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The Methodology of Foreign Language Teaching: Methods, Approaches, Principles
The Methodology of Foreign Language Teaching: Methods, Approaches, Principles
1. Methodology defined
2. Methods
Although ideas about language teaching and learning have a long history, it is
in the mid-19th century that these most prominently took the form of specific
methods, that is to say a specification of prescribed procedures or techniques.
(Howatt 2004; Kelly 1969) What appears to distinguish post-1840 methods
from earlier proposals and practices are factors like the following:
a) represented as unique and distinctive, labelled with the definite article
and the term ‘method’ (e.g., The Prussian Method, The Direct Method, The
Grammar Translation Method, The Berlitz Method, The Audio-Lingual
Method),
b) represented as an innovation or discovery,
Novel features of methods were often, indeed, novel at the time, and many of
the features of earlier methods were re-cycled in the pedagogy of a century later.
Focus on oral language, the use of inductive rather than deductive presentation,
involving gestures on the part of teachers, and physical movement on the part of
the student, the use of conversational dialogs, the rationalised specification of
selection and sequencing of language forms, the featuring of ‘natural’ language
use – all these were promoted as unique contributions to language instruction
by 19th century method creators. And all of these features appear again, with
recognisable similarities if in different combinations, in methods introduced a
century later.
The mid-years of the 20th century was dominated by a set of classroom prac-
tices which became known as ‘The Audio-lingual Method’. The major features
of audiolingualism were lessons built around dialogues featuring particular
grammatical features and intensive practice of those features through teacher-
directed pattern practice.
The period of the 1970s and 1980s was marked by a set of methods which
emerged out of disaffection with audiolingualism and were often somewhat
idiosyncratic in name and procedure. These were typically associated with one
‘founder spokesman’, usually (coincidentally or not) a white male of middle
years. To emphasise the liveliness of method invention and promulgation during
this period of one hundred years or more, Richards and Rodgers (2001) give
brief surveys of 18 methods (and approaches) Each of these was typically
associated with a specific set of activities which marked the brand. Although
many of the activities, even if not crediting their original sources, were sub-
sequently taken up and indeed still appear in teacher preparation programs and
in standard second language student texts, they were extracted as separate el-
ements and not as parts of the whole package that defines the method as such.
2.1.6. Suggestopedia
Physical surroundings and atmosphere in classroom, including art and music, are
vital to make sure that students feel relaxed and confident (See Lozanov 1979;
Schiffler 1991). An early lesson of Suggestopedia usually consisted of three
phases: deciphering, concert session (memorisation séance), and elaboration.
1. Deciphering: The teacher introduces the grammar and vocabulary of a target
text, preferably in a playful manner.
2. Concert session (active and passive): In the active session, the teacher reads
the text at a normal speed, sometimes intoning some words, and the students
follow. In the passive session, the students relax and listen to the teacher
reading the text calmly. Music (‘Pre-Classical’) is played background.
3. Elaboration: The students demonstrate what they have learned via original
texts, dramas, songs, and games.
(1984), Richards and Rodgers (2001)? The reasons were, broadly speaking, of
two kinds, one related to their pedagogic applicability, the other to their theor-
etical underpinning.
With regard to the first kind of reason, it was argued that methods tended
to be too prescriptively rigid. On the micro-level of local classroom reality, no
account was taken of the variable socio-cultural and individual characteristics
of teachers and students, so there was an imposition of conformity on a naturally
dynamic process. On the macro-level, methods were not sensitive to the larger
educational, social and political contexts in which learning and teaching are
inevitably set. On the educational front, they were offered as ‘stand-alone’
pedagogical entities rather than as one of many inter-related sub-components
comprising curriculum. Curriculum design, development, dissemination and
assessment are not viewed as relevant and necessary elements in the planning of
instruction. In short, the adoption of a prescribed method left little room for any
necessary adaptation.
With regard to the second kind of reason, methods were typically unsup-
ported by any explicit theorising or evidence of empirical data. They tended
to be based on implicit belief, and to represent personal pedagogic preferences
and not much else. With the emergence of applied linguistics, it was thought
that proposals for language teaching could and should be put on a more explicit
and principled theoretical and empirical footing.
Although we might concede that there is a case against methods along these
lines, it should also be recognised that many of the ideas implicit in their pro-
cedures have found their way into current thinking. Thus, for example the no-
tion that students should talk more than the teacher, that non-verbal clues, arte-
facts and media are useful aids to language learning, that cognition and problem
solving are supportive of learning and retention were all major premises of the
Silent Way. Other ideas, as we shall see, have been incorporated into subsequent
methodological assumptions.
