Fyplrecorihia of ca AMC hican REGS EXER Eevee THE IMPACT OF PURITANISM ON AMERICAN CULTURE Daniel Walker Howe HE Puritans of colonial America are among the most-studied people in all history. Even more has been written about them than they ‘wrote themselves—which was a lot. Probably the ‘most important reason for this concentrated at- tention is that scholars have an invincible sense that in studying Puritanism they are uncovering the roots of American culture, “the origins of the ‘American self." Any sound description of seven- teenth-century Puritans would have to be careful to emphasize the many ways in which they were not like us, This article, however, is concerned with the aspects of Puritanism that have survived to help shape the culture of America Puritanism is so important that some scholars have treated it as a “consensus” within which all ‘American civilization has taken shape. Puritan- ism, however, has always had to struggle to im- pose its cultural standards, Atall times in Ameri can history there have been many who have considered themselves non-Puritans or anti- Puritans. Instead of constituting an all-pervading consensus, American Puritanism has typically ‘been engaged in dialogue with one or more ad- versaries, such as Anglicanism, the Enlighten- ‘ment, or southern slave power. Puritanism is not responsible for everything about America, but it was certainly one of the seminal cultural im- pulses from which America historically derived ‘Americans of the nineteenth and twentieth centuries have looked back upon the Puritans in a variety of ways, frequently projecting their own positive and negative feelings onto them. The Puritans have been Pilgrim Fathers to patriotic schoolteachers, courageous rebels to radical abo- Ticionisis, and prudish villains to H. L. Mencken and Hugh Hefner. Modern scholars have shown that many commonly received notions of the Puritans are misconceptions: they did not dress all in black or wear cone-shaped hats; they were not teetotalers; they were not especially repres- sive toward children or criminals by the standards of their age. Yet the scholars too have sometimes projected their own hopes, fears, aspirations, and aversions onto the Puritans. Sometimes they have treated them as defenders of an idealized pre- modern social order, sometimes as alienated in tellectuals. Sometimes they have used Puritanism asa whipping boy and sometimes as a stick with which to beat the America of their own day. The emotion-charged quality of American attivudes toward Puritanism is, of course, testimony to its continuing cultural relevance. Originally, Puritanism was a call for the re- form (or “purifying”) of Christianity in Tudor- ‘Stuart England, An oudook on life rather than 2 united movement, Puritanism may be con- ‘sidered a religious revival. It addressed the in- dividual lay believer and demanded his or her commitment to Christ through a conversion ‘experience, without which person was irretriev- ably lost in sin. The emphasis was on a reawaken- ing of personal piety through private devotional practices, primarily Bible reading, and on the sermon in public worship. Sacraments and sacer~ dotalist were downgraded, liturgical formalism and ceremonics discouraged, The thcalogy was in the Reformed, or Calvinist, tradition, affirm: ing predestination. Puritans espoused a wide variety of ecclesiological positions, reflecting disagreement among them on how much insti tutional restructuring would be necessary to ac complish the desired revival of piety; but the most characteristically Puritan polity, and the fone that has been most influential in America was Congregationaiism ’As a means to the implementation of its reli gious program, English Puritanism became com 10578 is Suing ‘sey weUNY WeHD,,sUEag AEE uctiojoarp weting ays 1018 wostas ysuNeTE srap,, SBuny Jo ayS outsap aap 10 “uondussaad [efo[ “uomipen jeonsersapoo ueuy sayy sey vq oy :umding paiepop suerung 24 puesug uy wUosstp pu uoNeUIp 40qhsU! 