On the Acquisition of Wh-Questions in French Paola CRIM 0. 1vrmopueriox Some ofthe more recent debate in erase on language developmen has focused cn the problem of wheter child grammar has functional categories or ot. In this payer we wil aim tht, thoogh the sytem of ancionalcaegois is prescott the ealest sages, the chotce of CP asthe root fr every trace is not oblpnory. In ober words, child grammar wil adn the opion of omiting those feneoeal categories which o not host any material, lexical or ful, nether at D- oor at S-srvcure. The analysis of wh-auesions is pancaalyimeresting in his respec, because the pesece of some asyamery between wh-goestios ot Coe ‘ide and yevoo question and deciartve onthe oer reveals that the Tack ofthe CP level is respnsible of ‘erin syntactic properties of cil language. 1 NULLSUBJECTS m CHILD LANOUAGE. A poeaomenon which bs reeived much tention in teratare seat lnguazeacgisidon i the free omission ‘ot subjects by children speaking a non-prorop language. The analysis ofthe phenomenon given by Rizzi (dis volume) sueses the fact thatthe nul objet found in child language isnot comparable to de nll tabjet of pro-iop inguages. Ox te oer had, it bas the distributional popeies of the missing subject of Some reper of adult speech Uke the dary styl in Eoglsh and the Topi: drop in colloquial Gena; in ‘parca, not fund in wh-qoestion and subordinate clases. Riz sens hate all sujet, a wel ‘5 oll subject of dary syle and colloquial German, iavolv a all category diferent from pr, which canot be defined simply by means of he sual feaaes [a +p]; be proposes en that a tid feature mast be invoduced to define the whole system of empry caepois, [9] (= variable). Thus be ec. Fp 49] is be familar variable, which must be bound by a quantifier, while the ec. [-2-p-*} is what he cals ewall constant, ‘oll Rexprestion ansloqoos to epithet. ‘The nll consent must be hao Arposiion and sas the ‘dentcation requirement ofthe ECP, tha is it must be bound by a suiableanecedet i iis posible if there is a positon that cold bos possible deat if this posion doesnt exis te nol constant wil find am antecedent inte iscourse. Therefore, te sole postion whee the nll casa can survive unbound i tbe Spec of the highest maximal projection, provided dati i an Aposion. Ealy all subjects are thea explained by admiting that child grammar allows the option of projecting only fmment ofthe whote causal roctures if we ait hatin declarative sentences the CP level sot projet then SpecP* qualifies as 2 ‘oitabe posion to ost the all constant This explains why we don find nell subjects in wk questions in his ase the CP layer must be there, ad the element in its Spec qualifies asa poeatal binder forte nll constant, bute nthe right one; den te suet ie aed ut 2. SoMEREMARKS Before analyzing te das, we would Uke wo specify the ciera acordng o wbich some maria as been {taken into consideration and ther gored The fit rear it he corpus examined cota, especially in the fist files, alot of uterances which could be either imitations of what an adult previousy sai or te reductions of tec Sepa ope fer sien, ‘hein ngram fers tree Cera Tp ps hee epee a ten pia teste Aare fi toc anes pnd es op ae wo a pennant evga epee St 1 we Tre pctv ee, wove pil, el sr en jin ning ion melons (esi 1% AgOsP al payee ole Se? ements emp Fr al bcs a dary mle ae caida ane ny etd neon Com, eer ec ied by deg ash psn Crm St Risa le) faleGenGeaP (1992) -P.Crisma Aegulion of French wat () MOT: Questce quy nencore? Questex quit fit le moasiear? PHL I faite moosiear? Ele revel la dame ete mons MOT: Elle se revel a dame Ele se eve? Elle descend dito cos PHI: Descend duit ‘Al the ambiguous cass bave ben ignored, and only those esernces which could only be interpreted 1 Spontaneocs productions of the cll hve beca ken ino consideration. Rooter probe es inthe numerous cates of repeion of the same setnce or expression. Io the al Computing. repetonsbave00t