This is not to suggest that the similarities between several current methodol-
ogy proposals and those of the earlier methods represent some sort of intentional
continuity or deliberate development in language pedagogy. Some forty years
ago Mackey observed that “while sciences have advanced by approximations in
which each new stage results from an improvement, not a rejection, of what has
gone before, language teaching methods have followed the pendulum of fashion
from one extreme to the other” (Mackey 1965: 139). Despite some current dis-
agreement regarding the onward and upward characterisation of the path of
scientific progress and, despite some disclaimers that current post-method think-
ing has disarmed the pendulum of fashion (e.g. Kumaravadivelu 1994), we are
nevertheless witnessing some unwitting re-cycling into current thinking of a
number of instructional suggestions from former methods since abandoned or
ignored.
It is also worth noting that some of the ideas, at least those that were followed
in the design of methods, implicitly and instinctively informed by pedagogic ex-
perience, have subsequently been endorsed by theoretical research. As evidence
for this, PPP is a case in point. Although dismissed as totally invalid (e.g. Lewis
1996) and theoretically uninformed (“there is no evidence in its favour, or
theory”, Skehan 1996: 18), recent research in cognitive psychology would seem
to provide substantial evidence in its support (de Keyser 2007).
But there is a further point that might be made in favour of methods. Their
formulaic nature as a set of directions for teaching may, as we have seen, have
its pedagogic shortcomings, but it also has the advantage of providing specific
guidelines and with them a sense of security, for trainee teachers. So methods
can be used as training to provide a basis on which later initiatives can develop,
as a preliminary phase in teacher education. It might also be added that the com-
mon belief in a method has a solidarity effect: it creates a sense of professional
community, with a shared purpose, ideology, and idiom and this provides adher-
ents with a cohort of like-minded colleagues with whom they can share enthusi-
asm, ideas and experiences.
Nevertheless, all that being said, the main charge against methods as the
imposition of a set of prescribed procedures remains. And the recognition of
the need to be more flexible, more adaptable to variable pedagogic conditions
brings with it a move from the notion of method to the notion of approach.
3. Approaches
The generally accepted distinction between method and approach has been for-
mulated as follows:
A method refers to a specific instructional design or system based on a particular
theory of language and of language learning. It contains detailed specifications of
content, roles of teachers and learners and of teaching procedures and techniques.
It is relatively fixed in time and there is generally little scope for individual inter-
pretation. Methods are learned through training. The teacher’s role is to follow the
method and apply it precisely according to the rules.
An approach, on the other hand, is a more general set of beliefs and principles
that can be used as a basis for language teaching.
Each of these approaches (or at least those that have been more fully elaborated and
adopted) has a core set of theories and beliefs about the nature of language, of lan-
guage learning, and a derived set of principles for teaching a language. None of them
however leads to a specific set of prescriptions and techniques to be used in teaching
a language. They are characterised by a variety of interpretations as to how the prin-
ciples can be applied. […] They allow for individual interpretation and application.
They can be revised and updated over time as new theories and new practices emerge.
(Richards and Rodgers 2001: 244–245).
The continuing tussle over the roles of input and output in language acquisi-
tion and language teaching have been maintained by debates in print, princip-
ally between Krashen (1994) and Swain (1995). Regardless of one’s ‘output’ or
‘input’ preference or preference for a balance between the two, proponents of
CLT (and its offshoots TBLT and CBI) persevered in the faith that ‘focus on
meaning’ should take primacy over ‘focus on form’ on the grounds that struc-
tural/grammatical mastery derives from communication not as a prelude to it.
The following can be taken as a representative statement of the tenets of
CLT (my glosses in parentheses):
what does and does not comprise a task. Ellis 2003 cites no less than nine dif-
ferent definitions.
Skehan, whose research has provided much of the theoretical underpinning
of TBLT, sets out the design features that define a task as follows:
[…] a task is regarded as an activity which satisfies the following criteria:
Meaning is primary.
There is a goal which needs to be worked towards.
The activity is outcome-evaluated.
There is a real-world relationship. (Skehan 1998b: 268)
Another definition cited in Ellis runs as follows:
A task is (1) a classroom activity or exercise that has: (a) an objective obtainable
only by the interaction among participants, (b) a mechanism for structuring and se-
quencing interaction, and (c) a focus on meaning exchange; (2) a language learning
endeavour that requires learners to comprehend, manipulate, and/or produce the tar-
get language as they perform some set of workplans. (from Lee 2000)
There would seem to be an agreement here that a task is designed to have a goal
or objective and that its success is to be evaluated in terms of its outcome. What
is less clear is what this outcome should be. One could argue that in the real
world that Skehan refers to, it does not matter how a task is tackled so long as its
objective is achieved. There is no requirement that something is learned from
doing it. But in the language classroom, this requirement is central since the
very objective of the task, as Lee would seem to suggest, is to induce learning.
