Professional Documents
Culture Documents
Author(s): C. M. V. Clarkson
Source: The Modern Law Review , Jul., 1996, Vol. 59, No. 4 (Jul., 1996), pp. 557-572
Published by: Wiley on behalf of the Modern Law Review
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access to The Modern Law Review
In the fierce controversy over corporate criminal liability, one phrase rin
through the literature: a company has 'no soul to be damned and no body to be
kicked.'" Less often quoted are the words that preceded these: 'Did you eve
expect a corporation to have a conscience?' and the ones that allegedly followed
them: 'by God, it ought to have both.'2 The argument in this article is that, for t
purposes of the criminal law, modem companies can be regarded (at least
metaphorically) as having both bodies and souls that, through the censure a
stigma of punishment,3 can be both kicked and damned in the hope of inculcatin
a corporate conscience.
The context
Interest in this subject is the result of two sets of developments. First, there h
been a series of highly publicised 'disasters' in which large numbers of persons
have been killed. In 1988 there was the Piper Alpha oil rig explosion in whic
167 people were killed, with the alleged cause being 'mundane design faults
human error and unsafe working conditions.'4 In 1987 there was the King's Cro
fire in which 31 people died, the cause being the failure of the various groups
and individuals within the overall corporate structure to identify their respectiv
areas of responsibility.s Most infamously, in 1987 there was the Zeebrugg
'disaster' in which the ferry, Herald of Free Enterprise, capsized killing 19
people. The official enquiry found that 'from top to bottom the body corporate
was infected with the disease of sloppiness ... The failure on the part of th
1 Edward, First Baron Thurlow. The quote was given wide publicity by Coffee's influential articl
"'No Soul to Damn: No Body to Kick": An Unscandalized Inquiry into the Problem of Corporate
Punishment' (1981) 79 Michigan L Rev 386.
2 ibid.
3 The wide range of possible punishments other than the fine that could be imposed on comp
not be considered in this article. For penalties such as equity fines, corporate probation
dissolution, see Coffee, ibid. Other radical alternatives could include incarceration
temporary nationalisation and the appointment of public directors (Box, Crime and My
(London: Tavistock, 1983) p 72) or incarceration through 'quarantine,' whereby companie
forbidden to engage in certain activities or barred from specific areas (Meister, 'Criminal
for Corporations that Kill' (1989-90) 64 Tulane L Rev 919, 946). See also the proposals in
Braithwaite, 'The Allocation of Responsibility for Corporate Crime: Individualism, Collectiv
Accountability' (1988) 11 Sydney L Rev 468.
4 The Cullen Report, Public Inquiry into the Piper Alpha Disaster (London: HMSO, 1990) C
found that the cause of the disaster was a breakdown in communications between the da
night shifts. The day shift had removed a pressure safety valve from an injection pump; t
shift were not told of this. Occidental had previously received specific warnings about p
dangerous breakdowns in communications. There had been a similar breach of safety th
year which had caused the death of one employee.
5 Fennell Report, Investigation into the King's Cross Underground Fire (London: HMSO,
499.
C The Modern Law Review Limited 1996 (MLR 59:4, July). Published by Blackwell Publishers,
108 Cowley Road, Oxford OX4 IJF and 238 Main Street, Cambridge, MA 02142, USA. 557
The practice
From this gruesome litany of deaths and injuries, the reasonable observer might
have expected the criminal justice system to have been active in trying to combat
such corporate violence. When a doctor, for instance, kills through gross
negligence, a prosecution for manslaughter can, and sometimes does, follow.12
When companies kill and injure, however, the practice is different. Only one
company has ever been convicted of manslaughter'13 and prosecutions for other
serious offences are virtually unknown.
There are two main reasons for this. The first relates to enforcement procedures
and public attitudes moulded by the media, the state and companies themselves.
