Professional Documents
Culture Documents
Index...........................................................................................................................................1
About Legal................................................................................................................................3
Terrorism in Pakistan..................................................................................................................5
Terrorism in Iran.........................................................................................................................8
Terrorism in Iraq.......................................................................................................................12
Terrorism in Syria.....................................................................................................................15
Terrorism in Mali......................................................................................................................21
Terrorism in Mozambique........................................................................................................ 25
Terrorism in Afghanistan..........................................................................................................31
Further Reading........................................................................................................................38
Dear Delegates,
As we get ready for the next session of the IAFMUN - United Nations Legal Committee, we
hope this letter finds you in good health and a good mood. The Executive Board is happy to
announce the session's agenda: "Assessing the legal frameworks for prosecuting and stopping
terrorist and militant actions while respecting their civil and human rights, related statutory
laws, and state responsibilities to increase deterrence in countering global terrorism through
international cooperation."
Knowing how important this topic is and how it affects global security, human rights, and
international cooperation, we urge all participants to approach the talks with the utmost
seriousness and diplomacy. Terrorism is a big problem that needs to be fixed right away. To
do this, all countries need to work together and do a lot of different things. At the same time,
it is very important to stick to the United Nations' core values of civil freedoms and human
rights.
During the committee meetings, we expect all delegates to have productive debates, suggest
creative solutions, and work together to write resolutions that strike a delicate balance
between effective counterterrorism measures and the protection of civil liberties. As
representatives of your countries, we ask you to do thorough study and analysis of the legal
frameworks that are already in place to stop terrorism and militant actions in your countries
and around the world.
As you prepare for the session, we want you to think about how different countries have
different goals and points of view, as well as how their citizens come from different cultural
and social backgrounds. As leaders of your countries, you have a big part to play in shaping
the conversation toward a solution that includes everyone.
Lastly, we want to tell all delegates that they should follow the rules of diplomatic etiquette,
mutual respect, and constructive engagement during the committee meetings. Let's tackle this
big problem with an open mind, some good ideas, and a shared desire to make the world safer
for everyone. Please don't hesitate to contact us at jeff4.jr@gmail.com if you need help or
have questions about the schedule or the meeting itself.
We can't wait to see you at the IAFMUN - United Nations Legal Committee and hear what
you have to say about this important project.
Gracefully yours,
Raghib Mahtab
Vice Chairperson
The United Nations General Assembly Sixth Committee, also known as the Legal
Committee, was established in 1947. The Legal Committee is a primary forum that assists the
General Assembly in implementing article 13 of the United Nations Charter, which focuses
on the development and codification of international law by drafting legal tools and treaties.
One early milestone achievement of the committee was the Convention on the Prevention and
Punishment of the Crime of Genocide in 1948. Furthermore, the Legal Committee is in
charge of receiving and reviewing the reports of the United Nations Commission on
International Trade Law (UNCITRAL), the Special Committee on the Charter of the United
Nations and the Strengthening of the Organization, and the International Law Commission.
Lastly, the committee promotes the development of international law by discussing the
criminal responsibility of officials from the UN mission, the rule of law, and the scope of
universal jurisdiction, among many others.
The UN 6th Committee of Legal is undoubtedly one of the primary committees of the
General Assembly (UNGA). As such, all members of the UNGA are members of this
committee. The mandate and scopes of discussion for the committee must be kept in mind
for drawing resolutions in the committee by the member states. The mandate of Legal is as
follows:
Drug Control, Crime Prevention and Combating International Terrorism in All its
Forms and Manifestations
Agenda: Assessing the legal framework for the prosecution and suppression of
terrorist and militant actions while respecting their civil and human rights,
related statutory laws and state responsibilities to enhance deterrence in
countering global terrorism through international cooperation.
Terrorism is an easy word but the weight behind the misery that the actions related to this
concept carry is incomprehensibly heinous and brutal. Any action that is committed as a
crime by any faction against the citizens of any country by targeting either their identities or
ideologies and to impose or indoctrinate others by virtue of inhuman crimes to induce fear
and terror in society, in turn causing social anarchy, is called terrorism. International terrorism
is a derived concept which specifically refers to cross-border terrorism. However, it has its
fair share of impacts on national levels as well. Countries specifically in the MENA region
and the Sahel have proven to be prone to such acts of violence in the form of terrorism. These
terrorist groups don’t hesitate to use even civilian women and children as pawns in their
despicable schemes. In most cases, they preach an outright radical or misleading
interpretation of religious or ideological doctrines that tend to incentivize them to go to the
extreme lengths of mass murder. Growing deterrence to terrorism might seem easy on the
surface. But it’s a process that takes years to perfect. Mostly owing to the fact that terrorists
are still human beings. Yes, criminals have human rights. Terrorists, when incarcerated, are
still inmates awaiting trial. Hence, the flimsy images of military special operation teams
barging in to take down the terrorists and free the hostages to save the day isn’t a picture that
we see in real life. It is way more complex than that. It is a far stretch to think that catching
terrorists, putting them behind bars or to death will solve terrorism. That’s where
international laws and conventions to deter terrorism start to make more sense. Several states
have signed and ratified treaties, charters and conventions for the prevention and suppression
of terrorist activities. However, flaws are a part of the policy-making process. Constantly
strengthening the legal frameworks to enhance deterrence to terrorism is the only way to
really rid the world of this curse. The following discussion presents an account of terrorism in
different countries around the world and steps that they have taken to counter terrorism.
Introduction
Terrorism in Pakistan has witnessed a troubling surge in recent years, making it one of the
most significant security challenges faced by the country. It has seen the second largest
increase in terrorism-related deaths worldwide in 2022, with the toll rising significantly to
643, a 120% rise from the 292 deaths the previous year. The rise in terrorism-related deaths
and attacks has raised concerns not only for Pakistan but also for the broader international
community. Rooted in political, sectarian, and ethnic fault lines, this multifaceted threat
requires a comprehensive approach to tackle its complexities effectively.
At the heart of Pakistan's terrorism problem lies the Tehrik-i-Taliban Pakistan (TTP), an
alliance of outlawed groups responsible for conducting attacks against the Pakistani state.
The TTP, along with the ethnic Baloch Liberation Army (BLA) and the Islamic State of
Khorasan Province (ISKP), forms a new terror triad that poses a significant challenge to
regional stability. It has effectively turned into the regional chapter of ISIS for Pakistan.
Pakistan hosts more than three million Afghan refugees and economic migrants fleeing
decades of conflicts and poverty in their country. The porous border with Afghanistan has
created a safe haven for terrorist groups, with the TTP leadership enjoying hospitality and
support in Afghanistan. The Afghan Taliban's reluctance to take decisive action against the
TTP has strained relations between the two neighbors, as Pakistan demands punitive action
against the group for violence within its borders.
However, Kabul appears reluctant to take direct conclusive action against the TTP for
multiple reasons. Among them, the leading reason seems to be that the Khyber
Pakhtunkhwa province is home to predominantly ethnic Pashtun tribes settled on both sides
of the Pakistan–Afghanistan border and so is the TTP that draws its strength from the
community in this region. The Afghan Taliban, also a predominantly Pashtun group, boasts
an ethnic and ideological affinity with the TTP. They partnered against the US-led NATO
forces in Afghanistan during the two decades of the War on Terror. It is no surprise that
once Pakistan began hunting down terrorists in the border regions, most of the TTP top
brass relocated to safe havens in Afghanistan.
