Professional Documents
Culture Documents
A PA R N A L A N J EWA R B O S E
MANOHAR
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To all those who dare to incision and
peel layers of their skin to bleed
so that all the rest
may heal. . . .
Contents
Foreword 11
Acknowledgements 23
Introduction 25
REFERENCES
Angelou, Maya, I Know Why the Caged Bird Sings, New York: Bantam Books,
1969.
Athavale, Parvatibai, My Story: The Autobiography of a Hindu Widow, tr. Justin
Abbot, New York: G.P. Putnam’s, 1930.
Augustine, St., The Confession of St. Augustine, tr. Sir Tobie Mathew, London:
Fontana Books, 1923.
Das, Kamala, My Story, New Delhi: Sterling Publishers, 1976.
Devika, J., Womanwriting = Manreading, Delhi: Penguin, 2013.
Gandhi, Mohandas K., An Autobiography: The Story of My Experiments with
Truth, Boston: Beacon Press, 1927.
Mishra, Anil Dutta, Reading Gandhi, New Delhi: Pearson, 2012.
Pascal, Roy, 1960, Design and Truth in Autobiography, London: Routledge and
Kegan Paul, 1960.
Peyre, Henry, 1963, Literature and Sincerity, New Haven and London: Yale
University Press, 1963.
Ramakrishnan, E.V., Locating Indian Literature: Texts, Traditions, Translations,
Hyderabad: Orient Blackswan, 2011.
——, Anubhavangale Aarkkanu Peti? (Who is Afraid of Experience), Kottayan:
D.C. Books, 2012.
Raveendran, P.P., Kamala Das (Makers of Indian Literature), New Delhi: Sahitya
Akademi, 2017.
Foreword 21
Rousseau, Jean-Jacques, The Confessions, tr. J.M.Cohen, Penguin Books,
London, 1953.
Storholmen, Ingrid. Voices from Chernobyl, translated from the Norwegian by
Marietta Taralrud Maddrell, New York: Haper Perennial, 2009.
Tharu, Susie and K. Lalita, Women Writing in India, vols. I and II, New Delhi:
Oxford University Press, 1991.
E.V. RAMAKRISHNAN
Acknowledgements
NOTES
REFERENCES
I. INTRODUCTION
VI. CONCLUSION
NOTES
NOTES
REFERENCES
Source : ‘Equivocally Jewish: Claude Cahun and the Narratives of Modern Art’, Gewurtz, 2012.
REFERENCES
It’s the arch of my back, The sun of my smile, The ride of my breasts,
The grace of my style. I’m a woman. Phenomenally. Phenomenal
woman, That’s me.
MAYA ANGELOU, PHENOMENAL WOMAN
Over the years women have stormed male bastions reaching the
pinnacle of success in different spheres of life. They have contri
buted to and achieved a lot of success in the fields of academics,
politics, entertainment, business and others. They have become
more vocal than they had been. Feminist theory and popular
culture are often juxtaposed as they have a huge impact on its
recipient audience and the consumer culture. Popular culture has
the power to mirror our lives and show connections between the
media, society and identity. Popular culture is contemporary cul
ture which is reflected in the form of art, images, narratives and
ideas. The masses or the audience have a huge influence in produc
ing culture and controlling the media. According to Theodor
Adorno and Max Horkheimer popular culture is in favour of those
who are in power. As women have risen to the ranks of men issues
favoured by them have gained credibility. Lately the topics of in
terest in contemporary culture and scholarship are feminism and
humour, which combine to form feminist humour.
Feminist humour, according to Kaufman and Blakley, is the
humour of the oppressed.
122 Deepshikha A. Minz
Feminist humour is based on the perception that societies have generally been
organized as systems of oppression and exploitation, and that the largest
(but not the only) oppressed group has been the female. It is also based on
conviction that such oppression is undesirable and unnecessary. It is a humour
based on visions of change. (13)
REFERENCES
REFERENCES
Dahl, Robert, Modern Political Analysis, New Jersey: Upper Saddle River, 1984.
Fromm, Erich, Escape from Freedom, New York : Avon Books, 1969.
Min, Anchee, Red Azalea, London: Bloomsbury, 2006.
CHAPTER 6
From the first moments when human beings began to think about
representing the world around them, the human form became
something of interest. It is extended in relation to identity, self,
sexuality, gender, etc., which are associated with the idea of body.
The definition of body per se is no more a constant entity; and
understanding it varies in varied contexts. Michel Foucault in his
Discipline and Punish (1975) talks about docile bodies in the sense
that our bodies are subjected to control and discipline in order
to regulate and control our actions. Seventeenth-century French
philosopher, Rene Descartes’s theory of ‘Dualism’, which is other
wise known as Cartesian dualism, distinguishes mind from body.1
For Roland Barthes, body is both social and linguistic construct;
the physical body is pre-cultural, pre-linguistic and pre-symbolic.
Sigmund Freud defines body through sexuality, i.e. self is considered
as a sexual being/identity. Bodies are the objects of primary narcis
sism according to psychoanalysis. A descriptive representation of
body is found more in realist literature.
In Greek tragedies like the Odyssey and the Iliad, body is essential
and ever present in scenes of slaughter and combat. In most of the
Shakespearean plays, bodies act both as metaphor and in the physical
context. In early modern literature bodies become problematic
and hidden. The centrality of body is underscored in Rabelais
(1986) by Mikhail Bakhtin. Feminists like Melaine Klein and Sandor
142 Sandhya Deepthi
Ferenzi have theorized extensively on the mothers’ body. According
to them, discursive systems derive from bodily sensations. One of
the earliest narratives that cater to the act of imaging or imagining
the image of self is the legendary myth of Narcissus. The continual
yearning to discover what constitutes the ‘I’, the knowledge and
composition of it confined to individual experience is the foremost
motif in the current discourse.
Adding to the above postulates, it is crucial to observe that the
representation of the female body has been steered by certain
underlying hegemonic and patriarchal ideologies, i.e. stereotypes
representing women as weak/vulnerable, seductress, obstacle, sexual
object or a procreating device (Nayar, 2010).
John Berger in his seminal work Ways of Seeing (1972) confides
that:
One might simplify this by saying: men act and women appear. Men look at
women. Women watch themselves being looked at. This determines not only
most relations between men and women but also the relation of women to
themselves. The surveyor of woman in herself is male: the surveyed female.
Thus she turns herself into an object—and most particularly an object of
vision: a sight. (47)
The artists of the 1960s and 1970s explored the site of abjection
as the one where binaries collide and collapse into each other. The
body in the performance art is an extended and continuous image
of the structured body.
The limits of this body are pushed to explore because the bound
aries (or the marginalized) are always vulnerable than the centre.
The abject body is a site where boundaries overlap and switch.
The external becomes the internal and vice versa. The idea of the
abject has strong feminist connotations. During the 1980s and
1990s, many artists employed the idea of abject in their work. Cindy
Sherman’s work reflects the images of female bodily functions as
they are ostracized by the general social or public view. The themes
of abject, disgust, uncanny and the surreal become the themes of
144 Sandhya Deepthi
modern-day feminist art where the boundaries of the ‘Body’ are
disturbed.
Kristeva introduces the concept of ‘Abject’ in her essay ‘Powers
of Horror: An Essay on Abjection’ (1980). The ‘Abject’ refers por
trays to us the imagery of disgust and repulsion which operates
between the binaries of life and death, self and other, reality
and illusion, etc. The grotesque images of bodily fluids are very
discomforting, yet powerful in subverting the mainstream ideas
of beauty and the feminine. The Abject is nothing but a sense
or state of repugnance and exclusion which she relates to the
marginalization of women for a long time. The nausea caused by
experiencing the Abject (milk for instance) separates her from the
imagery of the mother and the father by association. She desires it
and at the same time, she doesn’t want it. It’s a contradictory space
where she wants to assimilate it but at the same time expels it. She
abjects herself while claiming to establish herself in the process.
(Kristeva, 1982). We see differing ideas co-existing at a point; the
want and hate, the self and other begin to co-exist or unite. The
boundaries of the human body are destroyed where there is a fusion
of exterior and interior and such a point is vulnerable where the
meaning and structure collapse.
In the book, Recognition beyond Narcissism: Imaging the Body’s
Ownness and Strangeness, Jenny Slatman notes that
The philosopher Jean-Luc Nancy, who has undergone a heart transplant,
argues that the fact of receiving an organ from someone else makes visible that
welcoming an ‘intruder’ (intrus) is essential to the experience of one’s own
body. At the heart of oneself, one finds this menacing but also beneficent
stranger. According to him, this intrus—for which the heart transplant is an
exemplary case—always remains a radical alterity, yet at the same time, it
forms the condition of oneself. Organ transplantation thus blurs the contours
of one’s own body, and therefore calls for a reconceptualization of the border
between ownness and strangeness.6
Rhythm 0
INSTRUCTIONS
There are 72 objects on the table that can be used on me as
desired.
PERFORMANCE
I am the object. During this time I take full responsibility.
Freud in his essay ‘On Transience’ also notes that we all have an
inherent desire to feel continuous. He reflects upon the ideas of
transience and eternity. According to him, everyone of us has an
internal or subconscious demand for immortality. Because all that
we see and experience at the ‘present’ moment fades into nothing
as illusion.11 According to him, we all possess an inherent demand
for continuity to connect ourselves with the conscious and real
world. As Freud puts it, ‘But this demand for immortality is a
148 Sandhya Deepthi
product of our wishes too unmistakable to lay claim to reality’.12
From the two above propositions, we notice that the self is a non
continuous entity, catering to the postmodern idea of fragmentary
self. On a parallel note, according to Freud, time is also a transient
or a fragmentary idea which always demands a continuity. The
necessary connection between the self and the time is crucial to be
understood in the context of defining an autobiographical self and
autobiographical time since they are interwoven with the ideas
of memory, death and time. John Oulton Wisdom in his book,
The Metamorphosis of Philosophy states that the philosopher do not
express facts about the universe directly but express facts about
himself symptomatically from his unconscious autobiography. 13
The unconscious is the site where the self exists in its pure form.
Portraying pain, abject, death and time in art is nothing but
an attempt to access the unconscious of the artist as well as the
audience.
Marina Abramovic’s performance art includes long durations of
pain and suffering, returning to the primal metaphysical ques
tions about existence, time and death. The idea of pain in Marina’s
performance art can be considered synonymous to death. Accord-
REFERENCES
Abramovic, Marina, Walk Through Walls: A Memoir, New York: Three Rivers
Press, 2016.
152 Sandhya Deepthi
Bamford, Kiff, Lyotard and the ‘Figural’ in Performance, Art and Writing, New
York: Continuum International Publishing Group, 2012.
Battista, Kathy, Renegotiating the Body: Feminist Art in 1970s London, New
York: I.B.Tauris & Co. Ltd, 2013.
Berger, John, Ways of Seeing. London: BBC and Penguin Books Ltd., 1972.
Bluck, Liao, The International Journal of Reminiscence and Life Review, vol. 1,
Issue 1, 2013, pp. 7-12. .
Covino, Deborah Caslav. Amending the Abject Body, Albany: State University of
New York Press, 2004.
Freud, Sigmund, On Transience: The Standard Edition of the Complete Psycho
logical Works of Sigmund Freud, vol. 15, 1916, pp. 303-7.
Jones, Amelia, Body Art/Performing the Subject, Minnesota: University of
Minnesota Press, 1998.
Kristeva, Julia, Powers of Horror, New York: Columbia University Press, 1982.
O’Dell, Kathy, Contract with the Skin: Masochism, Performance Art, and the
1970s, Minnesota: University of Minnesota Press, 1998.
Rigg, Peter J., ‘Chapter 3: Contemporary Concepts of Time in Western Science
and Philosophy’, in Ann McGrath, Mary Anne Jebb, Long History, Deep
Time Book: Deepening Histories of Place, Australian National University
Press, 2015, pp. 47-60.
Shariatinia, Z., ‘Heidegger’s Ideas about Death’, Pacific Science Review, Humani
ties and Social Sciences, 2016. Web 16 March 2016. <http://dx.doi. org/
10.1016/j.psrb.2016.06.001\>
CHAPTER 7
Beals, Melba P., Warriors Don’t Cry: A Searing Memoir of the Battle to Integrate
Little Rock’s Central High, New York: Pocket Books, 1994.
Das, Kamala, My Story, New Delhi: Sterling Publishers, 1988.
Davies, Carole B., Black Women, Writing, and Identity: Migrations of the Subject,
London: Routledge, 1994.
Gilbert, Sandra M. and Susan Gubar, Feminist Literary Theory and Criticism: A
Norton Reader, New York: W.W. Norton, 2007.
Habib, M.A.R., Modern Literary Criticism and Theory, New Delhi:Wiley India,
2008.