When persons are killed or seriously injured at work (even when they are not
employees), the typical response is to describe this as an 'accident' - which in
turn structures the official response. In an attempt to increase safety at work and
prevent such 'accidents,' the Health and Safety at Work Act 1974 makes it an
offence for an employer to breach a duty 'to ensure, so far as is reasonably
practicable, the health, safety and welfare at work of all his employees.' 14 This and
6 Department of Transport, The Merchant Shipping Act 1894, my Herald of Free Enterprise, Report of
Court No 8074 (Sheen Report) (London: HMSO, 1987), at para 14.1. Other 'disasters' that have
contributed to the growing clamour for corporate accountability have included the Clapham Junction
rail disaster in 1988, where faulty signalling caused the death of 35 people, the Purley train crash in
1989, where five people were killed and there were strong claims that British Rail management
shortcomings had contributed to the crash, and the sinking of the Marchioness pleasure cruiser on the
Thames in 1989, with 51 people being killed in circumstances that resulted in an unsuccessful private
prosecution for manslaughter against four managers of the company that owned the dredger that
collided with the Marchioness.
7 This figure reflects the number of reported deaths to employees, the self-employed and members of
the public from workplace incidents from 1983 to 1992/93 (Health and Safety Commission, Annual
Report 1992/93 (London: HMSO, 1993) p96). This is only slightly fewer than the number of
homicides (6,606 for murder, manslaughter and infanticide) recorded over the same period (Criminal
Statistics England and Wales (London: HMSO, 1993) Cm 2680). The numbers killed at work have
gradually been decreasing over the past decade.
8 Health and Safety Commission, Annual Report 1993/94 (London: HMSO, 1994). In comparison,
16,526 persons were the victims of reported 'major non-fatal' attacks (Criminal Statistics, ibid).
9 Slapper, 'Corporate Manslaughter: An Examination of the Determinants of Prosecutorial Policy'
[1993] SLS 423, 427.
10 Health and Safety at Work, April 1992, p 8.
11 Bergman, Deaths at Work: Accidents or Corporate Crime (London: WEA, 1991) p3.
12 Adomako (1994) 99 Cr App R 362.
13 Kite and Others, The Independent, 9 December 1994.
14 s 2(1).
other similar offences under the Act are drafted without any reference to whether
worker is killed or injured or not. The crime is simply the failure to maintain
proper safety standards. This stands in strong contrast to the available offenc
when persons are killed or injured outside their workplaces, which are structured
terms of the seriousness of the harm caused. This is true not only in cases
personal violence, but also under the Road Traffic Act 1988. The differe
structure of the health and safety offences contributes to the overall sense th
death and injury at work is not 'real crime.' "5
The main body set up to enforce this legislation is the Health and Safet
Executive (HSE), which has the power to notify companies that certain saf
matters require attention, or to bring a criminal prosecution. The result is th
when someone is killed or seriously injured at work it is extremely rare for t
police to conduct an investigation into the incident.'6 Instead, the usual practi
after a death or serious injury at work is for an investigation to be conducted b
the HSE. However, the HSE does not regard its primary function as being one
initiating prosecutions, but rather as one of 'assisting and advising the generali
of well-conducted companies, and of determining good practice.'17 The HSE, a
under-manned18 and under-resourced, will only press charges in cases tha
believes represent a flagrant breach of the 1974 Act, with the result that only
per cent of workplace deaths lead to companies being prosecuted by the agency.
In 1993/94, for example, the HSE commenced 1,793 prosecutions yet, in contras
issued 10,523 notices (improvement notices, which constituted 61.5 per cent of
notices, immediate prohibition notices and deferred prohibition notices).20 W
it can be argued that there are distinct advantages in issuing notices rather th
initiating prosecutions when dealing with strict liability offences,21 the same
claim can hardly be made when corporate wrongdoing has caused the death
serious injury of workers. When a prosecution is brought, it tends to be in th
magistrates' court (60 per cent), as this is quicker and cheaper for the HSE
Until 1992 the maximum fine there was ?2,000 (now raised to ?5,000 for
offences23 and to ?20,000 for breaches of sections 2-6 of the 1974 Act24). The
average fine in all courts in 1993/94 was ?3,061.25 Despite the fact that this fig
15 For this reason, the proposal in Gobert, 'Corporate Criminality: New Crimes for the Times' [1
CLR 722, must be rejected. He argues that the focus in corporate offences should be on the creati
of risks likely to lead to serious harm and that structuring offences in terms of results 'mak
conviction subject to the fortuity of consequences' (at p 729).
16 Neither the Home Office nor the HSE keep statistics on this, but Bergman's research revealed
between 1989 and 1991, out of a total of 1,016 deaths at work, there was only a criminal pol
investigation in one case (op cit n 11, at p 17).
