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    Bitton-Ashkelony - Encountering The Sacred

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    XXXVI Encountering the Sacred The Debate on Christin Prima ; in Late Antity by Broara Brean Ache eae Encountering the Sacred XOONDK Theres No Crime for Those Who Have Crit: Religious Valence The Debate on Christian Pilgrimage in Late Antiquity in the Christian Roman Empire, by Michael Gaddis XL The Legend of Mar Qardagh: Narrative and Christian Heroism in Late Antique Iraq, by Joel Thomas Walker XLI City and School in Late Antique Athens and Alexandria, by Edward J. Wares XL Seenting Salvation: Ancient Christianity and the Olfactory Imagination, by Susan Ashbrook Harvey BROURIA BITTON-ASHKELONY University of California Press | BERKELEY LOS ANGELES LONDON University of Calforin Pre one ofthe mor diinguishad ‘lve presen dhe Unaed State eich lives around ‘the work by advancing scholarship inthe humanities socal ‘cienes, and natural sclenews tacts are supported by the UC Pres Foundation an by philanthropic contributions {oom individuals and institesons Fr more information, visit vemeacpressede University of California Pres Berkeley and Los Angele, California University of Calforni Pres La london, Engl! (© 2005 by The Regents ofthe Universi of California Library of Congress Cataloging in-Publaton Data ton Ashley, Brows, "Encountering he sacred:the debate on Cristian lgrimage in late amtiquity BrouraBizan-Ashkeony en. (The uansormation of the dasa henge 38) Includes biographical ferns ainda ss 0-520-24194-6 (det al paper) 1. Christian pigs ad plrimages Palestine History of done: —Esly church 90-60. 2, Palestine in (Chistianity—History of dacrines Early church en, 30-600. E Tide. Series nvfgé.rigns8 2005 ey mgastay opts roauon8s79 Manufctared inthe United State of Americ. BB st 30 7 8 a7 oh 5 1987654 535 ‘This bok sprint on Narars Book, which contains 50% pot- consumer waste and mes the minim reuse of as M150 2 3918-1992 (23997) (Permanence of Paper). In memory of my mother 5 Local versus Central Pilgrimage Fe who visits the holy monestery of Qartamin seven mes with faith s ke one who goes to Jerusalem, ‘The above declaration by Philoxenus (440-523), bishop of Mabbug,alead- {ng thinker of the anti-Chaleedonian Church and one ofthe most admired figures among the Syrian monks, expresses concisely the dilemma in ‘monastic circles concerning pilgrimage to Jerusalem and the rivalry be- tween the two foci of pilgrimage: the holy places inthe Holy Land and the new network of holy sites consisting of monasteries and tombs of holy ‘The comparison between visiting a monastery and visting Jerusalem that Philoxenus addresses here in letter toa certain Astorkius, may seem sur- prising at frst glance. But given that Philoxenus had been nurtured in Eva~ ‘rian terminology and thought, which among other things belitted the reli- ‘ious significance ofthe holy places, itis notatall surprising For Philoxens, the exodus from Egypt and the erossing ofthe Jordan River refers allegori- «ally tothe monastic life, and to worship in the Promised Land means to re= side na monk’s cell Hisassetion about visting Qartamin—extreordinary and rarein ts formulaton in ate antiquity—may have arisen out ofthe the ological debate betweenthe Monophysites an their rivals, the Chalcedoniarsy 4. Ms. Br. Mus. 17,265, fl. agh, The leer is quoted by Vésbus, History of As caticism i the Syrian Orient, 2° 949 2-14, 2-On the Evagran clements in Philoxenus's works, see I. Hausherr,“Contem- plation et stintete: Une emarquable mis au point pa Philoxéne de Mabbou,” in Lis Hesyehusme et pritre 39-36, R. C. Chest, Three Monophyite Christlagie Sevens of Antioch, Phibsents of Mabiug and cb of Seri (Oxford 576, 106-7. 3.A Letter of Philoxenus of Mabbug Sent toa Friend, 2,16, ed, andtrans.G.Olin- aust nica Gach, Cons Hip Ant 36 (Soe 950) 43,45 384 Local versus Central Pilgrimage 185 in Palestine: in the early sixth century, under the leadership of Subas and “Thecdosius Palestine remained the inal stronghold of the non-Monophysite Fast Philoxenus, who was deeply involved in this controversy banned com- :munion with the bishop of Jerusalem * It may be that Chaleedonian domi- nation over the holy places in Jerusalem and the undermining there of the anti-Chaleedoniansare what led Philoxenusto suggest an alternative or sub- stitute for visitng the city. In fact, as noted earlies, there were instances