The involvement of external actors and geopolitical factors further complicates the terrorism
situation in Pakistan. Pakistan claims to be stranded between Afghanistan and India and this
in turn causes the sprouts of terrorist activities at and beyond its borders, deep within
territories with little to no government supervision. The violence is mainly claimed by or
blamed the Tehrik-i-Taliban Pakistan or TTP, conducting attacks against the Pakistani state
from sanctuaries in Afghanistan, according to officials in Islamabad.
The East Turkestan Islamic Movement and the ISKP have openly threatened to target
Chinese interests in the region. This has raised concerns for China, as it views these groups as
Western proxies out to harm its strategic projects like the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor.
Beijing considers these groups Western proxies out to hurt Chinese interests. It views their
killing of several Chinese nationals in Pakistan, almost all of them working on the
multi-billion-dollar China–Pakistan Economic Corridor — a flagship of the Belt and Road
Initiative — in the same context. Beijing also questions why the United States revoked the
designation of the East Turkestan Islamic Movement as a ‘terrorist organization’ in
November 2020, with Washington saying there was no credible evidence that the movement
continues to exist.
Terrorism in Pakistan
Terrorist attacks in Pakistan peaked in 2013, averaging just under four attacks a day, with
nearly 2700 total fatalities. The latest trends suggest that 2023 may be worse, with almost 200
terror-related incidents and at least 340 fatalities by March. Around 282 military and police
personnel were among the 973 total fatalities in 2022.
One of the immediate explanations for the unprecedented spate of terrorism is the unilateral
cancellation of a year-old ceasefire on 28 November 2022 by the TTP, which blamed the
government for ‘breaching commitments’ and criticized Pakistani security forces for their
actions across the Khyber Pakhtunkhwa and Balochistan provinces that straddle Afghanistan.
The TTP demands the restoration of the special status of seven border regions that were
annulled in May 2018 and the release of dozens of its detained members. It also wants the
Pakistani army out of former no-go areas, presumably to establish its own Islamic caliphate.
Islamabad brushed these demands aside as ‘non-negotiable’. Faced with a ramped-up
crackdown since early 2021, the defunct TTP has retreated into safe havens in Afghanistan,
especially once the Afghan Taliban swept back to power in August 2021. The TTP
leadership, including their chief Noor Wali Mehsud, presently enjoy shelter and hospitality in
Afghanistan.
The lack of cohesive civil-military action in Pakistan has allowed terrorist groups like the
TTP to escalate their attacks. The involvement of the military in national politics has also
been a point of contention, contributing to political instability and economic turbulence
within the country. Until early 2022, relentless military operations in the volatile border
districts had been taking out scores of militants. As a result, terrorist violence decelerated in
Pakistan by 85 per cent, according to private and Pakistan military estimates. Critics attribute
the resurgent violence by ISIS-linked ethnic Pashtun and Baloch terrorists and separatists to
the Pakistani military’s involvement in national politics. In a televised speech on 27
November 2022, just days before his resignation, former Chief of Army Staff Qamar Javed
Bajwa conceded that the military had been meddling in politics, despite a conscious decision
in early 2021 to stop ‘unconstitutional interference’. Even after his retirement, Bajwa
admitted to ‘managing’ Pakistani politicians, journalists and foreign affairs.
Even more critical than Bajwa’s admission is the unprecedented political and economic
turbulence Pakistan has been experiencing for over a year, with the looming specter of a
default on government debt. The ouster of former prime minister Imran Khan through a
controversial vote of no-confidence in April 2022 plunged the country into political
uncertainty. With Khan accusing Bajwa for facilitating his ousting, the military has never
been as absorbed in politics as it has been since March 2022. Despite a public reiteration of
‘neutrality’, majority of Pakistanis hardly accord any credence to Khan’s claim, which was
accompanied by unprecedented political instability and economic meltdown.This has also
taken its toll on the military’s ongoing campaign against terrorist outfits and apparently
emboldened terrorists to ramp up pressure, primarily on members of Pakistan’s security
apparatus. This pattern suggests that Pakistan is likely to endure more violence during
2023.
Pakistan's Counterterrorism Measures
Pakistan has implemented a multi-pronged strategy to counter terrorism. While initiating
dialogue to encourage militants to lay down their arms, the government also launched
military operations like Zarb-e-Azb to flush out terrorists from North Waziristan.
Additionally, Pakistan has focused on education reforms, counter-narratives, economic
development, and capacity building to combat violent extremism effectively.
On the legislative side, Pakistan has undertaken sweeping reforms to amend Anti-Terrorism
Act. The Counter-Financing of Terrorism (CFT) legislation is a consequence of this act.
The Government has also enacted the Pakistan Arms Ordinance, Surrender of Illicit Arms
Act, Terrorists Special Courts Act, Anti-Narcotics Force Act, the Pakistan Madrasah
Education Ordinance and the Anti-Money Laundering Bill. Pakistan is party to eleven
universal and two regional counter-terrorism instruments. This constitutes Pakistan’s
national legal frameworks for counter-terrorism and prosecution for terrorism-related
crimes.
“The United Nations is uniquely positioned to counter this threat (of global terrorism)
through the implementation of its four-pillar Strategy, namely, address the conditions
conducive to the spread of terrorism; prevent and combat terrorism; build states’ capacity;
and ensure respect for human rights and the rule of law in the fight against terrorism."
~ Statement by Pakistan Ambassador Masood Khan, Permanent Representative of Pakistan
to the UN on 7 October 2014.
Recognizing the seriousness of the threat, Pakistan has committed to fully implementing UN
resolutions on counter-terrorism, including the Security Council resolution on 'Foreign
Terrorist Fighters'. The UN Centre of Counter Terrorism and the Counter Terrorism
Implementation Task Force (CTITF) have been instrumental in coordinating global efforts to
combat terrorism. Finally, Pakistan has demanded cessation of drone strikes in the border
areas by claiming that the drone strikes are counter-productive for the efforts aimed at
countering violent extremism citing that the Government of Pakistan is already taking
decisive action against terrorists in those areas.
Tackling terrorism in Pakistan requires a multifaceted approach, addressing not only the
immediate security concerns but also the underlying political, sectarian, and ethnic tensions.
It demands collaboration between national and international actors to ensure regional stability
and peace.
Terrorism in Iran
Introduction
Since the Iranian revolution in 1979, Iran's involvement in terrorism has been a subject of
significant concern for the international community. The country's strategic goals for
supporting violent substate groups have far-reaching consequences, leading to regional
instability and posing a threat to global security. The following examines Iran's involvement
in terrorism, its strategic motivations, and the countermeasures it has taken to combat
terrorism.
~ Peter T. King
Iran employs terrorism to achieve several strategic objectives, including undermining rivals,
projecting power, playing the role of a spoiler, intimidation, deterrence, seeking revenge, and
preserving options for future contingencies.
Iran supports insurgent and terrorist groups to weaken governments it opposes, whether they
are major adversaries like Saddam Hussein's Iraq or lesser foes like Kuwait and Saudi Arabia
in the 1980s.
Power Projection
Tehran’s military and economy are weak—and with oil prices plunging and sanctions in
place, this weakness is becoming more pronounced. Nor is its ideological appeal strong.
