analysis and study
methodology. Kris Y. W. Lok provided support on English language
editing and interpretation of study findings. Janet Y. H. Wong pro-
vided advice on intimate partner violence and support on interpreta-
tion of study findings. Daniel Y. T. Fong, Eric Y. F. Wan and William
C. W. Wong provided supports on study design and implementation.
Eric P. F. Chow provided expert advice on sexual health, study design
and interpretation of study findings. All authors have agreed on the
final version and meet at least one of the following criteria (recom-
mended by the ICMJE*): (1) substantial contributions to conception
and design, acquisition of data or analysis and interpretation of data;
(2) drafting the article or revising it critically for important intellec-
tual content.
AC K N OW L E D G E M E N T S
We would like to thank Mr. L. H. Leung and Mr. K. L. Lee from AIDS
Concern, Hong Kong for the help with development of the semi-­
structured guide and participant recruitment.
F U N D I N G I N FO R M AT I O N
The study was funded by Early Career Scheme, Research Grants
Council, Hong Kong (reference number: 27607518). EPFC is sup-
ported by an Australian National Health and Medical Research
Council (NHMRC) Emerging Leadership Investigator Grant
(GNT1172873).
C O N FL I C T O F I N T E R E S T
No conflict of interest has been declared by the authors.
DATA AVA I L A B I L I T Y S TAT E M E N T
The data that support the findings of this study are available from
the corresponding author upon reasonable request.
 |

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1396 CHOI et al.

ORCID Choi, E. P. H., Chow, E. P. F., Wan, E. Y. F., Wong, W. C. W., Wong, J. Y. H.,
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Daniel Yee Tak Fong https://orcid.org/0000-0001-7365-9146
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S U P P O R T I N G I N FO R M AT I O N
Additional supporting information can be found online in the
Supporting Information section at the end of this article.
How to cite this article: Choi, E. P. H., Kwok, J. Y. Y., Choi, K. W.
Y., Lee, J. J., Lok, K. Y. W., Wong, J. Y. H., Fong, D. Y. T., Wan, E.
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experiences of sexual violence among Chinese men who have
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