of anti-Chalcedonians’ being barred from the holy places, and problematic a titades toward the holy places among radical anti-Chalcedonians in Pals tines wel, This reality is well attested in the Plerophoriae and in the Life of Peter the Iberian John Rufus, the author ofthese compositions recounts several anecdotes reflecting the anti-Chalcedonian dilemma vis-i-vs the holy places in Jerusalem This dilemma figures also in the Church History of Zachariah Rhetor, who felt the need to justify the fact that Peter the Iberian remained in Palestine after the expulsion ofthe anti-Chaleedonians from the country, saying that Peter stayed because of his exemption by the emperor and his wife. The gravity in his eyes of Peter remaining in Palestine is clear from the ensuing anecdote: Jesus scolded Peerin vison, saying: “How now, Peter! Am I being expelled in my believing servants, and you ae remaining quit and at rest?” Peter hastened to depart from his dwelling place in Gaza and joined those who had been expelled * Presumably, this atmosphere of tension between the two camps in Palestine, and particularly in Jerusalem, rigit explain why (as his disciples wondered) Peter the Iberian, an enthu- siastic pilgrim? refrained from visitng the holy places in Jerusalem on one cceasion when “he was 30 close to the cty:""® One of his monks tried to ad- _4 Fo Saas’ rolein the struggle for Chaleedonian orthodoxy, See Patrch: Lester of Palestinian Monasticnrn, 308 19 "sPloxencde Mabboug. etre aur moines de Sénowr, ed andra. Ade Hal- let CSCO 22S Sy gp Lanai 16-6, On Poems hoe ‘alpcreptons sce Chesnut Three Monophyste Chstolgies 57-132. Hisinvolwe- tnetrin te Monophysite controversy dscoseedin rend Rise ofthe Monophysite “Motement, 224-19, 28. “Kofiky, “Pete the Iberian”; L. Perrone, “Dissenso dotrnae e propaganda vi- soa eerie diovan iN” Austin 29 (89 45195 *yPlerophoriae 39,3, 75; Kofsky, "Peter the Iberian,” 226-19, zacharia Rheto The Syriac Chronicle 7: Engh. trans F.] Hamilton and EW. Brooks, The Syriac Chronicle Known as That of Zacheriah of Mitylene (London, 1859 reprint New York 3979) 54 7 Or least portrayed a suc by his biographer: Vita Petr 26-27, 85-86 with Bitton-Ashkelony “Iiatio Mosis and Plgimage in the Life of Peter the Iberian.” So. Vita Pet Tb, 96-00. bas, 386 / Local versus Central Pilgrimage just the facts telling us that Peter did indeed vist the holy places, though in [Alter this, when the autumn had arsved. the blessed man [Pete] returned tohis brethren in the plain, When he lef, people were indig- ‘nant and said: "How, when he (Petr stayed all these days neat Jeru- salem, did the blessed not desire to enter the holy cry even by aight, and worship at paces of worship nd especially at holy Golgotha and the lfe giving Sepulchre?” One day after his departure, one of the brothers who was a perfec and very simple man said to chem: “This right [saw a fearful vision. For it seemed to me that I ws seeing [Abbe Peter the bishop, who said to me, ‘Brother, can you give me « hand?” And in this vision he alone took me to the hay city, onthe same night during which he was about to depart He entered first the Martyrium of St. Stephen, whom he had met before? Afer- ward, he went down tothe cave and worshipped his sarcophagus there. Coming out of thee he hastened tothe holy Golgotha end the holy Sepulchre.” From there he went down tothe church named after Pilate [Matt 27:x3~14], and fom there to that of the Parlytic {John 5:15, and then to Gethsemane. Having made the ceuit also of the hoy places around ithe then went upto the Upper Room of he disciples [Mark 14:14-26, Luke 2:13-15] and ater that to the holy Ascension [Lake 2450-53, Acts x], and from thereto the house of Lazarus. He then went on the road leading fom there until Ihe arived at holy Bethlehem. After praying there, he turned to che tomb of Rachel (Gen. 35:9], and having prayed there and in the rest ‘ofthe shrines and oratories on the way, he descended to Siloam [John 5:7}: from there, going upto holy Zion and completing a holy couse, and having worshipped the Lord in every plac, he Sally returned vo the village Beit Tafsha. And [in every place wae supporting him. And the very next day after [had sen the vision the father went on his ‘way. All this occurred inorder to persuade those who were indignant thatthe blessed one was in every holy place every dy, or perhaps every hout offering in sprit worship othe Lord. For itis write: "Those who are spiritual dscer all hing, and they are themselves subject no one else’ scrutiny” [+ Cor a5). 