Nevertheless, Iran’s regime sees itself as a regional and even a world power, and working
with terrorists is a way for Iran to influence events far from its borders. Iran’s support for the
Lebanese Hizballah, Palestine Islamic Jihad, and Hamas make Iran a player in the
Israeli-Palestinian and Israeli-Arab disputes, and Iran’s backing of Houthis in Yemen gives it
influence on Saudi Arabia’s southern border.
Playing Spoiler
Iran has supported groups whose attacks disrupted Israeli-Palestinian and Israeli-Syrian peace
negotiations—a victory for Iran, which sees the negotiations as a betrayal of the Muslim
cause and as a means of isolating the clerical regime in Iran.
Working with violent substate groups gives Iran a subversive threat, enabling Iran to press its
neighbors to distance themselves from the United States or to refrain from joining economic
or military efforts to press Iran. Such efforts, however, often backfire: because these states see
Iran as meddling in their domestic affairs and supporting violence there, they often become
more, not less, willing to support economic or even military pressure directed at Tehran. As
for deterrence. Iran’s ties to terrorist groups, particularly the Lebanese Hizballah with its
global infrastructure, enable it to threaten its enemies with terrorist retaliation. This gives Iran
a way to respond to military or other pressure should it choose to do so.
Iran also uses terrorism to take revenge. It has attacked dissidents, including representatives
of non-violent as well as violent groups, even when they posed little threat to the regime. Iran
attacked France during the 1980s because of its support for Iraq, and it has tried to target
Israel because of its belief that Israel is behind the deaths of Iran’s nuclear scientists and in
retaliation for the 2008 killing of Hezbollah's operational chief, Imad Mughniyah, which is
widely attributed to Israel.
Preserving Options
In a volatile region with often hostile neighbors, Iran seeks flexibility and prepares for
contingencies, maintaining ties to various violent groups for potential leverage that could be
employed should suspicion turn to open hostility.
Iran, often working with Hezbollah, has repeatedly tried to use terrorism against an array of
Israeli and Western targets and interests, and this pattern has continued in recent years.
Recent plots reportedly range from plots against an Israeli shipping company and USAID
offices in Nigeria in 2013 to reconnoitering the Israeli embassy in Baku, Azerbaijan, for a
possible attack. Hezbollah operatives planned an attack in 2014 against Israeli tourists in
Bangkok, and in October 2014 Hezbollah operatives were arrested in Peru for planning
attacks against Israeli and Jewish targets there.
The last successful Iranian terrorist attack against the United States outside a theater of war
was the 1996 strike on Khobar Towers, which killed 19 Americans. In 2011, the United
States disrupted an Iranian plot early in the planning stages to bomb a restaurant in
Washington frequented by the Saudi ambassador. Although the target was the Saudi
ambassador, the Iranian effort would also probably have killed many U.S. citizens eating at
the restaurant.
The Government of the Islamic Republic of Iran has approved an Amendment to the
Countering Financing of Terrorism Act, taking into account the relevant international
standards and practices. This amendment provides a sounder and efficient legal framework
for countering terrorism and is of utmost practical utility in denying terrorists any resource to
perpetrate or commit any egregious crimes. Moreover, according to Iranian criminal code, the
Islamic Republic of Iran has accepted extradition based on bilateral and multilateral
instruments as well as on a reciprocal basis in the absence of any legal instrument. In a
Internal Field
Iran updated and improved its efficiency in countering terrorism by approving an amendment
to the Countering Financing of Terrorism Act, aligning with international standards.
Additionally, the country accepts extradition based on bilateral and multilateral instruments
and engages in intensive security cooperation with its neighboring countries.
The IRGC has played a crucial role in defeating terrorist groups like Al-Qaeda, ISIS, and
Al-Nusra Front upon official requests from affected regional governments. The assassination
of Martyr Soliemani-- the Commander of the Quds Force of the IRGC who had a pivotal role
in defeating ISIS and was in Baghdad at the request of the Iraqi government-- is an obvious
example of State terrorism and constitutes a gross violation of the fundamental principles of
international law, including those stipulated in the Charter of the United Nations.
Bilateral
In April 2001, a meeting between the Indian Prime Minister Vajpayee and then Iranian
President Khatami resulted in the signing of the Tehran Declaration which called for
enhanced bilateral cooperation, especially against international terrorism, and demanded a
stronger international legal regime to fight terrorism. In 1988, Iran and Turkey established the
“High Security Commission” to coordinate efforts against, and exchange of information
about, terrorism, and in particular, activities related to the terrorist group PKK.
Iran has pledges to close its borders with Afghanistan and Pakistan to stop the movement of
Taliban and Al Qaeda into the country. It has done this by reinforcing military forces
deployed at border crossings. The country participated in the Bonn Conference in 2001;
which led to the establishment of the Afghan Interim Government. As of December 2001,
Iran had not reported any suspicious bank accounts that could be frozen in pursuance of
Resolution 1373. Multilateral instruments pertaining to the prevention and suppression of
international terrorism Iran is party to five universal instruments pertaining to the subject of
combating and suppressing international terrorism including:
• Convention on Offences and Certain Other Acts Committed on Board Aircraft (1963),
Ratification 28 June 1976.
• Convention for Suppression of Unlawful Seizure of Aircraft (1970), ratification 25 January
1972.
• Convention for Suppression of Unlawful Acts against the Safety of Civil Aviation (1971),
Ratification 10 July 1973.
• Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of Crimes against Internationally Protected
Persons, including Diplomatic Agents (1973), Ratification 12 July 1978.
• Protocol for the Suppression of Unlawful Acts of Violence at Airports serving International
Aviation, Supplementary to the Convention for the Suppression of Unlawful Acts against the
Safety of Civil Aviation (1971), ratification 14 February 2002.
Ratification of the International Convention against the Taking of Hostages and the
Convention on the Marking of Plastic Explosives for the Purpose of Detection is also on the
Parliament’s agenda.
Terrorism in Iraq
Introduction:
Following the September 11, 2001 terrorist attacks on the World Trade Center, the US
embarked on a global counterterrorism military campaign known as the "War on Terror." For
years prior to the invasion, Saddam Hussein resisted inspections by the United Nations
Monitoring, Verification and Inspection Commission, established in 1999 with the mandate to
disarm Iraq of its WMDs.
In President Bush's State of the Union address in January 2002, he vowed to combat terrorist
groups and any nations supporting them. This policy positioned Iraq as part of the "axis of
evil". Vice President Dick Cheney even drew a link between Iraq and the 9/11 attacks.
“States like these, and their terrorist allies, constitute an axis of evil, aiming to threaten the
peace of the world…..Iraq continues to flaunt its hostility toward America and to support
terror,” said the US president.
Hussein was known to have supported various groups deemed “terrorist” by some
states, including the Iranian dissident group Mujahedin-e-Khalq, the Kurdistan
Workers’ Party (PKK) and several Palestinian splinter groups, but evidence of ties to
al-Qaeda has never been found.
The US aimed to turn Iraq into a beacon of democracy for the Middle East, but this goal of
turning Iraq into a “bulwark for democracy” largely backfired. The decision to ban the ruling
Baath Party and disband the Iraqi Army proved to be early mistakes, leading to political
instability. In 2005, Iraq hastily formulated a new constitution under US occupation, but it
failed to represent a genuine negotiated agreement among Iraqis. The resulting sectarian
interests hindered progress and effective governance, fueling insurgency and terrorism.
