Professional Documents
Culture Documents
Allie Kosterich
To cite this article: Allie Kosterich (06 Apr 2021): Reengineering Journalism: Product
Manager as News Industry Institutional Entrepreneur, Digital Journalism, DOI:
10.1080/21670811.2021.1903959
ARTICLE
ABSTRACT KEYWORDS
The current media environment demands a continuous stream of Product managers; business
products ready to meet audience needs, and the emergent role of journalism;
of product manager serves to prioritize those needs by providing professionalization; news
a holistic perspective on a news organization’s goals. Product industry; employ-
ment histories
managers meet a crucial business imperative of journalism by
bringing new skillsets into the newsroom to help bridge the div-
ide of the varying operating logics and align priorities among edi-
torial, business, and technology departments. Thus, the increasing
popularity of the product manager across news organizations
serves as a prime example of the reengineering of journalism’s
institutions. While much scholarship explains how journalism’s
institutions evolve with regard to digital transformation, less
focuses on the specific impact to the business of news and the
role of actors as embedded yet still responsible for change. This
article frames journalism’s product managers as institutional
entrepreneurs to better understand how actors can promote
change and reengineer journalism’s longstanding professional
boundaries. A unique dataset of product manager employment
histories from a sample set of news organizations in both the US
and UK is systematically analysed to examine hiring patterns,
training backgrounds, degree of professionalization, and organiza-
tional field structure, shedding light on the enabling conditions of
institutional entrepreneurs.
a continuous stream of products ready to meet audience needs, and the product man-
ager serves to prioritize them by providing a holistic perspective on an organization’s
goals and strategies.
In striving to meet the news industry’s business imperative of recognizing new
approaches to identifying and understanding audience needs, product managers
reframe news as an array of digital products and work across silos to bring new skill-
sets into the newsroom (Royal et al. 2020). According to New York Times CEO Mark
Thompson, “the single biggest reason” for the company’s recent financial success—in
2019, they generated more than $800 million in digital revenue, surpassing one of
their corporate goals set four years prior—was the increasing control given to digital
product managers (Scire 2020). Product managers are an emergent role for news-
rooms, introducing new expertise that helps bridge the divide, and coordinate and
align the priorities among the differing operating logics of editorial, business, and
technology departments. As technological developments, coupled with associated eco-
nomic realities and social changes, continue to disrupt the established practices of the
news industry, the emergence and popularity of the product manager across news
organizations serves as a prime example of the reengineering of longstanding journal-
ism institutions (Aaronson 2018).
While there is a long history of scholarship explaining how journalism’s institutions
come into being, remain stable, and/or evolve with regard to digital transformation
(Ananny and Crawford 2015; Lowrey 2012), few have focussed on the specific impact
to the business of news (Nielsen 2018) and on the role of actors as embedded in the
institutional field, yet still responsible for institutional change (for several notable
exceptions, see Ananny and Crawford 2015; Hermida and Young 2019; Kosterich 2020;
Usher 2016). Following Hardy and Maguire (2008) who question how actors can pro-
mote new practices if they are subject to institutional pressures, this research draws
on the scholarship on institutional entrepreneurs to analyse product managers
in news.
Institutional entrepreneurship refers to actors who have an interest in particular
institutional arrangements and the ability to garner resources to change them
(Maguire, Hardy, and Lawrence 2004) by creating new systems of meaning that con-
nect disparate forms together (Garud, Jain, and Kumaraswamy 2002). Institutional
entrepreneurship is thus a framework that reintroduces agency into institutional analy-
ses of organizations and enables an attending to the ways in which actors strategize
to influence their institutional contexts (Lawrence and Suddaby 2006). It is an apt lens
through which to analyse the rise of journalism’s product managers and the reengin-
eering of journalism’s institutionalized boundaries through their backgrounds, experi-
ences, and skillsets.
In following calls to interrogate careers in media (Deuze 2011), the people who do
the work (Kreiss and Saffer 2017), and the differences among them (Kosterich and Ziek
2020), this research examines journalism’s product managers as institutional entrepre-
neurs by systematically analysing their hiring patterns, and the enabling conditions of
educational training background, professionalization degree, and organizational field
structure. This article does so with a case study of product managers from news
organizations in both the US and UK while also explaining the differences among
DIGITAL JOURNALISM 3
these conditions between the two countries. Analyses are conducted on a unique
dataset of product manager employment histories and contribute to scholarly conver-
sations by: (1) mapping the emergence, growth, and impact of product managers
within the broader news industry; (2) investigating the reengineering of institutional-
ized professional boundaries in journalism; (3) providing a cross-national comparison.