Lorde, Audre, Feminist Literary Theory and Criticism: A Norton Reader, ed.
Sandra M. Gilbert and Susan Gubar, New York: W.W. Norton, 2007.
McLeod, John, Beginning Postcolonialism, Manchester: Manchester University
Press, 2000.
Morgan, Sally, My Place, Fremantle: Fremantle Arts Centre, 1987.
Nayar, Pramod K., Postcolonial Literature: An Introduction, Delhi: Pearson
Longman, 2008.
——, Contemporary Literary and Cultural Theory, Delhi: Pearson Longman,
2011.
Showalter, Elaine, A Literature of Their Own: British Women Novelists from Bronte
to Lessing, New Jersey: Princeton University Press, 1977.
Spivak, Gayatri C., The Spivak Reader: Selected Works of Gayatri Chakravorty
Spivak, ed. Donna Landry and Gerald Mecleau, New York: Routledge,
1996.
Woolf, Virginia, A Room of One’s Own, New Delhi: Cambridge University Press,
2006.
CHAPTER 9
REFERENCES
She said that he threw her as if she was an object of play. It was
a stereotypical depiction of woman as merely a sexual object. Her
own body appeared to be humiliated, abused and tortured (Mitrea,
133). She confessed that it was a shocking experience for her, which
shattered her young mind completely.
Nasreen interrogated herself as a child for not exposing her uncles
to her parents. Perhaps the socio-cultural beliefs that made a man
superior to a woman hindered her way. She always wondered why
she did not tell anyone about her sexual assault by her own uncles.
She could not believe her own eyes and ears that she had been
raped and thought it was only a nightmare. She thought that those
people could not be her real uncles, they might be someone else
who only looked like her uncles. She had always considered them
equal to her father so they were worthy of respect. She also thought
that if she had talked about those two incidents no one would
believe her. It focuses on a child’s ignorance about male domina
tion of a woman’s body and mind. She felt absolutely broken.
Identity & Self-Representation in Nasreen’s My Girlhood 195
There was no one ‘. . . close enough to whom I could go and cry
my heart out, tell them everything without holding anything back,
show them my wounds? Even Ma was not that close, although
she was my whole world’ (Nasreen, MG 92). She developed a split
personality after that incident. One half of her went out with all
the other children, played games and ran around. The other half
‘. . . sat alone depressed, by the pond, or the rail roads, or the
steps by our door. Alone even in the middle of a crowd’ (ibid. 92).
Once she was raped, she was silenced. She was incapable of con
veying her pain to anyone and therefore learnt to remain silent
and kept it a secret.
Taslima Nasreen grew to understand that the incident was some
thing unspeakable about which nobody ever talked. Her silence
about her sexual assault was broken when she wrote her autobiog
raphy. Critic Bell Hooks also writes that ‘Secrecy and silence—
these were central issues’ for writing an autobiography. . . . This
death in writing was to be liberatory’ (429). By confessing about
her sexual molestation in her autobiography, Nasreen felt liber
ated of the pain and anguish with which she had lived so far. Her
‘female self ’ wanted to punish those men who had toyed with her
body. But she was not allowed to do so. The two incidents left
such a deep impact on her mind that she learned with a shock
about gender subordination and sex.
Taslima Nasreen was so horrified that she related her experience
of rape with the attack of Pakistani soldiers during the year of war
and started imagining herself being raped by them. When she was
pretending to be asleep, she felt as the Pakistani soldiers were gazing
at her:
It was as if a snake was climbing over my body, slowly gliding up to my neck,
coiling itself around my neck and holding it in an icy grip. I found it difficult
to breathe. . . . Their eyes and tongue—dripping lust and fire—swept slowly
over my hair-eyes-nose-ears-neck-chest-stomach-thighs-legs-feet. A cold,
slippery snake slid down the men’s bodies, crawled all over me, sniffed my
back, stomach and genitals, then entered my flesh, my bones, and settled
deep in the marrow. (Nasreen, MG 18-19)
The horror of rape taught Nasreen to detect lust in the eyes of
the Pakistani soldiers when they looked at her young body. She
196 Archana Gupta
imagined those Pakistani soldiers gazing at her with lustful eyes.
The snake symbol indicated that she was being raped by their
gaze. This is the moment when her sexual realization took place.
She understood what it meant to be a woman and how a woman’s
honour ought to be saved first.
During the 1971 war of Bangladesh, women remained under
the constant fear of being raped and sexually assaulted any time as,
‘Rape in 1971 Bangladesh is not to be perceived as an act of sexual
gratification of men’s quenching their thirst for sexual desire, but
rather as a political ploy in which women’s bodies were used as
mere vehicles to scatter terror and degradation’ (Mitrea 129). Taslima
Nasreen remembered the agonizing experiences of the war when
houses were looted by Pakistani soldiers. They plundered women’s
bodies as they plundered their houses. Nasreen’s mother thanked
Allah that their lives had been spared and their honour was safe as,
‘the military men were crazy about women—young, middle-aged,
whatever. One simply had to look at a woman, and a stiff, hard rod
would burst through his pants’ (Nasreen, MG 20). The biological
difference which makes women inferior to men is evident here.
According to Susan Brownmiller, rape was not restricted to beauty
or youth in Bangladesh as girls of eight years and grandmothers of
seventy-five were sexually assaulted. Thus, rape was a means of
dominating women. In her book Against Our Will: Men, Women
and Rape, Brownmiller writes that rape is a means to dominate
and degrade women. ‘. . . is nothing more or less than a conscious
process of intimidation by which all men keep all women in a state
of fear’ (qtd. in The New York Times, 16 October 1975).
Taslima Nasreen went through another episode of physical abuse
while walking along the banks of Brahmaputra River. A young
man walking from the opposite direction, ‘passed suddenly and
painfully pinched’ her breasts and buttocks. His friends, who were
standing at a distance, clapped and laughed at her humiliation.
She felt so ashamed and panic stricken as if her body was not her
own ‘. . . but a toy they were free to play with’. Women are forced
to be ashamed of their body. By subordinating their bodies men
claim their right to women as their property.
My Girlhood is also an account of religious hypocrisy and domi
Identity & Self-Representation in Nasreen’s My Girlhood 197
nation of women in the name of religion. Women were denied
the right to practise religion, and forced to remain within their
limited sphere. Men interpreted religion in their own interest and
used it as a means of oppressing women. Taslima Nasreen says,
‘Religion has chained women into slavery, turned her into an ob
ject of consumption and denied her the dignity of being human’
(SC 144). The reason for Nasreen’s hatred for Islam was because
she viewed it as an instrument of oppression around her since her
childhood. Nasreen says in her interview with Islamic State of Iraq
and Syria (ISIS), ‘If I criticized Muslim fundamentalists and mullahs
in particular, it is because I saw them from close quarters. They
took advantage of people’s ignorance and oppressed them. They
considered women as chattel slaves and treated them no better
than the slaves of the ancient world.’ Therefore, she strongly con
demned the religious practices adopted by Amirullah in her auto
biography. Amirullah was a religious hypocrite, who used to keep
young girls in his house and tortured them physically. On the
pretext of religious preaching, he exploited young girls, took them
to the closed dark room and molested them. Not only, was he
himself the perpetrator of the deed but young girls were brought
to his house for the fulfilment of sexual pleasure of various other
men.
Taslima Nasreen’s sexual molestation at the age of nine, women’s
domination in the name of religion and her father’s ill treatment
of her mother changed her perception towards men in general.
The relationship between her parents too forced her to believe
that marriage contributes to women’s oppression and exploitation
through economic and political disempowerment and limitation
of opportunities, forcing women to compromise with their desires
and aspirations. Nasreen’s mother was told by her husband to do
all her duties and he often said that, ‘You are a mother of three. It’s
the duty of a mother to take care of her children. Bring your chil
dren up properly, get them educated, that will be your reward’
(Nasreen, MG 31). He was a male chauvinist who believed in
man’s superiority over women. In her acceptance speech of the
2004 UNESCO Madanjeet Prize, at UNESCO Headquarters in
Paris on 16 November 2004, Nasreen declared, ‘A woman’s destiny
198 Archana Gupta
is to be ruled by the father in childhood, by the husband when
she is young, and by her son when she is old’ (qtd. in Mitrea, 132).
The multiple experiences of women’s subordination, the domina
tion of their body and mind turned Nasreen to find love in homo
sexual relationship.
Feminine rebellion was, of course, sexual and women’s bodies
were all that they could treat as their own. It is a moving away
from patriarchal domination and female subordination. Taslima
Nasreen’s bitterness towards men and her rapists led her to become
a lesbian. It was a kind of her revolt against patriarchal domination
of woman’s body and mind. It is a kind of ‘sexual revolution’ in
terms of Kate Millett which according to her, requires first of all,
‘an end of traditional sexual inhibitions and taboo, particularly
those that most threaten patriarchal monogamous marriage: ho
mosexuality, “illegitimacy”, adolescent, pre- and extra-marital sexu
ality’ (62). Taslima Nasreen has a ‘romantic female friendship’
(Martin 385) with her school friend Runi and according to Foucault
her ‘. . . sexuality comes to constitute the ground of identity. . .’
(qtd. in Martin, 381). Nasreen’s love for her friend Runi and her
relationship with her maid Moni was a means of sexual revolution.
It helped her in regaining her lost identity. Feminists like Adrienne
Rich and Judith Butler have critiqued sex/gender system of social
arrangements that are seen as sites of hetero-patriarchy which op
presses its members through heteronormativity (Rich, 130-41).
Marriage normativity and ‘compulsory heterosexuality’ are at the
core of heteronormative structures and seen by Adrienne Rich as a
powerful force of women’s suppression. Nasreen didn’t feel inclined
towards heterosexual love as she rejected the proposal by Ratan,
the son of her father’s friend.
Nasreen developed ‘childhood friendship’ with a senior school
girl called Runi whom she found very beautiful especially her
enchanting eyes. According to Biddy Martin, ‘Whether the em
phasis is on a tomboyish past, on childhood friendships, or on
crushes on girl friends, teachers, or camp counselors—all now the
stock-in-trade of lesbian humour—these narratives point to unsanct
ioned discontinuities between biological sex, gender identity, and
sexuality’ (385).
Identity & Self-Representation in Nasreen’s My Girlhood 199
Nasreen always kept looking for Runi. Her body desired to be
touched by Runi and she wanted to fulfil her desires. It is her
‘romantic female friendship’ with Runi which gives her a sense of
association with her new self. The relationship between Nasreen
and Runi, in generic terms, can be termed as homoerotic same sex
relation. Nasreen imagined that this relationship gave her what
she desired in her life.
Nasreen learns very soon that Runi will be able to understand
her emotional needs which will satisfy her the most. Runi served
as a medium through whom she intended to find happiness. More
over it is Runi who is able to make Nasreen realize love for the first
time. Once when she touched her on her arm Nasreen said, ‘Again
and again I rubbed the spot on my arm, where her hand had
rested, feeling her touch once more. My dolls were forgotten, as
well all other games. . . . All that craved for now was Runi’s touch,
to be sought out and experienced in absolute secrecy’ (Nasreen,
MG 188). Her love for Runi grew so strong that she even started
imagining lying beside her at night. Imagining about Runi, she
established a relationship with her maid Moni one night as she
says,
It was at about this time when I was still deeply and secretly in love with
Runi that, one night. . . . I slipped into Moni’s bed, my hands roaming all
over her body. I removed her clothes and felt her breasts which had suddenly
grown as large as ripe guavas. No one had touched her beautiful breasts
before. Now I did, fondling them, kissing them, smelling them as if I
had been reunited after a long absence with my dearest friend. (Nasreen
MG 189)
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Identity & Self-Representation in Nasreen’s My Girlhood 201
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Wadsworth, 1992.
Cixous, Helene, and Catherine Clement, ‘Sorties: Out and Out: Attacks/
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Eakin, Paul John, ‘Self-Invention in Autobiography: The Moment of Lan
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Felski, Rita, ‘On Confession’, Women, Autobiography, Theory: A Reader, ed.
Sidonie Smith and Julia Watson, Madison, Wisconsin: University of
Wisconsin Press, 1998.
Friedman, Susan Stanford, ‘Women’s Autobiographical Selves: Theory and
Practice’, Women, Autobiography, Theory: A Reader, ed. Sidonie Smith and
Julia Watson, Wisconsin: University of Wisconsin Press, 1998.
Haque, Sumaiya Tasneem, ‘Prevailing Non Normativities: Exploring Gender
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Writers of the Sub Continent’, Diss. University of BRAC, 2014, Web
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Heilbrun, Carolyn G., Writing a Woman’s Life, New York: Norton, 1988.
Hooks, Bell, ‘Writing Autobiography’, Women, Autobiography, Theory: A Reader,
ed. Sidonie Smith and Julia Watson, Wisconsin: University of Wisconsin
Press, 1998.