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The Church of England. on the other hand, maintained the more conventional position that the laws of the state embodied God's will and were morally binding. The great Anglican thinker Richard Hooker believed the Bible left many things “indifferent” with regard to reli- gious and social practice. His position sounds very tolerant until we notice that he assigns 10 the king authority to decide whatever the Bible eaves indifferent. The Puritans, with their “pre- cise” biblical literalism, were limiting royal dis- cretion, When some of them decided that episco- pacy had no warrant in the New Testament, they ‘were threatening the king's greatest source of patronage and influence. “No bishop, no king,” was James I's apt comment. it was the Puritans who confirmed in Anglo- American tradition the principle that the king is not above the law but is responsible to it. They also firmly established the right of revolution against the king when he failed to abide by the law. In this regard the American Revolution represents no advance over Puritan principles In fact, the Roundheads who rebelled against the king in the 1640s went much further than the Glorious Revolutionaries of 1688 or the Ameri- ‘can Patriots of the 1770s had any need to go, for they put Charles I on trial and executed him. {After the Restoration, Puritans in New Haven, Connecticut, sheltered three of his judges from Charles 11's retaliation.) When the New England clergyman Jonathan Mayhew delivered his fa- ‘mous sermon against the doctrine of unlimited submission to royal authority in 1750, he was vindicating the Revolution of 1641 as well as anticipating that of 1776. Probably any tradition of religious dissent, whether Calvinist Puritan or not, could have helped to establish a right of resistance. Afterall, Catholic theologians justified disobedience and tyrannicide in places where ther were cast in op- position «0 the ruler. The distinctively Puritan contribution to the American tradition of limited ‘government lies in the strong Calvinist emphasis fon the sovereignty of God and the sufficiency of his revelation in Scripture, which implies that no earthly power can be absolute. The equally Iinist emphasis on the sinfulness of man implies that even rulers cannot be alto- gether trusted, A good Calvinist would be suspi- strong C: cious of government not only when it was nin by infidels, but even when it was in the hands of his fellows Individualism, At the time of America’s coloni- zation what Protestants did not believe was every bit as important as what they believed. They did not believe in the ecclesiastical traditions that had grown up justifying sacerdotalism in all its ramifications: purgatory and indulgences: the in vocation of saints and cults of relics; the sacra- ment of penance and absolution: the authority of the pope and his cardinals. the right of the church to interpret and supplement Scripture. By getting rid of this overlay of clericalism, Prot- cestantism empowered the common lay person (0 assume control over his orher destiny in the next world—and eventually in this world as well. The name for this personal authority in Protestant theology was “the priesthood of all believers.” ‘One of its important facets was the right of pri- ‘vate judgment in the interpretation of Scripture. What this meant in the early modern world is well described by William Hailer: “Without ben- efit of clergy, without the aid of scholastic logic, ‘every man could find in the poetry of Scripture the mirror of his own thoughts and spiritual strivings, could talk, argue, preach, and write about what he found there, could concoct his ‘own Utopia by its aid” (“The Puritan Back- ground of the First Amendment,” in Conyers Read, ed., The Constitution Reconsidered, 1938). All Protestants accepted the right of the laity to read, study, and interpret the Bible for them- selves. The Puritans who setiled New England added another important aspect to this individu- alism. They admitted as members of their churches only those men and women who could testify to their firsthand experience of saving grace. In other words, they called upon each per- son not only to think for himself but also to feel for himself. Before the Reformation the ordinary Cristian believer had all roo often been merely a nonparticipant witness at a weekly miracle; Pu: ritanism made him an activist. 