31 For the terry orcs eed she varios plas mentoned in his de scription, see Maraval,Liewx sats ot pilerinages d Orient 251-73; Limor Holy Land Travels: Chrietian Pilgrims in Late Antiquity 2. Tb may refer tain of Stephen the Prtomarty tht Peter had had 15. On Golgotha and the Holy Sepulchre, see Taylor, Christians and the Holy Places, +£3—42: idem, "Golgotha: A Reconsideration ofthe Evidence forthe Site of Jesus” Crucifixion and Burial,” New Testament Studies 44 (3998) 180-203, 134. Petri Tb 98-200, Local versus Central Pilgrimage 187 ‘This imaginative journey maps with great exactitude the actual network of| holy sites in Jerusalem—a journey that every Christian pilgrim might un- dertake atthe end of the fifth century. The author was here drawing the boundaries ofthe sacred space of Jerusalem, while atthe same time pro- claiming possession of this territory of grace—that this network of holy places belonged to his hero too, and not only tothe Chaleedonians currently in possession of them. Although Peter could not undertake this scredjour- ney, oF was prevented from doing so, he did not renounce the holy places. This visionary pilgrimage was in facta provisional solution, a perfect de- vice used in troubled times inthe city for tackling the tension between ac- cess to and debarment from the holy places in Jerusalem. Indeed, John ‘Moschus, writing afer the time of John Rufus alludes also to such tension; Ihe recounts the story ofthe anti-Chaleedonian Cosmin, who came one night ‘wishing to worship alone at the Holy Sepulchre. When she approached the sanctuary, “the Mother of God, together with other women, met her in vis- {ble form, and ssid to her:‘As you are not one of us, you are not to come in here, for you are none of ours’ and she was refused entry.” ‘The quotation from Philoxenus that opens ths chapter, however, is t00 brief to shed much ight on his motives for drawing such acomparisor; nev- ertheless, its assertion that seven visits toa monastery could substitute for visiting the holy places is important. It marks a pronounced shift of per~ ception, in which monasteries—"heaven on earth”™"—had become a new focus of pilgrimage, andi alludes as wells tothe tension between the main pilgrimage site, such as those in Jerusalem, and local centers. In the course ofthe fourth and fifth centuries especially the late, 2 sa- cred Christian topography had come into being in the East and the West that owed its existence, inter aia, tothe rise ofthe holy man in late-antique Christian sociey. A gallery of holy men, living in monasteries or isolated cells in tombs, or on pillars all broadened the network of holy space. All those blested with charisma and gifted with parrhésia served as a focus of divine power and delineated anew territory of grace. Encountering “the as- sistant of Christ” or the opportunity to touch his clothing or his tomb les 15.See Wilkinson's map of Peter's visionary pilgrimage Jerusalem Pilgrims, 4. 26. On the clergy’s control ofthe aces to the holy in early medieval shrines, see Hahn, "Seving and Believing,” exp. 1105-6 47. Pratum sprituale 49, PG 87.32 2904-5, Eng. trans 39. For other examples, land on the Monophysite dilemma regarding the holy places under Caledonian domination, se Kofaky, “Peter the Iberian,” 219 128. As termed by John Climacus, The Leder 4, Engl. rans. 113 129. A definition given by Cyril of Seythopolis Vita Sabae 58, #58. 88 / Local versus Central Pilgrimage at the heart of thi type of pilgrimage. Every dwelling place of a holy man became a sacred site and a locus of personal salvation In Palestine, cut of local holy men developed from the fourth century fon. Among early accounts is the testimony of Epiphanius of Salamis about certain Eutactus who traveled from Armenia to Palestine and Egyptaround the time of the death of Constantius, about 361. On his return home from Egypt he stopped to visit Petrus, a famous recuse living in Capharbaricha neat Eleutheropois2” From the early fifth century, as monasticism became :more deeply entrenched in the judaean desert, founders of communities and ‘other famous figres became the focus of pilgrimage—as confirmed by the “writings of Cyril of Seythopolis as well as by the considerable archaeolog~ {cal evidence uncovered in recent years? Euthymius (377-473), for exam- ple, came from Armenia to Jerusalem in 405 as a pilgrim; but