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Critical Studies in Mass Communication

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Television, fantasy and vicarious catharsis

a b
Gary A. Copeland & Dan Slater
a
Assistant Professor of Broadcast and Film Communication , University of Alabama
b
Associate Professor of Communication Studies , University of Massachusetts , Amherst
Published online: 18 May 2009.

To cite this article: Gary A. Copeland & Dan Slater (1985) Television, fantasy and vicarious catharsis, Critical Studies in Mass Communication, 2:4, 352-362, DOI: 10.1080/15295038509360097

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 Critical Studies in Mass Communication
2(1985), 352-362

Television, Fantasy and Vicarious Catharsis

GARY A. COPELAND and DAN SLATER

—Reviewers and critics of research experiencing vicarious catharsis. A dis-

on the effects of media violence have cussion of the construct of television view-
rejected the catharsis hypothesis for a ing suggests that fantasy is not in the
lack of empirical evidence. This essay media content but in the person.
suggests that catharsis research has been Assumptions in previous research that
based on an unsound formulation of how (1) catharsis should take place equally
catharsis functions, ignoring the degree for all, and (2) cathartic fantasy will be
to which viewers are able to fantasize. violent in nature are challenged.
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That ability is posited as being crucial to

N 1982, the National Institute of Men- that involvement in vicarious aggression

I tal Health (NIMH) reported on the through fantasy leads to a reduction in
possible consequences of television view- subsequent overt aggression, or simply
ing on individuals and society. This that aggression will be reduced after
report states that "many researchers" watching violence on television. The
find the evidence linking televised vio- N I M H report, however, dismisses ca-
lence and subsequent aggressive behav- tharsis in three sentences, noting that
ior to be overwhelming. For these since practically all the evidence points to
researchers, it is a question of which an increase in aggressive behavior,
process produces the relationship: obser- rather than a decrease, the theory is
vational learning, attitude changes, contradicted by the data (p. 40).
physiological arousal, or justification Although the data reviewed by the
processes. N I M H panel may contradict the theory,
Differing radically from these ap- that circumstance may result from the
proaches is vicarious catharsis. This per- way in which the theory has been tested.
spective suggests that the desire or need Clearly, a review of the catharsis litera-
to exhibit aggressive or hostile behaviors ture reveals that the combined evidence
is reduced by a release of those desires for catharsis (Feshbach, 1955, 1956,
through vicarious participation. Within 1961, 1972; Feshbach & Singer, 1971;
the context of mediated violence, cathar- Manning & Taylor, 1975; Murdock,
sis studies have focused on the hypothesis 1976; Siegel, 1956; Thomas, 1972)
appears weak at best (see, Andison,
Mr. Cop eland is Assistant Professor of
1977; Goranson, 1970). A closer exami-
Broadcast and Film Communication, Uni- nation of the literature, however, reveals
versity of Alabama. Mr. Slater is Associate that a crucial element in the vicarious
Professor of Communication Studies, Univer- catharsis theory—the ability of a subject
sity of Massachusetts at Amherst. to engage in fantasy—seldom is tested
Copyright 1985, SCA
 353

GSMC COPELAND AND SLATER

and is not controlled in experiments tainer (inhibitions). When sufficient

(Copeland & Slater, 1981; Gunter, pressure is reached, drainage channels
1980). Thus, our contention in this essay open to relieve the pressure. Drainage
is that the research reviewed by the channels may be behavioral or vicarious.
N I M H panel and others may have pro- Drainage through vicarious channels
vided little evidence for catharsis becausereduces the pressure for a behavioral
the research in this area may be based on expression of the contained emotions. If
an unsound formulation of how catharsis vicarious release of the anger, frustra-
functions for the viewer in relation to tion, and/or aggression does not occur,
fantasy activity. Further, this may be due then the container will no longer be able
to an underlying failure in the research to withstand the pressure and an act of
on catharsis to control for the subjects' behavioral aggression will result.
ability to fantasize. We posit that the Izard and Tomkins (1966) have sug-
ability to fantasize is an essential precur-
gested that aggression be viewed as an
sor to the cathartic act. affect rather than a drive. They suggest
people are not motivated by drives, but
rather by motivating forces. Tomkins
DEFINITION OF (1963) has defined affect as a concept
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CATHARSIS which includes neurophysical, behav-