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Any adult male church member was qualified for freemanship, a status that conferred certain responsibilities ike jury duty in addition to the right to vote, In the ‘early days of the colony a majority of men proba: bly met the qualification of church membership: by the 1660s probably less than half. By seven- tcenth-century standards this was an extraor- dinarily broad franchise. Representative govern- ment in New England was abolished by the British Crown in 1684; when it was reinstituted afier the Glorious Revolution, the new Massa- cchusetts charter provided for a property-based suffrage rather than a religiously based one. The Puritan experiment in government by the saints hhad come to an end, but its legacy proved very durable, A Written Constitution. God had dealt with man- kind through a series of covenants with Adam, Abraham, and Christ, according to the covenant (or “federal”) theologians whom the New En- gland Puritans revered. And when they set up their churches in the wilderness, the Puritans did s0 through covenants with each other, according to terms they believed were prescribed in the Bible. The natural law of reason, Puritans felt, taught them the same respect for covenants in secular affairs. “It is evident by the light of na- ture that all civil relations are founded in cove- nant,” declared Boston's leading minister, John Cotton. Some of the written agreements on which New England government was based were charters granted by the king, Even more interest- ing, however, were the ones drawn up among the colonists themselves, such as the Mayflower Compact of Plymouth Colony (1620), Connecti- cut's Fundamental Orders (1638), or the Massa chusetts Body of Liberties (1641), Most remark- able of all from the viewpoint of later a is the constitution for Providence Plantations drawn up in 1647, which took the radical step of calling its form of government democratcal. The Puritan practice of ordering all relation ships, human and divine, through covenants formed the intellectual background for the potit- ical thought of John Locke in England. Locke, the son of a Puritan revolutionary army officer, became the key figure ia the secularizing of social-compact theory. An analogous role was played on a smaller scale in the colonies by John Wise, minister ofthe little oven of Ipswich, Mas- sachusetts. In Vindication of the Government of New England Churches (717) Wise defended the Congregational polity by arguments drawn from the natural rights of man, relegating biblical ar gumenis to a subordinate role. In the 1770s Wise's work was reprinted by revolutionary patriots. ‘The Founding Fathers who met at Philadel phia in the summer of 1787 to write the Consti- tution of the United States included few men who could be called Puritans but many who were influenced by Puritan and Calvinist political thought, James Madison, the most influential of them, had received an orthodox Calvinist educa- tion at Princeton. Like almost all of the Puritans the Founding Fathers believed classical “mixed government,” that is, a balance among monarch- ical, aristocratic, and democratic elements, pref- ‘erable to pure democracy. As John Winthrop had tried to balance these elements for Massa- chusetts Bay under the old charter, they carefully constructed their new constitution, in which only the House of Representatives was elected di- rectly by the people. They relied on checks and balances to limit the amount of evil any one per- son could do, for they retained a Puritan sense of human selfishness, even though many of them. no longer called it “original sin.” Horace White observed that the Constitution of the United States is “based upon the philosophy of Hobbes and the theology of Calvin" (quoted in Richard Hofstadter, The American Political Tradition, 1948: repr. 1958). Neither Hobbes nor Calvin believed the individual naturally virtuous, but both be: lieved in the value of covenants to discipline and control him, Separation of Church and State ‘The New Ex- ractice, New En me (even the cand their dlergy were ineligible for political of trastto Europe. where bishops satin pari and prelates fen became prime minis England ecclesnsial courts had. jurisdiction over probate, contract and fail law in Nes 1061apams,, pur , spuogedes,, ssep-omo} posojdop suening Aamuaa-yruaaiua.ag “au0 sse}>-ojppran ‘een oup2 yom UEILINg 94T Warxa 9UI0$ OL nusiuenmg 03 san Horsty YL uo mnersaioug d1arsne Ue pute apt] Jo