Kar, Nishamani, ‘Construction of Gender and Identity: A Study of Taslima’s
Amar Meyebela (My Girlhood )’, Muse India. 46 (November-December
2012); Web 10 September 2015.
Martin, Biddy, ‘Lesbian Identity and Autobiographical Difference(s)’, Women
Autobiography, Theory: A Reader, ed. Sidonie Smith and Julia Watson,
Wisconsin: University of Wisconsin Press, 1998.
Menon, Nivedita, ‘Embodying the Self: Feminism, Sexual Violence and the
Law’, Translating Desire: The Politics of Gender and Culture in India, ed.
Brinda Bose, New Delhi: Katha, 2002.
Millett, Kate, Sexual Politics, Urbana: Univesity of Illinois Press, 2000.
Mitrea, Ioana, ‘Re (Creating) Home From Afar: Memories of an Exile’, Web
26 August 2015.
Nasreen, Taslima, ‘Don’t Call me Muslim, I am an Atheist’, The Hindu, by
Suvojit Bagchi, 23 March 2015, Web 20 August 2015.
——, My Girlhood, tr. Gopa Baker, Web 28 May 2015.
——, Selected Columns, tr. Debjani Sengupta, New Delhi: Srishti, 2004.
——, ‘Taslima Nasreen and the Struggle against Religious Fundamentalism’,
ISIS, Web 20 August 2015.
202 Archana Gupta
——, ‘The Women from Nature’, All about Women, Web 26 August 2015.
——, ‘Women’s Untold Stories: An Interview with Taslima Nasrin’, Michael
Deibert, 5 November 2009, Web 20 August 2015.
Rich, Adrienne, ‘Compulsory Heterosexuality and Lesbian Existence’, Feminism
and Sexuality: A Readex, ed. Stevi Jackson and Sue Scott, New York:
Columbia University Press, 1996, 130-41.
Singh, Swati, ‘Confessional Strain in Select Women’s Writing: An American,
Canadian and Indian Perspective’, Diss. University of Lucknow, 2005.
Sinha, Shalini R., ‘Taslima Nasrin’s French Lover: A Flawed Journey Towards Self-
Discovery’, New Lights on Indian Women Novelists in English, ed. Amar
Prasad, New Delhi: Sarup, 2005.
Sinha, Sunita, ‘Changing Images of Women in the Fiction of Bapsi Sidhwa and
Taslima Nasrin’, Post-Colonial Women Writers: New Perspectives, New Delhi:
Atlantic, 2008.
Sree, P. Sudha, ‘Psycho Dynamics of a Feminist Voice: A Study of Taslima
Nasrin’s French Lover’ Psycho Dynamics of Women in the Post Modern
Literature, ed. S. Prasanna Sree, New Delhi: Sarup & Sons, 2008.
Verma, Mahadevi, Links in the Chain, tr. Neera Kuckreja Sohoni, New Delhi:
Katha, 2003.
Watson, Julia, ‘Unspeakable Differences: The Politics of Gender in Lesbian and
Heterosexual Women’s Autobiographies’, Women, Autobiography, Theory:
A Reader, eds. Sidonie Smith and Julia Watson, Madison, Wisconsin:
University of Wisconsin Press 1998.
C H A P T E R 11
REFERENCES
Beauvoir, Simone de,The Second Sex, tr. H.M. Parshley: Vintage Press, 1993.
——, Myth and Reality, Feminisms and Womanisms, Toronto: Women’s Press,
2002.
Ibsen, Henrik, A Doll’s House, Vintage Press, 1997.
LeBesco, Kathleen, ‘Fat and Fabulous: Resisting Constructions of Female Body
Ideals’, Feminisms and Womanism, Toronto: Women’s Press, 2002.
Millet, Kate, Sexual Politics, New York: Doubleday, 1970.
Newman, Arnold, ‘An Interview with Michèle Roberts’, Contemporary British
and Irish Fiction: An Introduction Through Interviews, London: Hodder
Education Publishers, 2004.
Kristeva, Julia, Powers of Horror, London: Blackwell, 1989.
Moi, Toril, Feminist Theory and Simone de Beauvoir, London: Blackwell, 1994.
Roberts, Michèle, Paper Houses: A Memoir of the ’70s and Beyond, London:
Virago Press, 2007.
——, Food, Sex & God: On Inspiration and Writing, London: Virago Press,
2012.
Sartre, Jean-Paul, The Transcendence of Ego: An Existentialist Theory of Conscious
ness, tr. and ed. Forest Williams and Robert Kirkpatrick, New York: Vintage
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Sceats, Sarah, Food, Consumption and the Body in ContemporaryWomen’s Fiction,
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Shilling, Chris, The Body, Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2016.
Whitford, Margaret, The Irigaray Reader: Luce Irigaray, London and New York:
Blackwell, 1991.
Wolf, Naomi, The Beauty Myth, New York: Harper and Row, 1990.
C H A P T E R 12
‘And you have used such vulgar words in your Gunah ki Ratein! You have even
described the details of a sex act merely for the sake of titilation’, I said.
‘My case is different. I am a man’.
‘Am I to blame for that?’
‘What do you mean?’ His face was flushed with anger.
‘What I mean is that God made you a man, and I had no hand in it. He made
me a woman, and you had no hand in it. You have the freedom to write
whatever you want, you don’t need my permission. Similarly, I don’t feel any
need to seek your permission to write the way I want to. (A Life 29-30)
REFERENCES
REFERENCES
The above lines from Tehmina Durrani’s memoir, sets the tone for
her personal narrative. She is a Pakistani women’s rights activist
and social worker who has made her indelible mark in the field
of autobiography with My Feudal Lord (1991). Her life story high
lights the malaise affecting democracy in Pakistan in the form of
a feudal value system which has penetrated deep into society weak
ening its very foundation. She also attacks the malignant and
exploitative patriarchy that has been thriving on the silence of Muslim
women for centuries.
Through her honest articulation, Durrani refuses to be the mirror
through which the male voice speaks. ‘The mirror is a pre-written
text, speaking the patriarchal language and inscribed with patriar
chal values: in it “woman” is “written,” and to it women must attend
in order to reflect adequately what is already there’ (Hausman
205-6).
The genre of autobiography offers Durrani space and liberty to be
vocal about the exploitation and ill treatment, she faced in society
on private and public fronts. Writing empowers her and helps in
the formulation of her identity. For many women, access to writ
ing one’s autobiography means access to the process of identity
266 Rubina Iqbal
construction. Therefore, the distinction between self-representa
tion as a political discourse and self-representation as an artistic
practice is less important than their simultaneity of function in a
particular culture and for specific audiences says Leigh Gilmore in
Autobiographics (qtd. in Beard 1).
Autobiographies are modes of self-representation where binaries
between writing as artistic venture and as political and social dis
course melt to form another kind of discourse. In On Autobiography,
Phillipe Lejeune defines autobiography as a ‘. . . retrospective prose
narrative written by a real person concerning his own existence,
where the focus is his individual life, in particular the story of his
personality’ (Lejeune 4).
In her memoir, Durrani got the opportunity to travel inward
to recreate a new edifice from her shattered being and celebrate
the essence of womanhood and femininity. It also captures the
ethos and the mood of the period in which it was written. She
furnished this work with great details about the tenure of Zulfiqar
Ali Bhutto and the military regime of Zia ul-Haque. Thus, her
narrative becomes important in the field of new historiography as
it gives the perspective of a marginalized class during a tumultuous
phase in Pakistan’s political history. This text has been translated
into thirty-nine languages since its publication, which in itself
endorses its popularity.
A beautiful woman with a charismatic personality, Durrani is
tortured and made to live a hellish life. She wrote her life story to
cast stones at feudal hypocrisy and break the traditional silence of
women about their victimization. By highlighting the mechanism
of oppression, she looked for social and political change. With the
release of this book, she became Pakistan’s most powerful feminist
voice.
Durrani’s commitment to the social cause is also reflected in her
second book A Mirror to the Blind (1996). It is the biography of the
Pakistani social worker Abdul Sattar Edhi. Her third work Blas
phemy (1998) is a controversial novel which exposes the secret lives
of the Muslim clerics and spiritual leaders. Durrani proclaimed
that the facts presented in it were verified and only names had
been changed to protect those women who were at the centre of
Breaking the Silence: Tehmina Durrani’s My Feudal Lord 267
the story. This book looks critically at the traditional practice of
Nikah Halala. She described several cases where this provision had
resulted in the humiliation and torture of Muslim women.
Tehmina Durrani belonged to the elite of Karachi. She was the
daughter of the former Governor of the State Bank of Pakistan, and
the former Chairman of Pakistan International Airlines, Shakir Ullah
Durrani. Her mother Samina’s grandfather was prime minister of
the court of the Maharaja of Patiala. Samina was a very domineer
ing woman who loved her children but on her own terms. She
believed in immaculate images and instant submission and hated
denial in any form.
Durrani’s relationship with her mother was a strained one. She
was not her mother’s favourite child as she was dark, whereas her
mother and other siblings were quite fair. Since the very begin
ning, her mother could also sense a radical streak in her. She proved
her mother right through her decisions to choose life partners by
going against her family and subsequently her divorces from Anees
Khan and Mustafa Khar. Durrani married three times and sought
divorce twice.
Her first marriage with Anees Khan was against the desire of
her influential family. At that time, she was barely seventeen and
studying in a boarding school at Murrie. Anees’s family background
was very ordinary. He was a mere junior executive, earning a paltry
wage of 800 rupees (about 8 pounds) per month, whereas Durrani’s
parents were looking for a much better match. But her swarthy
complexion came to her rescue as Pathans were generally found to
be very handsome and fair. It was difficult to find a good match for
her from the family of Pathans who usually looked for exceptional
beauty in a girl. She was not even engaged at the age of seventeen
and her mother was afraid that she might remain a spinster, which
was the worst humiliation for a Pakistani woman. So, her parents
agreed to this alliance.
Durrani introspects about her marriage with Anees and finds
that love was not the reason for her wedding rather her desire to
escape from the bondage of her traditional family. Though Anees
was a very understanding man, he lacked the dynamism and
charisma that she was looking for in her life partner. While she was
268 Rubina Iqbal
married to Anees, she met a powerful politician Mustafa Khar at a
party. She was enamoured by his mesmerizing and dominant per
sonality and started meeting him secretly while she was still mar
ried to Anees. Her candid confession of betraying her husband
and her guilt of being the other woman in Khar’s life are few epi
sodes of this narrative which endorse its honest revelation. Khar
was a married man and Sherry was his fifth wife. Mustafa Khar was
an authoritarian, overbearing, and extremely conservative, a com
plete opposite of Anees Khan. Sherry was living a subjugated and
pathetic life as Khar considered his wives his private property with
out any feelings and opinion of their own. Durrani knew about
Sherry’s unhappy marriage, but willingly fell into Khar’s seductive
trap.
In a mode of self-confession, she frankly admits that she was
beguiled by her own false perception that she would be a compatible
match for Khar. She was convinced that, ‘. . . the failure was with
Sherry, not Mustafa. She was simply not woman enough for this
charismatic, powerful man’ (62). She married Khar after getting a
divorce from Anees Khan. Khar’s strong and dynamic personality
bewitched her as he was in total contrast to her father’s weak role
in her family. But there was a dark side to him, which she had
overlooked. He was abusive and violent not only to his wife, but
also to his subordinates. He beat the servants on the slightest pretext
and in one instance, put red chilli powder into his maid Ayesha
Dai’s private parts because she had annoyed him.
Khar’s father Yar Khan was a wealthy landlord. The Khars realized
the importance of political connection to legitimize their authority
and safeguard their interest, thus Mustafa joined politics and stood
for a seat in the National assembly at the age of twenty-four. Durrani
attacks the autocratic regime in Pakistan and writes, ‘But in Pakistan,
although lip service was paid to democratic principles, feudal lords
remained in control. It was they who decided who would sit in the
national assembly and who would reside in the prime minister’s
house’ (41). Aristocracy ensured a system of slavery by creating
dependencies for peasants in feudal interest, generating a culture
of feudal impunity. At that time 75 per cent of the Pakistani parlia
ment was composed of landowners.
Under Bhutto’s prime ministership in 1973, Khar was given the
Breaking the Silence: Tehmina Durrani’s My Feudal Lord 269
office of the chief minister of Punjab province. Durrani’s relation
with Mustafa Khar gave her an opportunity to talk about the state
of politics in Pakistan. Since the very inception of Pakistan in 1947,
Muslim League was dominated by zamindars, nawabs and feudal
lords. ‘Political office is inherited in Pakistan. The provincial and
national by assemblies were dominated by feudal landowners’ says
Manzur Ejaz, a political economist. Democracy in Pakistan has to
go a long way before the feudal system can be dismantled. ‘The
group of narrow minded and backward feudal class does not allow
the development of a modern state. And no outdated class dies
without putting up a fight’, says Pakistani author Shaukat Qadir.