bee counted, provided that thy dd ot presen variaons ‘Ara whole section of his paper i devoted o verifying the (aposibiliy of coocurrence ofa w-element and ‘be ull abject in child language, we would lke to mention two caes of dubious realisation ofthe sbjet, tich nevertles ave bon coud as instances of alized sbjecs. ‘The first concerns the realization ofthe Sequence “ly a NP" (There is thre ae NP) as "Y a NP", as Aste byte folowing examples: @ & PH: Yaunmotcar aussi? b. PHL Yenabemooup. Sentences like these have been conired instances of realizd subject for two reasons. Te fits that he fine tanscipton Is often wed forthe production of Philippe’ parents: secondly, the examples in (2) clearly ‘contrat with he fllowing, which have been counted as instances of ell ue: @) PEE Apleinde tus BPH: A gasde crayons “Tae ote case of unclear realization of he subjects represenid in he example below: @ PH: Lestmiapboo ‘Ast seems uoikely that sentences ofthis ate are he result ofa reanalysis ofthe vet ire (1 be) as lire ‘ue wo the frequency of sequences like Ux", “Elle ex” the eld exanined geerally uses the verb ire onety, we cbse to contr te few exaplescomespooding to (4) as relied subjecs, ‘Finally. n Pierce (1989), instances of postverblsobjerts hav inal ben counted as realized subjecs. {THE SYNTAX OF QUESTIONS IN EARLY FRENCIE sa Nunsvercrs ‘The theory of mul sbject in cid language formulated by Riz (his volume) i essentially based on Engh. (One ofthe frst sins of his paper ie therefore o verity wheter all sabes in Ely Freach show te same ‘Gscibuion noted in Ealy Engle, samely i they re adined in wh-quesions. Fiteen files recording he prodeton of the child Pilippe® have beeo examined. In ores to make the ‘volulon visible, te malral examined hasbeen divided in hee peiods 1,2 and T3- as diate inthe table below? © Peslod Fes Age 1 POL eta -PaitOScha 21-19-2217 n Poi06 eta -PiblOcba 2226-2321 B Pulte PullScba 236.13-2:718, “The fllowing Uce tables indicate instances of null subjens in dechratives, whauesions and yevoo ‘oesions i ie thee periods defined above: o use NeSu TOT &NSSH ecaraves ms mS lA whe qoesions Po Sas Yesao questions 7 80 Se te i, en ES.GenGenP(1992)-P, Crsma, Acgulon of French wt o D Nusa NuSu TOT Nasu eclraves m 0 sw winquetons o » @ Oo ‘esto questions 403 BBE o 3B NuSo NuSu TOT — Nese dectratves| a 0 62 wh-questons 1 1989s evo questions 7 93 10 70 ‘As the das leary show, tbe co-esurence of a whelement anda nll sbjet i imposible, Nowe tat he hoice ofthe verb hat no iafuence onthe precece of sreaized subject. We found i fact te same verbs ed ‘wih nll subject a decaralves and wit realized pronoen in wh- questions: 9) —-PHL-Est perdu. xxx celubla, (PHILO) PHT: Esttombe’ sr la ws. remo) HE: Ob Westie? C@PHILOL) PHO: Odelicestlapedie sigue? (PHILO) PHL: Ob elle est mamas? (PHILO2) | PHI: Ob le eat a voiture prose voiture? (PHILOS) PHL Ob testTanue bl? (PHILO) * (10) PHL: Vesoosletbouret (PHILO) PHL Ob elie va mamsa? rai) PHL: Vasar le wowoi. Tombe. Ces la benne monte surle wou ‘PHL (11) PHL: Toot seul Fas ta main de Mise tout seo. eum) PI: Noa, Fisaic do brat. HL) PHI: Questex que ais en ce momeot? uno) PI: ai oot dans ln mere encore qu i fi? OHILI ‘This result was expecied given the hypothesis in section 1. {AS Tor yeslno quesons, We sce tat the cccureace of mall sabecs in this consis not impossible, hough it ‘snot as frequent a in declarative clauses, This leads ts wo cole tat a eno questions the CP level cad ‘ptonally be missing: i this case the ull constant can survive in Specs Nove tht admiaing that the CP level is optional in yo questions poses the problem of wher tbe Wh CCierion of Rizi (1991) is present in chld grammar at all, and bow it canbe satisfied T think tht this problem canbe solved if we admit that he oblguoriness ofthe Wh-Criterion can be “weakzoed” inthe same ‘ray at Riz (his volume) “weakens” the second requirement of the ECP, ie. boc he Wh-Crerion and