According to Marina Ottaway,a Middle East fellow at the Woodrow Wilson Center, the US
invasion “created a system dependent on divergent sectarian interests” that is “too bogged
“The Iraqi constitution was essentially an American product, it was never a negotiated
agreement among Iraqis, which is what a successful constitution is,” the analyst added.
The US occupation of Iraq since 2003 provided an opportunity for foreign jihadists to flock
to the country, transforming it into a new center of jihad. This influx has fueled insurgency,
with a portion of the resistance adopting Islamist ideologies and tactics. Iraq's insurgency is
concentrated in Sunni Arab regions, but the country's instability has also led to civil war and
a de facto failed state in non-Kurdish areas.
The strife in Iraq has become a powerful propaganda tool for jihadist groups. It has fostered a
new brand of jihad, with insurgents gaining combat experience and forging lasting bonds,
even spreading these networks to other regions after leaving Iraq. The conflict has given
credence to the "far enemy" theory propagated by Al-Qaeda, shifting focus away from local
Muslim autocrats and directing opposition towards the United States.
Iraq, as President Bush has declared, has indeed become a “central front” in the war on
terrorism. This “central front” exists in no small part to administration policies, which have
created a jihadist problem in Iraq where none existed. But that oft-repeated criticism does not
solve the problem of where to go next in Iraq.
Developing a long-term Iraq policy is vital. From a counterterrorism point of view, the
problem of Iraq does not go away if the United States abandons the country to strife. Indeed,
in many ways it would get worse. By early 2007, the conflict had already generated over two
million refugees who could spread instability and terrorism to neighboring states. In Iraq,
jihadists from around the world are learning new skills, forging new networks, and otherwise
training to fight the next war as well as defeat America and its Iraqi allies.
The United States has tried to isolate the jihadists from other parts of the Iraqi resistance in an
attempt to divide the enemy. Director of National Intelligence Negroponte testified that the
jihadists’ brutal actions and heavy-handed style have led them to conflict with their erstwhile
allies, leading some Sunni tribal and nationalist groups to reach out to the government.
Though this strategy is sensible, it has met with mixed results. On the one hand, many
As the insurgency coalesces around Iraqi nationalism and Islamic extremism, it has also
become far more sophisticated in waging the war of ideas. In 2004 and 2005, the insurgents
regularly fought openly amongst themselves. They also used such unpopular tactics as public
beheadings and attacking voters, including Sunni voters supporting candidates who were
sympathetic to resistance groups. Such gruesome attacks on civilians won them attention, but
often revulsion as well. Today their public information campaign is much more coherent:
they lambaste the United States and its local allies and deny sectarian violence. Videotaped
beheadings have disappeared.
As the conflict continues to exact a high human and financial toll, there are growing calls for
the US to reconsider its approach in Iraq. Some argue that leaving Iraq would halt the loss of
lives and resources and appease those opposed to the US occupation. However, the potential
implications on the broader fight against global terrorism must be considered, as Iraq has
become a breeding ground for radical ideologies and training of new militants.
For the US to effectively address the terrorism issue, a comprehensive long-term strategy is
essential. This includes building consensus, enhancing international cooperation, supporting
moderate Islamic voices, and achieving political stability and economic reconstruction in Iraq
and other conflict zones. Understanding the underlying ideology behind terrorism is crucial
for formulating effective anti-terrorism policies in the future.
Terrorism in Syria
Introduction
Warring Parties
The conflict involves multiple parties, including the Syrian government led by President
Bashar al-Assad, various opposition groups, and extremist factions. Over time, extremist
groups like the Islamic State (ISIL/ISIS) and al-Qaeda affiliates also gained footholds in parts
of the country.
Introduction
Terrorism Index in Burkina Faso increased to 8.27 in 2021 from 8.12 in 2020. Burkina Faso
is currently 2nd on the Global Terrorism Index of 2023. According to the 2023 Global
Terrorism Index, there is a 50% increase in deaths due to terrorism in Burkina Faso. Deaths in
Contributing Factors
Regional instability
The conflict in neighboring Mali, which began in 2012, has spilled over into Burkina Faso,
leading to the formation of jihadist groups and an increase in cross-border attacks.
Marginalization and poverty
Many areas in Burkina Faso, especially in the north and east, suffer from economic
marginalization and lack of government presence, making them vulnerable to recruitment by
extremist groups.
Ethnic and communal tensions
Some extremist groups exploit existing ethnic and communal tensions within Burkina Faso to
sow discord and recruit fighters.
Radicalization and foreign influence
Some radicalized individuals from Burkina Faso have received training and support from
extremist groups in other parts of the Sahel region. Burkina Faso has been facing a serious
security crisis due to the rise of terrorism and insurgency in the country. Extremist groups,
primarily linked to Islamist ideologies, have been carrying out frequent attacks, resulting in
significant loss of life, displacement of people, and a sense of insecurity across the nation
Extremist Groups
Several armed groups were active in the region, including Ansar ul Islam, Jama'at Nusrat
al-Islam wal-Muslimin (JNIM), and the Islamic State in the Greater Sahara (ISGS). These
groups were known for conducting deadly attacks on security forces, government officials,
and civilians.
Attacks on Civilians
Extremist groups often targeted civilians, including religious leaders, teachers, and
community leaders, to spread fear and exert control over local populations. Attacks on
schools and education facilities were common, disrupting the education system and causing
children to miss out on schooling.
International Support
The Burkinabé government has sought assistance from international partners, including the
United Nations, African Union, European Union, and other countries, to address the security
challenges in the country. This support may include financial aid, technical assistance, and
capacity building.
Terrorism in Mali
Introduction
Mali, a country located in the Sahel region of West Africa, has been grappling with the
scourge of terrorism for several years. The rise of extremist groups and their violent activities
have led to a devastating impact on the nation's security, governance, and humanitarian
conditions. According to the 2023 Global Terrorism Index, Mali ranks fourth, indicating the
severity of the situation; deaths due to terrorism in Mali increased by 56%. Deaths in the
Since 2012, Mali has been embroiled in a complex and ongoing insurgency involving various
armed groups, including jihadist organizations. The year 2012 marked a turning point when
the country witnessed the fourth Tuareg uprising in its post-colonial history. Simultaneously,
Islamist groups took control of northern cities, leading to an improvised military coup. This
series of destabilizing events caught international observers by surprise, as Mali was once
hailed as a "poster child for democracy in Africa." While deposed President Amadou
Toumani Touré (ATT) shouldered some responsibility for the 2012 crisis, the root causes of
the conflict predate his presidency.
The conflict escalated when various armed groups, including Ansar Dine, Al-Qaeda in the
Islamic Maghreb (AQIM), and the Movement for Oneness and Jihad in West Africa
(MUJAO), took control of several towns and cities in northern Mali in 2012. From January to
April 2012, Mali underwent the fourth Tuareg uprising of its post-colonial history, an Islamist
takeover of all the northern cities and an improvised military coup. This succession of
destabilizing events came as a surprise to all international observers, who long considered
this country as a ‘poster child for democracy in Africa’. In their view, deposed President
Amadou Toumani Touré (ATT) appeared to shoulder the prime responsibility for the 2012
crisis. And while it is without doubt accurate to say that the former leader of Mali contributed
in large part to the political degradation and worsening security conditions of the country, the
root causes of the conflict are to be found elsewhere, predating ATT’s presidency. These
extremist groups sought to impose their radical ideologies and exploit existing grievances
among marginalized communities. The rise of extremist groups, coupled with drug trafficking
and arms proliferation, has posed significant security challenges in the region.