Her move to spend time with Mustafa while she was still in the
nikah of Anees was adultery for which Islam pronounces stoning
that woman to death. Her secret marriage with Khar was against
the teaching of the Koran, as no witness was present and they did
not announce their wedding publicly. She knew all this in her
heart, but her emotions overrode her common sense, morality and
decency.
In this frankly written autobiography she exposed her guilt
stricken conscience when she talks about her meeting with Mustafa
while Anees was still her husband, ‘I felt an underlying guilt. Cheat
ing on a man was an unnatural situation for me’ (71). Besides, she
felt that by displacing Sherry from her rightful place as the wife of
Mustafa Khar when she was expecting a child, was a sin for which
God punished her through her ordeal. According to Olney, ‘This
artistic activity helps the autobiography in determining true identity
and enables her/him to bring out an accurate picture of herself/
himself. The self-preferentiality of autobiography is also self-inter
rogative and thus a work beginning in self-depiction ends in a
deeper knowledge of the self ’ (150).
This memoir has been divided into four sections and each section
deals with one phase of Durrani’s life. The first part ‘Introduction’
contains details of her passion for Anees and her first marriage. It
also contains the account of her strained relationship with her par
ents. The second part entitled ‘Law of the Jungle’ provides details
of her married life with Khar, his political exile in Britain and her
support to her husband’s political ideology.
Mustafa’s values were steeped in a medieval milieu—a mix of
270 Rubina Iqbal
prejudices and superstitions. He had a predefined notion of the
role of the wife in a husband’s life. According to the feudal trad
ition a wife was honour bound to live her life as per her husband’s
whims. He treated his wives as commodity and ruled them auto
cratically. He justified his claim by quoting from the Koran. He
asserted that the Koran says ‘A woman was like a man’s land’, so he
considered them in functional terms and rejected them if they
were barren. Durrani accuses him of distorting Koranic verses and
using them for his own vested interest. She believes that land should
be tended and cultivated with love and care, and then only, ‘. . . it
produces in abundance. Otherwise, it would be barren’ (107).
Khar was a very possessive and jealous husband who did not
like Durrani’s contact with the external world and so he kept her
cloistered and suppressed. She was not even allowed to read news
papers. She was forced to give the custody of her daughter Tanya
born from her first marriage to her former husband to save her
from any danger from Mustafa which tortured her throughout her
life.
Tehmina’s first encounter with this violent, abusive and brutal
Khar was a shocking discovery, ‘I had fallen into the classical trap
of the Pakistani woman. The goal is marriage and, once achieved,
the future is a life of total subordination. I had no power, no rights,
no will of my own’ (100). There was no end to his atrocities against
her. He used to beat her up savagely at her slightest fault or sensing
any sense of denial. He used to hit her if food was late or not good,
if his clothes were not ironed properly. He even assaulted her in
the hospital just two hours after the delivery of her child because
she complained against his behaviour.
In the course of her thirteen years of marriage with Mustafa,
she suffered alone, in silence. She felt like a conditioned zombie.
Her husband pulled all her strings like a puppet master and she
danced to his tune. According to Tahire S. Khan,
Feudals have a high sense of masculinity and power and therefore, a woman’s
defiance and rebellion are considered a monstrous act that can shake the
foundations of respect and esteem of the men of the family, whether man of
a feudalist or peasant family living in rural settings, or upper or lower class
man living in Urban centres. Men of the family from each strata of society in
Breaking the Silence: Tehmina Durrani’s My Feudal Lord 271
these regions do not hesitate to soak their hands in the blood of their own
female blood relatives. (53)
Durrani tried hard to keep her troubled marriage intact and
strove to hide her feelings and bruises from the world as divorce
was a stigma in her society, ‘A Pakistani woman will endure almost
anything in order to hold a marriage together. In our society,
marriages maybe purgatory, but divorce is hell’ (77).
She never got the support of her family and parents, save her
brother Asim Durrani. She felt that ‘The system of patriarchy can
function only with the cooperation of women. This cooperation is
secured by a variety of means: gender indoctrination, educational
depravation, the denial of knowledge to women of their history,
the dividing of women . . .’ (Khan 56).
Her suffering was beyond endurance when she came to know
about Khar’s illicit affair with her youngest sister Adila. His infi
delity shook her, she left his house and sought a divorce from him
which he refused. He asked for her forgiveness and promised to
mend his ways. The constant persuasion and remorse made her
forgive him and she agreed to come back. She put a condition
before him to sign an agreement that gave her right to divorce
and the custody of the children if he broke his promise which he
willingly made. After that, he started to behave like an ideal hus
band and convinced her that a child born in this phase of their
relationship will be special. Thus, Hamza was born. Soon after her
pregnancy, Khar returned to his same violent and abusive self.
Durrani found it beyond her endurance.
She gradually realized her role in her effacement and subjuga
tion and turned into a lioness as described by her in the chapter
titled ‘The Lioness’. This third section, focuses on the last phase of
her relationship with Khar. Here, she metamorphoseed from a
meek, subservient woman into a potent and strong being and raised
her voice against injustice and exploitation. She longed to create
an identity of her own—not as a daughter, a wife or a mother but
as an individual.
The second time when she decided to get a separation from her
husband, Khar kidnapped her children and sent them off to
Pakistan. His condition for returning her children was that she should
272 Rubina Iqbal
not ask for separation. Her motherly love won over her sense of self-
respect and dignity and she returned to him. After that, Khar
came back to Pakistan from his political exile in England and was
arrested.
At this juncture, Durrani took the reign of her husband’s party
in her own hands. She became her husband’s comrade in the real
sense of the word when she fought with Zia-ul Haque’s administra
tion to procure Khar’s release from political imprisonment. This
was completely manipulated by Mustafa who was receiving royal
treatment in jail and controlled Durrani from there. He dictated
and controlled every move of hers. Durrani ran from pillar to post
to meet his unjust and inhuman demands. When, she was suffering
from some ailment to do with her breast and wanted to be treated
by the best doctor, Mustafa asked her to visit a local physician to
keep her close to himself. At one point, she had gynaecological
issues for which Khar insisted on her to consluting only a female
gynaecologist in spite of knowing her own doctor’s efficiency. In
one of their meetings in jail, Mustafa even forced himself on Durrani
and she winced in pain because her stitches were still tender after
her recent uterus surgery which she had to undergo because excessive
childbearing had created problems.
Khar was released from prison due to Durrani’s relentless efforts
but he started meeting Adila again, even though she was married
now. He even tried to save himself from the charges of infidelity
through lies and hypocrisy. During this time, Durrani’s only moral
support, her grandmother died of lung cancer. She was already
forsaken by her family, a very conservative and opportunistic lot.
Durrani felt forlorn and battered and finally decided to leave
Mustafa forever. It was not an easy step, ‘A divorcee in Pakistan
society is always a prime target for malicious gossips, wagging
tongues and leering glances turned me into a recluse’ (85). When
she decided to rebel finally, she paid a huge price for it. Mustafa
threatened her that their divorce would turn her into a pariah.
Durrani’s entry into normal households would be banned as her
very presence would be considered a threat to their marriages. In
her culture, speaking about love and divorce was a taboo and
accusations were levelled at females only. But this time, she decided
Breaking the Silence: Tehmina Durrani’s My Feudal Lord 273
not to give up. She was divorced from Mustafa Khar after her two
previous failed attempts. His uncountable sins left no room for
forgiveness, ‘I will never return’, I vowed. ‘No matter what’, she
reiterated (367). She was without shelter and money and projected
as a bad woman who cooked up stories of her husband’s extramarital
affair to appear innocent but she remained confident to fight her
battle.
Durrani was forced to sign all essential documents to transfer
the ownership of all their properties in England and Pakistan to
her husband Mustafa Khar. She also lost the custody of her four
children. There was no one to support her from her family and
friends. She turned, into a social and political outcast. She wrote,
‘I shuddered at the realization of the position that a woman falls
into after divorce—especially if her ex-husband is an important
person. Increasingly, I understood why women dare not break away’
(372). But nothing could stop her from freeing herself from Khar,
neither emotion nor financial and social deprivation.
Durrani realized that on the political front too, Mustafa was a
philanderer. He abandoned his mentor Bhutto when the latter
needed him the most. Khar took political asylum in Britain to save
himself and left Bhutto at the mercy of his enemies. Mustafa
stealthily made a deal with the Indian administration to defeat his
own army. He committed a plethora of political backstabbing
and then covered them with empty rhetoric and his charismatic
persona. He compromised with his principles and used all shortcuts
to be in power.
This work also shows a streak of Islamic feminism in Durrani’s
craving for an independent identity under the aegis of Islamic teach
ings. She ventured to highlight how feudal lords manipulated the
teachings of Islam to attain their end. Mustafa was very selective as
far as Koranic teachings were concerned. She never complained
against Islamic teachings which Khar manipulated discriminating
on the basis of sex but rather found solace in prayer and Koranic
recitations. At the time of her divorce, when she felt alienated and
lost she left everything in the hands of God and prayed to Him ‘to
avenge me’ (Durrani 368) as He did Imam Hussain.
Durrani felt that by breaking her silence and sharing her experi
274 Rubina Iqbal
ences of trauma she was on the path of Islam because to suffer
injustice and humiliation silently was more sinful than the act of
exploitation and violence itself. This memoir is an onslaught on
Patriarchy and Feudalism besides exposing the naked truth of
politics in Pakistan. The third focal point of this book is reinterpre
tation of Koranic teachings. ‘For me blasphemy is when the word
of God and the teachings of the Holy Prophet Peace Be Upon Him
(PBUH) are distorted. What could be more Blasphemous than
that?’ (The Express Tribune, 25 February 2013). She talked about
Khar’s relationship with her sister Adila and repelled his sexual
advances in the light of the teachings of the Koran.
I stared over his shoulder and begged God to punish him. This is incest,
God. You have forbidden a man to have a relationship with two sisters at the
same time. It is in Your Koran. If you have made this rule, then you will
never allow this to happen to me again. Never allow this man to touch me
again. (Durrani 355-6)
REFERENCES
Beard, Laura J., Acts of Narrative Resistance, Project Muse: 2009, Web
2 January 2018.
Bergland, Betty, ‘Postmodernism and Autobiographical Subject: Reconstruct
ing the “Other”, Autobiography and Postmodernism, ed. Katheline Ashley,
276 Rubina Iqbal
Leigh Gilmore and Gerald Peters, Amherst: University of Massachusetts
Press, 1994.
Cunha, Helena Parente, Mulher no Espelho, Sao Paulo: Art Editora, 1983,
Woman Between Mirrors, tr. Fred P. Ellison and Naomi Lindstrom,
Austin: University of Texas Press, 1989.
Durrani, Tehmina, My Feudal Lord, London: Corgi Edition, 1995.
Hausman, Bernice L., ‘Words between Women: Victoria Ocampo and Virginia
Interview of Tehmina Durrani, The Express Tribune, 25 February 2013, Web
2 January 2018.
Khan, Tahire S., Beyond Honour: A Historical Materialist Explanation of Honour
Related Violence, Karachi: Oxford University Press, 2006.
Lejeune, Philippe, On Autobiography, tr. Katherine Leary, Minneapolis:
University of Minnesota Press, 1989.
Manzoor, Ejaz and Shaukat Qadir in Ali Mustafa’s ‘Pakistan’s Fight against
Feudalism’, Web 29 December 2017. <www.aljazeera.com>
Olney, James, Autobiography: Essays Theoretical and Critical, Princeton: Princeton
University Press, 1980.
Valis, Noel and Carol Maier, In the Feminine Mode: Essays on Hispanic Women
Writers, Lewisburg: Bucknell University Press, 1990.
C H A P T E R 17
REFERENCES
‘The word hij refers to the soul, a holy soul. The body in which the
holy soul resides is called a “hijra”. The individual is not important
here’ (Tripathi 39). This is the very first act of realization about
the hijra life that Laxminarayan Tripathi states in her debut book;
she shows us through her own perception what it is to be a hijra.
In a way, it’s the giving up of an individual cause to uphold the
cause of a community. Although all these varied autobiographies
talk about the individual and the atrocities against the self, time
and again our writers remind us that this pain, this suffering, this
humiliation is not restricted to the self but to the collective un
conscious of the hijra psyche.
292 Nandini Pradeep J.
‘My sex, my skin colour—all were natural. Why did people
never understand?’ (Vidya 135), a pained Vidya would ask. ‘I am
not Saravanan—I am Vidya. Is the government listening?’ (Vidya
136) she continues as she probes the society as well as the systems
of governance. In another poignant retort to the existing societal
norms, she argues that ‘Dalits have a voice, feminists are heard—
they can hold rallies, demand their rights. But transgenders are
the Dalits of Dalits, the most oppressed of women among women—
they enjoy no equality, no freedom, no fraternity. They continue
to lead a wretched life, devoid of pride and dignity’ (Vidya 136-7).