In sum, this article draws on institutional entrepreneur theory to explore journalism’s
product managers as change agents in response to digitization, but also as a nascent
reengineering of the relationship among the editorial, technology, and business silos
of a news organization.
Product Managers
Product management has a long history in other domains, with a specific origin in
software development (Royal et al. 2020). The rise of big data and ubiquitous internet
wrought a business imperative to more efficiently and effectively target multiple audi-
ences in a personalized way (Sonderman 2016). This necessitates a shift away from
big, expensive tech projects and towards new ways of creating smaller, more agile,
and more user-centric audience-facing products; product managers are responsible for
developing the strategy, defining the requirements, and monitoring the on-going
delivery of them (Newman 2017). In doing so, product managers reengineer the boun-
daries of traditional news industry silos by bringing together business, editorial, audi-
ence, and technology needs.
As Lewis and Westlund (2015) explain, news organizations are historically comprised
of three distinct and highly specialized groups: journalists, such as reporters, editors,
and producers who craft the news; technologists, which includes technicians, systems
designers, system engineers and programmers who develop and maintain the IT struc-
tures involved in newswork; and businesspeople such as marketers, sales associates,
and customer relationship managers who fulfil the administrative aspects of news-
work. While product planning and product marketing have long existed in some incar-
nation throughout the news industry (van den Bulck, Tambuyzer, and Ackx 2011),
what has changed is the way that technology has enabled an ever-evolving set of
digital platforms and products to connect with audiences (Newman 2017). Today’s
product manager works to restructure the taken-for-granted boundaries between edi-
torial and tech, which was long-seen as a support function. While hybrid editorial-
managers too have a more recent history in newsrooms opening up business silos to
news production (Andersson and Wiik 2013, 2014), what is new here is the blurring of
boundaries of all three of these specialized departments and others as product
6 A. KOSTERICH
managers are responsible for strategy, prioritization, testing, and metrics, and the gen-
eral integration of user, business, and tech imperatives (Royal et al. 2020).
As emergent actors, journalism’s product managers have yet to be deeply probed
in scholarship. One exception is Royal (2016) who conducted a survey of the field in
its primacy, which helps shed light on their roles and responsibilities. In general,
respondents expressed that solving problems, creating value, and collaborating across
cross-functional teams were the primary goals of a product manager. Products under
their purview included—but were not limited to—websites (including special project
sites), mobile apps, news apps, social platforms, content management systems, and
even advertising and subscription tools. In an effort to accomplish their goals, a var-
iety of processes are utilized—many of which also have origins in software develop-
ment. These include, for example, prototyping, design thinking, and agile
methodologies such as working in sprints (short, set periods of time during which a
certain task is completed and reviewed) and scrums (iterative teamwork approach)
(see, e.g. Drury and O’Dwyer 2013).
In sum, as news companies produce a wide variety of both internal and external
products to meet ever-changing business imperatives, new actors with new skillsets
have emerged to support their development and management (Royal et al. 2020).
Drawing on expertise in editorial content, audience analytics, technological interactiv-
ity, design and visualization, and business strategy, these actors work to bridge and
align the priorities among various departments. As such, product managers serve as a
prime example of the reengineering of journalism’s longstanding, institutionalized
boundaries of editorial, technology, and business departments.
Institutional Entrepreneurs
A crucial question in the institutional literature is how certain actors are able to
change institutions in spite of the strong disposition towards uniformity and equilib-
rium (Holm 1995). Building on DiMaggio’s (1988) definition, the notion of institutional
entrepreneur was introduced to account for actors that initiate divergent changes and
actively participate in the implementation of these changes (Battilana, Leca, and
Boxenbaum 2009). Institutional entrepreneurs are described as agents who have an
interest in particular institutional arrangements and the ability to garner resources to
change them (Maguire, Hardy, and Lawrence 2004). They are in a sense a type of
change leader, but distinct from those of the management literature in that the influ-
ence and power of institutional entrepreneurs is premised on the enablers and con-
straints of an institutional environment. As such, an institutional entrepreneur
framework is important for attending to the ways in which interested actors strategize
to influence their institutional contexts (Lawrence and Suddaby 2006) and is an apt
lens through which to analyse the rise of journalism’s product managers, especially in
an attempt to decipher the determinants of these actors—who they are, where they
came from, and what skills they bring to the table.