the second requsement ofthe ECP must be satisied if they ae “sasuble in principle" IF the CP level is not ‘rejected here fs to a sulable poston fn the suture fora whoeraoy, and tbe Wi-Citeron i therefore Inefecive®. However, we wil come back to the Wh-Csteron in section 3.4, 132 Postvensa. summcrs ‘As observed in Pierce (1989), it isa characterise of French-speaking children to prodoce a lage number of sentences with a poswerbl subject. Pere proposes that tis could be explained by assuming tin cid srammar INFL bas tbe capacity of governing and ease-marking the VP inal subject positon; the sabect. fan therfore ema ints bse poston, andthe srfce order V-subjec is dvived after V-asing. According to rece, this paola propity of INFL in chil grammar ean aso explain early ell subjects INFL would slso have the eapacty of licensing pro in Spec VP. ‘Toowgh ts not explicy sai, we can infer tha in Pierce's analysis Spee is imply empty whea the sabject, remain inthe VP-inttal postion. Now, we have seen tht soch « bypothsis cannot work for early nll fuer, Its eral, in fac to poswlae the preseace of nil constant in Spee? in order to provide an ‘explanation tothe dsbibaon of sl subject i cil angus ‘Wit aboot postverbl subjcs? One possible iso main Pierce's analysis i. Spee is empry and te abject in base poston, but his would ead us othe eonclsion that ml subjects and posterbalsbjecs ‘in cil language are totally distinct phenomena. Another way is suggeid in redemann (his volue): ‘Asp instances of postvebal subject would involve a aul consiantin Spec and iis exactly the presence of the null constant at allows the eject o remain i its Base positon. Ii ler that ie second approach us he pe 08 pono oH very cm te ining, Mew ee teeter a resonate cect de. Fe pe a he in ma oe igus cp pede OM}. th sete pny ong wh ti 10 entero ht irr en i at cnr otal teaver ee 0.‘GeeGenP(1992)-P.Criama Acquistion of French wot would immediately edit that posverbal subjects ae exleded from wh questions, The tables below indicate ‘Ge dstibooa of ratizedsabjecs in finite wneraces, aT post subj, preVauhj. TOT post sj. declrsves 5 Bs me ORT wh-qustios 1 2 4 (29 seve questions 2 18 2» 100 0 3B post subj, preVeubj. TOT sepost-V subj decletves oe mas ws O78 wh qustns 1 B po evo questions 1 2% © 40 a 3 post subj, preVeubj, TOT %post-Vsub. eclaraives 5 scl 508 wh-questias 3 197 10 esto qetdons 2 ot 3 Ou “The remarkably low nue of postverbl subjects in wh-qestionsstoely cout te ida wat of is ‘okctucton «ell constant is involved, Here below some examples of posverbl subjects, cxmparable ‘wih examples in 1) above: (5) PH: Pevdu Est peru Tante dé, @xa05) PHL Esti a. Est dice ametwe tons ces crayons. (PHILAI) (16) PHL Ros, roa, role bien. Va deans ln vine. ‘HIL6) (17) PH: Faitda bruit canton ders (@HIL04) 33 Ineparvss| Kaother levan craciersic of child language i be presence of mninfecied verbs ia matrix ches. The eat eas and Agr fenures on matix verbs bas been used as an argument i favour ofthe hypobess hat {be fanconal projetion I is missing i child languages and that max class with an nic ve ae tobe analyed as bre VPs. vanegrane view is defded by Wexler (1991, who argues hatte lack of nflecin inci language does pecsreve tt cilen lack te TP sysiem. Rae, dose vers which sem 10 be wealzed as bare ses 2 Eugkle two be mnlyaed ws Vs, where 1s an insane of zo inflection. This ypotbess scone by raed trem Pend and alan in these languages, i fac, hee are no inances of bare stems wed isa tinct form, while tere is a can numberof matrix verbs in the nitive form, ip tegateny wear lad io cooclde tat nite and noafnte verbs ae the rsa of two diferent syncs ‘rocenes According wo Were, the optioaaity of finiteness ces theoretical problem Wid rept to he EStaony of Derivalon framework of Chomsky (1988. Infact. if there ae two dervaGons both posible in ‘Rincble the sinpestene wil always te prefered: we donot expect, he, fe opionaliy. Therefore Wenler Fre