A Tuareg military offensive in northern Mali has led to a severe humanitarian and human
rights crisis. Scores of people have been killed, and thousands have fled to neighboring
countries, resulting in at least 60,000 internally displaced people. This displacement
exacerbates an already precarious situation, leaving vulnerable populations at the mercy of
armed groups and lacking access to basic necessities.
Mali's status as a frontier in the global struggle against transnational terrorism has prompted
international assistance to combat terrorist groups. The presence of AQIM in Mali has raised
significant local and international security concerns. As a result, the United Nations
Multidimensional Integrated Stabilization Mission in Mali (MINUSMA) played a vital role in
supporting the country's stabilization efforts. However, as of June 30, 2023, the Security
Council has decided to terminate MINUSMA's mandate by December 31, 2023. Amidst the
escalating clashes and humanitarian crisis, the UN remains committed to finding a lasting
solution for Mali and the Sahel region.
Engaging civil society in counterterrorism efforts, addressing root causes, and fostering
regional cooperation will be crucial in bringing lasting peace to Mali. As the international
community withdraws its peacekeeping mission, Mali must work tirelessly to strengthen its
institutions, protect vulnerable populations, and foster dialogue among different stakeholders
to ensure a secure and prosperous future for its people.
Introduction
The Terrorism Index in the Central African Republic decreased to 0 from 2.46 in 2020. This
decline in the Terrorism Index indicates an improvement in the country's security situation in
terms of terrorism-related activities. Despite facing numerous security challenges, including
terrorism and armed conflict, the Central African Republic has made progress in reducing the
incidence of terrorism, as reflected in the decreasing Terrorism Index. It is essential to
acknowledge and commend this positive development while also recognizing that the overall
security situation in the country remains complex and multifaceted. Efforts to address other
The Central African Republic (CAR) has been grappling with various security challenges,
including terrorism and armed conflict. Over the years, the country has faced instances of
terrorism, perpetrated by armed groups and militias, resulting in violence, abductions, and
attacks on civilians. One such group with a notorious reputation is the Lord's Resistance
Army (LRA), which operates across borders with Uganda, South Sudan, and the Democratic
Republic of Congo, carrying out brutal tactics.
In addition to the LRA, there have been instances of Islamist extremism and violence in the
eastern parts of the country, with armed groups linked to jihadist ideologies involved in
attacks. Nevertheless, it is crucial to understand that the situation in CAR is complex, with
multiple factors contributing to instability and violence, including political, ethnic, and
economic issues, and not solely driven by terrorism.
Efforts to address the security situation in CAR have involved various international
organizations, including the United Nations and regional bodies like the African Union and
the Economic Community of Central African States (ECCAS). The United Nations has
deployed the MINUSCA peacekeeping mission to help stabilize the country and protect
civilians, but it has faced challenges in dealing with armed groups and safeguarding
vulnerable populations.
Enhancing border security has become a priority to prevent the infiltration of armed groups
and potential terrorists. To achieve this, increased patrols and surveillance along the borders
are crucial to monitor and intercept any illegal activities.
Furthermore, disarmament, demobilization, and reintegration (DDR) efforts have been
undertaken to reintegrate combatants from armed groups into society peacefully. This
approach aims to reduce the overall potential for violence and curb recruitment by extremist
groups.
International Efforts
As a member of the United Nations and the African Union, the CAR is obligated to adhere to
various Security Council resolutions related to terrorism, which may impose sanctions on
individuals, entities, or states involved in supporting terrorism or implementing measures to
counter it. Additionally, the CAR has participated in regional initiatives and organizations
like ECCAS to address common security challenges and promote regional stability.
Effective Approach?
Despite the efforts made by the international community and regional organizations, the
security situation in CAR remains challenging, with incidents of violence and terrorism
continuing to occur. The country's political landscape is characterized by cycles of conflict
and violence, often rooted in political and ethnic tensions, and involving various armed
groups with differing agendas and motivations.
In light of ongoing security challenges, the CAR and Chad have announced their agreement
to establish an independent international commission, comprising of representatives of the
United Nations, the African Union, and ECCAS, to clarify a recent security incident in the
border area. This reaffirms their determination to promote bilateral cooperation in addressing
security issues.
Terrorism in Mozambique
Overview
On March 24, ISIS-M attacked the northeast town of Palma, creating thousands of IDPs as
ISIS M expanded its control over the province. In response, TotalEnergies halted its natural
Mission in Mozambique and Rwanda Defense Force (RDF) assisted the Mozambican
Defense and Security Forces (FDS) to regain territory, including Palma and Mocímboa da
Praia, a strategic port town that ISIS-M had taken in 2020. As of November 30, the
Government of the Republic of Mozambique reported that troops had captured 245
suspected terrorists and killed 200 terrorists in battle. As ISIS-M fighters dispersed, they
attacked several villages, including in two districts in Niassa Province.
Terrorist Incidents
With limited exceptions, ISIS’s affiliate in Mozambique reportedly conducted weekly or even
more frequent attacks on rural villages in Mozambique’s northern Cabo Delgado Province.
The attacks varied in intensity and scale, but generally included the use of firearms, edged
weapons, and arson. The attacks often included the theft of food and other basic supplies and
have displaced at least 100,000 people. Fighters connected to ISIS’s affiliate in Mozambique
are frequently reported to wear stolen police or military uniforms. Access constraints and
limited reporting on the violence render reports of attacks difficult to verify. The following
list details some of the reported incidents that occurred in 2021:
On March 24, ISIS-M launched a multipronged complex attack on the town of Palma,
resulting in a days-long effort to reassert government control over the district and prompting
at least 50,000 IDPs to flee the area.
On September 12, ISIS-M ambushed an RDF convoy in Mocímboa da Praia district, killing
four RDF soldiers and injuring six others.
On October 2, ISIS-M kidnapped seven women from Nacate village in Macomia district,
which is located south of Mocímboa da Praia.
In November and December, ISIS-M moved across the provincial line into Niassa Province
for the first time and attacked several villages in Mecula and Marrupa districts.
On December 15, ISIS-M reportedly decapitated a Christian pastor in Macomia district and
ordered his wife to give his head to the FDS.
Mozambique’s current CT legislation was passed in 2018. The law provides for the
punishment of anyone committing, planning, preparing, or participating in terrorist acts and
stipulates punishment for individuals who travel or attempt to travel to join a terrorist
In 2019, Mozambican law enforcement entities, including the national police force, Rapid
Intervention Unit, and National Criminal Investigative Service engaged in CT operations and
activity in northern Mozambique. Mozambique does not have a CT strategy to guide
operations in the North, and law enforcement agencies lack the training, equipment, and
overall capacity to proactively detect, deter, or prevent acts of terrorism. Though law
enforcement entities operate as part of a joint task force with military counterparts,
coordination, strategic planning, interagency communications, and intelligence sharing
remain significant challenges.
Border security remains a significant security challenge for Mozambique. Terrorists are
known to cross the porous border into and from Tanzania, which serves as a recruitment and
transit point for terrorist and criminal organizations.
