— = The Oxford Handbook of AT Vp | hn a AFRICAN Dyes ei (\T CNN B a [ " [ ‘Wi 4 i | y ls |AFRICAN ARCHAEOLOGY Edited by PETER MITCHELL PAUL LANE OXFORDr OXFORD UNIVERSITY PRESS Great Clarendon Street, Oxford, ox2 6p, United Kingdom Oxford University Press isa department of the University of Oxford, 1k furthers the University’s objective of excellence in research, scholarship. and education by publishing worldwide. Oxlord is a registered trade mark of Oxford University Press in the UK and in certain other countries © Osford University Press 2013, ‘The moral rights of the authors have been asserted «Edition published in 2013 Impressions + All rights reserved. No part ofthis publication may be reproduiced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means, without the prior permission in writing of Oxford University Press, or as expressly permits by lav, by licence ar under terms agreed with the appropriate reprographics rights organization, Enquiries concerning reproduction outside the scope of the abave should be sent to the Rights Department, Oxford University Press, at the address above You must not circulate this work ie any othee form. ud you must impose this same condition on any acquirer Published in the United States of America by Oxford University Press 198 Madison Avenue, New York, NY 10016, United States of America British Library Cataloguing in Publication Data Data available ISBN. 978-0-19-956988-5 As printed and bound by CPI Group (UK) Ltd. Croydon, CRo 4yyCONTENTS List of Figures List of Tables List of Contributors PART I INTRODUCTION 1. Introducing African archaeology PeTER MITCHELL AND PauL LANE PART II DOING AFRICAN ARCHAEOLOGY: THEORY, METHOD, PRACTICE yp . Archaeological practice in Africa: a historical perspective : Granam Connan . Oral history, oral traditions, and archaeology: the application of structural analyses Peter S cHMIDT Language, linguistics, and archaeoiogy: their integration in the study of African prehistory ROGER BLENCH = Genetics and archaeology Scorr MAcEACHERN . Archaeology and migration in Africa Cert Asi —— = Ethroarchaeological research in Africa Diane Lrons : a “ os Studying African stone tools - CHRISTIAN TRYON . Acentury of ceramic studies in Africa © OLIVIER GOSSELAIN AND ALEXANDRE LIVINGSTONE SMITH xi XX 37 49 65 77 87 103 u7vi n 12. 13. 14. 15. 16. rd 18. 19. 20. 2. 22. 23. 2d CONTENTS ‘The archaeology of African metalworking SHADRECK CHIRIKURE Rock art research in Africa Benjamin W. SMITH ‘The archaeology of ritual and religions in Africa Timotny INSOLE Material culture, STEPHANIE WYNNE-JONES: space, and identity Landscape archaeology JEFFREY FLEISHER Maritime archaeology in Aftica Coun BREEN Managing Africa's archaeological heritage NOEMIE ARAZI AND [BRAHIMA THIAW Museums and public archaeology in Africa Crapurukna Kusimpa anp Carta KLEMM Archaeology and education AMANDA ESTERHUYSEN AND PAUL LANE Politics, ideology, and indigenous perspectives Jou GisLin PART III BECOMING HUMAN Hominin evolution as the context for African prehistory Roper A, FOLEY ‘The Oldowan; early hominins and the beginning of human culture-—~_ MANUEL DoMiNGUEZ-RODRIGO ‘The African Acheulean: an archaeological summary MonaMed SAHNOUNI, SILESHI SEMAW, AND MICHAEL ROGERS Genetic and fossil evidence for modern human origins Marta MIRAZON LAHR Beyond modernity LAWRENCE BaRHAM 13h 201 213 227 239 253 269 289 307 325 342 & 28. 29. 30. 3 3 % e 33. CONTENTS PART IV HUNTERS, GATHERERS, AND INTENSIFIERS: THE DIVERSITY OF AFRICAN FORAGERS ‘Theoretical frameworks for understanding Afri hunter-gatherers Lyn Waptey Hunter-gatherers in southern Africa before 20,000 years ago Maruize LOMBARD ‘the Middle Stone Age of eastern Africa Laura Basett Hunting and gathering in Africas tropical forests at the end of the Pleistocene and in the early Holocene Exs CORNELISSEN Hunter-gatherers of the Nile Valley and the Sahara before 12,000 years ago E ELENA GARCEA . Hunter-gatherers of the Maghreb 25,000-6,000 years ago Nick BaRTON AND AppeELjaLit, BouzouGGar Hunter-gatherer-fishers of the Sahara and the Sahel 12,000-4,000 years ago Barpara E, BARICH Hunter-gatherer-fishers of eastern and south-central Africa since 20,000 years ago Steet Barut Kusimpa ‘Southern African hunter-gatherers of the last 25,000 years Pever MITCHELL r™ fo 34. ~ PART V FOOD FOR THOUGHT: THE ARCHAEOLOGY OF AFRICAN PASTORALIST AND FARMING COMMUNITIES Domesticating animals in Africa Diane Girrorp-Gonzacez anp Outvier HaNOTTE vii 367 387 403 49 4a 445 461 473 491viii | CONTENTS 35. Domesticating plants in Africa 507 DortAN FULLER AND ELISABETH HILDEBRAND B ‘The emergence and spread of herding in Northern Africa: a critical reappraisal 527 Savino Dt LERNIA x si Early farming societies along the Nile san Ranpt HAALAND