after wor- shippingat the holy places there, he settled in the Judaean desert and became himself a focus of pilgrimage A crowd of around four hundred Armeni- ans, on their way from the holy city to the Jordan, made a detour to the laura of Euthymius2 A severe drought once led the inhabitants of Jerusalem and the nearby villages to consult Euthymius inthe Judaean desert. Yet he refused to intercede with God on their behalf, saying that he did not have the power of intercession—in his words, the freedom of speech (at Exe» -rappatay). he people nevertheless expressed unequivocal faith in his spe- cial powers: “You yourself, venerable Father, must entreat God for us, for ‘we have faith chat the Lord listens to your prayer.” Cyril of Seythopolis tells the story ofa Saracen who on another occasion solicited Euthymins’s help fora barren wife, saying, “Uknov and am convinced, honorable Father, 20, Panaron 3.40, PG 4x: 677-Bo, For the identification of Capharbarcha with Bani Naim, see Tsafrir Di Segn, and Green, Tabula Imperit Romani, 98. On this pilgrim, see Stone, "An Armenian Pilgrim tothe Holy Land” 21 Hirschfeld, The Judean Desert Monasteries in the Byzantine Period (New Haven, 1993), $6, 223-34. On hospices in the Judean desert, see ibid, 26, 43, 1396-200, Hirschfeld, The Early Byzantine Monastery at Khirbet Ed-Deir nthe Judean Desert: The Excavation in 1981~1987, Qedem 38 (Jerusalem 3996): 168-67; Perch Sabas Leader of Palestinian Monasticism, 18083; Magen, “The Monas- tery of St. Martyrius at Ma'ale Adummin," in Ancient Churches Revealed, ed Y.Taani (Jerusalem, 1993), 270-96, esp. 188-8, 22, Vita Euthymii 6,24, 2-10, 23. Tbid, 17,27 5-28.5.On Armenian pilgrimage, se Stone, “An Armenian Pl- grim to the Holy Land” 273-78; dem, “Holy Land Pilgrimage of Armenians” {93-210 R. W. Thomson, “A Seventh Century Armenian Pilgrim on Mount Tabor” JTRS, n. 18 (2967): 27-33 124. Vita Euthymii 25, 38, 6-29. On the term mappnaia in this composition, see usin, Miracle et histotre, 178-79, Local versus Central Pilgrimage x89 that Gad listens to your prayers.” Precisely this conviction would lead to the transformation of an ordinary monastery to a holy site bustling with pilgrims. The inhabitants ofthe city of Medsba in Arabia visited Sabas for spiritual help (Yuxucds.etepyeotas) and in return sent wheat and vegeta- bles to the monastery Theodore of Sykeon, fr instance, atthe end ofthe sixth century after undertaking a grand tour ofthe holy sites in Jerusalem, felt the need to visit “all the monasteries and the various fathers confined incells around the city andthe hermits in the inner desert. After receiving, a blessing from them he would inquire into the manner of life of each of the more earnest ones and record their answers that he might imitate their example.’” Ieis apparent, then, chat the appeal ofthe holy places in Ples- tine did not weaken the magnetic powers of the holy men in the Judaean desert, since this typeof pilgrimage arose from different religious and per~ sonal needs than those that prompted pilgrimage to the holy places. This ‘perhaps explains why reports of miracles in the holy places associated with Jesus were extremely rare, in contrast to those recorded about holy men con- tinuously exercising their charisma, Indeed, many sources describe holy ‘men refusing to perform miracles; miracles were the restricted realm of God, ‘whereas the holy man saw himself as merely the instrument of God's will” Yeras “the divine conduit, the funnel between heaven and earth," he came to be the object of pilgrimage. Crowe of pilgrims, however, disturbed the monks routine, fat that direcly affected their concept of hospitality and their degree of openness to the outside world.” In the Sinai monastic rule of Mar Saba, the anonymous author tied to regulate visits: “The strangers who come from outside if any of them want to make a startin the laut, ‘we shall acept them fora stay of seven days; but ifthey are [monks?] who . On the opposition tothe ziyara ee Mer, “The Exquette of Devoxon inthe Islamic Colt of Saints." "3. Vita Antoni 43, Engl: rans 68 394! Local versus Central Pilgrimage crows. The Life of Hilarion, written by Jerome in 390 and modeled to a large extent on the Life of Antony is shaped around Hilarion’ attempts to escape society, symbolizing his increasing holiness. The same trend is seen inthe Life of Abba Isaiah. In order to escape his admirers he emigrated to Palestine, but his fame had