Laxmi expresses the same sentiments as she quips that ‘. . . the
hijras were the ultimate subaltern, deprived of fundamental rights
guaranteed by the constitution. We are slaves, non-persons’ (Tripathi
91). It is to make themselves more audible that all these hijra nar
ratives raise their voices and articulate in every possible manner.
They realize, says Laxmi, that ‘. . . what mattered was our sense of
solidarity. That alone would save us’ (Tripathi 55). The vocaliza
tion of this ethos is apparent throughout this narrative genre which
encompasses of people from all over the country, yet speaking
the same words in different languages. This is also the sign of a
religious adherence to the hijra identity which is pervasive of the
‘I’, ever-moving towards the ‘we’ as a tool of emancipation, as a
measure of self-reparation with an understanding that only the
subjective can empower the collective, as a shield against the societal
atrocities, a home where the ‘other’ would not barge in to question
one’s beliefs and very existence. This attempt, therefore, like many
others, is not just trying at obtaining a position for the third gender,
it’s the conscious effort a community exudes to recover that prin
ciple of the self which was assumed to be dead over these years. If
Foucault relates the derivation of sexuality as a correspondence of
cultures to the death of God (31), hijra life narratives, in contrast,
would belong to a post-theistic regime of recovering the ancestral
bones of a collective inheritance, a collective conscience, from the
depths of human history and mythology. Here, it is not about
sexuality alone, it has also to do with a resistance against the erasure
of identities, nature and a destructive form of nurture which sub
sumes humanity as a predominantly binary, heteronormative one.
Rational Femininity and the Mode of Hijra 293
This also takes us to the pivotal question of the hijra femininity
and its many manifestions, and how these select narratives assist in
forming the hijra sensibility of a feminine effect.
This sense of spirituality has been associated with the hijra body
since antiquity; for instance, in the Mahabharata, Shikhandi’s
female body is gifted with a male organ by the Yaksha and he
becomes the owner of a special fate; he becomes instrumental in
294 Nandini Pradeep J.
the victory at Kurukshetra. The hijra body, then, is aligned more
with the sacred than the profane in popular imagination.
Vidya believes that the hijras ‘. . . are women at heart desperately
seeking to delete or erase our male identity. That is why we crave
the surgical procedure that will give us the bodily likeness of that
female identity’ (Vidya 100). The castration or nirvana,5 which is a
crucial concept in the hijra story, is at the heart of this desire to be
a transformed woman. Many choose not to do this, but many
more opt for it, wanting to be complete and flawlessly female.
Vidya describes her post-nirvana self thus: ‘My experience was
akin to spring cleaning—like cleaning an old house, removing the
cobwebs and dust, swabbing the floors and whitewashing the walls.
My woman’s body no longer had a male protuberance’ (Vidya
104).
The effect of this physical transformation is a varied experience,
and this suggests the sexuality of the hijra women. Not all hijra
women are completely heterosexual; some of them prefer female
company too. In India, however, there is a strong resistance to this
homoerotic notion of a trans-woman with another woman. It is
doubly tabooed among the hijras the same way incest is.
To avoid this confusion regarding their sexuality, they prefer to
be found wearing female clothes rather than male ones: ‘I was a
woman and I was nothing without my passion to be a woman. . . .
My womanhood was raging to destroy my manhood. . . .’ (Vidya
68). Vidya would say. Among the three narratives, only Laxmi resists
castration as a deliberate choice; both Vidya and Revathi find it
imperatively a part of the hijra life. Revathi works hard to earn the
amount sufficient for the nirvana, she proudly says how she had
broken the seniority order with her efforts to get one step closer to
that life she always desired. She narrates her desire to get rid of the
‘male object’ to become ‘a woman, like other women’ (Revathi 66).
In short, she wants to reject the male object to become from a
female thing to a complete female object. This resonates in Vidya’s
words as she says she was ‘. . . prepared to do anything to lose all
traces of manliness’ and thus, willing to do anything to embrace
wholeheartedly ‘. . . the sorority of transgenders’ (Vidya 69). So it
is part of the cooption into the larger community of transgenders.
Rational Femininity and the Mode of Hijra 295
As with nirvana, in the case of clothes as well, Laxmi prefers to
wear the casual uni-sex clothes other than when she is performing
her hijra act, whereas in the case of Vidya (as cited earlier) and
Revathi, it is unbearable to don the masculine attire. Here, one
should make a mention of cultural difference. Laxmi, hailing from
the metropolitan city of Mumbai, is hierarchically placed else
where in the spectrum in comparison to the Tamilian girls, both
coming from small sub-urban towns of Tamil Nadu. One would
find Revathi calling anything other than the female attire a dis
guise, a mere costume, but for Laxmi, the hijra-female costume is
a performance of her femininity. This brings us to the common
derivation that some of the members of the community prefer to
constantly play their part in gendering themselves and their body
politic whereas people like Laxmi would assume a cosmopolitan,
global trend based position here.
The notion of this assumed femininity in order to participate in
the greater question of the trans-life is part of the normative ritual
ism of the hijras. Vidya says it was an ecstatic experience to be even
a beggar when she had transformed into a woman. The first thing
she notices about the hijra community was that they were happy
living the kind of life they wanted to live, ‘. . . even if it was a
constant struggle to assert their femininity’ (Vidya 65). It is this
assertive femininity that we have been discussing all along: the
transgendered need to be a certain sort of female who transcends
while transgressing the status quo.
But this assumed position is not without its negatives. They
have to go through every sort of social discrimination (sexual harass
ment) that the woman has to put up with, and doubly or triply
so. Laxmi, for instance, says in her book, ‘Things got so bad, that
the mere touch of a man sent creeps down my flesh. I screamed if
a man tried to make any sort of physical contact with me’ (Tripathi
28). Revathi also has similar stories to narrate; like the incident
when she was coerced to have anal sex with a drunken thug just
because she was a hijra. This obtrusive grip of the male gaze vio
lates the transgender more forcibly, and audaciously than with
any other woman, especially because of a femininity which is not
accepted by the society per se. At this point, it becomes requisite
296 Nandini Pradeep J.
that one assesses the nature of the narrativity of this femininity, as
far as hijra autobiographies are concerned.
NOTES
1. Initial and major writings in transgender literature and politics came largely
from the state of Tamil Nadu. Although in many regional languages like
Malayalam there were attempts to promote a discourse on the topic from
1990s onwards, I am Vidya: A Transgender’s Autobiography published in the
year 2007 is the first transwoman autobiography.
2. Interestingly, the word hijra in Urdu means someone who has left his tribe.
It is derived from the Arabic root word hijr which in Urdu means a separation
from one’s beloved.
3. Ibid., p. 35.
4. This is also the title of a much-controversial Sahitya Akademi award winning
novel by Perumal Murugan which is originally titled Mathorubhagan in
Tamil—it literally means one part man, and is a reference to Lord Shiva who,
in his Ardhanareeshwara avatar, is part woman.
5. The word nirvana in Hijra vocabulary stands for the ceremonial act of being
castrated. Although it represents a sort of transcendence, it is not the same as
the Buddhist concept of nirvana.
REFERENCES
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Hennessy, Rosemary, Profit and Pleasure, London: Routledge, 2000.
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C H A P T E R 20
Self-Narratives of Working-class
Women: Voices from the
Global South
SHOMA SEN
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and Intimacy in the Sex Industry, London: Zed Books, 2010.
Mam, Somaly, The Road of Lost Innocence, tr. Lisa Appignanesi, London: Virago,
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Self-Narratives of Working-Class Women 319
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Educatioan, 2007, p. 504.
C H A P T E R 21
II
The book is about the family of Kambhams, and centred around
three siblings Satyam, Carey and Manjula. The former two were
the author Sujatha Gidla’s maternal uncles and Manjula, her
mother. They were born to Prasantha Rao, a Dalit convert to Christ
ianity, who ‘transgressed’ from the ways of his tribes just to ensure
something different and worthwhile for himself and his children.
Tracing the history to her great grandparents, the book is dedi
cated to her great maternal grandmother Marthamma. While most
of the pages are occupied in documenting the communist politics
right from Satyam’s boyhood days, his persistent urge to be incor
porated in the radical uprisings in the 1950s and 1960s, his
associations and initiation into the militant factions of the com
munist party to being the co-founder of the guerilla group. It’s his
metamorphic journey from a callous street activist Satyam to a full
blooded leader S.M. Satyamurthy, from being a dreamer devouring
multiple books in the library to a realistic visionary leading from
the front, that forms the highlight of the book. The other charac
ters in fact are too puny to come close to his stature and seem to be
orbiting around him, to only project his story through their lived
lives, endorsing the impact and influence he commanded.
Gidla’s book succinctly mentions in the introduction that the
lives of these people were not merely stories but lives that were
lived. Only when she moved to the states, the kind of life lived by
her folks became stories worth narrativising. She does problemati
cally, present caste as racism, undermining the glaring difference
of visibility. But then especially in rural belts where people know
each other, it is something that can’t stay hidden for long for there
are boundaries marked for each, based on occupations. So indis
Of Being Ants amongst the Elephants 325
pensable is caste that curious upholders devise interesting means
to ferret information about someone’s caste. Christianity as a reli
gion considers everybody equal in the eyes of the Lord and yet
post-conversion, the ex-untouchables couldn’t escape its scourge
thus retaining the status quo of the Hindu religion.
The Prelude of the book goes back to the year 1800 in Khammam
district of Andhra Pradesh, with Venkataswami and Atchamma
living on forests produce only to be evicted by the British, then
establishing, settlements around a lake, to a place called Shankar
paduonly to be reduced later to serfdom on the lands tilled at the
cost of their sweat and blood. Canadian missionaries walked in to
bail them out of their misery with a return gratitude of conversion
to Christianity. Yet the antlike life continued, amidst poverty,
deprivation and squalor. This life may be seemingly uninteresting
or insignificant for the world yet it needed to be archived for the
other ants to understand how the anthills were built through
struggles and efforts.
Gidla brings to the fore the importance of land and its signifi
cance to the dispossessed. Her grandfather Prasanna Rao had
bought a small patch, tilled it endlessly only to see nature’s fury at
its worst. Forever dreaming a better life for his children, he sank
deeper into poverty and debts. Unable to face it all, one day he
simply abandoned all his motherless children, leaving them at the
mercy of their maternal grandmother. The punch of this poverty
was directly borne by the first-born Satyam, to whom poverty
amongst his own people was negligible as compared to the world
where he compelled himself to belong. The only solace during
such embarrassing trials of fate was perhaps the books he found in
the college library. He excelled with vengeance in oratory, poetry,
students rights, and knowledge of monarchy, Telangana history,
the vetti system1 and the rule of the dora.2
The colonial regime supported the Nizam that enabled him
to suppress the commoners and remain autocratic. The Andhra
Mahasabha was formed to promote Andhra Culture but they could
never achieve reforms on their own and hence had to ally with the
communists. It eventually transformed into a Hyderabad unit of
the party welcoming membership from the poorest of poor and
326 Aparna Lanjewar Bose
championing causes of social reforms including abolition of vetti
and ownership of land possessed by the dora. They had local chap
ters in every village but had no action plan. The sparks of rebellion
and resistance that later spread like bush fire were triggered by a
humble washerwoman, a vetti called Ailamma. Unprecedented and
unanticipated by the communists, it was the peasants embarking
on a mass struggle. They had to be mobilized into guerrilla units to
fight the dora of Doras—the Nizam3 who in turn let loose his
Razaakars,4 to slaughter the peasants. Refusing to budge even after
one year of Independence, the Indian army finally marched in to
put an end to the 224-year-old dynasty and the old feudal order.
While the guerillas put down their rifles, the Indian army now
pointed guns towards the peasants. The land seized by them from
the Doras had to be returned, a vicious repression went on, com
munists were outlawed, campuses were monitored, men mutilated
and women were raped, resulting in crushing the Telangana struggle
under the military and police.