AND GUNNAR HAALAND % 38. Pathways to food production in the Sahel 555 PETER BREUNIG 39. Archaeological evidence for the emergence of food production in the Horn of Africa 57. MatTTHEW CurTIS 4o. The archaeology of pastoralism and stock-keeping in East Africa 585 Paut LANE 41. The Stone to Metal Age in West Africa 603 JOANNA CASEY 42. The appearance and development of metallurgy south of the Sahara 615 BerTRAM B. B. MAPUNDA 43. Archaeologies of the Bantu expansion 7 627 PIERRE DE MARET 44. The archaeology of herding in southernmost Africa 645 Karim SADR 45. Early Farming Communities of southern and south-central Afri 657 Perer MITCHELL a 46. ‘The archaeology of agricultural intensification in Africa Daryi StuMP PART VI POWER, PRESTIGE, AND CONSUMPTION: AFRICAN TOWNS AND STATES AND THEIR NEIGHBOURS 47. The archaeology of African urbanism 689 PAUL SINCLAIR 48. The archaeology of the precolonial state in Africa 703 J. CAMERON MONROE49. 50. 5h 52. 53- 54. 55. 56. 57 58. 59. 60. 6. 62, 63, CONTENTS ‘The archaeology of clan- and lineage-based societies in Africa MatTHEW Davies Pharaonic Egypt IAN SHAW Kerma and Kush and their neighbours Derek WELsBY Berber, Phoenicio-Punic, and Greek North Africa Farés K. Moussa Roman Africa and the Sahara Anna Leone Anp Faris K, Moussa Medieval and post-medieval states of the Nile Valley Davin N. Epwarps Complex societies of the Eritrean/Ethiopian highlands and their neighbours Davin W, PHILLIPSON States, trade, and ethnicities in the Maghréb~ Sat ENNAHID Complex societies, urbanism, and trade in the western Sahel Kevin MacDonatp States and trade in the central Sahel Detter GRONENBORN ‘Towns and states of the West African forest belt AKINWUMI OGUNDIRAN Recent farming communities and states in the Congo. Basin and its environs PIERRE DE MARET ‘The emergence of states in Great Lakes Africa Awprew REID ‘The Swahili world ~ Appia LAVIOLETTE ‘The Zimbabwe Culture and its neighbours: origins, development, and consequences of social complexity in southern Africa INNOCENT PIKIRAYT ix 751 777. 789 799 817 829 845 859 875 887 901 91564. Southern African late farming communities ALEX SCHOEMAN 65. Madagascar: from initial settlement to the growth of kingdoms (CHANTAL RADIMILAHY PART VII AFRICAN SOCIETIES AND THE MODERN WORLD SYSTEM 66, The archaeology of the Ottoman e northeastern Africa Istisar SoGHAYROUN EL-ZEIN pire in northern and 67. Contexts of interaction: the archaeology of European exploration and expansion in western and southern Africa in comparative perspective NATALIE SWANEPOEL 68. An archaeological perspective on West Africa and the Post-1500 Atlantic world Tsranima THiaw AND Francots Ricard Connecting the archacologies of the Atlantic world: Africa and the African diasporas KENNETH G, KeLLy $9. 70. The archaeology of colonial encounters in eastern Africa SARAH CROUCHER Index 943 971 983» 999 1013 1023CHAPTER 16 MANAGING AERICA’S ARCHAEOLOGICAL HERITAGE NOEMIE ARAZI AND IBRAHIMA THIAW INTRODUCTION ARCHAEOLOGICAL resources constitute the major source material for the study of the pre- colonial history of most African countries, and have largely contributed to revising-A fricas portrayals the ‘dark continent. Instead, over the past century, archaeology has placed Africa atthe forefront of all major debates in world prehistory and history including hominin evo- lution, the emergence of food production and other technological innovations, elite forma- tion and the development of complex societies, and long-distance trade. However, while archaeology has given Africa a greater voice in world prehistory and his- tory, itis curious that the archaeological resources that made this possible are still neglected in the cultural heritage policies of many of the continent's nations. This might be partly explained by the fact that Africa's legal heritage was much structured by colonial! powers, which defined heritage along a western perspective that emphasized the monumental and the aesthetic, leaving the bulk of archaeological sites, which do not fit into these categories, unprotected and exposed to neglect and destruction by both natural and human activities (Abungu and Ndoro 2009). Moreover, although the convept of preserving natural and cul- tural heritage is well established in many African societies, traditional nations of preserva tion tend to privilege jvwagierial cultural heritage and the material heritage of sacred or ritual sites (Togolaz604). Again, much of the archaeological record may be omitted. ‘Thirty years ago, Merrick Posnansky (1982) estimated thé number of full-time archaeolo- gists for the entire sub-Saharan African region as fewer than 100. While this number has expanded significantly since, itis still pitifully small compared to even a small