u
Derived from the Greek katharsis—to ioral, and phenomenological aspects. At
cleanse or purify—catharsis was sug- the phenomenological level, affect is
gested by Aristotle in the Poetics (1951). essentially motivating experience. To
Else (1957) summarized scholarly activate an affect is to motivate" (p. 87).
thought on the meaning of Aristotle's Comstock, Chaffee, K a t z m a n ,
catharsis. Aristotle is purported to have McCombs, and Roberts (1978) suggest
believed that the viewing of tragedy two approaches to catharsis: an overt
induced a change of emotion or character behavior hypothesis and a vicarious
in the audience. This purging was behavior hypothesis. The former rests on
brought about through the emotions of the work of Dollard, Miller, Doob,
pity and fear which were aroused in the Mowrer, and Sears (1939) who offer the
viewer. Else notes that the purge is an definition: "expression of any act of
emotional rather than a behavioral act. aggression is a catharsis that reduces the
Similarly, Nichols and Zax (1977) instigation to all other acts of aggression"
viewed catharsis from a psychoanalytical (pp. 53-54). This view takes the posi-
perspective as "a process that relieves tion, in essence, that the ability to engage
tension and anxiety by expressing emo- in aggressive behavior will result in
tions" (p. 1). catharsis, reducing the potential for
One classic view of the catharsis pro- other acts of aggression. The second
cess is the drive reduction/hydraulic hypothesis, the vicarious behavior per-
model. This model has been compared spective, suggests that the viewing of
by Buss (1961) to a liquid held under mediated violence decreases the proba-
pressure in a container. The liquid (feel- bility of overt violence on the part of the
ings of anger, frustration, and/or ag- viewer through an emotional release.
gression) is kept within the container Feshbach (1955, 1956, 1961, 1972,
(inhibitions). As more liquid (anger, 1976, 1983), the leading researcher
frustration, and/or aggression) is added, studying the relationship between the
more pressure is exerted against the con- viewing of filmed aggression and subse-
 354

TV, FANTASY AND VICARIOUS CATHARSIS DECEMBER 1985

quent reduction of aggression levels in couched in terms of fantasy stimulation

the viewer, appears to combine aspects of and a subsequent reduction in aggres-
both the overt behavior and vicarious sion. This premise finds its roots in the
behavior hypothesis. He defines cathar- work of Freud (1908/1958) who
sis as ". . . the expression of aggression— assumed that fantasy would release
whether directly or in symbolic form— quantities of psychic energy which
resulting in a lowering of subsequent would be drive-reducing. Clearly, those
aggression" (1961, p. 381). This defini- individuals unable to fantasize will expe-
tion is repeated almost two decades later rience little or no catharsis, whereas
(Murray & Feshbach, 1978). those who have a higher fantasy ability
The vicarious behavior hypothesis, will be better able to utilize catharsis,
outlined by Comstock et al. (1978), reducing their overt aggression. Thomas
appears the most relevant in any discus- (1972) notes that "while some of the
sion of the possible effects of mediated discrepancies in the literature may be
violence. For the purpose of this essay, attributed to differences in experimental
then, catharsis is defined as a reduction research procedures or in the nature of
in behavioral aggression through the use the response measurement employed, it
of fantasy or other mental processes seems evident that differences in subject
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which may be activated through the use factors must also be involved" (p. 2).
of media. The relationship between high fan-
tasy and low aggression seems well
established in the literature (Biblow,
FANTASY, AGGRESSION, 1973; Loye, Gorney, & Steele, 1977;
AND CATHARSIS Pytkowicz, Wagner, & Sarason, 1967;
We agree with Comstock et al. (1978) Singer, 1968; Singer & Rowe, 1962;
that the vicarious behavior hypothesis Townsend, 1968). However, the mecha-
"involves a series of contingent relation- nism by which fantasy may reduce overt
ships" (p. 423), but we do not agree with aggression is still unclear. Feshbach
their conclusion that this complexity ren- (1976,1983) suggests five possible mech-
ders catharsis u a relatively improbable anisms which may operate to reduce
event" (p. 423). Rather, we concede the aggression: substitute goal, expressive
difficulty in measuring the variable and valve, inverse of action, positive rein-
the suggested contingent relationships. forcement, and cognitive restructuring.
We depart from the Comstock et al. Biblow (1973) and Singer (1971) main-
position because it appears to be based tain that affect—mood change—rather
on the results of research conducted than drive reduction is the best explana-
within the catharsis-as-vicarious-behav- tion for the observed data. They suggest
ior subset, research which as Murray that fantasy works as a method of mood
and Feshbach (1978) admit, has "fared altering or a distraction from the aggres-
poorly" (p. 463) in experimental tests. sion-provoking stimulus. Although a
The lack of control for fantasy in the clear understanding of the underlying
experiments and the assumption that mechanism is lacking, fantasy seems to
fantasy is in the media content, appear to provide a global construct which
be possible causes for the poor showing accounts for some reduced aggressive
in the studies. responses in individuals.
Feshbach's original work with sym- Some basis for a relationship between
bolic aggression and catharsis were high fantasy ability and reduction of