A review of the literature in the relatively nascent domain of institutional entrepre-
neurs shows that the major contributions can be broken down into those on the
nature of the entrepreneur, the mechanisms of institutional entrepreneurs, and the
DIGITAL JOURNALISM 7
Periphery organizations are less embedded, which can foster divergence in social
expectations in favour of discussion and debate and providing the space for institu-
tional change (Zilber 2002).
In the context of news and specifically change related to news nerd jobs, research
finds that early institutional change occurred within peripheral organizations; however,
major legacy news organizations quickly became and remained the most central as
training grounds and hubs change agents (Kosterich and Weber 2019b). While periph-
eral organizations may have the flexibility and willingness to try new things, central
organizations tend to be larger with more resources, which perhaps offers an advan-
tage in fostering institutional entrepreneurs. This work is thus poised to consider the
field structure of news organizations with regards to hiring journalism’s product man-
agers as presented in the third research question:
RQ3: As an enabling condition of institutional entrepreneurs, what is the field structure of
product managers’ news organizations?
Method
The aforementioned research questions are addressed through analysis of a dataset
on product manager employment histories emanating from a case study of news
organizations in the US and the UK, which is a starting point for cross-cultural com-
parison and are both testbeds for ongoing change in journalism due to the diversity
of organizations, different size of media markets, and interactions with other indus-
tries. The list of news organizations came from a Reuters Centre for the Study of
Journalism report on news in the US and Europe (Simon and Graves 2019)4 as pub-
lished lists are often used as a viable sampling frame when it is not possible to get an
accurate count of the total population (Ornebring and Mellado 2018). The result was a
list of 49 news organizations (35 US and 14 UK) representing a cross-section of sectors
including national and regional newspapers, weekly newsmagazines, public service
broadcasters, and digital-born news websites.
Employment histories of product managers working for the sample news organizations
were creating by collecting public data from LinkedIn. Prior research has utilized LinkedIn
data to examine the technological professionalization of political campaign staff (Kreiss
and Saffer 2017) and journalists (Kosterich and Weber 2019b). A search was conducted for
each of the organizations in the dataset and information was recorded manually in a
DIGITAL JOURNALISM 11
separate database for any employee in a product manager position.5 Position job titles,
organizations, location, and dates of employment were collected for employment histor-
ies. Gender and training information including undergraduate degree, graduate degree,
and certifications were also collected. Data collection occurred from May 2020 to June
2020. Data were anonymized immediately after completion of recording.
Next, organizations and training information were categorically coded in order to
summarize the data. Organizations were coded by industry based on common mission
through the company’s website and LinkedIn page. Due to the nature of the product
manager position, undergraduate and graduate degrees were coded to reflect one of
four categories: journalism/mass communication, business/management, computer sci-
ence/information technology, other.6
Degree Centrality
Degree centrality is a measure of a node’s popularity within the network based on the
number of connections it has with others in the network (Wasserman and Faust 1994).
The number of connections provides a good proxy for the level of importance in a
12 A. KOSTERICH
network (Cherven 2015) and indicates which organizations are most important within
a network. These measures were conducted on the product managers employment
network to better understand field structure as a determinant and enabling condition
of institutional entrepreneurs. Furthermore, in directed networks (as opposed to undir-
ected networks), it is possible to measure both in-degree (the number of incoming
ties) and out-degree (the number of outgoing ties) centrality. Out-degree centrality
measures were calculated on the industry networks for product managers in an effort
to better understand professionalization as an enabling condition of institutional
entrepreneurs.
Betweenness Centrality
Betweenness centrality measures a specific version of importance within a network; in
this case, it represents the extent to which a node (e.g. organization) serves as a
bridge between other nodes within the network (Cherven 2015). Thus, betweenness
centrality can serve as a signal of an organization’s influence (Freeman 1978) or con-
trol over the network flow. In other words, a high betweenness centrality indicates
that an organization was one through which a large number of journalists passed dur-
ing the course of their careers. Betweenness centrality was calculated with the iGraph
routine for betweenness centrality (see, Ognyanova 2016) and provides further insight
into the overall field structure of the product manager employment network.