western coun- try: Itis not, therefore, unreasonable to say that the state of archaeology and archaeological heritage management in Africa is precarious. Moreover, local archaeologists are generally overwhelmed with either administrative or teaching responsibilities and unable to engage in extensive fieldwork. Although lack of funding and trained personnel continue to plague the development of archaeological heritage management in Africa (Mabulla 2000), there is also214 NOEMIE ARAZI AND IBRAHIMA THIAW a sense that archacology has failed to demonstrate ts potential to contribute significantly to. the social and economic advancement of many of the communities where it operates (Thiaw i Gavua 2006), Africas archaeological heritage remains subject to rapid and massive destruction as a result of unbridled exploration and exploitation of minerals and energy resources, urbanization, irrigation, agriculture, and the expansion of facilities for tourism, as well as looting, while archaeological collections are poorly curated and preserved in many parts of the continent and continue to feed the illicit art trade (Schmidt and McIntosh 1996; ‘imba and Klehm, Ch. 17 below). However, this gloomy picture af African archaeological heritage management is not uni- versally true, and numerous positive developments, especially in the last decade, should not be overlooked. This chapter reflects on and analyses practices, politics, and policies in the Preservation, valorization, and dissemination of archaeological resources and, examines the opportunities and challenges of heritage managementin Africa. Itthen uses this diagnosis to look to the future of archaeological heritage managementin Africa. MANAGEMENT IN PRECOLONIAL AFRICA Although heritage management in Africa is often thought to have started with colonial- ism, this assumption is wrong, for many heritage sites encountered by Europeans had only survived intact because of local forms of traditional management (Ndoro 2004). Custody of sites tended to focus on places that were held sacred by local communities, such as rain making shrines, rockshelters, royal and chiefly burials, perennial springs, trench systems, and tree groves and forests (Mahachi and Kamuhangire 2009), Abandoned villages and homesteads often became the abodes of the spirits of former inhabitants, and were gener- ally held intact by avoiding those sites, while others became shrines for religious func- tions. Great Zimbabwe is one of the best-known examples that had permanent resident site custodians (Sinamai 2003; Ndoro 2005). Usually a set of rules governed access to or behaviour at such sites. At Great Zimbabwe, for instance, designated entrances called mifejeje were ritually opened and closed upon entry and exit (Mahachi and Kamuhangire 2008: 44) The tombs of the Baganda kingsat Kasubi, Uganda, were another important example of a site that had witnessed sophisticated Management structures since precolonial times, with a variety of specialists responsible for their welfare and particular clans dedicated to different aspects of their maintenance (Munjeri 2004)—tragically, these were burned down ssa of arson in March 2010. The importance of such traditional and customary syste1 sin the fact that sites were protected as part of people's lives on a day-to-day basis, With the advent of colonialism, previously existing structures of heritage protection underwent dras- tic changes. New legal systems were introduced, resulting in the transfer of power and responsibilities from communities to central colonial governments. This often led to the centralization of heritage management, while emphasizing the beauty, uniqueness, and physical attributes of sites also resulted in restriction and denial of access to local communi- ties (Abunguand Ndoro 2009).MANAGING AFRIGA’S ARCHAEOLOGICAL HERITAGE — 2 ARCHAEOLOGICAL HERITAGE AND COLONIAL RULE Such changes were particularly the case in areas under direct (rather than indirect) colonial rule, Tangible (or movable and immovable) heritage was disconnected from the intangible, and access and ownership to sites restricted and/or denied (Ndoro etal. 2009), This signalled the beginning of a long process of alienation and Loss by local communiti heritage resources, but also a new era, as explorations, often undertaken by nial administrators, and amateurs, led to ides vis-a-vis th tary officials, rvation, and it col wider dissemination of Africa’s archaeologi archaeological fin colonial paradigm that attributed sites and material cultures deemed nal forces and those deemed ‘backward’ and ‘primitive’ to Africans (cf, Trigger 1984; Hall 1995)- These early efforts were also shaped by western interests in using ancient art and antiquities to fill European