Counter-Terrorism Measures
In June 2021, ESAAMLG released its Mutual Evaluation Report (MER) for Mozambique.
Among the MER’s key findings, ESAAMLG noted “important technical compliance gaps”
that need to be addressed and the lack of a National Risk Assessment (NRA), factors that put
Mozambique at risk of placement on FATF’s “gray list” of countries publicly named as
deficient on illicit finance measures. The Government of the Republic of Mozambique
started to address these gaps by drafting new laws on domestic terrorism, money laundering,
and terrorism finance, as well as an NRA, though all were pending completion at year’s end.
In July, the Ministry of Justice co-hosted a launch event for a National Working Group on
the Voluntary Principles on Security and Human Rights (VPSHR), an initiative that brought
together stakeholders from government, civil society, the private sector, and the international
community to discuss ways to address the drivers of conflict and instability in Mozambique’s
northern provinces. The Ministry of Defense also supported VPSHR, signaling an increase in
government support for the initiative throughout 2021.
In 2021, Mozambique accepted significant military assistance from its neighbors and other
partners, including the SADC, Portugal, Rwanda, and the EU. Portugal began training
commandos and marines in May, which became part of the EU Training Mission, which
launched in November, to train and equip 11 companies in the next two years. While not a
GCTF member, Mozambique participated in the Fourth Plenary Meeting of the GCTF’s
capacity building in the East Africa Region Working Group.
Since 2019, the United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime (UNODC), in cooperation with
international and national partners, has been working together with the Government of
Mozambique to support the responses of the national criminal justice system to terrorism and
organized crime.
The Maputo Roadmap, which was approved by the Government of Mozambique, describes
the areas in which UNODC is focusing its technical assistance delivery in the country. This
includes the implementation of capacity building activities for national investigators,
prosecutors, judges and other relevant authorities working on terrorism, terrorist financing,
money laundering, corruption, illicit financial flows, wildlife crime and drug trafficking,
among other areas under UNODC’s mandate.
Under this framework, UNODC has supported Mozambique to review their legal framework
on terrorism and terrorist financing; it has designed and implemented specialized practical
training and on-site mentoring sessions for national stakeholders with a key role on
preventing and combating terrorism and associated activities; and it has enhanced interagency
coordination and cooperation at the national and regional level.
Overview
Terrorism in Saudi Arabia has been a long-standing issue, with radical groups and extremist
individuals, including Al-Qaeda and ISIS, having existed in the Kingdom before the 9/11
tragedy. The country has suffered from terrorism and radicalism due to various factors,
Terrorist incidents
Saudi Arabia suffered numerous cross-border attacks in 2020, including nearly weekly
Houthi attacks against targets in southern and western Saudi Arabia using ballistic missiles,
cruise missiles, UAS, USV, and floating mines. Terrorist incidents also included small-scale
attacks perpetrated by ISIS sympathizers. Significant terrorist incidents included the
following:
On September 10, Houthi militants attacked Riyadh using ballistic missiles and multiple
UAS. No deaths or casualties were reported.
On November 23, Houthi militants struck a Saudi Aramco petroleum storage facility in
Jeddah. The land attack cruise missile strike damaged a 550,000-barrel diesel storage tank.
No casualties were reported.
On November 25, a USV attack damaged a Greece-flagged oil tanker at an Aramco fueling
terminal in Shuqaiq, in southern Saudi Arabia. Authorities did not report any casualties.
The State Security Presidency and its Saudi General Investigations Directorate conducted
terrorism-related investigations in 2020. On January 7, Saudi Arabia arrested Muhammad
bin Hussein Ali al-Ammar, one of the top terrorist targets in the country. Al-Ammar was
wanted for several crimes including the kidnapping of a judge and other terrorist activities.
Many international human rights groups continued to assert that the Saudi Arabian
government misused CT laws and courts to prosecute lawful dissidents, women’s rights
activists, and prominent clerics.
Saudi Arabia remained committed to securing its borders and denying safe haven to terrorists.
With an extensive border security network, the Ministry of Interior monitored passenger
manifests for inbound and outbound flights and used travel document security technology,
Counter terrorism
• Saudi Arabia is a member of the Global Coalition to Counter ISIS, taking military action in
support of coalition airstrikes in Syria. As of March 2017, Saudi Arabia has flown 341 sorties
against ISIS in Syria, the second largest number after the United States. In December 2018,
Saudi Arabia announced the contribution of $100 million for Coalition-supported
stabilization efforts in liberated areas of Syria.
• In order to streamline and enhance counterterrorism efforts, King Salman created the
Presidency of State Security in July 2017. The newly-restructured agency combined
counterterrorism and intelligence operations under one entity and disconnected the body from
the Ministry of Interior.The activities of the Presidency are under the direct supervision of
King Salman. Saudi security forces have arrested more than 300 foreign nationals in the last
two years for involvement in terrorist activities with ISIS, highlighting the Kingdom's
commitment to apprehending the men behind terrorist plots.
• In December 2017, Saudi Arabia pledged $100 million to support the G-5 Sahel force to
counter terrorism in West Africa.
• In 2014, Saudi Arabia issued a royal decree on counterterrorism. The decree reinforced that
acts of terrorism, including membership in terrorist organizations and participation in
hostilities outside the Kingdom, will not be tolerated.
• In 2011, Saudi Arabia signed an agreement with the U.N. to launch the United Nations
Counter-Terrorism Center. Saudi Arabia has pledged $110 million to the center to help build
its capabilities and effectiveness in helping countries combat terrorism. In addition to its
efforts with the UNCCT, Saudi Arabia has held workshops on UN Security Council
Resolutions through the Security Council's Counterterrorism Committee. The Kingdom has
worked in close coordination with the UN Office on Drugs and Crime and the UN
Monitoring Team on these initiatives.
• On a regional level, Saudi Arabia ratified the Arab Convention for the Suppression of
Terrorism in 1998.
Saudi Arabia is a member of FATF and MENAFATF. Its FIU, the Saudi Arabia Financial
Investigation Unit, is a member of the Egmont Group. Saudi Arabia is also a co-lead of the
Defeat-ISIS CIFG and a co-lead with the United States of the Riyadh-based TFTC.
In collaboration with other TFTC member states, in July, Saudi Arabia sanctioned six
individuals and entities affiliated with ISIS terror-support networks in the region.
International cooperation
Saudi Arabia continued regional diplomatic efforts to fight terrorism, as the country partnered
with several nations on bilateral and regional bases to improve information sharing related to
counterterrorism activities. Saudi Arabia is the largest donor to the UN Counter-Terrorism
Center (UNCCT). Abdallah Yahya al-Mouallimi, Saudi Arabia’s Permanent Representative
to the United Nations, is the chair of the Consultative Council of UNCCT. The Saudi
Arabian government also worked through the Riyadh-based Islamic Military Counter
Terrorism Coalition to strengthen international efforts by hosting several symposia and
signing cooperation memoranda with U.S. Central Command and the OIC. Saudi Arabia is
also a member of the GCTF, the OIC, and the GCC.
Terrorism in Afghanistan
Introduction
Afghanistan, for the fourth consecutive year, remains the country most impacted by terrorism,
despite witnessing a significant decline of 75 per cent in attacks and 58 per cent in deaths.