gone before him, and soon even members ofthe government were taking an interest in him. As a result, he decided to with- drew to the Gaza region, where he established a cenobium, apparently i ‘mediately after the Council of Chalcedon (453). Finally, he shut himeelf up in his cell and lived a life of retreat, maintaining contact with the out- side world only through his disciple Peter the Egyptian. In describing the different kinds of monastic life, Theodoret of Cyrrhus also distinguishes between monks who, “immured in enclosures, shun the ‘company of the many, [ond] others with no such covering, [who] are ex- posed toall who wish to see them.” Thus Julian Sabe went to Mount Sinai ‘to escape being lionized. Theodoret reports discussion withthe holy man James of Cyrthestica on the problem of visitors who become upset at be- ing driven away without receiving a blessing after making a journey of ‘many days, ames explains at length that these visits prevent him from serv- ing God correctly ® Regarding Thelasius, Theodoret recounts that he sealed his door with mud and opened it only to Theodoret himself. When it be- «ame known that Theodoret was staying with the holy man, crowds came from all around in the hope that they, too, might be able to enter and gain his blessing ® To a certain degree, the role ofthe holy man in his society contradicted his ascetic pursuits—especially the monastic principles of zen iteia and hesychia. Through his spiritual powers he was abe to serve soci- «ty and in some cases even to become a political leader involved in church affairs yet he constantly battled the wish to escape all socal and political responsiblity might be said thet the ife ofa holy man was astory ofcon- stant flight. Essentially the holy man of late antiquity belonged simultaneously to the earthly and the heavenly world. Cyril of Seythopolis describes Sabas 55. Plerophoriae 48,101, 56. Vita lsaiae Monachi 9-10; Plerophoriae, Addenda, 164-65 Sp HR 27s, 2:238, 38. HR 23,1222. 40. HR 24.35, 2: 148-20. Go, HR 223, 2 226-28. 61, See the case of Peter the Iberian, discussed by Kofeky, “Peter the Iberian’; seealso CB. Horn, “Beyond Theology: The Career of Peter the Iberian in the Chris- toga Contovesies of Fith-Centry Plsn,” PD. dish CatolicUniversty of America, 2001 Local versus Central Pilgrimage / 195 as “this angel on earth and heavenly man [5 éniyaos dyyclor a ob pdvios defpurros]."® Death, then, changed neither his status ner his role, for he continued to perform miracles a his tomb.® At the conclusion of the Life of Euthymas, Cyril finds it incumbent upon him to report the miracles that occurred in hs day at Euthymius's tomb to inform his readers of the power of divine grace that invested the holy man’s oomb—forhe performed ‘miracles not only in his lifetime but even after his death; indeed, dedared Cyl “he has not left us"® Theodoret inthe fifth century shared the same ception, saying of the monk Abraham: “To the splendor of his lie the mir- Erle perform alter his death bear wines even today his tomb pour forth cures of every kind.” Antony, author ofthe Life of Georgius of Choziba, ‘written in the early seventh century, states: “We buried him inthe tomb of the holy ancestors; now he is with the choir of holy men, and with them he serves on our behalf and on behalf ofthe entire world."® The funeral er- emony fora well-known holy man, usually conducted with great splendor, could accordingly be an important manifestation of his everlasting power* Riots and turmoil were nota rare spectae atthe funeral procession of a hholy man in this period. Emperors and peasants all surged forward to touch the cofin or the corpse in their desire for his blessing ® Nor was the theft cof a holy man’s body infrequent. The prevalent perception ofthe tomb asa ‘enter of holiness, where the holy man‘s spiritual power was confirmed by miracles after his death, in some cases led to disputes between neighboring, towns over possession ofthe body. Such disputes centered on the creation cof anew local holy site and place of healing,” an unceasing source of local pride and an attraction for pilgrims. For Cyril of Seythopoli Sabis “did not 6 Vite Sabae 558,12 & Hsin Mle histoie19-y7 Sc alo the ome of Cyne (49-357) insheudaea desert Via Cras 395, 35-35 ie tuk gp. 720 6h id, 68a ase Slit Mite Georg Chose 37 357 & Vin son Snore iia Ani 3,75. he Spine eon fhe isjetiayhonc of he wo wens we oe an peat he stor express ts ve cancel: the sk psn tre felon he coin and ws cred ‘rough spy conc Ths mile doesnot epear in Theodore verso. Fora computor of the various wersons se Dra, Lives of Simeon Site s4- Son hinges Suring transfer fren se Brown Calf he Saints Sooo THR yao a: 48108 1 50 Vite Sale 7 1842-6 Sin a 2 Nolte Eats ge 7. 