Results
In an effort to answer the three research questions on enabling conditions of institu-
tional entrepreneurs in the context of product managers in news, as well as the fourth
research question comparing these determinants across two countries, employment
data were collected for product managers at each of the 49 news organizations in the
sample set. Of the US news organizations, eight are newspapers, four are newsmaga-
zines, six are digital natives, and one is a public service media organization. Of the UK
news organizations, 24 are newspapers, three are newsmagazines, one is a digital
native, and two are public service media organizations. Together, this variety provides
a sample of news organizations that covers major sectors of the industry, as well as
varying organizational sizes from regional to national to global.
Employment histories were collected for a total of 271 product managers (202 cur-
rently based in US organizations, 69 currently based in UK organizations). This resulted
in 1,272 lines of data (jobs). In the US, the percentage of newsroom employees that
are product managers ranged from 0% (e.g. several of the smaller, regional newspa-
pers) to 1.61% at Yahoo News (M ¼ 0.41%, SD ¼ 0.005). In the UK, the percentage of
employees that are product managers ranged from 0% (e.g. regional newspapers and
several newsmagazines) to 1.16% at the Financial Times (M ¼ 0.37%, SD ¼ 0.004).
The male to female ratio of product employees at news organizations in the US
ranged from 0 (e.g. when there was at least one male product employee and zero
female product employees at a news organization such as in the case of the Seattle
Times) to 2.33 at the L.A. Times, and even cases that were undefined such as the
DIGITAL JOURNALISM 13
Boston Globe, which had at least one female product employee and zero male prod-
uct employees (M ¼ 0.65, SD ¼ 0.62). The male to female ratio of product employees at
news organizations in the UK ranged from 0 (e.g. when there was at least one male
product employee and zero female product employees at a news organization such as
in the case of the Independent) to three at Channel 4 (M ¼ 1.13, SD ¼ 1.11). Additional
summary data are provided in Table 1.
analyse the connections between current product manager positions and the indus-
tries of the prior position. Figure 1 shows the visualization for product managers cur-
rently based in US news organizations and Figure 2 shows the visualization for
product managers currently based in UK news organizations. Table 3 provides a
16 A. KOSTERICH
summary of the top five most central industries based on out-degree centrality within
each network.
Together, the visualizations and table provide an overview of the industries and
sectors represented by any field-crossing prior to current product managers positions
in news. It is important to note that while tech is the darkest blue and thus has the
greatest number of outgoing edges to other industries in both the US and UK net-
works, when considering the weight of each edge (i.e. the number of connections to
other industries multiplied by the weight of each one), newspapers and public media
DIGITAL JOURNALISM 17
have greater outdegree scores for the UK network (i.e. thicker edges/self-loops in the
visualization).
Further clarification is provided by analysing the out-degree scores in Table 3. Out-
degree centrality scores indicate the most centrality scores indicate the most central
industries based on their outgoing activity. In other words, a higher outdegree score
indicates an industry from which more product manager jobs emanated. In the US,
tech has the highest outdegree score, followed by newspapers and digital media. This
reinforces the finding that news product managers in the US are driven primarily by
those with professional experience outside the news industry itself but followed
closely by those from within the industry.
The results in the UK are quite different. In the product manager employment net-
work in the UK, newspapers and public media have the highest out-degree scores.
Here, product managers in news are driven primarily by those from within the news
industry itself and only secondarily by those with tech industry experience. Overall,
media is responsible for four out of five of the top central feeders of employees in
current news product manager positions in the UK.
hiring and turnover of US news product managers. This indicates while these organiza-
tions are not directly at the centre of the network, they do exert influence because of
the flow of employees through these organizations.
In the UK, the network visualization portrays a much more overtly media-based
story with the central players covering an array of media sectors. For instance, print
organizations such as the Financial Times, the Economist, and the Guardian as well as
broadcast organizations such as the BBC and Channel four are central in the hiring
and turnover of UK product managers. Indeed, in the UK network, employee crossover
tends to be more siloed within the news industry itself.