sketch ewo equaly cosy derivations fr fine and noafnte verbs in Early French in ort jos Wh atin ve exhers md ce ey mom apnea exh fm wei St scion 33 ow 12 finde) pote uaa ajc nr es ese fe hemp Ss oncaeid Fe ean pn Vena pon se nn, ees ed 8 pe eae we REEL Space wc teed jes penn eens We Ox bale a et oe thi ae ange Or cc tek mon wh union we cul wih ares peau in ei pina a el cane ey Ducane tae We ik he cn it vn ee ew a oil men care Wagener) ment oon i wegesions, mde cn aie wt ny Poe aid pect es, Tat ipcust noe ae iavans perv tenho wold pec umn segs seattle ton, holy fn me ahr eevee ips a ec Arr a sre cle mp towmien ere epee pew iene mabe pon At Canes tintavouan ax het die wteen "qi Spec, iden tps a Vi ro eae yt yantngt on lnceyro ef xe pons comple vere Th ogni Su a ee anyincinveionnvtanuey lio te chant age Sie nen fc ost a cr cdi be pin xmied oe esin 34) ae wd ere a eee ects ha wal bere yc vein wich abo fen ina cat We 0 ener ie inn vera apnea te exe tage Gp ect air ain ad SESE nucevaer ay feu wea gg Sai aidGeaGeaP (1992) -P. Crema Acgulsion of French war he opinality of fe iectin, His ida is (roughly tat Vo wll sult ina Gite form beaded by 1, le l40- will yield a otinie fom boca the hex V will ot be abl to elie the lnflectinal features ‘The two derivations are suppose to be equally cosy forte eile, becuse no sucesive rasiog of V at LF would be require in child grammar afer Howering, # Such a view doesnot predict any asymmetry between wh-questons on oe had and declarative clases and evo questions oo te ober, We Would tf eget 0 find a rin ber of wenn of he folowing nate: 1) Commun ater Neverielss we see that such an asymmety exss, because seteces like (18) are nt ated, while hee ae several examples of declratives and yevno questions with an uninfected ver. The thre ables below Indicate he percentages of nonfnite werances tT, T2 and T3: a oT finiteV nonfinkeV TOT Snonfiate V ectasves a4 m7 ol 368 wh-questions 35 ° 38 yevnoquatons = 4 4 M3 om nm ‘MoiteV —nonfiiteV TOT Seponfinte V Secleasves 33 B su 52, wh questions 2 ° Bp oO yevnoquesions = 8 1 3 34 a niteV —nonfiniteV TOT nonfinlte V eclaraves 396 15 su 28 sehequesions 199 ° mo yevmoquestions 100 ° 0 0 ‘These data clearly indicus that there is seucturl difference bere Gite aad noite wuerances. The ‘ct that he later ae exclude frm tose coaexts where te CP level mst be projected, indicts that they necessarily lack at eas the CP eve. the root ofan infinitive matrix caus is TP, then we would expect ta italows ml nd postverbal sje ‘This is indeed the case, but it must be noted Gat nonfat uueraces nd to lack a phonedcally realized subject in a proponion moch higher than finite ones, and when subject appears, ii ually im potvebal position. The simple asurpdon dat te CP level isnot projected i ifinkives doesnot explin why tbe ‘occurence of proverb subjects i 0 limited inthis context, moreover, we do ot see why the lack of CP sould have any influence Ov the fnteaess of the ver. Our conclesion is that some oer level must be ‘missing ‘We do no want wo say that infinitive shouldbe analyed s bare VP ad this for swo reson he fit that tbe French infiniival er, ir, -ir,-e are inflectional morphemes, sits therefore necessary to admit tbe existence of atleast one furcuonal projection in which hey can be generated. The secood is that tere sre Sever instances of noafnte negative Uuerances ofthe type “Pa: mber la poupee™ Cree (1989), hich an be analyzed only postulating thatthe suvcue has ben projets atleast othe NegP level and, adopting the split INL of Pollock (1989) revised by Bellet (1850), tia sore fencinal projection hosting iafleciaal morphology is projected benveen NegP and VP (aanely TP, AprON?. and maybe ote). ives in arly Pench can be analyaed a lacking the AgrSuhjP evel!