CSMC
aggression seems, therefore, to exist in
the literature. Intuitively—and concep-
tually—for catharsis to occur the indi-
vidual must have his or her fantasy
ability stimulated. If an individual is not
involved in fantasy, aggression reduction
would be minimal or nonexistent.
Despite the conceptual and methodologi-
cal importance of the fantasy ability, the
variable is not measured in most media
effects studies.
Looked at from a different perspective
the question might become, "Are televi-
sion viewing and fantasy synonymous?"
Usually television viewing is treated as
an observational term which Kaplan
(1964) defines as a "relatively simply
and direct observation" (p. 54). Studies
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which operationalize TV "viewing"
usually do so in terms of quantitative
time rather than a qualitative attention-
and-time measure. Frequently, reports
of "television exposure" (e.g., Gerbner,
Gross, Jackson-Beeck, Jeffries-Fox, &
Signorielli, 1978), or reference to a com-
parison—"have you been watching a lot
more television than before?" (Becker,
Dunwoody, & Rafaeli, 1983, p. 133)—
are used to measure attending to televi-
sion messages. However, these are only
measures of the time television is
switched on, not measures of involve-
ment with the content. Csikszentmihalyi
and Kubey (1981) report that on TV
viewing occasions, respondents give their
undivided attention to TV only 32.6% of
the time.
Salomon and Cohen (1978), realizing
the problematic nature of most viewing
measures, suggested that television view-
ing be reconceptualized as a construct.
Miller and Nicholson (1976) suggest
that unlike observational terms, con-
structs are "based upon indirect evidence
of their existence and their effects" and
"the scientist has postulated their exis-
tence, or constructed them, in order to
355
COPELAND AND SLATER
examine empirically some theoretical
model" (p. 112). Constructs, "though
not observational either directly or indi-
rectly, may be applied and even defined
on the basis of observables" (Kaplan,
1964, p. 55). It would seem propitious
for researchers interested in testing
vicarious catharsis to adopt a television
viewing construct similar to LindloPs
(1980):
television may be construed as a fantasy
experience of a special order. The fantasy
experience . . . is a characteristic cognitive
process—not a product or a stimulus with
self-styled fantastic properties. Certain stim-
uli may have fantasy-inducing potential, but
. . . actual conversion of this potential is
heavily dependent on the subjects' predispo-
sition toward and prior experience with said
stimuli, (p. 278)
This construct is supportive of the argu-
ment that the fantasy is not in the pro-
gram content but in the person.
Viewing television may be an activity
which cultivates an appropriate mood
for fantasy production. Lindlof (1982)
notes that the "production of fantasy
activity [is] associated with low arousal,
where the individual is relaxed and dis-
engaged from social interaction" (p. 75).
Csikszentmihalyi and Kubey (1981)
found just such a state for those viewing
television. They concluded "television
viewers were consistently and closely tied
to relaxation, to weaker cognitive invest-
ments, and to lower feelings of potency
when compared to other activities" (pp.
325-326), including public leisure.
This leads us to take exception with
the two common assumptions usually
applied to the vicarious catharsis
approach: (1) catharsis will take place
for everyone equally and (2) cathartic
fantasy will be violent in nature (Biblow,
1973). To assume all individuals could
cathart equally despite differences in
 356
TV, FANTASY AND VICARIOUS CATHARSIS