museums, then considered one of the primary goals of archaeol- ogy (Posnansky 1982). ‘Museum displays are an important component of heritage management and public outreach to ensure appropriation of archaeological resources (Fig, 16.1; see also Kusimba and Klehm, Ch. 17 below). ‘The earliest museums in most of Africa date to the 1920 and 1930s, and as the first generation of Africanist archaeologists was affiliated to them they became sites for safeguarding and disseminating archacological heritage for the wider public. Although this strengthened their role as centres for research and education, ification, research, pre -al resources (Robertshaw 1990). Nevertheless ally informed by the ophisticated’ to exter- igs and their interpretation and uses were FIG. 16.1 Art students drawing exhibition models to appropriate and valarize precolonial heritage in the context of the decolonization movements in the 1950 (copyright IFAN Archive, Guitat 1951, reproduced with permission).216 NOEMIE ARAZI AND IBRAHIMA THIAW museums mainly a ed white expatriate elites (Abungu 2001). Displays of archa logical collections were inspired by the same paradigm as ethnographic museums, and emphasized essentialist views of African societies (Lane 1996). Local populations had lit- tle or no voice at any stage of the process, from research design and data recovery to cura- tion, publications, and displays. Although these negative perceptions of African heritage are long gone, they have had long-term impacts on archaeological heritage management in Africa ARCHAEOLOGICAL HERITAGE MANAGEMENT IN INDEPENDENT AFRICA As Mire (2007) points out in the case of Somalia, not only did colonial archacology primarily extract material without record, but it was also dominated by expatriate archaeologists who invested little in capacity building and infrastructure for the develop- ment of archaeological heritage management. As a result, even after independence, both the new elite and the general population showed little interest in an archaeological herit- age that was viewed as ‘backward’ aspiring instead to the new opportunities conferred by modern urban life. Archaeology was a reminder of the old practices and material cultures attributable to the rural areas, While this may still be true in the context of Somalia today, in many other parts of the continent aspects and elements of the archaeological past have been mobilized by the new elites of independent Africa to rebuild identities that were profoundly shattered by the colonial experience (Posnansky 1982; Ndoro 2003; Folorunso 2008), Although most archaeologists operating in Africa from the 1950s until the 1970s were still European expatriates, this era of independence was characterized by the development of local universities with departments of archaeology, antiquity services, and museums, and was particularly favourable to the expansion and strengthening of archaeological heritage programmes (Robertshaw 1990). Subsequently, old and recent monuments, archaeological sites, and museums, along with music, songs, dances, food, archives, and even clothing and hairstyles, were mobilized to create a sense of pride, self-achievement, national identity, unity, and hope for the future (Fig. 16.2; Heath 1992; Abungu 2001; Ndoro 2001), National museums, national heroes, and national heritage sites were created to transcend ethnic par- ticularisms and to forge homogeneous forms of identity and ee oa (2008: 169) notes, ‘some leaders like former president of Zambia Kenneth Kaugda promoted a “One Zambia One Nation” philosophy which attempted to ensure that Zambian citizenry com- pletely identified with the national culture and its heritage rather than ethnic or other identi- ties’ (see also, for Nigeria, Nzewunwa 1984). International agencies and NGOs such as UNESCO, ICOM, ICCROM, and ICOMOS contributed their fair share to the modern heritage concern by allocating important resources to collections, sites, monuments, and archives in order to promote and valorize them and to elevate some of them to the status of World Heritage sites. At this time, keywords such as reparation, repatriation (of human remains, artefacts, and even monuments), ethnic rights, and collective or community ownership also started to enter popular imagination andMANAGING AFRICA'S ARCHAEOLOGICAL HERITAGE 217 FIG. 16.2 Senegalese models reaffirming African beauty via clothing, hairstyle and jewel- ery in the context of the decolonization movements of the 1950s (copyright IEAN Archive, Chérif 1951, reproduced with permission). language. Asa result of the economic, social, and political crises that affected many African countries in the 1970s and 19808, however, resources allocated to heritage preservation by states and