Those were the days when everything exciting and progressive
in arts and society was connected to communism, whether Lenin
or poet Sri Sri, it was a phase of idolizations. A brave new world
opened up for Satyam and his friends Pitchayya, Manikya Rao,
Hanumaiyya. Their aspirations had soared high while the red
dragon made its way into the kingdom of Nizam. But now hear
ing of countless atrocities their blood boiled. Reservation5 for the
Christian converts too came up for discussion. Despite attempts
to put the discussion of caste behind him, Satyam found himself
confronting it more and more. The paradox of this was as a com
munist he was supposed to think only in terms of class and not
caste. Unable to finish what he came for, it was a chance visit to his
cousin when he came in contact with Flora, the daughter of a
Madiga convert Issac and a Brahmin widow. As child marriages
were rampant amongst Brahmins, so were girls getting widowed
and pregnant in their teens either through secret affairs or rapes by
relatives which was largely common. The offspring of such liaisons
were then left at the Christian orphanages to save themselves of
both pain and shame. Issac’s wife was one of those. Certain stereo
types are endorsed in individual observations. For instance, Issac
Of Being Ants amongst the Elephants 327
though an untouchable was light skinned, contrary to the infa
mous belief that they should be dark. The nose of Flora was a
lovely ‘caste nose’ unlike the snub noses of his people. Despite
being her saviour she put him in his untouchable place of the have-
not. What Prasanna Rao wanted to keep his children away from,
they faced it all through.
While being dependent on others to do his personal things
Satyam was, an independent minded person who read voraciously
wrote poetry, articles, and stories and raised consciousness amongst
the skeptic madiga6 agricultural workers, gained their confidence
and organized them into a union. He befriended many who were
later part of his movement. While some of the communists were
clueless, attempting to seek advice from Stalin after the ideological
split was over, whether to continue the armed struggle against the
government army. A quick learner that he was, he soon grappled
with the difference between privileged communists and non-privi
leged ones. During an election rally one of the landlord’s Paleru 7
left work to join, only to be told bluntly to seek his landlord’s
permission. When he said that his landlord would never permit,
he was simply pulled out and handed over to him, leaving Satyam
stunned and musing over the contradictions between what the
party said and what it did. His association with Guntur Bapanayya,
an MLA who served the poor or Nancharayya who later became a
staunch Ambedkarite, organizing the untouchables to form a sepa
rate party, demanding legal and social reforms, proved productive.
His description of the latter affirms a few stereotypes, ‘The moment
you looked at him you could see he was an untouchable and son of
illiterate coolies’ (112). But together they formed the cultural group
the people’s theatre christening it ‘Toilers Cultural Forum’ and
mobilized the Pakis8 to perform.
The communists were reluctant to associate themselves with
‘such dirty people’. Since the chasm within the party was palpable,
it needed to return to its proletarian tradition. It was during one
such performance that his significant meeting with Kondapalli
Seetharamayya changed the course of his life. KS as he was called,
like Sundarayya had discarded his caste name Reddy to exemplify
his rejection of caste feeling. Trained in firearm while his wife toured
328 Aparna Lanjewar Bose
with the People’s theatre group, he was a man with immense
following amongst the militant youth.
For Satyam the party became a refuge and party members his
family and it was with this very spirit that he opened his arms to
welcome and protect Manikya Rao and his Kapu9 wife when the
two eloped to marry and had an army of angry goons from the
girl’s side chasing them for their blood. However, he refused to be
a wholetimer for the party as he was well aware of the treatment
meted out to the cadres. Allowances were doled out infrequently
and grudgingly which could be degrading. On the Andhra Uni
versity campus, he could draw parallels with what was going on in
Russia. Like Khruschev some Indians like Dange and Rajeswara
Rao believed that socialism could be achieved peacefully, through
gradual societal transformation relying on election procedures and
rejected the idea of renewal of armed struggle. Yet SM being the
man he was, nothing could restrict him—neither marriage nor
fatherhood.
He aimed to train cadres and build an army of guerillas who
would go fighting to liberate from village to village, till they could
surround cities and capture state power. This was too idealistic a
dream but he dreamt it and ran into identifying people who could
assist him. At Vijayawada while on one hand he learnt the ungrate
fulness of some he had helped, he also recognized the rewarding
gratefulness of KS. His characteristic flaws were his eccentricities
and robust emotional decisions that affected people around him.
He wrote an open letter to the first president of Independent India
Rajendra Prasad telling him to get out of the way of Nehru when
the latter wanted to pass the Hindu Code Bill introduced by
Ambedkar. The Indo-China War divided communists yet again.
While SM’s stand was pro-China, there was tension brewing in the
catholic school where he taught when students complained about
homosexuality and sodomy, indulged in by some of the catholic
priests. Both SM and KS championed the students cause. Similarly,
he led the teachers protest against the mission school. Religiosity
had long rendered the people servile and incapable of confronting
corrupt religious authorities controlling public institutions.
The socio-political ethos of the 1960s made many educated
Of Being Ants amongst the Elephants 329
youngsters turn to Maoism. The CPI(M) became distinguishable
from the revisionist CPI which was mostly run by brahmins. It
was also a period when the ‘Separate Telangana’ cries reverberated
and the slogans ‘Andhras go back’ became louder. While SM vehe
mently took up the cause, he also reasoned with people to direct
their fight against the exploiters and not the exploited who had
come looking for jobs. In West Bengal, Charu Majumdar of CPI(M)
opposed revisionism of CPI. Internal disgust spread when the party
desisted from allying with the bourgeois parties. On one hand,
Kanu Sanyal and Jangal Santhal led the Naxalbari10 movement,
when countless peasants were massacred, revolts were snuffed out
and young educated men, workers and peasants became Naxalites.11
In Srikakulam district of Andhra, the Naxalbari Solidarity com
mittee was formed to start an armed revolt. The party split into
two and SM became the leader of the CPI(ML) and Warangal
became the new Naxalbari. Along with other comrades, like
Panchadi, Nirmala, Koteswara Rao and Rama Rao he met Charu
Majumdar to discuss the future course of struggle with KS leading
it. The (mis)adventures of Adilabad jungles are detailed with a spate
of indiscriminate killings. Soon after this numerous encounter kill
ings took place. Many leaders were arrested, tortured and killed.
Two young men Bhoomaiya and Kista Goud were hanged.12 As in
Calcutta, the movement in Srikakulam was snuffed out. Both SM
and KS escaped to Hyderabad as survivors to launch the Peoples
War Group only to be later changed to the CPI(M) now shifting
focus to the tribals. SM went to jail but astonishingly for the
Telangana agitation. After coming out he continued to bamboozle
the police and prepare squads, to loot the rich for the poor. Being
constantly on the run, he was expelled from the party. He came to
attend a public meeting to tell people the reasons for his expul
sion. At the time, there appeared a deeper conflict between landed
castes and landless untouchables reducing the latter to mere wage
workers. While the former reacted with murderous violence, SM
continued to champion the untouchable cause. All through his
political stint he avoided talking about caste but after his expul
sion he vehemently lashed out against the casteist biases existing
in a so-called party of the people. He passed away in 2012.
330 Aparna Lanjewar Bose
III
In his personal life, SM’s decision to marry came, more out of the
situational irony of the dire necessity for the family to be taken
care of than his personal need to have a companion. He married his
cousin Maniamma, to whom all that he could talk to was the do’s
and dont’s in married life. She, on her part agreed unconditionally
to this conditional marriage for he was her hero and the hero of
many people she knew. The whole grotesque ritual of pig capture
for feeding the wedding guests is rendered in gory details by Gidla.
For an uninitiated reader it might seem subhuman while at the
same time also superscribes the typecasting of untouchables as
associated with either pigs or crows—the former for its foulness
and the latter for its blackness. SM himself breaks these stereo
types by serving vegetables and lentils and telling his caste friends
to stay away in good humour.
Maniamma was more interesting and appealing as a character.
She never questioned her husband’s moves, even when Carey was
violent enough to strike her with his foot. She dutifully set out to
do the tasks assigned to her, the first of them being to nurse the
old ailing grandmother Marthamma and care for her until her
death. With no money, except the overwhelming support from
SM’s supporters, her death marked the magnitude of things. ‘Who
could have imagined that the body of this diminutive black skinned
untouchable woman, a gleaner of fields, a singer of songs of toil, a
pounder of rice, a bible woman, the widow of a railway coolie, the
mother of plantation slave, a woman who’d never spend a single
moment of her life on herself, would be carried to her grave in a
procession of hundreds of men and women carrying red flags and
singing ‘The Internationale’? (159) The crazy beliefs amongst the
converts came to the forefront when relatives of SM at the funeral
questioned whether the old woman was made to confess her sins
before her death. This shows that adopting a religion of the colo
nial masters did not purge them of the insufficiencies of their own
beliefs. Mental progression was a far-fetched notion, which would
probably require another revolution on the part of SM for its real
ization.
Of Being Ants amongst the Elephants 331
Maniamma’s character is both likeable and relatable. She con
sidered herself lucky on seeing the railway workers, teachers,
engineering and medical students come to her house and talk to
her husband. Though illiterate, she was quick to grasp that her
man could be pleased only by allowing him to do what he loved
doing best—work for the party. To be satisfied with a decent com
fortable life was not to her husband’s liking. Unperturbed and
without turmoil, she accepted it when he told her that his time to
leave and lead the armed struggle had come. After his meetings in
Vizag when he arranged to see her one last time, she said nothing.
Gidla speaks on her behalf, as the one wronged in this marriage.
However, that was Gidla’s interpretation of her character. For Mani
amma knew precisely what she was getting into unlike Manjula.
Therefore, on SM’s asking ‘Do you want to come with me?’ Her
response was admirable, ‘The country and its problems your
responsibility . . . your children are my responsibility, you take
care of your business of liberating the country and I will raise your
children, protect them and educate them.’ Such grit and level
headedness from a so-called illiterate woman who saw him off at
the station with a smile forced SM to admit, ‘What courage what
strength, that woman has’. The remarkable resilience, with which
she bore SM’s children, and nurtured them ungrudgingly during
his frequent long absences with no surety of money coming, was
commendable and showed the multiple levels of her struggle. She
outshines the other women discussed in the book and brings one
to empathize with her rustic simplicity and world-view. For an
avid understanding reader, her struggles are rather piercing. Had
it not been for her intrepidity, SM’s political career could not have
got the needed impetus. Looking from her perspective, hers was a
marriage of conditions of no returns where she was meant only to
give and dispense without unsolicited questionings on her part.
She bore his children while he left on the call of activism. Un
educated, jobless, she still carves a place, for realizing that her man
was more at peace being away from home doing what he loved to
do best.
Manjula’s situation was quite different, she was educated, finan
cially independent and yet indecisive. Manjula is SM’s sister and
332 Aparna Lanjewar Bose
the writer Gidla’s mother. Gidla’s father’s depiction too is done in
a certain way possibly for narratorial purpose, leaving out his part
completely. He was that common intractable wife beater who ignored
his own mother, but derived sadistic pleasure in battering his wife
in order to please her. Sexism within the Dalit community is high
lighted. Throughout the pages, what emerges is her uncle, who
despite being a big revolutionary to the outside world, could not
set his own home in order. His attitude towards his own sister
(and his wife) was palpably manipulative aiming to drive her into
crazy dependency, whether it related to the choice of clothes, friends
or a life partner. Gender dynamics was definitely at play. SM’s
own account is interlaced with his sister’s account and his relation
with his wife. Women were supposed to clean, cook, care, comfort
and stay within the limits drawn by men.
The problems of Manjula, her poor health, her critical preg
nancies, her divided family life, bringing up kids single handedly,
etc., were problems faced and grappled with by many working
women who were away from home and husband. However, she
was both nurtured and taken for granted. Manjula was much more
privileged than many of her other contemporary Dalit women who
had absolutely no means, no source and guidance to fall back on.
The other uncle Carey is presented as too indulgent to only end
up fighting over trivialities and perhaps too impetuous and impa
tient to cause his grandmother’s fall that confined her to bed till
her end. Worshipping women under their petticoats, seducing
women and watching them succumb to him, necessitates his
misogyny to blanket them as loose and rebuilds his urge to control
the noose round his sister more tightly. He fell in love, eloped, and
was left heartbroken on finding her gone. He eventually settled
down to a married life.
Manjula’s side of the story appeared to be more personalized
and domesticated as compared to SM’s for all the obvious reasons
of proximity to the writer. She had been more than humanized to
hide her subtle characteristic flaws that despite conscious attempts
on the part of Gidla, still surface in the narrative. They do for SM
and others too. Manjula had nothing much of significance to say
about herself and her life besides talking about a bad marriage,
Of Being Ants amongst the Elephants 333
patriarchy, inconsiderate in-laws, battering husband, difficulties
of raising children as a working mother and sporadic instances of
humiliations based on caste. What was importantly missing all
along is Manjula’s lack of resilience to resist it all. Her compromises
and rationale despite her education leaves one baffled. Therefore,
she cannot be a prototype for countless other women struggling
through worse situations.
The problem with Manjula’s narrative was the thin line that trans
posed again to become SM’s narrative for all purposes because that
was where all the excitement came from. There was so much
happening at the other end that her problems especially those
related to adjustments wherever she went, might go wrong. But
the truth is that problems did exist in her life as they did in many
people’s lives. She was the one to make her father proud in studies.