Sea <2e) wiopoursad ‘snstuopay e usasiaq punoisiomed, Iramyno 2q 01 sex qnog ayp suOMeIDUaT 104 wondansuo> snonoidsuo> pue ‘aouzyota “opud podaxoe weys Anu’ uoneueyd op jo speapi posusqey A241 -pouydosip ose ang. tow pup ay) 22ut8 \y8noya ‘wsian92se pue yom xpeo}s Jo 21419 a4p poveys ‘sueounue ay) WEY [e>IpeN B101u Hand tustueitang Jo r0ysyo ue “sagen ayn exueanis ~ttuog uy ‘ulstuenng Jo sonauea [et9A3s asjonut pure {quo puejBug soy veip au0w ws29u09 219 Wom wesuaMy ap Jo suiflso snoi¥ja1 24) uonesfes 40) wy uasoyp pooptn pey pop rey jjasuty ot Suinosd ‘Suryiom {93940} Sem UeruNd 24 “FLOM sit| Aq UONesfes wep 10 pip 24 yBnowpyy ‘suNpog HIENTIAL 4H) sueiBojooip ueiung pres "uBis eyans sem BuNE> sata wr a2ua%inq1 “sDeA8 s,pog pasofua a4 rep su8is apqisus aaxpo 404 yoo} 0» pey ening au siupurespes yo aouasqe amp uy je Suuefeg In “MEP ¥ “(SOT 2/7 fo aaojunog amp isu) pom 211 01 pouseoypeap,, urew>s pue poo jo 42018 amp 20} 05 op isn ay 134—. youd 40} jlasuury ans9q 6 snumsoddo ou aso}, pinoys wet e ey) poses “9p uon9g uyof soypeaid w913 24D 23H] AJOu © Jo yeu e sem "2189 woprsoid e ng injuIs €20u, “ssounjaze> Jo peoag ou) ve2 put ‘2ie| pag o1 of pur dYieo osu 01 uewr e Joy, eyp ne) suedNg ueouowy-opiuy “swaf ay) 40 weap un 1eyeg a1 plug soosaeq oyp “Suidg UeUOrIG ax ul SUP tuoULIY 947 oxeduI09 ‘saxo pjuo% ay) santzounen snorfyos urewa9 yo jeordir >]os jetoiouuo poxeyd uowo sisiisier weadoany puy -parsone IPs $1 souDiseuour ayp Jo 2]o4 anHoU09 snes ‘Ouut 24], tuoddns si ut 2ouapiaa yam st aiaup 2g "Sonu poype] sos9u sey s89q1 s.togam PoUIEUIA waxp 10) HOM oF AINp Jo 98u95 aaisinduvo> ag) nq-—so9posuiona ut pd we ome dag yap pue soqu] WS wo. 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After large-scale industraliza- tion in the nineteenth century it became neces- sary to adapt the work ethic to an emergent proletariat. Employers spared no pains to instill in their wage eamers, who were often former peasants without a Puritan heritage, habits of punctuality and factory discipline. This new in- dustrial work cthic could be either secular or religious. The appearance of an evangelical tem. perance movement in the nineteenth century, for the frst time in the long history of Christian ity, is often explained in terms of industry's need for a sober work force. A characteristic of the work ethic in the forms we have been discussing is a preoccupation with the long term rather than the short term. This emphasis is related to a shift to urban living, for there are few ways in which a traditional peasant can plan beyond the next harvest. The “worldly way of life was socially functional in a phase of modernization demanding great sac- rifices and deferring gratification to future gen- erations, But as wealth accumulated, Puritanista adapted, Puritanism and Capitalism: The Gospel of Wealth Before capitalism could become the dominant economic system of Western civilization, eco- nomic activity had to achieve auconomy from many traditional restraints, ranging from the low prestige of caring money to restrictions on lending at interest. Puritanism helped it attain this autonomy, partly as a result of the individu alism it encouraged in intellectual and political matiers. The early Puritans were, of course, emphatic in their denunciations of selfish and mercenary behavior. However. they did seek to emancipate Iny people from certain kinds of clerical control, including the jurisdiction of ecclesiastical courts over probate and contract law. They also objected to many religious festi vals (including Christmas) observed by Catholics Anglicans. complaining that these incerfered with business, We have already discussed the im portance the Puritans attached to covenants in religious relationships. and how it carried over into their political compacts. The covenant must have helped legitimate contractualism in eco- nomic life as well, though historians have insesti- gated this implication much less. Whatever the intentions of the Puritans, the pluralism that ‘came into English and (even more) American life as a result of the multiplication of sects weak ened the ability of any religious group to control ‘economic action, While this chain of events was preparing the way for capitalism. things were very different in many Catholic countries, where absolutist