9-98 Via Geog Chose 5, 196 | Local versus Central Pilgrimage ic, however but i arloep.. Certainly hie body hae boon kept sound and incorrupt to this day. This witnessed with my own eyes in the recent tenth indiction.””! Such concrete perceptions of holiness—belief in the physical and spiritual presence ofthe holy man in his tomb—became a very impor= tant catalyst for pilgrimage”? Upon the desth ofthe holy man, pilgrimage to his tomb became insitutionalized, and every year a panégyris would be held in his honor”® From Theodore’s account ofthe bitter war between Maron’s neighbors over possession of his body, it appears that the villagers had no doubts about the genuine advantages to be gained from being close to the tomb; Theodoret himself, however, did not exaggerate the value of| physical proximity: “We ourselves reap hisblessing even ata distance; for sulficient for us instead of his tomb is his memory." ‘An atmosphere of competition between the local and central cui sites, and a sense of local pride because of the presence ofa saint’s comb, can be ‘leaned from the sources Sidney Griffith detects sucha thread in the songs in praise of Julian Saba atributed ro Ephrem (d.373)7° Some ofthese hymns ‘express the author's sense of local pride in the fact that the tomb ofthe holy rman isto be found in his cty7® How much does our country give thanks that she is worthy, ‘That a deposit of such incense is deposited within her! For her scent attracts people to come to ber. Hes the ocasion of benefits om all sides Who enriches us not only with his treasare, But the place of hie grave has become ‘A great harbor: There ar invited “All ehe merchants to come to our country with their treasures ‘The poet goes on to celebrate the environs of Edessa as the homeland of the patriarchs and to claim its advantages even over the Holy Land:”” 1. Vita Sabue 7-78, 184 10-20,On Cri of Scythpol's perception of the bol sails death te Fase Mirae ct soe ages ¥ 3 VitaSabae 79,1858, 388-5-187 Via Ey, 6 3 See for enanple HR tea, 233242, 2: 140 HR 364» 32 For further examples of te bate over possession of sine body sctbid, 55 222-2417, 2:46 48 Se so Delehaye, Sins sty ear 75.5-H. Gril “Tula Saba: Father of the Monks JECS > (199 202-8 ‘On the problem af the authorship ofthe Hin oe bid, 298-205. Manly once basis ofthe theological eas expesed in hee hymns, Gifith concluded that she iy cme fons Ephren’s pen. se sk Hye aan Saba 3235-46445 Engram. Gilt“ 17. Beck Fiymnen auf ulianos Saba 32246 .9~1 Grif, “Jalan Saba,” 20, Local versus Central Pilgrimage 197 “The name af aur country is even greater than that of her consort. Forin her was bora Levi the chief ofthe press ‘And Judah, the chief of royalty, ‘And Joseph, the child who went forth and became “he lord of Egypt. Inthe light from her Te world is enlightened For the new sun which appeared in creation ‘Was of Judah, who was borin our country ‘And within our country His light appeared and was brought 10 shine rom Bethlehem. As from you there sprang The beginning, so in you he enciches the end “The city of Edessa, then, was enriched by Julian Saba’s tomb. But going beyond this later poem inthe collection celebrates the entre monastic de~ ‘velopment in Syrian monasticism: Our country wept that Jacob ef her ‘And led is floc to he land of promise You have consoled our country with your monasteries; ‘You and your Hock have become ous. {A simular sentiment of local pride in the Latin West is apparent in the hagiographer Peulinus of Périgeux's Life of Marin of Toursin the last quar ter of the fifth century.” The author agrees that the places in which Jesus ‘was born, suffered, and was resurrected are holy; but he says that holy sites arealso to be found in other places in the world that they were blessed with the presence of martyrs and righteous men. According to him, this bless- ing was bestowed on Gaul, with the city of Tours at its center, because it ‘was the dwelling place of Martin; there he officiated as bishop, and there his body will always remain? Both auchors, Eplreut and Paulinus of Périgeux, testify to the ongoing competitive discourse in Christian society regarding the quest fora well-defined territory of grace in their immedi- ate vicinity ‘The holy men themselves objected ro thei tombs’ being builtin the style ‘of monuments to the martyrs, Antony opposed the Egyptian burial cus~ toms of embalming and venerating the dead, and demanded that they be 178.Beck Hymmen auf ulianos Saba, 323.6,14.8-9; Grit, “Julian Sabi,” 203. 