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March 3, 2010 Time: 03:55pm hls074.tex

[HLS 9.1 (2010) 121–126]

Book Reviews
Mizrahi Resistance to Zionist Hegemony in Israel
Sami Shalom Chetrit, Intra-Jewish Conflict in Israel: White Jews, Black Jews (London and
New York: Routledge, 2010). Pp. 298. Hardback. ISBN 13: 978-0415778640.

When Sami Chetrit’s book (in Hebrew) was reviewed two years ago for the journal of the
Middle Eastern Studies Association, Shiko Behar wrote that the only frustrating aspect of
the book was that it was unavailable to English readers. The recent release of the English
translation proves him right; this book is a must read for anyone wishing truly to understand
the history and the complexity of racism in Israeli society, and how it affects the wider
Israeli/Palestinian conflict.
The book’s most important contribution to the growing literature on the Mizrahim
in Israel, following Ella Shohat, Shlomo Swirski, Smadar Lavie and Amiel Alkalay, among
others, is in making these narratives available. It is the first text to chronicle the history of
the relations between Mizrahim and Zionism, emphasising Mizrahi struggle and resistance.
Chetrit, a long time activist, educator, poet, film maker and scholar, has always been a vocal
critic of Zionism, and has stressed the need for us Mizrahim to write our own history. With
this book, he leads by example.
In this review I want to highlight two important contributions of the book to the
understanding of the Mizrahi struggle in Israel: first, the analysis of the mechanism
that deflects any Mizrahi resistance to Zionist oppression and second, the importance of
alternative narratives to the formation of Mizrahi identity. This need is especially urgent
in light of the constant denial and sometimes violent rejection of these narratives by the
Zionist hegemony.
First, I want to stress the importance of focusing on narratives of struggle and resistance,
since traditionally, the Mizrahi struggle is systematically distorted on nearly every academic
and media front. Chetrit’s analysis provides crucial tools for examining struggles and acts
of resistance not mentioned in the book. A similar thread, for example, could be easily
identified between acts of resistance described in Chetrit’s book, such as Wadi Salib and
the Black Panthers, and other struggles of equal importance he does not address, like the
resistance of Rabbi Meshulam, in 1994, in relation to the kidnapped Yemenite Babies
Affair.1
For instance, Chetrit claims the Wadi Salib revolt (1959) provoked a well-crafted
response by the establishment designed to delegitimise the impact of this political act
reducing it to a violent criminal action that threatened the country’s unity. Protesters were
never perceived as activists for social justice or for the right to basic necessities such as
running water, but rather as criminals.

1 The ‘Yemenite babies affair’ is the tragedy of the alleged kidnapping of infants and
children, mostly from Yemenite immigrants, upon arrival to Israel in the late 1940s and
early 1950s. The state denies this Affair and has so far failed to investigate properly the
matter. For more on this story, see Shoshana Madmoni-Gerber, Israeli Media and the Framing
of Internal Conflict: The Yemenite Babies Affair (New York: Palgrave Macmillan 2009).
March 3, 2010 Time: 03:55pm hls074.tex

122 Holy Land Studies

Chetrit says the method of handling protesters as criminals disconnects the actions from
their causes. The Minister of Police labeled the uprising ‘ethnic poisoning’ and claimed
the entire population in Israel rejected ‘this handful of hooligans’. Furthermore, ethnic
stereotyping penetrated the judicial system. During the first hearing of David Ben-Harush’s
trial, the judge told him ‘any man who would come to me and announce he is Moroccan
will get a more twice the sentence . . . you are dividing the people’ (p. 68).
Chetrit claims the media played a vital role in reinforcing the government’s denial
and lack of responsibility for the marginalisation of Mizrahim, as well as for the public
perception of Mizrahi struggle as a criminal act. Articles were placed with the crime
reports, which labeled the protesters and their acts as criminal before a single word was
read. With the exception of some limited fair representation in the newspapers Ha’olam
Haze and Kol Ha’am, mainstream media coverage was mostly negative and inconsistent.
‘It can be certainly said’, wrote Chetrit, ‘that without the active cooperation of the press,
Ben-Gurion and his government would have found it much harder to suppress the spread
of the rebellion, to foster alienation between the Mizrahim and the rebels . . . ’ (p. 72).
Chetrit compares the Mizrahi struggle to the African American struggle in the US
in theoretical and practical terms. He describes similar aspects of both struggles including
economic and cultural oppression, and European domination over other cultures. Most
importantly, he notes, in both cases political gains were achieved during moments of
radicalisation in the struggle.
This commonality is well illustrated by the struggle of the Israeli Black Panthers, active
in the 1970s. Chetrit claims the name choice, after the American Black Panther movement,
indicated a connection to a broader protest, and emphasised parallels with American civil
rights issues. They were also the first Mizrahi protest movement to object to the Palestinian
occupation as part of their social and political agenda. Despite this major milestone in Israeli
historiography, the Black Panthers movement is nearly absent from the public memory and
still mostly mentioned with negative connotations. In his documentary The Black Panthers,
Chetrit observed, ‘Not one book was written about them. Even 30 years later, many are
still afraid to identify with them as if it was a struggle of a bunch of ‘not very nice’ guys
from Jerusalem’.2
The second important point made throughout the book is the dominance of the
Zionist meta-narrative and its ability to silence and block any alternative narrative through
massive reinforcement of the Ashkenazi-Zionist point of view by the media, academia
and the government. As Chetrit claims, presentation of social conflicts from an angle
that might provoke the public to rethink the Zionist point of view is almost nonexistent.
The narratives are still overwhelmingly controlled by concepts of the melting pot and
integration, despite its complete and long time failure.
An incident in the Kedma School in Tel Aviv3 illustrates this point. In May 1995,
the school held its traditional Holocaust Memorial Day ceremony, where by custom six
candles are lit in memory of the six million murdered Jews. Chetrit, then principal of
the school, altered the tradition by adding a seventh candle, lit by a Holocaust survivor, to
honor all other people murdered during the Holocaust, and in memory of other genocides
around the world. Chetrit said he believed that the Holocaust should teach people about
the importance of recognising other cultures and other people’s suffering.