fantasy ability repeats the fundamental
error made in early catharsis research.
Differential effects should be expected
based on differential fantasy ability and
other personal attributes. Maccoby
(1964) warns us of assuming uniform
impact of mediated messages on chil-
dren:
The child is not a passive entity simply
absorbing like a sponge whatever is offered to
him. He is an active selector of what mass
media materials he will expose himself to in
the first place; and even during exposure . . .
he displays attention selectively and what he
remembers varies accordingly, (p. 327)
Given, as claimed, that catharsis func-
tions through the mediating influence of
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fantasy, expecting a person low in such
ability to achieve the same levels of
catharsis as a person high in such ability
is counterintuitive. The lack of experi-
mental control for varying fantasy abili-
ties by earlier researchers may help
explain the inconclusive and contra-
dictory results in this area.
The second argument, that fantasy
activity takes place while viewing only
aggressive messages, ignores people's
ability to use mediated messages for their
own personal needs. This criticism
results from a confusion of the critical
agent. The fantasy is not in the content of
the message but in the mind of the
viewer. A high fantasizer may be able to
use any program content as a means
toward aggression reduction. Research-
ers have typically assumed the content of
the mediated message controls the con-
tent of the experienced fantasy. This
assumption is made in spite of the recog-
nition of functionalism in media con-
sumption (e.g., Merton, 1957; Wright,
1975) and the resultant research para-
digm of the uses and gratifications
approach to media (see, Blumler & Katz,
1974).
DECEMBER 1985
The uses and gratifications approach
suggests that people use the media to
fulfill their own needs. Perhaps high
fantasizers are able to use any type of
content material for vicarious reduction
in behavioral aggression. Some individu-
als, in fact, may find it easier to engage in
fantasy activity with a situation comedy
than with an action/adventure program.
Biblow (1973) reported that high fantasy
children could use either a violent or
nonviolent film to reduce aggressive
behavior after being frustrated. Klinger
(1971) suggests that fantasy is created
around an individual's current concerns,
"unresolved current problems, unfin-
ished tasks, role conflicts, and prominent
affection responses, as well as the chal-
lenges of identity and commitment posed
by the individual's social relationship"
(p. 49).
Some evidence suggests that post-
viewing fantasy is less violent for violent-
media-content viewers than for proso-
cial-media-content viewers. Loye et al.
(1977) reported that exposure to violent
program content reduced the violence in
the expression of fantasies. Husbands on
a violence-viewing diet differed signifi-
cantly from those on a prosocial-viewing
diet by producing more "plus imagery."
Plus-imagery means a nonaggressive or
nonhostile response to Baron's Ink Blot
protocols as determined by a content
analysis. This difference between vio-
lence- and prosocial-viewing groups was
found at the end of one week of regular
viewing of either violent or prosocial
television programs only. Thus evidence
is available to support the contention
that both violent and nonviolent media
may induce a cathartic experience.
In addition to the ability to fantasize,
the actual production of fantasy during
television viewing is critical. The ability
to create fantasy production is not suffi-
cient to predict actual engagement in
 357