17 Health and Safety Executive, Annual Report 1988/89 (London: HMSO, 1989). See generally
Baldwin, Rules and Government (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1995) pp 125-192.
18 The HSE suffered bad cuts in their numbers of inspectors in the 1980s (Baldwin, ibid p 172).
19 Bergman, op cit n l1, at p 17.
20 Health and Safety Commission, op cit n 8, at p 129.
21 Leigh, Strict and Vicarious Liability (London: Sweet & Maxwell, 1982) pp 84-100.
22 Hutter and LLoyd-Bostock, 'The Power of Accidents' (1990) 30 Brit J Criminol 409: 'an inspec
working on a prosecution or on a public inquiry is not out making visits to other premises' (p421
Preparing and presenting a prosecution takes inspectors an average of three person-days eac
(Baldwin, op cit n 17, at p 146). It has been estimated that the P&O manslaughter prosecution in t
Crown Court cost some ?10 million (Bergman, 'Recklessness in the Boardroom' (1990) 140 NL
1496).
23 Magistrates' Courts Act 1980, s32(9), as amended by the Criminal Justice Act 1991, s 17(2)(c).
24 Offshore Safety Act 1992, s4(2).
25 Health and Safety Commission, op cit n 8.
34 op cit n 13.
35 Cited in Smith and Smith, 'The Company Behind Bars,' Health and Safety at Work, Feb
p 10.
36 Health and Safety at Work, January 1995, p4.
37 There are now proposals for all adventure centres for under-18s to be licensed. See Health and Safety
at Work, November 1995, p 5.
38 At an interpretive level there is the inevitable quandry whether relatively senior persons within a
company can be said to represent the 'brains' of the company, especially in cases where duties have
been delegated. Compare, for instance, Boal [1992] BCLC 872 with Bolton (Engineering) Co v T.J.
Graham & Sons [1957] QB 159, a decision approved in Tesco v Nattrass (n 33 above).
39 While there are no official statistics, the Government estimates that around 90 per cent of all
companies are 'small' (1985) Cmnd 9749, para 8.5. See generally Freedman, 'Small Businesses and
the Corporate Form: Burden or Privilege' (1994) 57 MLR 555, 567. However, the definition of
'small' under s 249(3) of the Companies Act 1985 means that fairly sizeable companies can be
classed as 'small.'
40 R v Alcindor and Others (Central Criminal Court, 19 October 1990). See Bergman, op cit
Buries, 'The Criminal Liability of Corporations' (1991) 141 NLJ 609.
victims who died on the Herald of Free Enterprise were primarily inte
prosecution of P&O and not of the individuals.48 Even the prosecution s
similar mind when it dropped the charges against the two most i
'causers' of the sinking as soon as the judge had directed acquittals again
and its senior executives. Perhaps there was a realisation that the assist
should never have been left in a position where the entire safety of the ferry
passengers depended on him without any adequate system of checks or
The true fault lay with the company. Further, in many cases there will be
individual responsible for the particular policies and procedures that lea
resultant harm. Many large corporations have complex structures which
difficult for outsiders to ascertain who is responsible for a particular d
Punishing the company can trigger the most appropriate institutional re
that the company is in the best position to identify and discipline its e
Only in this way can one hope for a positive corporate response of imple
of appropriate safety procedures.