2 Sami Chetrit and Eli Hamo directed the documentary The Black Panthers, released in
2007 (p. 7). This is the only documentary about the Israeli Black Panthers.
3 Founded in 1994 by educators and activists who wished to form an academic
alternative for Mizrahi students. After enduring constant media attacks, and poor funding
from the municipality of Tel Aviv, the school closed in 1996.
March 3, 2010 Time: 03:55pm hls074.tex

Book Reviews 123

Rather than praising his initiative or compassion, the media lambasted Chetrit’s action
despite its intention to enhance the traditional ceremony by emphasising inclusion, peace,
and equality. In essence, he was accused of diminishing the importance of Jewish suffering
in the Holocaust by recognising other, non-Jewish victims. Critics were averse to this
new element in the ceremony and portrayed Chetrit and the school as divisive forces.
Gadi Taub, of the Department of Communications and Journalism, Hebrew University of
Jerusalem, claimed (in 1997) that Chetrit had tarnished a unique symbol of the Holocaust,
depriving students in Kedma and people from the Hatikva neighborhood in Tel Aviv of
their place in society.4 He said Chetrit’s memorial service was a ‘manipulative’ struggle
about victimhood: ‘By not recognizing the uniqueness of the Holocaust,’ Taub wrote,
‘Chetrit took his students out of the collective and told them that they didn’t belong’
(p. 228).
What Chetrit’s critics fail to recognise is that multiple narratives should not threaten
the collective. On the contrary, accepting other points of view is the way to enhance and
create true unity.

Dr Shoshana Madmoni-Gerber
Professor of Journalism and Media
Department of Communication and Journalism
Suffolk University
41 Temple Street
Boston, MA 02108, USA
smadmoni@suffolk.edu
DOI: 10.3366/E1474947510000740

1948 Revisited
Ilan Pappe, The Ethnic Cleansing of Palestine (Oxford: Oneworld, 2006). Pp. 316. Paperback.
ISBN 13: 978-1851684670.

Professor Ilan Pappe’s ‘The Ethnic Cleansing of Palestine’ will most certainly be classified as
one of the most painstakingly researched books on the Israel-Palestine question to emerge
to date. This work has been fittingly dedicated by the author to the hundreds of thousands
of victims of the Palestinian Nakba (catastrophe) of 1948. Pappe was born in Haifa (Israel)
in 1954. He received his doctorate from Oxford University in 1984. Having taught for
over two decades at the University of Haifa in Israel, he is now on the faculty list of the
University of Exeter in the UK. Pappe is hardly a stranger to the pages of this journal,
having been a regular contributor to it (as well as serving on its editorial board), since
its inception in the early years of this decade under the co-editorship of the late Michael
Prior. Pappe is one among the ‘New Israeli Historians’ along with others such as Benny
Morris, Avi Shlaim and the present Editor of Holy Land Studies, Nur Masalha. In many
ways, Pappe is carrying on the work of many other writers in the field of revisionist Israeli
history and particularly those of writers such as Benny Morris, Nur Masalha and Walid
Khalidi, albeit in a more nuanced, emphatic and clear manner.