CSMC GOPELAND AND SLATER

fantasy activity. As we argued earlier, to measure fantasy involvement during

television viewing produces a setting program viewing could be intrusive
which is conducive to fantasy production enough to hinder fantasy production.
but television cannot, by itself, generate Procedures which have used real-time
that production. It is a human decision to measurement of viewing responses have
engage or not engage in fantasy. There- been developed and utilized (cf. Book &
fore, it will become incumbent on McCain, 1981; Hazzard, 1962-1963).
researchers to assess (1) not only the Book and McCain (1981) utilized a
ability for fantasy production, but addi- measure of what they defined as "day-
tionally (2) fantasy engagement. dreaming" as part of their experiment.
To date, developing appropriate mea- There is at least some evidence that
sures of fantasy ability has been prob- fantasy production may be measured in
lematic, yet remains a critical element. real-time.
Loye et al. (1977), for example, mea- The second possible procedure would
sured fantasy ability by noting at what be some type of postviewing measure.
point in a rank-ordered series of Baron This approach has as its disadvantage
Ink Blot cards the subject detected the requirement of asking people to
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human movement; they then assigned recall the types of activity in which they
subjects to a high fantasy or low fantasy engaged during their viewing. This also
category. Singer and Antrobus (1970) assumes that people would be able to
have developed The Imaginal Process relate that experience. While this is not
Inventory consisting of 344 items to test the best of methods, it does seem prag-
the fantasy and daydreaming process. matic. There is, in fact, a whole body of
This particular measure has found use in literature—uses and gratifications—
longitudinal studies of fantasy produc- which relies on the assumption that
tion of males (Giambra, 1977-1978) and people know and can relate their uses of
in communication research (Mcllwraith media content (Katz, Blumler, & Gure-
& Schallow, 1983). The effort to mea- vitch, 1974, pp. 21-22).
sure fantasizing capabilities represents a Finally, it should be noted that vicar-
step which has been neglected in cathar- ious catharsis probably applies to other
sis research and which needs to be emotions and emotional displays. It is
refined. Other procedures, including just as logical to assume that vicarious
brain wave and physiological measures, catharsis could take place for emotions
appear appropriate supplements to pa- such as love and the need for close,
per-and-pencil protocols. Developing interpersonal relations. From this view,
techniques for measuring baseline fan- it is possible to reinterpret Baran's
tasy ability in subjects necessarily com- (1980) report of an experimental study
plicates pretest procedures, but is critical in which men who were watching beau-
if subjects are to be assigned to experi- tiful women on television were subse-
mental and control groups with greater quently less likely to make a blind date
precision. Further, such pretesting of with a woman they saw in a picture
subjects recognizes that fantasy produc- than were men who were not watching
tion is an ability which exists in the TV. Baran's implication was that "real"
viewer and not in the experimental women could not compete with those
manipulation. women depicted on television. A reinter-
The measurement of fantasy activity pretation from the vicarious catharsis
also would seem problematic. Attempts perspective would be that the viewer
 358
TV, FANTASY AND VICARIOUS CATHARSIS
already had a vicarious relationship with
the televised women which had relieved
the immediate need for personal rela-
tionships. In this case, vicarious catharsis
could be seen as serving a dysfunctional
role. However, there are circumstances,
particularly among the institutionalized
and shut-in, where this could serve a
positive function.
FUTURE DIRECTIONS
Of primary importance for media
researchers is the realization that cathar-
sis will not function equally for all.
Catharsis will occur only for those who
(1) have fantasy ability and (2) have that
ability stimulated. Attempting to mea-
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sure and control fantasy as an interven-
ing or mediating variable is a crucial first
step to producing more definitive
results.
Second, researchers must attempt to
identify the types of mediated messages
that stimulate the greatest fantasy
involvement on the part of the viewer.
Perhaps viewing mediated events only
provides an occasion for fantasy but
plays no actual part in the fanta-
sies themselves. On the other hand,
Boyanowsky, Newston, and Walster
(1974) have suggested that people seek
out media content which reflects their
preoccupations and fantasies. Do current
concerns and current fantasies cause pro-
gram selection or is program selection
the cause—or is the process interaction-
al? The issue of causality needs to be
addressed.
Third, exploration of the content of
fantasies needs to be attempted. Will any
type of fantasy reduce aggression or does
the fantasy have to deal with the source
of the frustration? What are the differ-
ences between fantasies stimulated by
the media and fantasies stimulated by
other agents?
DECEMBER 1985
Fourth, fantasy may be a mediating
variable between heavy viewing and
overt behavioral aggression. Singer and
Singer (1981) note that children who are
heavy viewers are less likely to be imagi-
native. Thus, the lack of the fantasy
ability rather than the TV viewing may
be the stronger predictor of aggressive-
ness in heavy TV viewers. Occasionally,
communication researchers' interest in
communication variables has caused
them to stop short of investigating other
impinging variables. Doob and Macdon-
ald (1979) offer an example of the non-
significant effect of levels of viewing
when control is provided for other
appropriate factors.
Fifth, vicarious catharsis research
should not be limited to the effects of
violent television content on individuals,
but be expanded to include other emo-
tional areas. When viewed from the
vicarious catharsis perspective, there
seems evidence to support the applicabil-
ity of this view to the study of other
emotions. Future researchers may find it
useful to explore this possibility.
These recommendations are sugges-
tive of a research program that may
provide support for vicarious catharsis.
Prior to the institution of such a program
as generally outlined in the steps above,
the development of new tools to measure
fantasy ability, fantasy production, the
content of fantasy production, and cur-
rent concerns are required. The imple-
mentation of the first suggested direction
may be the least problematic. Two tests
for fantasy ability already have been
suggested, although each has some limi-
tations. The Baron Ink Blot protocols
have been used primarily in clinical eval-
uations. The test was not specifically
created for the experimental study of
fantasy ability. The Imaginal Process
Inventory, while not suffering from the