These observations are further supported when looking at the actual degree cen-
trality scores in Table 4, which provides a summary of the top five most central organ-
izations based on two separate measures of centrality: degree and betweenness. Here
again, one can see that the most central organizations according to degree centrality
score in the US product manager employment network are quite consistently
legacy news organizations. In fact, four out of five of the organizations are legacy
DIGITAL JOURNALISM 19
newspapers; three out of five of the news organizations are considered national with
the other two being major regional newspapers. The most central organizations
according to degree centrality score in the UK product manager employment network
are also consistently legacy news organizations with two print-based media and three
broadcast media—all with at least national, if not global reach. In general, these
organizations are responsible for the majority of the hiring of product managers in
each network.
An examination of the betweenness centrality scores in Table 4 supports provides a
similar perspective with some interesting and noteworthy differences.8 In the US net-
work, while four out of five of the top organizations are news and mostly overlap with
those with the highest degree centrality scores, one is a tech company (Apple). This
implies that Apple occupies a central role as a “pass through” organization, meaning
that journalism’s product managers are likely to pass through the company during
their careers. In the UK network, the top five most central organizations based on a
measure of betweenness overlap completely with those based on a measure of
degree. This implies that the most important news organizations for hiring in the UK
product manager employment network are also those that are most important as far
as “pass through” or turnover.
Discussion
This analysis provides an assessment of the enabling conditions of institutional entre-
preneurs via a case study of product managers in a sample of US and UK news organi-
zations. As the data show, some of the findings associated with enabling conditions of
institutional entrepreneurs were to be expected, but several were quite suprising. The
following sections discuss the theoretical and practical implications of each enabling
condition and the differences among them between the US and UK case studies.
degree and depending on the certifying organization, can be expensive and thus even
inaccessible to some. What is relevant here, however, is the connection to recent calls
in the lierature for academia to adapt to a reconceptualization of the journalist
profession (Royal et al. 2020; Sonderman 2016) by, for example, integrating more
product-focussed training. In practice, as product management becomes an increasing
imperative for the sustainable business of news, this is an potential area of focus for
those dedicated to reinvigorating and/or adapting academic journalism programs.
As far as the differences between product managers in the US and the UK, two are
important for further discussion. First, while the most popular graduate level degree
was an MBA for product managers in both countries, the second most common
degree differed. In the US, a graduate degree in journalism was more common and in
the UK, a graduate degree in computer science or information technology was more
common. This too says something about moral legitimacy as an enabling condition of
institutional entrepreneurs—while enacting change in a field, specifically in a case that
involves transposing domains from one field into another, from which field does the
moral legitimacy emanate? It seems, as is the case here, that might vary across coun-
tries depending on the ethos of newsroom culture. More research is needed across
varying countries to further investigate this finding.
outside the industry in other areas such as technology. This finding is consistent with
prior work on institutional change in news, which found that while it is often initiated
by external actors, it tends to be furthered over time from within the field.
as actors in less embedded organizations within a field are more likely to enact institu-
tional change, they do have some noteworthy practical implications. Once again, tech
culture and ethos are infused into that of the profession of journalism. Any change in
the agreed upon understanding of the journalism profession can of course impact the
production of news, organizational performance, and importantly, society’s perception
of the institution itself, which continues to be called into question (Carlson 2017).
Thus, an intricate understanding of these changes as detailed in this article
is imperative.
Limitations
While the results here have important contributions to both existing theories of insti-
tutional entrepreneurship and existing knowledge about the profession of journalism,
there are of course a number of limitations to the study. The unique employment
dataset does not capture the full scale of the news indstry; rather, it represents a caset
study of 271 product managers from 49 news organizations in the US and UK. An
important next step in this research stream is to collect a more comprehensive sample
of product managers at news organizations across the globe in an effort to capture a
wider range of product manager employment histories, allow for more of a cross-
country comparison, and thus more accurately reflect the industry as a whole.
In addition, data collected is based on information from LinkedIn profiles, which are
voluntary, possibly distorted, self-reported presentations and certainly not agreed
upon historical records. There are also different incentives for users to participate on
LinkedIn, which leads to concerns regarding an unknown sampling frame and poten-
tial estimation bias (Horton and Tambe 2015). Prior research, however, suggests that
larger sample sizes help mitigate some of these concerns (Tambe 2014).