9. Vita Martini 5, CSEL36: 111-12, 5. On this source and pilgrimage to St. Marin, see Piet, “Loca sancta”; idem, Laie de Tours 521-99. On the composition of Paulinus of Periguewx, see Van Dam, “Paulinus of Prigueux and Perperus of Tours” 198 / Local versus Central Pilgrimage ‘hanged, According to Athanasius as Antony's life neared its end, he with- drew to the “inner mountain” for fer lesthe be treated according to Egyp- tian practice, ordering his two assistants to bury his body in the earth.* Emulating the biblical model of Moses, whose burial place is unknown, Antony asked his disciples to keep the site of his burials secret. Over the generations this to became a recurring motif in accounts ofthe deaths of holy men from Palestine, Syria, and Egypt. Pachomius twice asked Theodore not to leave his body in its burial place after his death but to transfer it elsewhere. Theodore, according to the author, believed that Pachomnius was saying this “out of fear some people would steal his body and bui tyriw foritas they do forthe holy martyrs; for many times he had heard hhim criticize those who did such things,” since they were thus commer sializing the bodies of the saints Theodoret of Cyrrhus tells us that the competition for the tomb of Marcianus began even during his lifetime: “Many everywhere built him burial shrines.” Knowing this, he forced his disciple to swear to reveal his burial place to only two intimate compan- ions The coffin of James was built while he was stil alive; but when the ‘work was completed he asked Theodoret‘o place the holy relics ofthe mar- tyrsin it, while James himself wished tobe buried as a stranger in another tomb.® Theodoret, nevertheless, cites many examples of holy men being buried in great splendor Upon the death ofa saint his monastery was transformed into a holy place and martyrivm, Burial ofa founding father in his monastery created a sacred space to which pilgrims came, expecting the holy man to reveal his power. The process by which the tombs ofknown ascetics became holy places and pilgrimage sites encountered no resistance or criticism from Christians thinkers, and no negative connotations became associated with the practice. ‘These sites emerged largely from the fourth century onward, creating anew snap of Christian sacred geography that brought lca pilgrimage along with it. This perception of sacred space was shared by the whole society, thinkers 8. Vita Anton 90-98. 400: 364-7 82. On Athanasits’ poston onthe Egyptian burilcustoms, see Alerand, “Réc dela mored Antoine" exp. 27; Babe, "Athanava of Alexandra and te Cale the Holy Dead" 8. Pachomian Koinonia 122, 2°477, 84. HR ya, x ata. BLHR ago a3 86 108,4:430°33.25 x 58, Ba there wer also superior monks bared in simple tombs Se for example he cave of Grasman founder of the fist ‘monastery inthe dan Valley, Vita Gras, Mochus, Prt pra PG 73+ 2963 Hirschfeld, Judean Desert Monasteries 32 Local versus Central Pilgrimage 399 and ordinary people alike. Such a perception was not «new theological in- novation of the monasticalare Sat eather a natal development «con ‘inuation of the cult of the martyrs!” from the fourth century, asceticism ‘was considered a new expression of martyrdom* and holy men were per- ceived as the sucessors of the martyrs; even though religious persecution had ended long before, they thus became “the new martyrs."® Haglogra- phers cherished martyrdom, and thus many prominent holy men were given the title “martyr” despite the fact that they never suffered religious perse- cution. Thus Antony is called a martys® and Gregory of Nyssa describes the life and death of his sister Macrina as resembling no ordinary person’s but rather those of a martyr par excellence: so large were the crows that came toher burial site thatthe place was too small tohold everyone and they passed the night nearby singing hymns “as at a panégyrs of the martyrs." The anonymous author of the sixth-century Life of Chariton emphatically rep- ‘resents his hero asa martyr who endured torture and persecution before de-

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