international communities alike were considerably réduced, To some extent, cul- ture lost itsaura én national policies, once again accelerating deprivation and degradation of archaeological heritage resources. In this context, which coincided with weak legislatures, insufficient or poorly trained per- sonnel, and inadequate or inexistent policies, looting and the sale of antiquities were wide- spread, expropriating many African countries of valuable archaeological resources (Schmidt and McIntosh 1996). In Senegal, for instance, large archagological shell middens on the Atlantic coast were exploited as building material for road pavements, housing, and hotels embellishments (Thiaw 2008). At Pate, Kenya, many historical buildings were dismantled to retrieve coral rag used either for construction or for the production of lime (Kusimba 1996), while Mali suffered severe losses as archaeological sites were systematically mined for terra- cottas (Brent 1996; McIntosh 1996; Sanogo 1999). Mijikenda carved grave posts in coastal Kenya were likewise fed into the maw of western art markets (Wilson 1996; Udvardy et al. 2003). At the same time, rapid urbanization and development projects (dam and road con- structions, irrigation projects) were implemented without taking into account the negative Athpatts,on archacological heritage resources (McIntosh 1993; Kankpeyeng and DeCorse 2004; Bocoum 2008; Folorunso 2008; Nao 2008). Except for countries in southern and North Africa, few African nations proved capable of responding to these changes, with most lacking site inventory records and databases and having little information on the nature and location of archaeological sites (Mcintosh 1993; de Maret 1994). Recently, concerns that local African populations are still marginalized and ill-informed about the importance and role of arcliaeology in social, political, cultural, and economic devel- opment haveagain been raised (eg. Thiaw 2003, 2008; Gavua 2006; Mire 2007). Indeed, archae- ology has been charged with not being very responsive to the social and economic interests of Africans (Gavua 2006). As a result, archaeological heritage is sometimes unclaimed (Thiaw 2003), and is attributed to ‘aliens, ‘giants, ora ‘backward’ population from the countryside withMANAGING AFRICA’S ARCHAEOLOGICAL HERITAGE — 219 However, management of Africa's archacological heritag mous with the activities of the World Heritage Centre. Most efforts focuson sites inscribed on the World Heritage List and on increasing this number, of which Africa currently accounts for Jess than 10 per cent, though an alarming 45 per cent of those are on the List of World Heritage in Danger (UNESCO 2010). This grim situation led to the establishment of the African World Heritage Fund (AWHF) in 2006, whose objectives include increasing the number of African sites on the List, helping with conservation and management efforts, and rehabilitating sites inscribed on the List of World Heritage in Danger. Doubts persist, however, about whether ‘the status of World Heritage Site constitutes the most effective option for site protectior tainable conservation, and management, given the high costs of inscription and the lack of guaranteed funds for long-term conservation and management (Breen 2007), Such develop- ments also leave unaddressed the question of what protection can be provided for the non- monumental sites that make up the bulk of the continent's archaeological resources. ‘The last decade hasalso seen a flurry of regional and bilateral agreements that should equally advance the protection and valorization of Africas cultural and archaeological heritage. The Second Pan-African Cultural Congress of the African Union (PACC2), held in November 2009 at the headquarters of the African Union Commission (AUC), Addis Ababa, concluded with a common statement of intent to protect Africa's cultural heritage and goods. The most pressing issues identified were: the need for African countries to have legislation that regulates both the local sale and export of cultural goods; the need for each African country to conducta national audit of its cultural goods and to take an inventory of its cultural objects outside the country; the need to ratify international conventions that protect and promote cultural herit- age; and the need for capacity building of museums (Department of Social Affairs, African Union 2010). Much attention was also directed to the return of stolen or illicitly exported African goods—a goal likely to encounter strong opposition, especially by the Universal ‘Museums and their reluctance to engage in dialogue with communities affected by issues of repatriation (ICOM News 2004). Indeed, a large number of African objects are nowadays housed in