4 Holocaust survivors were notably supportive of Chetrit’s innovative ceremony. They

congratulated Chetrit for ‘daring to break the silence’ in an op-ed in the newspaper
Hakibbutz (1995), and in private letters. ‘The power of our cry as Jewish people,’ wrote
one survivor, ‘is by feeling and identifying with other human beings who are not Jewish’
(Chetrit 2001).
March 3, 2010 Time: 03:55pm hls074.tex

124 Holy Land Studies

Pappe has always been controversial within his own homeland as the most ‘revisionist’
within the segment of the new historiography that has come out of Israel. He is a
substantial writer, with over five major works on Middle Eastern history and politics to
his credit. Pappe’s present work is the most forthright of his many works, asserting the
truth that the vast majority of the Palestinian people, who became refugees as a result of
the 1948 war, were violently and forcefully displaced from the land. The book’s relevance
obviously lies in its writing by an Israeli academic and one that was born and has long
been resident in the state of Israel. The book reads chronologically, which again adds to
its attractiveness to the reader. Pappe forensically chronicles the death and destruction of
historic Mandatory Palestine at the hands of the Zionist forces of the nascent state of
Israel. As he has acknowledged, Pappe has built on the work of many Palestinian scholars
and researchers who have painstakingly sought to reveal, to the fullest extent possible,
the devastation that has accompanied the European ‘Zionist’ annexation of Palestine that
started in the late nineteenth century and still continues without abatement today.
The most striking aspect of Pappe’s work is the systematic way in which he details the
various campaigns that the forces of the Mandatory Palestinian Jewish ‘Yishuv’ undertook
to drive out the native Arab population from large parts of the then state of Palestine.
Pappe is clear in his introduction to the book that he wants to make the case for the ‘ethnic
cleansing’ of Palestine, a word that came into the popular lexicon following the Yugoslav
wars of the 1990s, but which has a much older historical record, stretching right back,
as Pappe rightfully maintains, to biblical times and the advent of European colonialism in
the middle of the last millennium. The book includes some very potent pictorial images
from the Nakba of 1948 that seek to convey visually the impact of this catastrophe on the
native Palestinian populace, in comparison to the victorious and emergent Jewish forces
of the ‘new’ state of Israel. Pappe thus reveals his close knowledge with the land and
former ethnography of Palestine and his book forms a potent memoir and image bank,
both mental as well as physical, of that period.
Pappe is right when he mentions that the problem with the earlier Israeli ‘revisionists’
like Benny Morris was their sole use of official Israeli archival sources and military records
without the use of contemporary Arab sources and the rich oral history of the conflict
so widely available among the people of Israel-Palestine, both Palestinian Arabs as well as
Israeli Jews. He has sought to remedy this lacuna in this book, by bringing the missing
‘second half ’ to light. He has also sought to focus clearly on Plan D (Plan Dalet), the
master blueprint of the 1948 war authorised by David Ben-Gurion that resulted in the
destruction and depopulation of much of Mandatory Palestine. Pappe records in detail
the manner in which the Jewish Yishuv’s intelligence-gathering wing operated and the
silent cooperation extended to the military forces of the Yishuv by the British authorities
in Palestine. Pappe’s purpose here is to show how planning played such an important role
in the Zionist colonisation and occupation of British Palestine. Pappe’s book reveals what
all serious post-colonial researchers on Israel-Palestine and mandatory Palestine have long
maintained that the British mandatory authorities were very much complicit in the Zionist
Jewish takeover of Palestine at the time.
Pappe has also written on the extensive refoliation programme undertaken by the
Jewish National Fund (JNF) in the destroyed village lands of Palestine. He shows how the
JNF took a conscious decision to refoliate the areas rendered vacant by the destruction of
hundreds of Palestinian villages by the simple expedient of planting fast-growing European-
origin conifer and fir trees that would hide all evidence of the human habitation that
once existed in these areas. These created forests are visible to anybody travelling along
the highways linking the main cities within the present state of Israel today, and each
covers the remains of many destroyed Palestinian villages. One area of historical research
manifestly lacking in this work and probably beyond its scope would have been a clearer
March 3, 2010 Time: 03:55pm hls074.tex

Book Reviews 125

and deeper archival research-based account of the responsibility of and role played by the
post-World War I British mandatory administration of Palestine in paving the way for the
further Jewish colonisation and Zionist takeover of Palestine. This will probably have to
be left to some student of Middle Eastern history willing to undertake a deeper and more
concise survey of the National Archives at Kew pertaining to the Palestine Mandate period
in British colonial history. All in all, Pappe has left us with a good analysis of the 1948 war
and the reasoning and planning as well as the actual implementation on the ground that
went into securing Palestine for the Yishuv minus the vast majority of the Palestinian
people, evicted inhumanly from their own land, and still condemned to remain refugees
in 2010. This book must remain a tribute to a native Israeli’s painstaking effort to research
and record the history of his land and the fate of the majority of its original inhabitants,
namely the Palestinian Arab people.