monarchies allied with the Counter. Reformation put down individualism and new ideas, in the process severely restricting not only heresy and dissent, but also science and cco- nomic progress ‘Once economic activity had achieved auton- ‘omy, what capitalism most needed from religion was legitimation for financial gain. This, 100, Pu- ritanism was prepared to grant, though grudg- ingly. The early Puritans had been generally sus- picious of too much money because it offered so many temptations. As time went by, however, Puritan spokesmen made their peace with pros- perity. Other sins—mainly sins of the flesh— largely replaced avarice in their catalog of warn. ings, except during revivals and times of crisis, Leading Puritans of the late seventeenth cen tury, like Richard Baxter in England and Cotcon Mather in America, showed an increasing appre- ciation of business virtues like prudence and the velwine opportunities for philanthropy that come with profits, (Benjamin Franklin's famous Uist of business virtues grew out of his satire of Mather.) Using the concept of Christian steward: ship, Puritans like Mather justified wealth that was consecrated 1 God and the community Uhrough generous charity Still another rationalization for prosperity connected it wit the doctrine of election. A per son whose honest toil had turned a profit must have been blessed by God: if onc enjoyed God's Favor in this fife, was it not fogicat ro suppose him among those elected for eternal life? 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The answer would not seem to hie in any inadequacy on its part to answer the fundamental questions it addressed, but rather in long-range changes in its environment. Iron cally, these were often changes that Calvinism itself had originally promoted. Calvinism helped win political rights. and when they got them, people felt more secure and less in need of assur ance of God's election. Calvinism fostered intel- lectual activity, and beginning with the Enlight cenment, intellectuals in Western civilization have tended (o lose interest in systematic theologies such as Calvinism. Calvinism fostered economic development, and as people became more pros perous they often found the ascetic way of life irksome. Calvinism fostered individualism, and eventually people found more persuasive the Ar- minian doctrine that individuals could respond to God's grace of their own free will. faith well suited to a particular historical phase, Calvinism gradually came to seem old-fashioned. On both sides of the Aantic it lost adherents first among. the urban, the prosperous, the cosmopolitan: i held on to them longest among the provincial lower middle class. The most persistent Ameri- ‘can defenders of Calvinist theology during its long slow decline were not Yankee Congrega- tionalists but Scots-Irish Presbyterians, whose intellectual capital was Princeton but whose geo- ‘graphical distribution was chiefly in the hinter- Tands of the South and West. Nationalism, The political dimension of Puri- tanism survived in the eighteenth century, car- ried on by a group of Dissenting intellectuals in Britain called the commonwealthmen. Their ideas were very influential in the colonies and in the young United States, This political Puritan. ism (if we may call it that) was marked by moral disapproval of aristocracy, suspicion of govern. ment, and a persistent fear of collusion between government and special interests at the expense of the ordinary person’s rights. The common: ‘wealthmen called this collusion “carruption” 07 “conspiracy.” Given the prevailing practices of aristocratic government in eighteenth-century Britain, such attivudes were often quite justified. They provided a suitable climate of opinion for the growth of colonial dissatisfaction with British rule and continued to influence American forms of government set up after independence. The fullest American expression of this point of view is found in the writings of John Adams. but most ‘of the colonial pamphletcers and protesters shared it in one way or another During the agitation leading up to the Ameri can Revolution the precepts of the Puritan rebels of 1641 were often invoked. Patriot leaders ap. pealed not only t0 the political predispositions inherited from Puritanism but to Puritan