®, This |s consistent with he fac dat Freschinfilives, though they daplay some inflecdonsl morpboogy, lack agreement morpology. Under such an assumption tbe prevertal sobjen poston is simply not projected, therfore we expect in oy nul or postverbal subjects with noite verbs 17 10 peeing Wee: mig of Vl Ley ec id pad mt Sinise ee eo “Teme al ree Mer soso ifr Tey LHe my hve ens ty et ty eB? ge ne a at ea chit tt hack or nl gay bsg ya cdo ea at eras acer a hei he te lpi re i cnt ee ii int Ri (i von) wpe at ml count ot oy Ape We te be eed cde tl 2 Poser jess Gln etn cnet ely oie hase sd lew et est fae eit Tied hive doth ens eulpie re 1 pana heal ember mjc iis th dn ly up a af\GeaGeaP (1952)-P.Cisma. Acquisition of French wt “This approach implies hat when the whole structure is projected, as in wh-queioas, the verb must be mised swthe higher projection bos iaflecionl morpology, namely AprSubP. 34 Wiest, SUBIECT-AUX INVERSION AND THE WHLCRTERION ‘tis well tnowa tat andar Feech allows the occurence of whine, an option whichis wot adnined in “English, and that goes together withthe opinalty of Sub-Aux Inversion. Rizzi (1991) arges hat the ‘bligatorines of wh movement and Subj-Aux Inversion at S-Suuctar in Eaglsh-ype languages ae doe othe WhCrtrion, which beformultes inthe folowing way: “The Whitin 1A: A Wh-Opersor mst be ina Specthead coniguatio with so X° [+b] Au X° [ew] mus be ina Spec-besd configuration wits a W-Operice At Gt sieht ha Wh Ciion does not seem wo apply in Freach: whelemens can remain i st at S- ‘Sacre and Saj-V Iverson ls 91 obligatory (onthe coneary, is poste oaly if be subject sa pronoon, ‘itis rarely found in spoke language). The peculiarity of Freche inte fact that can satis the Wh ‘Coeron by means of vt Riaz (1991) calls the “éyanmic agreement’ x specifier [+] has the ipaciy of trensmitig the whfeaure to the clasl ead with which itis a a Specbend Apreementcoafguaioa. Wh- {uesdons lacking Sub-V Inversion are explained admiing tat the wh-lemeat in SpocCP can tansit he feature (+ wo the bead C” under dynamic agreement, and he Wi-Crizron i hus sisted at Strata. ‘When e wh-lemest emains in snr nether the requirement A nor the requirement B of the WhCieion Ive any effect onthe srfae saci ofthe sentence. In fc, there is no clas head tearing e featre [wb] and the whvelenent does noc qualify asa whperator becane i oceapes an A-posiien. The Wh Citron is aistied only at LF, when the wh-element is rulsed and C* receives the fensre [vb] under dynamic agreement. (Onibe basis ofthis analysis, we can make the prediction tht cilé grammar allows the CP level tte missing ‘when he whelement emai ns, In his ess, aul cousin wl be able wo survive in Spec. and we expect werfore Wo fit ll and postverbal subject cooecuring wih wh-elemens in sis, Frend sbould (ualiy asthe teal tes. forthe prediction above. Unforanaey, Ic aned otto be impossible ove it oa {Ee basis of Pilippe's corpus, beeanse the ebild doesnot us wh ot at all atthe eas stages. Win st appear cay at TS, when tbe percentage of null subjects has significantly decreased. These ar tbe relevant at: 22) Period = whinsitu TOT Séwhlnsity 1 ° 35 ° QR 1 » 13 B a we 407 “Tse results ar rahe serpin, fo the (ast srtegy, involving LF-movement rater thin movenent at S- ‘Stuer, shald be less cosy than wh-movement!, Chomky (1992), i fac, argues hat LF-opeations ae “cheaper” and terefoe they ae always prefered to over movements when possible (be Frmasimae principe. ‘The fist idea hat comes 10 mind which could explain this tale o things is that maybe tb “dynamic groement” defined in Rie (991), a musked propiey of Frese, is aot avaiable in cil gamma. Such an Iypodesis, however, Eaves us wid te problem of explaining th lack of productive ToC movement io Early Freach, fn fic, on theft of 157 yuo questions we fund Oinanees of Subj-V Inverse: oo the total 0f 308 whqoesions we counted 46 fstnces of Subj-V Inversion (comesponding tothe 15.18), al of them of the type “Ov'st-ce que.” which could be considered a fxed form. This leas ws wo he conclusion that dynamic spreement ia posible oon atthe east sages. ‘ee ppm ian