Her numerous ordeals like that of all other Mala13 girls, be it in
college where they were given insulting caste nicknames or in the
ill-treatment meted out by the teachers and her total discomfort
to it all is well brought out. Besides her intense comfort bonding
with her brothers from whom she kept no secrets or the Brahmin
teacher Sambhasiva Rao who encouraged her, reveal the binaries of
the good and bad at work in her case.
Gidla presented her as a meek dutiful girl doing what she was
told to do. She was foolish enough not to hold on to herself or be
so meek as to get an innocent boy, recklessly bashed up by her
brothers and friends, signalling tensions to escalate further. The
result was that a group of fifty men barged in to attack her family
in SM’s absence, destroying everything in the house and leaving
permanent scars on her father Prasant Rao’s body. Thus, earning
for herself the reputation of a ‘girl who caused all violence’ and
more notoriously the ‘slayer of men’ from the narrowminded society.
She emerged more and more into her own later, one learns as one
reads the book. When SM’s marriage was fixed, a woman whom
she knew as a ‘wild girl’ would now usurp her place of attention
and all she could feel was a sense of betrayal.
Whether Gidla, in an attempt to immortalize her importance
in the narrative complicated her character further by forcing her
own personal likes and dislikes on Manjula, is not really clear,
334 Aparna Lanjewar Bose
especially in instances like, her being anti-Gandhi and admiring
Subhash Chandra Bose ‘for his baby face’ while she ‘hated Gandhi
for being old and ugly’. That she prayed ‘. . . before every maths
exam for Nehru’s death’ and other similar instances, seem more
imagined real. The reader is told that SM would often turn to her
and discuss various subjects. She and Carey would pick up books
brought home by SM and read. Both lacked his poetic genius.
However, both longed to do something exemplary under the impact
of Sarat Chandra Chatterjee’s novels available in Telugu. The details
of her first menses, the celebration and fanfare associated with it,
her embarrassment in school where everyone knew ‘. . . why a girl
would spend 10 days absent from school’ (96) are brought out
synoptically.
She took part in the election campaign for an SFI candidate at
her brother’s bidding; This led to a friendship with the candidate
Vithaleshwar Rao and his friend Ashok. She was a victim of patri
archy as well as of manipulation. Her father seemed so protective
that he ensured she never interacted with the boys he tutored at
home. SM for all his public life and persona, was the same patriarch
at home, mindful and judgemental of his sister’s male friends. Her
sense of awe and respect was one thing but the same compounded
by extreme fear at what her brothers especially Carey was capable
of doing made her tremble like a leaf at the very thought. Quite
rightly, for her male friend, it was unimaginable to see that a girl
who could be poised and confident in class could be so scared of
her brother, who himself had a notorious reputation when it came
to girls.
She was equally presumptuous of her likes and dislikes. Her
attraction for people with upper caste bearings gave her a sense of
psychological elevation or of vindication over her own lowliness
but it also made her err on the side of caution. Another untouchable
classmate Chandraleela exposed her true self when she told her
that she had psychological problems and cared too much for high
caste friends and not much for her kind. She lacked wisdom to
understand the loaded meaning and could only tell herself ‘I don’t
like poverty. I like Kammas14 and I prefer their friendship’. Yet she
felt marrying for love with an upper caste was a taboo. She rejects
Of Being Ants amongst the Elephants 335
the advances made by someone seriously interested in her. At home,
she could not cope up with Maniamma and to ensure peace in the
household she was packed off to do another master’s programme
at the Banaras Hindu University. Here the regional and linguistic
divide became more evident. She was not much liked by her
professors; her isolation and lack of belongingness became more
pronounced and reversely made her work harder on her studies. It
is here that she understood newer facts about spinsterhood and
the notion of free will unlike thinking of it as a curse. The description
of the filth and stink of the city especially near the Ghats as
contrasted to cleanliness in Sarnath; her dilemma of whether she
should enter the temple or not reflected her mental conditioning,
her inferior internalizations, in short the tremendous monstrosity
of oppression and its impact on the human psyche. She went back
with lower scores, and applied for teaching positions but her atheist
communist background had a bearing on her prospects. She made
vain attempts to cultivate civil ways and appear more ludicrous.
She quit one job after another, took up ad hoc appointments,
recklessly borrowed from colleagues while the brothers were shown
as uselessly vegetating. The frustration of all this built up to create
space for entertaining thoughts of marriage and having her own
household. Being dark, poor, non-churchy and brothers who were
stand communists, the prospect seemed difficult.
When a tutor by the name of Prabhakar Rao was proposed as a
suitor, the whole process of showing the girl to the groom’s side for
scrutiny threw a light on the remnants of the pernicious Hindu
practices lingering as residual reminders of an unforsaken past even
amongst the converts. Manjula was also put through the scrutiny
of prejudiced prying eyes of Mr. Rao’s relatives who for vague reasons
called off the engagement. ‘Now there will be rumours. Manjula
was touched water. No one else would drink from the same glass.
Where before she had been hard to sell goods. She was now rejected
merchandise’ (207). These lines reflect her sad plight of being
thrown to the mercy and whims of strangers to be acceptable despite
her preliminary ordeal. A small letter of apology for his folk’s
behaviour is all that comes as compensation from her educated
suitor. Manjula for the first time took control of her life even if it
336 Aparna Lanjewar Bose
was for her own self and undertook the task of confronting Rao.
Her efforts paid off and after five months her family received a
telegram of the wedding fixed with no mention of the dowry but
leaving the family in a tizzy over the paucity of time for arrange
ments. At the time when she stepped out of the house as a bride
SM fell to his knees and cried inconsolably thinking of their
common struggles, growing up motherless, abandoned by father,
their efforts to get educated, the shameful way in which her match
had been arranged. ‘What was to become of Satyam-Carey-Manjula?’
(Gidla 223).
At her husband’s place, she gradually learnt the reasons for the
marriage and the internal family politics involved. Her dreams
were shattered when she learnt about other realities too. Yet as a
woman, her physical yearnings needed to be addressed and the
mad rhythm of deprivations kept the monotony of life going. Her
husband frequently transformed into a monster in the presence of
his mother. She came to Kazipet for her customary first delivery
when Sujatha was born. Her foray into motherhood, her switching
over from one job after job, her harassment both at home and at
work, the mounting debts of her husband, his costly habits took
toll on her health. Yet she suffered silently and never revealed any
of this to her brothers for the fear of breaking the marriage. By the
time the second child Babu was born, the husband was more erratic
and she was more delirious. For the third child Anitha, she came
to SM, who for his sister’s well-being signed in her husband’s
absence for the required tubectomy. Her limitation to confront
the man who ‘chased and beat his wife to champion his mother’,
shows the awkwardness and helplessness of her situation. She bore
her man’s breach of trust, when in her long absences he would
have relations with a maidservant. Her silly fancies, her fears and
sense of protection, her notion of health and well-being for her
children, make up for the character she is through the pages of the
book. Her only streak of happiness came when the mother-in-law
passes away and after twenty-one long years of marriage, she enjoyed
harmonious relations with her husband.
Interestingly, Sujatha Gidla appears only in the last few pages
in the Afterword. Her side of the family story was not adequately
Of Being Ants amongst the Elephants 337
dealt with, except for mentions of remote instances of her life. Her
molestation as a child or her acceptance to becoming an accomplice
of a neighbouring Akka’s15 transgressions are highlighted. Poverty
and misery continued to surround her too. It was only during
Christmas time that the family could afford apples. In one instance
when she was having one, a woman across the street stared at her
with a lustful grin salivating openly. She wished there were no
poor people in the world and she grew up with the stories of how
her uncle sacrificed all to live amongst the poor. SM was like a
celluloid hero, she wished to emulate. She practised sleeping on the
bare cement floor, to prepare her for the future. At fourteen, she
came across a group of teenagers singing about peasants and workers
to a small crowd. On inviting them home, she learnt they belonged
to a party founded by her uncle. That day she became a radical
and a member of the Radical students’ wing of PWG. Her initiation
at an early age, her enrolment for the master’s programme at REC
Warangal, her joining strikes only to be put in jail later, her contrac
tion of TB, the repercussions of her arrest, all followed sequentially.
The party distanced itself while she was under surveillance. Later
she heard about SM’s expulsion for turning a traitor and dividing
the party. She had a visitor who told her the reasons for SM’s
expulsion. While being second in command when he took over as
general secretary, a group of young untouchable members com
plained of casteist practices in the underground functioning of the
party. They wanted SM to raise this question, which he did. He was
expelled for conspiring to divide the party. The truth came out
later that casteism was indeed there within the communist party.
The last paragraph of the book takes the reader back to 1928 to
the strike in the textile mills in Bombay. It failed because the
workers were divided on caste lines. Caste workers under com
munists refused to work along with untouchables and wanted to
confine them to the lowest of jobs. Dr. Ambedkar had urged them
that they had nothing to gain but only lose. The union finally
agreed to include a demand to open a weaving department for the
untouchable workers. Nevertheless, had the union fought for the
rights of the untouchable workers from the beginning, the struggle
would have had a different dynamism.
338 Aparna Lanjewar Bose
IV
There are many Dalits well stationed in life and yet continue to go
through similar stories of humiliation and constant rebukes and
reminders of caste. There are a number of restrictions on untouch
ables mentioned by Gidla in her book, which are not different
from what one may encounter in several other narratives on caste
too. She brought to the forefront the struggles of women both within
patriarchy and caste and how they overcame these misogynistic
fetters and rose above caste to nurture and raise families. For an
uninitiated reader in Andhra or Telangana politics, the number of
names and events mentioned would be baffling but Gidla assumed
that her readers would keep pace with her narrations and character
delineations by zooming in and out to give us glimpses of the
times, people, views, villages, practices and beliefs.
Gidla maintained that ‘as long as India’s land is in the hands of
just a few, there will be caste system’ which is a rather an under
statement of the complex caste issue. Does it presuppose that those
who own lands do not suffer caste onslaught? The response would
be the more the Dalits demand their rights the greater violations
they face; the more politically aware they become, greater violence
is unleashed on them. Merely owning lands and becoming land
owners is not going to uproot the caste weeds, which are gone so
deep that an altogether different chemical would be needed to
destroy it. There are few Dalits who are well off economically, and
thanks to the reservation system that benefited them and yet who
continue to be targets of hatred and humiliations because they be
long to a certain caste. Their merit, calibre and their achievements
stand to nothing. Their movement towards economic stability is
like a splinter in the upper caste eye who are reacting more vigor
ously and committing greater crimes against the Dalits. At times
caste violence is engineered by the state machinery for whom it’s
inveterate to protect upper caste interests unapologetically. This
violence is embroidered in the very fabric of modern decolonized
manifestation. And therefore, caste system will remain as long as
the mindsets endorsing it continue to remain the same.
The Swacha Bharat (Clean India) Campaign may sound idealis
tic but has it seeped in the interiors? It has become misnomer.
Of Being Ants amongst the Elephants 339
Many Dalits still work under the most dangerous and hazardous
circumstances in the most unclean and unhealthy conditions
endangering their lives. Similarly, the ‘Beti Padhao Beti Bachao’
(save the girl child, educate the girl child) campaign seems inconse
quential when on daily basis women are lynched, paraded naked,
and young girls are raped while the huge backlog in child rape
trials continues. The malevolence for them is an ongoing patho
logical condition. Mere ordinances are not all and legislations are
not necessarily cemented by change of mindsets. Caste remains a
menacing impediment to a democratic ethos. We have proven that
the world’s greatest democracy is also the most hierarchical and
status quoist. Religious philosophical rationalizations were applied
to keep the Dalits assigned to lowliness. These imposed beliefs were
also in the end internalized by the Dalit victims enabling them to
inevitably, surrender themselves to the echelons of compliance.
This has promoted lack of solidarity amongst them, in turn inca
pacitating any retaliatory challenge to the malignant system.
With the advent of the RSS backed BJP government, the main
streaming of Brahmanism and Vedic (mal)practices is visible like
never before. These are repackaged as advanced for political pur
poses. The Manusmriti burnt, as a mark of symbolic protest, by
Ambedkar against Hinduism, is now being upheld by the Hindutva
forces as sacrosanct. This has also refocused attention on how the
oppression of the Dalits served to affirm the rights of poor Brah
mins thus playing into diversionary politics. Likewise, in the Trump
administration white supremacists and its mainstreaming is shift
ing focus from the African Americans and their degradation to the
rights and dignity of the poor white man.16 One evinces that the
focus is getting diverted from the real underprivileged to the poor
amongst the privileged. In India religion is ball-gamed on people’s
mind to incite native hatred. Ambedkar had rightly said that ‘there
is no such class as a completely unprivileged class except the one
which is at the base of the social pyramid’; ‘every class is interested
in maintaining the system and indeed does so by dominating or
degrading the one just below it’. The electoral politics plays on
parochial identity tactics and many such parties have emerged that
rally themselves around Dalit identity.