Both definitions refer to the primacy of meaning in accordance with CLT prin-
ciples, but there is no indication in either case as to what kind of meaning is
intended. Lee seems to associate a focus on meaning with the comprehension
and manipulation of language, which might be taken to imply that it is semantic
meaning he has in mind – the meaning that is inscribed in linguistic form. Ske-
han makes no reference to language at all but if what is primary is the meaning
that relates the task to the real world, it would seem to be pragmatic meaning.
The difficulty here is that the closer the real world relationship, the less focus on
meaning in language, semantic meaning, there will tend to be.
What emerges from a consideration of these definitions is the familiar prob-
lem referred to earlier of how a focus on meaning is to be related to, or recon-
ciled with, a focus on form. A third definition, proposed by Nunan, while in
some ways echoing Lee, seeks to bring about such reconciliation:
My own definition is that a pedagogic task is a piece of classroom work that involves
learners in comprehending, manipulating, producing or interacting in the target lan-
guage while their attention is focused on mobilising their grammatical knowledge in
order to express meaning (Nunan 2004: 4)
Nunan’s definition identifies the task as a pedagogic construct and there is no
mention of a ‘real world relationship’. This allows for the possibility of getting
learners to put language to purposeful use, without this having to resemble nor-
mal or natural ‘real world’ pragmatic uses of the language. And this would not
necessarily preclude a focus on form – indeed one of the chapters of his book is
entitled ‘Focus on form in task-based language teaching’.
There have been multiple attempts to classify (as well as to define) LT tasks.
In the literature on TBLT, a number of systems have been made to group tasks
into categories as a basis for their design.
Pica, Kanagy and Falodun (1993) classify tasks according to the type of in-
teraction that occurs in task accomplishment:
1. jigsaw tasks: these involve learners combining different pieces of information
to form a whole (e.g. three individuals or groups may have three different
parts of a story and have to piece the story together)
2. information-gap tasks: tasks in which one student or group of students has
one set of information and another student or group has a complementary set
of information. They must negotiate and find out what the other party’s in-
formation is in order to complete an activity. (A particularly good discussion
of activities and attendant research studies of information gap tasks is given
in Pica 2005).
3. problem solving tasks: students are given a problem and a set of in-
formation. They must arrive at a solution to the problem. There is generally
a single resolution of the outcome.
4. decision-making tasks: students are given a problem for which there a
number of possible outcomes and they must choose one through negotiation
and discussion
5. opinion exchange tasks: learners engage in discussion and exchange of
ideas: they don’t need to reach agreement.
In her proposed framework for and examples of TBLT, J. Willis (1996) proposes
six task types built on more or less traditional knowledge hierarchies. She labels
her task examples as:
1. listing: e.g. listing international English words, e.g. in sport, in pop songs.
2. ordering and sorting: e.g. rank ordering 10 LT exercises by student preference.
3. comparing: e.g. comparing reports of same event from different news
sources.
4. problem solving: e.g. giving response to an inquiry in a newspaper advice
column.
5. sharing personal experiences: e.g. recalling early impressions from child-
hood.
6. creative tasks: e.g. creating a picture from a story or vice versa.
Other ways of distinguishing kinds of task have been proposed (see, for
example, Richards and Rodgers 2001).
The kind of language course that I envisage is one which deals with a selection of
topics taken from the other subjects: simple experiments in physics and chemistry,
biological processes in plants and animals, map-drawing, descriptions of historical
events and so on. […] It is easy to see that if such a procedure were adopted, the dif-
ficulties associated with the presentation of language use in the classroom would, to
a considerable degree, disappear. The presentation would essentially be the same as
the methodological techniques used for introducing the topics in the subjects from
which they are drawn. (Widdowson 1978: 16)
At the university and adult education levels, CBI courses have been organised
on several different bases. Shih (1986) identifies a variety of university types of
CBI: Theme-based, Sheltered, Adjunct, Team-Teach and Skill-based approaches.
As Met notes, these varied configurations lie on a continuum, bounded by con-
tent-driven curricula at one end and language-driven curricula at the other (Met
1998).