ume) wa we hem ar be Onin a aay ee Te aa ana ry gh able roa acto oc wsi wn sem ele 2) Howe a, {ve donno sinun cb ene ep "Cet NP hl be oie fe es Ge ly ‘Dlanenascfch inate, mepening the 115% eo enna Mere oa 2 ac Hie ‘ees wich en rte nih ase el say ea oe owing eg P (Galo le quest et ely element an omc wns Oe a ee at oerehcrstimonenca be un lac 1 hon at elf wc verona quo a whem ob eel pay le ngage Ac, enone be saa ae tas lounge wi nan be ae agenen at aE Wh Cri oral Eni and a) Seppe fe in,GooteaP (1992) P,Crima. Acquistion of French mt ‘We will claim tat posible explanation canbe found if ve link the impesibiiy of wl-in sity widh he ‘pti admit by cil grammar wo project ony fragment ofthe sync sivtare Tn secion 1 we claimed ‘atthe elds no obiged o chose CP asthe roto every unerane, Du ean opionally choose another level ‘Suppose that his principle i stronger, and ha the eboice Ofte clus rote oo aly fe, Rater, the oaly ossbityadmited by child grammar would be o project he structure of each tingle uteraice ony tothe “lowest level stich penis is morpho syascdc analysis. Ia olher words, child grammar would wot allow ‘projecting funcional eaegris which emain ply empry throughout the yatacie derivate. We have seco ‘hat some priniple of tis kind seems to be a work for matrix infinives, infact their dstibuion ean be _accovnted for clyadmiting CP and AgrSuhP are necesely isi. ‘Such principle pedis thas wh questions wid wh lu wil be Pood. The CP layer is not projected ‘becavc conte noting", neler at -Sinctare nor at $-srucre Iris nly aamiting ta te Eaoice of ‘Paste root ofthe wh-queston wth the win sini obligatory that we can explain Why wh site ae ota possible opoe atthe eatiest stages. The problem does ot lc in the impossibility of sxstying the Wh ‘Grtsicn i uch a coniguatin, fr we have Sea hat the Wh-Cezion must be consiered obligatory oaly if ‘ts casfablein principle". Yevno question, a fact, ca optionally lack the CP level. ‘The lack of CP level in wh question has however another obvious eoasoqueace: CP isnt projected it will ‘be imposible forthe wh-lement to move to SpecCP at LF. Therefore, whatever general principle ois -quinifcaona clemeois to move to some scope posiion at LF, will aso rule out an Pood whqueson. ‘Unie his sssmpdon, is not x simple coincidence that wis stu begin wo be wed at TS when poster ‘subjects and aniflecied matix verbs have almost disappeared, and the umber of aull subjects bas ‘Spniicanly ecreased. Infact if we assume that a TS tbe priscipleasserng hat he fot of any wueance ‘must be CPi wellesablished, we expect exactly is evolution. 4. Conenusion In this paper we tied to see if We analysis of whauesions in Early French could belp esubishing if fedonal eeyoris sre pojected in child grammar, and w what exien. We sated from the assump tat ‘children ae ale 19 mater the whole sysiem of fnctionl casories atthe eaiest stages, 5 not all fuoedonal proeesous need be projec for each unerance. On the basis of de distribution of ull and ‘posverbal subjects, infinives and win st, we argoed dat child grammar does not allow to project ncional categories which remain empry bod at D-Smcure and $-Sirscare: the child wil therefor ecesnlyalet asthe rot of each single uueance te lowest rojecion peraiing ts morpto-syacie analysis, Sach principle allowed sw explain wy the win suse, ough appaready less cosy tat ‘wh-movement is acquired rater late, nd also why is becoming prodocive eansies wih the as of sll sd postvertal subject and mati infinies. (dow? GU, een cua ca cone aa ue fue aero We an ce ee a Sapna ones beg ld age Beha omGeaGeaP (1992)-. Crisma Acquistion of French wa Aves: TABLE [REFERENCES Betet, A. (1990). Generalized Verb Movement, Rosenberg & Sli, Toi. ‘Chomsiy,N. (1989) “Some Notes 00 he Econo of Dervaons und Represeatatons" MIT WP. AT 992).°A Miinalist Program for Linguistic Teor", as. MIT. Friedemnnn, M.A. (1991). 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