With regard to the argument that punishing companies amounts to puni
innocent shareholders and creates risks of redundancies, it must be born
that such persons are not themselves subject to the stigma of convi
criminal punishment. Those who take the benefits should also sho
burdens. A company should not be permitted to 'cut corners in its desire
profits for its shareholders, and in particular it must not cut overhead co
expense of safety.'49 Not to punish a company at fault is to allow corpor
accumulate and distribute to associates a pool of resources which does not reflect
cost of production. Justice as fairness requires, as a minimum, that the cost of
offences be internalised by the enterprise.50
potentiallynharmful
company. event is committed by someone who is not the directing mind of the
The position is, however, not that straightforward. First, the doctrine of vicarious
liability has now been applied beyond the confines of strict liability offences to
offences of negligence or hybrid offences (ie prima facie strict liability offences
which provide due diligence or reasonable knowledge defences such as are
common in consumer protection legislation).55 Further, it has been argued that the
doctrine was applied in Re Supply of Ready Mixed Concrete (No 2)56 to the crime
of contempt, an offence requiring mens rea.57 However, while there are dicta
consistent with such an approach,58 liability ultimately turned on the wording of
the restraining order the companies had allegedly breached, which prohibited each
company 'whether by itself or by its servants or agents or otherwise' from giving
effect to restrictive practice agreements. Secondly, the House of Lords has recently
rejected the notion that vicarious liability can necessarily be imposed in strict
liability offences. In Seaboard Offshore Ltd v Secretary of State for Transport,59 a
company was prosecuted under section 31 of the Merchant Shipping Act 1988,
which makes it an offence to fail to take reasonable steps to secure that a vessel is
operated in a safe manner. A ship's engine had broken down three times within 24
hours, leaving her drifting at sea. The chief engineer who was responsible for the
mechanical running of the ship had boarded the vessel less than three hours before
it set sail, in circumstances where it was accepted that he needed some three days
to familiarise himself with the machinery. He then made a serious error of
judgment in opening a wrong valve, causing the engines to flood with water. The
company was convicted in the magistrates' court, but the House of Lords
concluded that as a matter of interpretation of the statute and its policy (it would be
surprising if Parliament intended that the owner of the ship be liable for any act
committed by any employee, no matter how lowly, such as the failure by the bosun
or cabin steward to close portholes), the company could not be vicariously liable
for breach of a duty under section 31 for the acts of its servants or agents. The
House of Lords went on to stress that this conclusion applied irrespective of
whether the offence was one of strict liability or not.60
52 Wells, 'Corporate Liability and Consumer Protection: Tesco v Nattrass Revisited' (1994) 57 MLR
817; Wells, 'A Quiet Revolution in Corporate Liability for Crime' (1995) 145 NLJ 1326; Cartwright,
op cit n 46, at p 227.
53 [1995] ICR 586.
54 ibid 593.
55 See, for instance, Tesco Stores Ltd v Brent LBC [1993] 2 All ER 718, discussed by Wells,
56 [1995] 1 All ER 135.
57 This is the interpretation adopted by Wells (1995), op cit n52, at p 1327.
58 op cit n 56, at pp 142C, 149C, 150E.
59 [1994] 2 All ER 99.
60 ibid 105.
the court must fashion a special rule of attribution for the particular substantive rule. This is
always a matter of interpretation: given that it was intended to apply to a company, how was
it intended to apply? Whose act (or knowledge, or state of mind) was for this purpose
intended to count as the act etc. of the company?66
The answer was simple. The investment managers had the authority to acquire the
relevant interests. Their knowledge had to be attributed to the company, otherwise
the policy of the statute ('to compel, in fast-moving markets, the immediate
disclosure of the identity of persons who become substantial security holders in
public issuers'67) would be defeated.
This reinterpretation of the identification doctrine is of great importance and
opens the door to establishing criminal liability of companies in a broader range of
cases. However, Lord Hoffman entered a major caveat:
their Lordships would wish to guard themselves against being understood to mean that
whenever a servant of a company has authority to do an act on its behalf, knowledge of that
act will for all purposes be attributed to the company. It is a question of construction in each
case as to whether the particular rule requires that the knowledge that an act has been done,
or the state of mind with which it was done, should be attributed to the company.68
Corporate culpability
69 ibid.
70 ibid.
71 Sullivan, 'Expressing Corporate Guilt' (1995) 15 OJLS 281. This view was echoed in
where Lord Hoffman stated that 'there is no such thing as the company as such' (ibid 92
72 Wolf, 'The Legal and Moral Responsibility of Organisations' in Pennock and Chapm
Criminal Justice: Nomos 27 (New York: New York University Press, 1985): 'It seems w
particular, to blame them, in the deep sense, for failing to constrain their behaviour according
they are incapable of being motivated to obey' (pp 278-279). A similar view is expr
Arenella who argues that moral responsibility involves an actor being capable of moral eva
which can be incorporated into practical judgments about how to act (Arenella, 'Convi
Morally Blameless: Reassessing the Relationship between Legal and Moral Accountabilit
39 UCLA L Rev 1511).
73 Wolf, ibid at p 279.
74 Even then it is probably necessary to establish that the 'sociopath' lacked 't
willpower to control physical acts.' See Byrne (1960) 44 Cr App R 246.