Teachers and lecturers operating within CBI consciously and unconsciously
make modifications in the language they use in teaching, in order to make the
content they are focusing on more comprehensible to their students. These
modifications include:
– simplification (e.g. use of shorter T units and clauses),
– well-formedness (e.g. using few deviations from standard usage),
– explicitness (e.g. speaking with non-reduced pronunciation),
– regularisation (e.g. use of canonical word order),
– redundancy (e.g. highlighting important material through simultaneous use
of several linguistic mechanisms, etc.).
(Stryker and Leaver 1993)
The particular instructional activities employed in CBI will be determined by
the specific content area of instruction and the input and output varieties of con-
tent data and processing anticipated. However, activity types can be classified
generally according to their instructional focus. Stoller (1997) classifies CBI
activity focus types as:
4. Methodological principles
Macro-strategies:
1. Maximise learning opportunities.
2. Facilitate negotiated interaction.
3. Minimise perceptual mismatches.
4. Activate intuitive heuristics.
5. Foster language awareness.
6. Contextualise linguistic input.
7. Integrate language skills.
8. Promote learner autonomy.
9. Raise cultural consciousness.
10. Ensure social relevance.
(Kumaradivelu 1994)
Principles:
– Engage all learners in the lesson.
– Make learners, and not the teacher, the focus of the lesson.
– Provide maximum opportunities for student participation.
‘Ten Commandments’:
1. Set a personal example with your own behaviour.
2. Create a pleasant, relaxed atmosphere in the classroom.
3. Present the tasks properly.
4. Develop a good relationship with the learners.
5. Increase the learner’s linguistic self-confidence.
6. Make the language classes interesting.
7. Promote learner autonomy.
8. Personalise the learning process.
9. Increase the learners’ goal-orientedness.
10. Familiarise learners with the target language culture.
(Dörnyei and Csizér 1998)
Principles 1:
– Lower inhibitions
– Encourage risk-taking
– Build students’ self-confidence
– Help students develop intrinsic motivation
– Promote cooperative learning
– Encourage students to do right-brain processing
– Promote ambiguity tolerance
– Help students use their intuition
– Get students to make their mistakes work for them
– Get students to set their own goal
(Brown 2002)
Principles 2:
Activities
MP1 Use tasks, not texts, as the unit of analysis.
MP2 Promote learning by doing.
Input
MP3 Elaborate input (do not simplify; do not rely solely on ‘authentic’ texts).
MP4 Provide rich (not impoverished) input.
Learning processes
MP5 Encourage inductive (‘chunk’) learning.
MP6 Focus on form.
MP7 Provide negative feedback.
MP8 Respect ‘learner syllabuses’/ develop-mental processes.
MP9 Promote cooperative/collaborative learning.
Learners
MP10 Individualise instruction (according to communicative needs, and
psycholinguistically).
(Doughty and Long 2003)
The identification of general principles of this kind is, as indicated earlier, moti-
vated by a reaction against prescriptivism, and this may account for the lack of
instructional examples offered as representative of the principles as given. The
assumption is that the particular classroom realisation of these principles is best
left to be worked out by teachers and learners rather than handed down by re-
searchers and textbook writers.
There are obviously a number of similarities among these sets of principles –
aside from the fact that they all run to about ten in number and are all phrased in
the imperative voice. There are some notable differences as well. Some similar-
ities, such as the encouragement of cooperative learning, appear prominently in all
four of them. Cooperative learning activities in language learning have been well-
detailed in a variety of sources (e.g. Jacobs, Power and Loh 2002b). Activities that
encourage ‘Language Awareness’ (LA) or ‘Consciousness Raising’ (CR) are rec-
ommended specifically or implied in the various statements of principles (see also
Edmondson, Ch. 7 this volume). These represent ways of bringing to learner at-
tention various features of language form without direct instruction. For example,
the so-called ‘garden-path technique’ encourages learners to produce grammati-
cal errors through overgeneralization or mistranslation, with instructors then pro-
viding immediate corrective feedback. Van Lier (1995) overviews LA and CR,
providing inventories of activity types. The full range of both implicit and explicit
‘form focusing’ techniques and their reported effectiveness are reviewed in Norris
and Ortega (2000). Promotion of learner autonomy, self-confidence, responsibil-
ity is another common theme in these sets of principle statements. Translating
these themes such as learner autonomy into classroom activities to underwrite the
aspirant goals is a bit more problematic. For example, strategy training (some-
times referred to as ‘learning to learn’) is a core proposal aimed at the promotion
of learner autonomy. Skimming, scanning and search reading are considered sub-
strategies of one category of learner strategies labelled Cognitive strategies.