museum collections outside the continent, especially in western museums, which has led to an international polemic engaging not only museum experts and archaeologists but also political activists, artists, journalists, philosophers, etc. (e.g. Traoré 2007; Nurkin 2009). In the framework of the European Union's (EU) development cooperation with ACP (African, Caribbean, and Pacific) countries, culture, and cultural heritage more specifically, were firmly integrated in 2000 by what is known as the Cotonou Agreement. Projects financed by the EU-ACP cultural industry support programme have included work on Ethiopia's Lalibela churches, the National Museum of Kenya, the Elmina and Old Accra preservation project in Ghana, and both national and regional museums in Mali. In this con= text, most attention isdirected towards the preservation and conservation of World Hepitage sites, the rehabilitation of historic city centres, and the enhancement of museums and their collections. This indicates that international funding schemes are driven by the old concepts of ‘monumentality’ and ‘aesthetics, which brings us back to the question of the role and place of Africas non-monumental heritage. Whereas the EU is less explicit on the economic gains of cultural heritage programmes, other major lending institutions such as the World Bankare much more outspoken concerning their potential role in reducing poverty. Economic growth remains one of the strongest means of arousing the World Bank’s inter- est in cultural heritage projects (Cernea 2001), but numerous setbacks in its MENA (Middle East and North Africa) region project, including political disagreements, bankruptcy of the seems to have become synony: ie220 © NOEMIE ARAZI AND IBRAHIMA THLAW project's executing agency, and the displacement of residents, indicate that ture and heritage from an overly economic and quantitative perspective may be as fallacious as projects that fail to consider sustainability after project funds have expired. A recently funded cultural resource management prog slong Dam indicates that the World Bank has been revising it ies towards funding mitigation activities (cultural heritage surveys and archaeological excavations) and capacity building of national experts and institutions (Mitchell and Arthur 2010). The management of cultural resources is indeed ‘subject to chi political and finan- cial climates’ (Schaafsma 2000: 38). However, nowhere have these political and financial cli mates, influencing the conservation ethic or lack ofit, been as disparateas in Africa, Problems of repatriation and looting illustrate this well. On the one hand, irrefutable progress has been made—ns countries have ratified UNESCO's Convention on the Mea: of Prohibiting and Preventing the Illicit Import, Exportand ‘Transfer of Ownership of Cultural Property, inelud- ing some that have historically been the least favourable to it, such as Japan, Switzerland, the United Kingdom, Sweden, Denmark, Norway, and Get any. The International Council of Museums (ICOM) has also produced a "Red List of Antiquities at Risk, as well as a ‘Code of Professional Ethics’ that lays down a set of principles governing museums and the fnuseum profession in general, and acquisitions and transfers of ownership of collections in particu- lar. The United States has an agreement with Mali to restrict the importation of specified objects that are in danger of being looted from archaeological sites, and important contribu tions have been made by archaeologists and museum professionals in publicizing the illicit traffic in archaeological and other heritage objects (Fig. 16.3; R. McIntosh etal. 1989; Schmidt and Melntosh 1996; Sanogo 1999; Panella 2002; Polet 2005). However, these ach ievements ling with cul imme concerning Lesotho’s Me prior MG. 16.3, The looted site of Gao-Saney, located approximately 6 km to the east of the mod- ty of Gao, Mali (photograph, Noemie Arazi, 1998). emhave so far done little to diminish demand for these objects on the international art markets (for a recent example, consider the exhibition of African terracottas held in 2009 at the Barbier-Mueller Museum in Geneva; Huysecom 2009). Such high-profile public and private collections stand in stark contrast to the ever-increasing number of requests from countries for the return of objects preserved outside their borders, as well as for assistanct tuting their cultural memory and traditional knowledge. Holders of these objects, such as the British Museum, typically prefer to turn the argument on its head, emphasizing access rather than property rights, and have recently provided part of their East African ethno- graphic collection on loan to the National Museums of Kenya. Nevertheless, repatriation