Dr Samuel J. Kuruvilla
Politics & Theology
University of Exeter
Contact: Kollamparampil
S. Puram P. O. Kottayam
Kerala, India-686532
sjk201@gmail.com
DOI: 10.3366/E1474947510000752

The Case for the One-State Solution

Constance Hilliard, Does Israel Have a Future? The Case for a Post-Zionist State (Washington,
DC: Potomac Books, 2009). Pp. 128. Hardback. ISBN 13: 978-1597972345.

Constance Hilliard’s book is timely. It comes out following the discovery by the Obama
administration that Israel is not prepared to meet its international obligations concerning
a viable settlement with the Palestinians. While the Obama administration is employing a
top and experienced negotiator, Senator George Mitchell, to deal with the conflict, Israel
is still insisting on a truncated Palestinian state that is made up of several enclaves which
would be run as a ‘protectorate’ under Israeli hegemony.
The book contains three parallel topics, with one conclusion. In the first two chapters,
the author examines the attitudes of the United States in particular and the West in general
towards the growing evidence from Nazi Germany concerning the fate of the Jews in
Europe. According to Hilliard, all western states, the US included, ignored the horrible
news and made it very difficult for Jews in eastern and central Europe to get Western visas
in order to escape from the Holocaust. Although, at the time the Nazi atrocities were
discussed at a series of conferences, the US and its Western allies do not seem to have been
particularly concerned if Jews were annihilated by the Nazi monster. This is probably an
exaggeration.
In the following four chapters the author analyses the discussions within Jewish circles
regarding the future of Jews in Palestine, especially after the war in Europe. While
mentioning the Palestinian side in a few pages, the main part of these chapters concentrate
on the Jewish side.
In the last four chapters of her work Hilliard discusses ‘the future of the Jews’ in general
and in Israel in particular. She also examines new initiatives by various organisations,
especially Christian Zionists in the US, that, in their blind support for Israel, push for a
mega-explosion in the Holy Land. While trying to show that the situation on the ground
March 3, 2010 Time: 03:55pm hls074.tex

126 Holy Land Studies

is unstable, the author believes there is a need to act urgently. The author then turns to the
current debate on the future of Israel and the Palestinians. She clearly favours the ‘one-state
option’ as a future solution for the conflict in the Holy Land.
One of the most interesting aspects of the book is the way in which the author uses
the methodology of a question and answer exchange to deal with the different challenges
and questions arising following the rise and spread of the one-state debate. The US, the
European Union and other advocates of the failed ‘two-states solution’ in fact continue
to support the current dreadful status in Palestine-Israel. This only shows that these states’
efforts are directed at preserving their narrow interests rather than any sign of caring for
Jews. As in Europe during the Nazi occupation, the West is still ignorant to the real
situation on the ground and still prefers to stick to narrow considerations rather than
consider what is in the best interests of Jews. The book ends with a call to establish a one-
state in Palestine-Israel that will also serve as spiritual centre for the world. In the author’s
words: ‘A piece of Israel should exist in the hearts and minds of all thoughtful men and
women. It should be the voice that shouts ‘never again’ not only for Jews, but for all who
face injustice. This is the real Israel, the one now struggling to be born’ (p. 128).
This is a must-read book for all those who are concerned about the future of Israel-
Palestine. The work is also very useful for scholars and students of Middle East politics.
My main criticism, however, centres on two points: first, although the book is written
primarily with the intention of promoting the ‘one-state solution’, it is still worthwhile
considering other alternative political solutions and trying to explain why other options
are no long relevant. In the end no one knows whether under the current conditions the
Jewish state, with occupation, apartheid and South African-style Bantustans, will endure
for another generation.
Second, the book is largely devoted to analysing the ‘Jewish Problem’, while by and
large ignoring the suffering of the Palestinians who should have been considered one of the
most important factors in the current debate on the one-state solution. In South Africa,
for example, the fate of the whites was never considered as the main component of the
debate on the need to end apartheid. The main purpose was then to bring an end to racism
and the suffering of the non-white majority of the population. In Palestine-Israel the main
objective is to mobilise international support in the fight for the protection of human
rights and to bring about the end of settler colonialism. While I am fully aware of the
extraordinary sensitivity in dealing with the Jewish state, especially in the US, still I think
it would have been more convincing if the author had addressed the dreadful, inhumane
conditions produced by the anti-democratic, ethnocratic Jewish state.

Dr As‘ad Ghanem
School of Political Sciences
University of Haifa
Haifa 31905
Israel
ghanemasad@yahoo.com
DOI: 10.3366/E1474947510000764