Future Research
As a nascent role in news organizations across the globe, product managers provide a
multitude of avenues for future research in addition to the global expansion and
cross-cultural comparison addressed above with regard to limitations. Specifically, in-
depth interviews should be conducted to further understand the strategies product
managers use as institutional entrepreneurs to enact change within a news organiza-
tion and establish legitimacy of their domain throughout the industry. Building on the
literature on framing, for example, an examination of the mechanisms used in the pro-
cess of institutional entrepreneurship would help shed light on how these emergent
actors fit into changing journalistic boundaries, which is central to understanding their
influence on newswork and the journalism profession at large.
Conclusion
In sum, product managers are an emergent and increasingly imperative role for news
organizations as they strive to meet the business demands of a continuous stream of
products ready to engage audience needs. Product managers serve to prioritize these
24 A. KOSTERICH
the career and network histories of product managers thus highlights the interactions
and relationships that comprise news organizations and the movement towards more
flexible, overlapping, and non-siloed knowledge and expertise.
Notes
1. https://www.nytimes.com/interactive/2020/world/coronavirus-maps.html
2. https://www.propublica.org/newsapps
3. https://bbcnewslabs.co.uk/projects/bots/
4. The sample for the Reuters report included national and regional newspapers with the
highest print circulation, weekly newsmagazines with top circulation/reach, public service
media based on reach for TV news, and digital born websites with the highest reach for
each country according to national official sources (Simon & Graves, 2019).
5. Collected positions also include similar jobs such as product director or VP of Product;
however, for the sake of brevity and clarity, this article generalizes these positions as
product manager.
6. Data collection and coding were guided by the author’s non-participant observation at a
handful of industry events that focused on the topic of product managers in news such as
SRCCON and ONA Summer Series: Women in Product. These events also help add context
to the overall research.
7. It is worth noting that chi-square tests were also conducted to investigate if there was a
statistically significant dependence between any of the three educational training variables
and product manager country. Results for each test were nonsignificant. This further
supports the conclusion that there is no difference in the educational training of product
managers in US news organizations compared to those in UK news organizations.
8. These network measures duplicate each other somewhat, but it would be possible for one
organization to be highly central based on degree and only connected to one other
organization, which would result in a relatively low betweenness centrality score.
9. Data reflect the number of employees on LinkedIn at the time of data collection.
10. Centrality scores are normalized and edge weights are considered in all cases to control
for network size and allow for comparison.
11. Centrality scores are normalized and edge weights are considered in all cases to control
for network size and allow for comparison.
12. The visualization illustrates the movement of aggregated US based product manager jobs
among industries. The current industry for each product manager job is included and a
directed tie is present to connect from the industry of the prior product manager job.
Industries nodes are sized and colored by out-degree (i.e., a bigger and darker blue node
has more outgoing connections). Connections are also colored according to edge weight
and self-loops are included. In order to aid in clarity, the diagram is filtered to show only
those nodes with a degree greater than six. The Fruchterman Reingold algorithm was
applied to create this layout.
13. The visualization illustrates the movement of aggregated UK based product manager jobs
among industries. The current industry for each product manager job is included and a
directed tie is present to connect from the industry of the prior product manager job.
Industries nodes are sized and colored by out-degree (i.e., a bigger and darker blue node
has more outgoing connections). Connections are also sized according to edge weight and
self-loops are included. In order to aid in clarity, the diagram is filtered to show only those
industry nodes with a degree greater than three. The Fruchterman Reingold algorithm was
applied to create this layout.
14. Organizations are represented by blue nodes and shaded and sized according to degree.
Edges are also shaded and sized according to weight. In other words, the more
connections (shared product managers) that exist between two companies, the thicker
26 A. KOSTERICH
and the darker blue the edge. In order to aid in clarity, the diagram is filtered to show
only those nodes with a degree greater than three. The Fruchterman Reingold algorithm
was applied to create this layout.
15. Organizations are represented by blue nodes and shaded and sized according to degree.
Edges are also shaded and sized according to weight. In other words, the more
connections (shared product managers) that exist between two companies, the thicker
and the darker blue the edge. In order to aid in clarity, the diagram is filtered to show
only those nodes with a degree greater than one. The Fruchterman Reingold algorithm
was applied to create this layout.
Disclosure Statement
No potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).
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