However, it is essential to note that the Global Terrorism Index (GTI) excludes acts of state
repression and violence by state actors, leading to the exclusion of acts committed by the
Afghanistan's history has been marred by decades of terrorism, and recent developments
paint a disturbing picture of the country's current state. The link of the Taliban, Al Qaeda, and
Tehrik-i-Taliban Pakistan (TTP) remains “strong and symbiotic”, according to a UN report
which said the ability of terrorist groups to freely maneuver under the Taliban de facto
authorities is raising the threat of terrorism in the country and the region. The Fourteenth
report of Analytical Support and Sanctions Monitoring Team of 1988 Taliban sanctions
committee of the UN security council said that, contrary to the statements to not allow
Afghan soil to be used for attacks to other countries, the Taliban have harbored and allowed
active support from Tehrik-i-Taliban pakistan.
Despite maintaining links with various terrorist entities, the Taliban seeks counter-terrorism
assistance against Islamic State of Iraq and The Levant-Khorasan Province(ISIL-K), its main
rival. However, the Taliban has not fulfilled counter-terrorism provisions under the
Agreement for Bringing Peace to Afghanistan between the United States of America and the
Taliban. "Attacks against high-profile Taliban figures raised [IS-Khorasan] morale, prevented
defections and boosted recruitment, including from within the Taliban’s ranks,” the U.N.
report said. So, Al Qaeda is rebuilding its operational capability and aims to infiltrate the
Taliban, TTP, and ISIL-K ranks. TTP, supported by the Taliban, launches attacks into
Pakistan, while foreign terrorist fighters project threats across Afghanistan's borders. The
report by the U.N. sanctions monitoring team warns that al-Qaida and the Taliban maintain a
symbiotic relationship, “with al-Qaida viewing Taliban-administered Afghanistan a safe
haven.”
The Taliban's support for TTP poses a threat beyond Afghanistan's borders, contradicting
their assertions against attacks on other countries. The Taliban's unchallenged leadership and
harboring of foreign terrorists are increasing security threats to neighboring nations.
IS-Khorasan, according to the U.N. data, has grown to between 4,000 to 6,000 members, with
strongholds or camps in at least 13 provinces and a network of sleeper cells that can reach
Kabul and beyond. Member states assess ISIL-K has the most serious current terrorist threat
in Afghanistan neighboring countries in Central Asia.
ISIS-K remains a significant terrorist threat, claiming over 190 suicide bomb attacks since
2022 leaving 1300 people dead or injured. The estimated strength of ISIL-K in Afghanistan is
4000 to 6000 fighters, with TTP aspiring to control territory in Pakistan after the Taliban's
takeover.
The terrorism landscape in Afghanistan has witnessed a structural evolution and growth of
"franchising" within al-Qaeda. Attacks are no longer solely orchestrated by the centralized
leadership, but localized, autonomous cells have emerged, subscribing to al-Qaeda's ideology.
This diffusion of militancy has made confronting terrorism far more challenging. The
invasion of Afghanistan in 2001 challenged that country’s viability as an al-Qaeda sanctuary
and training ground and compromised communication, operational, and financial linkages
between al-Qaeda leadership and its militants.As a consequence, Afghanistan saw an increase
in attacks, with al-Qaeda linked, directly or indirectly, to more incidents in the years
following September 11, 2001. Their presence extended to various countries, including
Jordan, Kenya, Saudi Arabia, Indonesia, Turkey, the United Kingdom, Israel, and Algeria.
Al-Qaeda's utilization of the internet for communication, recruitment, and propaganda further
amplified their reach.
The killing of Osama bin Laden in 2011 weakened al-Qaeda; although, it led to a shift in their
organizational structure. Ayman al-Zawahiri succeeded bin Laden as the leader, and
al-Qaeda's affiliation with various attacks persisted, utilizing grassroots cells with an
allegiance to their broader ideology.
Despite the military efforts to overwhelm al-Qaeda, their resilience allowed them to thrive,
culminating in their greatest strength by the end of the first decade of the 21st century.
The United States invaded Afghanistan on October 7, 2001, after the September 11 attacks
carried out by al-Qaeda, who were operating from Afghanistan with the Taliban's support.
The Taliban was ousted from power in a few months, and a new government was established.
However, stability remained elusive, and fighting continued between NATO forces and the
Taliban. In 2011, after locating and killing Osama bin Laden, the US announced its objectives
were achieved and began withdrawing troops. On August 30, 2021, the withdrawal of the last
US troops was completed despite the Taliban toppling the Afghan government earlier that
month.
There are two main policy options to prevent Afghanistan from becoming a terrorist base
against the U.S. and its interests. One option is to cooperate with the Taliban to combat
specific terrorist groups like ISIS-K, possibly providing assistance in exchange. However,
this approach has drawbacks, as the Taliban has ties to other terrorist groups like al-Qaeda
and may not effectively counter them. The second option is to conduct a robust
"over-the-horizon" counterterrorism campaign using aerial platforms and satellites to gather
intelligence and conduct strikes on terrorist targets. This approach aims to monitor and
disrupt terrorist activities without relying on direct cooperation with the Taliban.
The Council of the EU (“Justice and Home Affairs”) stated on 31 August 2021: “The EU and
its Member States will do their utmost to ensure that the situation in Afghanistan does not
lead to new security threats for EU citizens.” The Council of the EU (“Foreign Affairs”)
stated on 17 September2021: “Prevent Afghanistan from serving as a base for hosting,
financing or exporting terrorism to other countries. All efforts must be pursued to ensure that
the Taliban cease all direct and indirect ties with international terrorism.” This
Counter-Terrorism Action Plan identifies areas of action where the EU and its Member States
could prepare and mobilize existing instruments in a timely fashion to anticipate and address
possible terrorism risks to EU internal security stemming from the Taliban’s takeover of
power in Afghanistan.
Introduction
The Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC) has been grappling with the impact of
terrorism, leading to widespread human rights violations, displacement, and a humanitarian
crisis. The nation's complex political landscape, coupled with the activities of various armed
groups, has contributed to the deteriorating security situation in several regions of the
country.
In the 2022 Global Terrorism Index, the DRC was ranked 17th out of 163 countries,
reflecting the severity of the terrorism threat it faces. Factors such as the number of terrorist
incidents, fatalities, injuries, and property damages caused by terrorist attacks contributed to
The ADF has been responsible for numerous attacks on civilians, the Armed Forces of the
Democratic Republic of the Congo (FARDC), and UN peacekeepers. In 2019 alone, the Kivu
Security Tracker documented 310 civilian deaths in North Kivu attributed to the ADF. The
group's attacks intensified following FARDC operations launched against them.
The DRC's lack of comprehensive counterterrorism legislation has hindered efforts to combat
terrorism effectively. A draft counterterrorism bill passed by the National Assembly in
December 2018 stalled in the Senate and was not finalized in 2019. Concerns were raised that
if passed, the law could be exploited to suppress opposition parties and political dissent. In a
significant shift from the previous reporting period, national police leadership attended
several international fora on combating terrorism, including Global Coalition to Defeat ISIS
meetings and INTERPOL CT training.
Amidst the security challenges, some efforts have been made to prevent violent conflicts in
the country. Religious institutions, including the Council of Bishops, the Church of Christ in
Congo, and the Islamic community, participated in workshops focused on conflict prevention
in central Africa.