CSMC
Baron Ink Blot problem, is composed of
344 items. The length makes the use of
the instrument cumbersome. While both
measures appear adequate, they do not
appear to be ideal. It appears that the
first step in the programmatic study of
vicarious catharsis needs to be the devel-
opment of a new measure of fantasy
ability.
The ability to measure when the fan-
tasy ability is engaged is a problematic
area for new measurement. Physiolog-
ical measurement indicating when fan-
tasy production is occurring would be
ideal, but appears impractical. In addi-
tion, the need for knowledge about the
content of fantasy production will
require intrusive techniques, (e.g., mak-
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ing inquiries of the subject at inappro-
priate moments). Real time measures
like those discussed previously seem to be
the optimum procedures for both fantasy
production and fantasy content.
Development of a measure of current
concerns will be necessary for the imple-
mentation of a research program. Evi-
dence cited earlier suggests links between
fantasy content and selection of media
messages. Additionally, there is evidence
for the conclusion that fantasy content is
a result of previous concerns. Deter-
mining the concerns of an individual will
be of value in implementing our second,
third, and fifth recommendation. Con-
tent analysis of fantasy activity during
television viewing may help uncover the
direction of causality between current
concerns, selection and use of television
programs, and fantasy production. Tele-
vision viewing may only provide a setting
which is conducive to fantasy activity
about current concerns. If the content of
fantasy production is related to television
viewing, an exploration of the impact of
various types of programs—news, sit
corns, action/adventure, etc.—is needed.
359
GOPELAND AND SLATER
The suggested future directions num-
ber three and four refer to links between
vicarious catharsis and aggressive behav-
ior. In order to carry out this part of the
research effort, the reliance on correla-
tional techniques so widely used in the
study of television effects will have to be
eschewed. Causality, or at least direc-
tionality, needs to be ascertained. Exper-
imental designs and particularly field
experiments must be attempted to find
support for the vicarious catharsis per-
spective.
The recommendation to broaden
vicarious catharsis research beyond the
vicarious catharsis/reduction-of-aggres-
sion approach is independent of the
reduction-of-aggression findings. While
support for the traditional view of vicar-
ious catharsis should provide extra jus-
tification for research into other emo-
tional and behavioral areas, it may be
found that vicarious catharsis works well
for some emotions/behaviors and not as
well for others. The implementation of
the fifth future direction opens the door
for many interesting questions.
In summary, catharsis is a paradigm
too often rejected because of a prevalent
"common sense" opinion that mediated
violence must have some negative impact
on viewers. A reformulation of the
catharsis paradigm to include levels of
fantasy ability, the type of mediated mes-
sage which best triggers fantasies, and
the content of the fantasies evoked could
provide a resurgence of interest in
catharsis as an effect of viewing mediated
violence.
Although under the traditional ap-
proach the research is far from offering
strong support for catharsis, it is far from
offering no support. More fruitful and
definitive results may yet be achieved if
the reformulations suggested in this
essay are implemented. •
 360

TV, FANTASY AND VICARIOUS CATHARSIS DECEMBER 1985

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