75 For two alternative views, see Horder, 'Criminal Culpability: The Possibility
(1993) 12 Law and Philosophy 193, who discusses the 'defiance theory' and h
'agency theory.' This latter theory, however, is not a theory of culpability in th
why a person can be regarded as blameworthy as an agent, as distinct from
because a harm has been caused. For instance, it cannot tell us the basis upon wh
could or could not be held responsible and whether a company could be regar
76 Hart, Punishment and Responsibility (London: Oxford University Press, 196
77 See generally Bayles, 'Character, Purpose and Criminal Responsibilit
Philosophy 5; Lacey, State Punishment: Political Principles and Communi
Routledge, 1988) pp 65-68.
78 Horder, op cit n 75.
79 Boulding, The Organizational Revolution (New York: Harper and Brothers, 1968) p 139, cited in
Fisse and Braithwaite, op cit n 3, at p 497.
80 The Times, 8 July 1987, p2. My thanks to Paul Roberts for this reference.
81 op cit n6.
82 Wells, op cit n 3 1, at p 92. See also Fisse and Braithwaite, op cit n 3; Dan-Cohen, Rights, Persons and
Organizations: A Theory for Bureaucratic Society (London: University of California Press, 1986);
Foerschler, 'Corporate Criminal Intent: Towards a Better Understanding of Corporate Misconduct'
(1990) 78 California L Rev 1287.
83 Wells, op cit n48; Colvin, op cit n 50, at pp 18-23.
84 R v HM Coroner for East Kent, exp Spooner and Others (1989) 88 Cr App R 10.
Once this central premise is accepted, it ought not to be difficult for the crimina
law to capture and express the notion that a company is more than the sum total o
its human components, and that a company itself can commit the basic elements o
a criminal offence.
However, an important initial question arises at this point. Should companies be
liable for the same offences as individuals or should special offences, that can only
be committed by companies, be created? In relation to manslaughter, the Law
Commission has opted for the latter solution in proposing a new crime of
'corporate killing.'86 This offence would be committed when there was a
'management failure' (as opposed to 'operational negligence' by an employee) that
'fell far below what could reasonably be expected of [the company] in the
circumstances.'87 This proposed offence would be additional to the Law
Commission's new offences of reckless killing and killing by gross carelessness
(which together would replace the existing crime of involuntary manslaughter),
and companies could still be convicted of these other new offences if the
identification doctrine could be satisfied.88
This proposal has the advantage that it would facilitate convictions in cases such
as P&O where there was clearly a 'management failure' that caused the deaths.
However, this solution is problematic and should be resisted for two reasons. First,
while it would remove some of the obstacles to a corporate conviction where a
death has resulted, it would have no effect on any other offence that can be
committed by a company. For all remaining offences, the identification doctrine
would still have to be overcome, or vicarious liability imposed. Indeed, by lancing
the most controversial boil (corporate killings), there is the danger that pressure for
reform of the general law of corporate criminal liability would subside. Second,
and critically, the creation of a separate offence could mean that corporate killings
would be perceived as different from 'manslaughter' or the new substitute
offences. This could lead to a downgrading of the stigma and seriousness of the
new offence, and could contribute to its continued marginalisation in terms of
enforcement. If a company has killed recklessly or by gross carelessness, there are
strong fair-labelling reasons that only a conviction for the full offence will convey
89 For a discussion of the principle of fair labelling, see Ashworth, Principles of Criminal Law (Oxford:
Clarendon Press, 2nd ed, 1995) p 86; Williams, 'Convictions and Fair Labelling' [1983] Cambridge
LJ 85.
90 Colvin, op cit n 50, at p 26.
91 Miller [1983] 2 AC 161.
92 As in, for example, National Rivers Authority v Yorkshire Water Services [1995] 1 All ER 225. See
Padfield, 'Clean Water and Muddy Causation: Is Causation a Question of Law or Fact, or Just a Way
of Allocating Blame?' [1995] CLR 683.
93 As in, for example, Southern Water Authority v Pegrum and Pegrum [1989] CLR 442.
94 op cit n 49, at para 8.39.
95 Jones, Textbook on Torts (London: Blackstone Press, 4th ed, 1995) p 279. This is also the position
under the criminal doctrine of vicarious liability: see Law Com No 237, op cit n 49, at paras 6.23-
6.26.
96 Adomako, n 12 above.
Conclusion