The DRC's membership in the Southern African Development Community and the
International Conference on the Great Lakes Region has emphasized the need for regional
cooperation to combat armed groups and bring stability to the eastern parts of the country.
Several armed groups continue to perpetrate violence in the DRC, exacerbating the situation.
The Democratic Forces for the Liberation of Rwanda (FDLR) is one of the largest foreign
armed groups operating in the country and has committed serious violations of international
law, including targeting women and children in armed conflict. The Lord's Resistance Army
(LRA), infamous for abducting children and forcing them into soldiering or sexual slavery,
has also operated in the DRC and neighboring countries. Moreover, the presence of Mai-Mai
militias, loosely organized community-based armed groups, has further contributed to the
terrorism and violence faced by civilians.
The consequences of these conflicts have been dire, leading to the displacement of millions
of Congolese citizens. More than five million people are currently displaced within the
country, with over one million seeking asylum, mostly within Africa.
Despite some lulls in armed clashes, the security situation in the DRC's eastern regions,
particularly Ituri and North Kivu, continues to deteriorate. The withdrawal of the M23
movement from occupied areas has not brought lasting stability, as the group maintains
control over significant territories, leading to fears of a resurgence in hostilities.
Terrorism in the Democratic Republic of the Congo is a multifaceted issue that requires
comprehensive strategies to address the root causes of violence and instability. Regional
cooperation, effective counterterrorism legislation, and efforts to prevent violent conflicts are
vital steps toward restoring peace and ensuring the safety of the Congolese people. Only
through sustained and collective action can the nation hope to overcome the challenges posed
by terrorism and pave the way for a more secure and prosperous future.
Introduction
At the time of South Sudan's independence in 2011, concerns were raised about the country
potentially becoming a haven for violent extremists and terrorists. However, the existing
literature indicates a consensus that the current levels of violent extremism (VE) and
terrorism in the nation remain relatively low. It is crucial to note that various definitions of
terrorism and violent extremism exist. . The challenge is distinguishing between genuine
political grievances and extremist ideology, as these lines often become blurred in the context
of South Sudan.
In recent years, there have been several arrests of suspected Islamists in South Sudan. For
instance, the government arrested 76 individuals believed to be members of Al-Shabaab
while attempting to cross into Sudan through Northern Bahr el Ghazal state. Additionally,
three Kenyans and a Somali were arrested in South Sudan in 2017 while trying to join the
Islamic State in Libya. These individuals claimed assistance from the Magafe Network, a
group of people smugglers operating from Libya with recruiters in East Africa.
While the Magafe Network is primarily a criminal organization that extorts money from
migrants' families, it is also noted as a key facilitator for Kenyans aspiring to join the Islamic
State. The presence of such networks and the country's weak border controls contribute to the
perceived medium threat of terrorism in South Sudan.
In 1993, Sudan was designated as a State Sponsor of Terrorism for its support of international
terrorist groups like the Abu Nidal Organization, Palestine Islamic Jihad, Hamas, and
Hezbollah. However, in September 2019, Sudan formed a civilian-led transitional
government (CLTG) after decades of the former President Omar al-Bashir's regime, claiming
it no longer supports terrorist organizations.
The CLTG has been working with the United States on counterterrorism and conducting
operations to counter threats to U.S. interests and personnel within Sudan. Although
high-profile terrorist attacks have been absent, there are active ISIS facilitation networks in
the country. The newly appointed Minister of Religious Affairs and Endowments
acknowledged the presence of "extremists" linked to ISIS and pledged to combat extremism
and terrorism, promoting tolerance through school curricula.
To secure its borders, Sudan's forces patrol the Sudanese-Libyan and Sudanese-Chadian
borders to intercept suspected terrorists and prevent illicit activities. The CLTG seeks
assistance from the U.S. government and the international community to upgrade its
capabilities for border security.
Further Reading
- https://www.voanews.com/a/pakistan-suffers-record-terror-related-deaths-afghanistan-register
s-58-drop/7004410.html#:~:text=Pakistan%20recorded%20the%20second%20largest,a%20ne
w%20report%20said%20Tuesday.
- https://foreignpolicy.com/2023/03/03/pakistan-terrorism-crisis-inconsistent-policy-military-ec
onomy/
- https://www.eastasiaforum.org/2023/03/29/explaining-the-resurgence-of-terrorist-violence-in-
pakistan/
- https://drive.google.com/file/d/1Kir5jYsYHEfdF0_BSk8Ai1eB9e66aUHr/view?usp=drivesdk
- https://www.congress.gov/event/115th-congress/house-event/108155/text
- https://www.un.org/en/ga/sixth/76/int_terrorism/iran_e.pdf
- https://www.unodc.org/pdf/iran/drug_crime_situation/rule_of_law/crime_prevention/Terroris
m.pdf
- https://www.brookings.edu/articles/state-sponsor-of-terror-the-global-threat-of-iran/
- https://www.aljazeera.com/news/2023/3/19/examining-justifications-us-invasion-iraq
- https://www.brookings.edu/articles/iraq-and-the-global-war-on-terrorism/
- https://www.newsdeeply.com/syria
- https://tcf.org/regions/syria/
- https://www.polgeonow.com/2012/04/declaration-of-independence-of-azawad.html
- https://www.sipri.org/research/conflicts-and-peace/africa-security-and-governance-project/ma
pping-studies/mali
- https://press.un.org/en/2023/sc15325.doc.htm
- https://tradingeconomics.com/central-african-republic/terrorism-index
- https://www.bbc.com/news/world/africa
- https://binuca.unmissions.org/
- https://issafrica.org/region/central-africa
- https://documents-dds-ny.un.org/doc/UNDOC/GEN/N21/327/43/PDF/N2132743.pdf?OpenEl
ement
- https://peacekeeping.un.org/en/mission/minusca
- https://peacekeeping.un.org/en/disarmament-demobilization-and-reintegration
- https://www.foi.se/rest-api/report/FOI%20Memo%205327
- https://www.unodc.org/unodc/en/organized-crime/intro/UNTOC.html
- https://press.un.org/en/2023/sc15245.doc.html
- https://www.unodc.org/southernafrica/en/aml/terrorism.html
- https://www.state.gov/reports/country-reports-on-terrorism-2021/mozambique/#nav__primary
-nav
- https://www.state.gov/reports/country-reports-on-terrorism-2020/saudi-arabia/
- https://www.saudiembassy.net/sites/default/files/SAUDI%20ARABIA%20AND%20COUNTER
TERRORISM.pdf
- https://drive.google.com/file/d/1FvjpaD0eAaIuddt3GtB0d_R6DVT3Mvf_/view?usp=drivesd
k
- https://drive.google.com/file/d/1Fw5erGkwF6o2fjS93PB70FbmRKEqex5g/view?usp=drivesd
k
- https://reliefweb.int/report/world/global-terrorism-index-2023
- https://press.un.org/en/2023/sc15246.doc.htm
- https://www.aspistrategist.org.au/un-warns-of-risk-of-terrorism-from-afghanistan/
- https://press.un.org/en/2023/sc15334.doc.htm
- https://www.govinfo.gov/content/pkg/CHRG-105shrg40875/html/CHRG-105shrg40875.htm
- https://www.state.gov/reports/country-reports-on-terrorism-2019/sudan/
- https://ofac.treasury.gov/recent-actions/20230620