seems likely to remain an ongoing issue (e.g. Anastassopoulos 2008). ‘Another critical issue in the management of Africa's archacological heritage relates to legis- lation. Outdated laws have failed to meet the contemporary realities of integrated development, especially regarding environment, land planning, urban and rural development, traditional and cultural rights, and community values (Eboreime 2009). As long as this remains the case, the gains of the last decades will be lost. As Munjeri (2009: 21) stipulates, ‘harmonization of domestic laws, community-based traditional systems and international treaties is an a priori condition for the future of culture, nature and the environmentin Africa south of the Sahara” in reconst THE FUTURE OF ARCHAEOLOGICAL HERITAGE MANAGEMENT IN AFRICA ‘One way forward is by integrating cultural heritage policy and law into all areas of national Tife, especially in regard to physical planning, environmental management, and land use. This calls for the implementation of an effective mechanism for the prior assessment of the potential impacts on the cultural heritage of proposed development activities (Taboroff 19945 Naffé et al. 2008; Arazi 2009, 20). ‘this will, however, only be achieved with improved coordination and dialogue between the agencies responsible for cultural heritage and those responsible for the environment and planning (Fig. 16.4). In line with an increasing recogni- tion that all heritage resources are at risk from modern development, there is also a need to establish and/or upgrade information systems for archaeological resources, especially if they are to be used by other ministries in their project planning (McIntosh 1993: Taboroff 1994). ‘Attention has also been directed to Africa's urban explosion and for national and visiting research teams to focus part of their work on urban and peri-urban areas, as otherwise a hitherto neglected research field might be lost forever (Lane 2011). Thgs¢ is also Tneed to raise awareness of the research potential of, and threats to, the continent's underwater cul- tural heritage (Breen, Ch. 15 above) and for coastal states to sign the 2001 UNESCO Convention on the Protection of Underwater Cultural Heritage (Lane 2007). ‘Museums have lately been in the spotlight through various programmes that have concen- trated on redefining their role and rendering them more accessible to local populations (e.g Bouttiaux 2007). Various roundtables and international cooperation programmes have recog: nized the need to establish regional and local museums, providing the opportunity for com- munities to reappropriate their own cultures and provide easier access to museum spaces, which are usually located in distant capitals. It has also been acknowledged that museums inFIG. 16.4. Salvage excavation at the future site of a gas-fired power plant at Kribi, Cameroon (photograph, Noemie Arazi, 2010). Africa need to transform themselves from ‘dead’ places into ‘living’ spaces. South-South ‘cooperation constitutes another important theme, which contrasts with the usual North-South exchanges. Positive developments have included loan exhibitions from Europe to museums in Africa (cg. the exhibition ‘Behanzin, King of Abomey’ between the Musée du Quai Branly, Paris, and the Zinsou Foundation, Cotonou), and vice versa (the ‘Kingdom of Ife: Sculptures from West Africa’ exhibition organized between various museums in Nigeria and the British Museum). However, the issues of repatriation and of who owns Africa’ cultural patrimony are far from resolved, and continue to be thorny issues within a wide spectrum of stakeholders, Another theme, steadily gaining in profile, concerns the role and active involvement of local communities in heritage management. Indeed, new legislation in Botswana, South Africa, and Namibia has made imaportaat concessions in favour of local communities (e.g, Mahachi and Kamuhangire 2068). In practice, however, the accommodation of local com. munities remains contentious, as their knowledge often collides with that of the scientific community (see Lane, Ch. 40 below). The general tendency to screen indigenous knowledge by the scientific community before it becomes acceptable does little tercontribute to improv- ing relations between them, Universities, museums, governments, lending institutions, and international agencies are increasingly confronted with issues of comntunity participation as they seek to bridge the gap between their objectives and sustainable practices, and the World Summit on Sustainable Development (2002) has clearly highlighted the importance of broad public participation in decision-making and of communities having access to information. 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