eco- nomic prejudices as well. Programs to boycott British imports were justified as restoring Amer: ica's hardy virtue and discouraging the growth fof “luxury.” In Britain commonwealthmen like hard Price and Joseph Priestley sympathized with American grievances, When war came, the New England Congregational clergy was among its most enthusiastic supporters. nicknamed “the black regiment.” They had been accustomed dur- ing the recurrent wars with the French to identify- ing the cause of Protestantism with that of politi cal liberty and readily substituted an American for a British patriotism. Of course, once indepen dence was declared the Enlightenment ideology of natural rights to a large extent subsumed the more limited Puritan political ideology ‘The early Puritan setilers had a strong sense ‘of mission, which has carried over to color ‘American nationalism even after independence. ‘They did not carry out their “errand in the wil- derness” simply to put the true model of Chhristi- anity into practice, but also to demonstrate it for the benefit of the rest of Christendom and the English church in particular. The classic expres- sion of this sense of mission was given in a speech by John Winthrop called “A Model of Christian Charity,” delivered aboard the ship r- fella en route to the New World, in which he told his fellow passengers to remember that “we shall be as a city upon a hill; the eves ofall people are upon us.” Even after the ideals that America was demonstrating changed from congregational pu- rity to democracy and human rights, the sense ‘of mission, of being an example, remained. Abraham Lincola expressed it well when he called America “the last best hope of carth. ‘This sense of mission, originally Puritan, has helped infuse American pat to ideals transcending the nation-state itself, An example of these ideals—which the world has not lived up to—would be the Covenant of the League of Nations, drawn up bya devout Presy- tetian of Calvinist heritage, Woodrow Wilson, otis with a loyalty 1069OLOT stormso [eUNWNO? stay “Sapopy “Tuyo! pue dyoueg 281095 suesiONs Noy yoNET YossEy, sote( pue uosury apnppur ssyesow ized soy sugientuy 942 Joy 1ueLIocku! pauretD4 uorssoad x9 jp 9poul weming revonipen,“aursseuoy purjdug son op se umouy auio99q sey 1eys UE poroalpy Sumezoiry soso wey» osu paSesnost sion Yiysiejows pur ‘souans ‘éydosoqiyg éuiuniod ay punose staypo 10} apous & “insa99 sn qplkosou wore Onur poutrojsuEN pies 29 yauaaioutu dtp Jo spaau ay) 199M 1am suiaists [oou>s a1GhA “Payst saino ur aun ueajing pareioSiatsos pue poxos oid sueuentuy) Aamua>-qpuaaoutu amp “22uDui ‘adxo uotsiaaudp ayqeynuap! ue £0) assa9ou anh pur sBojooys astlapea epog quia Bussuadsig usheataos feuonow num aydoad Aue porueypuast pey Sumaxemy e239, ay) aouts z9a9 dn Buiphing [mos u99q pey xoporp jo pourewos oym atoun pure sqezaqy ayp Usama 14 sistjeuopellasBuoly Huowe uoisiaip 24) ang ‘op prewpurey su se Yymoysuy wun wou -19s s Suruueyy aye ena JO ep 2u) “6 T8L s9ye1 voneumuousp ay “ajoum e se wsnUEL -s910q [21991] Jo 1uoudo}psap 24p 40) adsioroad © se pane uonreummouap deuenun oyp “ynsaa Sy "uuoy owonnxa ut pue ibydx9 “spiea pasead de iay suewenun snasnyesseyy ap Suowe ang ‘pow asturajey 94) InoySponp Suidopaaap 219s sopmme assy] “suorssaauty BunpH UT 8st *Wes1x94 jo spopaur arp yo isnunss)\ Surseai0u1 axp ue wisttiajen 490 wsuerutunry Yos 2ouazajoud Bursou3 ayy Bumpayos “inunoo ay}\ur soypiny Papunoj-uening isapjo ay2 Suown\ smmasnyses “seyy wiviseo Ut pareutfuo ay -ioeddy peamajn sir ut fenuao pue 23:e] pauooy sey ustieuenug, B01 st wsyesaqy AqueD Jo Aaorsiy, jeamjna\ouyt Suis peonjaSueas pur yeiogy] on pareaanp vompen snotSifar wenng atp sopZ 1341 30 3 APY 18919 ayn 29UIg.-yoryeBUIOg pud OLAgrT onesuadsip ouraip ays w Xejd 01 240s fe1vads E asey pjnom e2usWy typ UoR>I\U0) snoLNed © pur “wsoyo4 1205 40) adoy ‘ssauord ut yptey poficanosua “aonsnf pue avead jo seas puesnoyp B aay jjuo ans00 pmo Suiuioy puorog 41 2eyp Bunpear ‘siao pue spiempy s jemuayunsod,, & Jo wowdopaap 3M "uamia1 sty 40} peayypeag ev Istay9 apiaoid PIO eUBWY Jo vONEMIe;Ds jeIOW oyL AEP osorjoq so4y209q we] a SisMoUEr9 wuisoraiy “shes AueUs UF washoured Ue>HaLaY wis pasty oure9q sadoy fertuayiu sie9s oy 4990 “wisidoUO,Y UE steadde osje rey! 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