One can trace in this survey how ideas about methodology have changed over
the years with a gradual shift away from the prescription of particular ways
of teaching, assumed to be applicable to all classrooms, to the adducing of more
general pedagogic principles that need to be interpreted in different ways ac-
cording to local circumstances.
This shift has also led to a reconsideration of the very nature of second
language instruction and the roles of teacher and learner as participants in the
process. Previously the tendency was to think of learning as teacher-directed,
with the learners required to conform and their success measured by how far
their intake corresponded with the teaching input. Gradually, however, has
come the recognition that learners need to be active, and indeed interactive, par-
ticipants and be granted some degree of autonomy so that they can take the initi-
ative themselves in the learning process.
What kind of learner interactivity is effective for learning, and how it can be
induced in classrooms, have become prominent issues in recent thinking about
methodology, although it has been a concern in language pedagogy since the 1980s.
Rivers in her Interactive Language Teaching, for example, has this to say:
Students achieve facility in using a language when their attention is focused on con-
veying and receiving authentic messages (that is, messages that contain information
of interest to both speaker and listener in a situation of importance to both). This is
interaction. (Rivers 1987: 4)
The notion of interactivity has been linked to the teaching of reading and writ-
ing as well as listening and speaking skills. Carrell, Devine and Eskey (1988)
use the notion of ‘interactivity’ to refer to the simultaneous use by effective
readers of both top-down and bottom-up processing in reading comprehension
as well as, elsewhere, to the relationship between reader and writer. Interactivity
is frequently used to refer to a dialogic approach to the teaching of composition
in which “we make decisions about how to proceed in composition as a result of
an imagined dialogue with the reader we are writing to” (Robinson 1987).
Although there has been much enthusiasm for ‘interactivity’ as a defining no-
tion in language teaching there has been some lack of clarity about just how this
interactivity is to be pedagogically defined. Amongst the goals of current second
language interaction research has been that of providing better data samples of
this hypothesis. Long (1996) summarised a recent version of the Interaction Hy-
pothesis as follows:
Negotiation for meaning, and especially negotiation work that triggers interactional
adjustments by the NS or more competent interlocutor, facilitates acquisition be-
cause it connects input, internal learner capacities, particularly, selective attention,
and output in productive ways. (Long 1996: 451–452).
Critics of the Interaction Hypothesis note the ‘considerable criticism’ of the
above interaction hypothesis (summarised in Ellis 1994: 278), much of it target-
ing the reasoning cited above and the current consensus appears to be that the
hypothesis is unproven and unprovable (Seedhouse 1999).
Recent SLA studies have sought to temper the overly psycholinguistic treat-
ment of interaction with a more socio-cultural view (Seedhouse 2005). Sfard
(1998) contrasted the psycholinguistic vs. the social views of language learning
as built around either the ‘acquisition metaphor’ or the ‘participation metaphor’
and cautions that both perspectives are necessary. The perspectives and meta-
phors have been multiplying since Sfard’s characterisation. Byrnes (2007) con-
cludes that language learning might “better be understood as socially embedded
choices by individual language learners in a particular communicative context
of situation that in turn resides within a larger context of culture”(Byrnes 2007).
Nunan takes a slightly different cut at summarising the current crop of
multiple perspectives on instructed language learning:
Researchers have begun to realise that there are social and interpersonal as well as
psychological dimensions to acquisition, that input and output are both important,
that form and meaning are ultimately inseparable, and that acquisition is an organic
rather than a linear process […]. The results seem to indicate while task variables ap-
pear to have an effect on the amount of negotiation for meaning, there appears to be
an interaction between task variables, personality factors and interactional dynamic
[which] underlines the complexity of the learning environment, and the difficulty of
isolating psychological and linguistic factors from social and interpersonal ones.
Byrnes would probably concur with Nunan’s summary statement that “Current
SLA research orientations can be captured by a single word: complexity.”
(Nunan 2001: 91).
The quest for some kind of validation or legitimatisation for pedagogic
proposals and practices brings up the general question of how far research into
language and language learning can, or should, inform classroom methodology.
As the closing quote above might suggests, there is no clear and easy pathway
leading from current SLA research findings and theoretical positioning to rec-
ommendations for activities and tasks.
In one of his few direct statements about pedagogy, for example, Seedhouse
contrasts CA data dialogs with those typically invented for LT materials. He
cites a study in which Wong (2002) collected samples of American English tele-
phone conversations and noted four sequence types which typically occur.
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