340 Aparna Lanjewar Bose
There is lot of disenchantment today amongst Dalits themselves
as their own self-seeking leaders are debilitating the Dalit political
parties. The violence against Dalits has increased manifold with
their assertion. They are exposed to lynching, rape, tortures and
murders. There are cow vigilantes who with full state support have
unleashed terror on the Dalits who are in the occupation of skin
ning dead cattle. There have been mass agitations and huge public
outcry against some Dalit being tied to a car and dragged to the
police station, where they were mercilessly flogged. Dalits have
renounced their degrading jobs reserved for low castes as a mark of
protest. In Maharashtra, the Bhima Koregaon17 assault was a me
ticulously planned attack on Dalit self-respect. The battle for free
dom and dignity is foremost for the Dalit, it’s not for wealth or
power.
Indian societal structure being largely multilayered, it is rather
complex and cannot be divided simplistically as blacks vs. whites
as in the US. It is more tangled and messily defined by graded
inequality. In this caste-class pyramidal set-up, the most under
privileged is the one at the lowest rung that is the Dalit and all the
ones above are those who degrade and dominate them. They keep
the system going by dominating the one below but not interested
in resisting domination nor do they refrain from dominating one
below them. So, if the Brahmin tops as the oppressor, the Dalit
stands at the receiving end from all the ones above them in the
social set up. The subordinate castes below the Brahmins and above
the Dalits have also been in recent times primarily responsible for
perpetrating some of the most heinous crimes against Dalits whether
it was the Marathwada18 episode, or the Khairlanji19 incident or
more recent attacks on Dalits. The present Hindutva regime com
prising largely of the upper castes poses as the benefactors of Dalits
and invokes Dr. Ambedkar on slightest pretext in an attempt to
appropriate him for vote bank politics. They are violating the
constitution outrightly and preaching their own brand of narrow
nationalism.
Gidla’s book is not just about life stories but combines many
genres together, ethnography, memoirs, anecdotes, history. As stated
earlier, her awareness of Ambedkar’s role in questioning the scrip
Of Being Ants amongst the Elephants 341
tures that sanctions caste system is doubtful. She was more inclined
to show how colonialism and capitalism in India turned the caste
system into a mere exploitative force. She rendered an oversimpli
fied and romanticized history of her great grandparents, how they
worshipped their tribal deities and livid a happy life having little
to do with the outside world. In a few lines, she compressed a
great movement of social and world history to show how people
were confined to subsistence levels in a world made up of colonialists,
and feudalists. She talked of the vetti system as a product of the
capitalist world market like the chattel slavery. She pinpointed the
idiosyncrasies of her characters and celebrated them. Even the mi
nor ones were commemorated for their creativity and repository of
memories and cultures. Tiny little detailing play around in the
book for instance the whole exercise of pig hunting and wedding
feasting was enumerated in gory specificities. The emotional core
of Gidla’s narrative was attributed to Manjula and her struggles against
patriarchy, misogyny and caste prejudices. A greater space was
occupied by her uncle S.M. Satyamurthy, the poet and revolu
tionary who organized a guerilla group in the 1970s that was a
doomed enterprise, given the might of the Indian state. Neverthe
less, losers they were not. Many Dalits were not enthusiastic for
freedom from British rule as they could see that it would be only a
substitution of colonial masters with the Brahmins. This was in
deed what happened.
From the numerous sources in Telangana it can be garnered that
Gidla was never really inclined towards acceptance of her Dalit
identity to be vocal about it even in her formative years as an activist.
Rather she remained a Christian basking in the minority status.
So what one can assume is, in the last few decades with the grow
ing popularity of Dalit writings and its greater consumption in the
West, even the uninitiated have started claiming their caste identi
ties. This is somewhat right but also a matter of concern. With the
media attention, each one wants to have a share of visibility even if
they have nothing significant to talk about their own selves or
sufferance. Keeping such designs in view only invalidates the na
ture and purpose of Dalit literary creation and it is then left at the
mercy of individual interpretations and dilutions that serve more
342 Aparna Lanjewar Bose
the individual/personal cause rather than the communal or soci
etal needs at large.
Gidla wrote that everything exciting and progressive in the 1950s
and 1960s was associated with communism, something rather a
bit unsettling. She mentioned how irresistible communism was to
Satyam and fellow Dalits because no other ideology including
nationalism, liberalism or Gandhism could match the combined
promise of communism. But an avid Dalit intellectual could justi
fiably argue that there were Ambedkar and Periyar and their ideo
logies too. Ambedkar had warned as late as 1951 that by leaving
inequalities between class and class, sex and sex, which was the
soul of Hindu society, and go on passing laws, related to economic
problems was making a farce of our constitution and was like
building palace on a dung heap. These ideas are applicable to Gidla’s
book and render a scathing critique of some of the leaders but also
the communist top brass who were mostly upper caste Brahmins
and totally reliant on Russia and China for guidance. These people
neglected the caste issue largely assuming it would disappear with
the transformations of socio-economic structures. That had been
the pathos of mechanical application of Marxist dogmas to the
Indian terrain for it failed miserably and the mainstream left failed
to garner support from the oppressed Dalits of India. Some who
felt it held promise made political activism their way of life for its
then manifestation of triumphing over adversity. It did not usher
change in status quo and these people were soon disenchanted
only to later organize themselves into guerilla groups. Thus for
SM the personal was always political.
Gidla’s family, right from her grandparents’ generation, was edu
cated and hence did not represent the countless Dalits who were
illiterate and working class. The fact that despite the special status
achieved, they continued to face humiliations, speak for many Dalits
who struggled relentlessly from just nothing to being something
and managed to rise in the economic ladder and yet continued to
be ill-treated because of their caste. Moreover, it also testifies to
the more complex problems an ordinary average uneducated Dalit
must be going through. In the World Conference Against Racism
2001 the existing Indian government sent representatives to refute
Of Being Ants amongst the Elephants 343
claims of various human rights groups on the existence of caste in
India. But over the years, many books have emerged dealing with
the caste problem and thus rebuffs those who feel caste is a thing
of the past and doesn’t exist any longer. It is a lived reality in the
realms of modern India that continues to haunt us even after de
cades of legislations and Independence.
To come back to Gidla, the story of how her ancestors entered
the fold of Christianity and enjoyed the benefit of having educa
tion in missionary schools parallels well with most of the Dalit
converts of those times. But despite conversion they continued to
remain socially and economically backward. Educationally they
had free access to the missionary schools, which was not the case
for other Dalits. Her narrative continued to focus on untouchability.
Her grandfather Prasanna Rao and his brothers were educated at
mission school to be teachers; her parents were college teachers. Her
uncle SM who was a leader of radical politics in AP and Telangana,
could not escape the looming question of caste. The hard life lived
by the uncle, who starved himself, wasted his time during college
days or her mother enduring cold in Benares or during a theft at
the hostel when her belongings were searched, the shock and dis
belief on the faces of others to see how little her trunk contained
because the family could not afford the basic necessities would
nevertheless continue to traumatize any sensitive reader.
The discrimination Dalits suffer because of their caste is the
focal point of her book. Her mother obtained poor grades from
Brahmin professors or suffered at various places of work and the
uncle being dumped by a girl for his caste, is not a new image yet
predictably foretells that life is far from movies. Anand Teltumde
in his review rightly observed 20 that even if Gidla’s experiential
accounts might sound authentic, contemporary castes manifested
in far more complex ways than she thought. These are not the
classical castes of pre-colonial times where their status was ritually
determined. The Dalit experience ranging from humiliation to a
gory atrocity can always be seen as the outcome, of the inseparable
interaction of both class and caste.
Regardless of all other flaws, that the revolution ignored and
barred many potent minds is a fact and this book is a gentle re
344 Aparna Lanjewar Bose
minder of their contribution. There are quite a many unknown
things about some of the characters. She paints her uncle as a hero
but presents caste as the only cause for his downfall. There are
people who are both caste blind and caste obsessed and both the
categories need to be condemned. As regards SM’s contribution to
the naxalite movement there is certainly no doubt but his conduct
post-expulsion has been questionable. After he came out of his
underground life he romanced with different political streams only
to get disillusioned. There was incoherence in both his ideology
and strategy. After leaving PWG he experimented with various
philosophies that came close to caste annihilation. The Marxist
Leninist Centre was started with U. Sambasiva Rao. He declared
he would form a new party CPI(ML) Bolshevik but joined CPI(ML)
Unity Centre. Then he joined the BSP and contested elections,
only to lose badly. His revolutionary politics was not welcome
there, so he moved out and launched Bahujan Republican Party.
The object was to bring together the SC/ST/Bahujans and mi
norities. It failed too. Later he left BSP to join CPI(ML) Praja
Pratighatana. His actions post-1980s need to be critiqued objec
tively.
Gidla failed to do any of that and idolized him by placing him
on a high pedestal. Lately, she has been extremely offensive and
critical about the followers of Ambedkar and the neo-Buddhists on
social media using the foulest language possible. Many reasoned
out with her and failed and one can only infer that she has a very
superficial understanding of the complexities of caste, sitting in
New York. The material she used in her book either came handy
to her or she exhausted all her borrowed resources. If she had re
served her criticism for her uncle in the book it would have been
more authentic and objective. She at best painted the picture of a
Dalit ‘middle class’ family who despite having troubled times were
still middle class as compared to the countless Dalits in other parts
of India who continued to live a dog’s life’s and for whom not
much had changed. Her episodic choices in presenting her family,
supplemented by the contemporary socio-political ethos and focus
on caste inequalities was all that the book achieves. She was dispas
sionate and detached wherever she could be. Her own short-lived
Of Being Ants amongst the Elephants 345
affair with naxalite politics was seemingly natural as the atmo
sphere in Warangal was quite fertile for that but her commitment
slowed down following her incarceration. The baggage of caste is
carried with the Dalits wherever they go because wherever caste
Hindus have gone they have carried castes and caste systems with
them.
V
A story is an account of real or imaginary people and events told
for entertainment. It is a particular person’s representation of the
facts of a matter or it could be an account of past events in someone’s
life or in the development of something. It could be a piece of
gossip or rumour. Whereas a memoir is a historical account or
biography written from personal knowledge, record, chronicle, com
mentary, narrative, personal recollections, stories and anecdotes.
Gidla’s book best fits the latter definition. However, she preferred
the term literary nonfiction and called her book not a memoir but
‘family stories’ because certainly they were far from entertainment
and dealt with a serious problem of caste.
Nevertheless, anecdotes are short, amusing or interesting stories
about real incident or person.They survive and have a certain power
in reshaping and rethinking post-colonial histories, therefore they
serve a definite political purpose. By using them, the teller of these
also claims some amount of legitimacy based on experiences. Such
self disclosures and anecdotes help the readers to connect and
empathize. Joel Fienman measures the significance of anecdote in
the study of historiography.21 And practitioners of new historicism
consider anecdotes as signature motifs of new historicism. New
historical readings embark on anecdotes which eventually unfold
historical circumstances, furnishing representational plenitudes.
Their roles are literary, referential and recreating history.22 However,
its context here would still be stories of her family. She unfolded
her family saga through multiple perspectives and therefore it is
subject to multiple lapses for its heavy reliance on the memory of
the two principle characters and their respective roles in progress
ing the anecdotal narratives.
346 Aparna Lanjewar Bose
Dalit scholarship and intelligentsia have repeatedly presented
the intricacies of Dalit experience in India. Many memoirs and
autobiographies both by men and by women have put on record
the lives and experiences of Dalits in pre and post-Independent
India, the changes wrought in Dalit lives post-conversion to Bud
dhism. Dalit poetry has been a significant voice for the voiceless
Dalits. Maharashtra is where the Ambedkar movement for Dalit
emancipation began and it has also lead the way in Dalit literary
and cultural productions. This literary cultural movement prolif
erated and spread to the whole of the country like a storm pum
melling the national conscience. Gidla’s book spanning almost a
century recorded albeit nostalgically, the life of a Dalit family in
Andhra Pradesh. A family where most were educated but none
knew or felt the need to understand Ambedkar’s principles of jus
tice and equality with the exception of her uncle. A family who
bore the brunt of caste but never fully articulated caste until Gidla
went to the US, observed caste movements, Dalit assertions, and
decided to become vocal and launch a study of her uncle’s life.
Whether this book significantly enriches the Dalit literary reper
toires and Dalit literary canon formations is best left unanswered.
Dalit literature is significantly born, keeping the entire Ambedkar
philosophy and movement for Dalit emancipation as its literary
touchstone and antidote for survival. The literature born out of
that philosophic sensibility and consciousness is marked as Dalit
literature. It isn’t some incoherent Babel or breeding ground for
conflicting opinions. Therefore, there is specificity about what and
how it should be. This book speaks about caste convincingly and
so do many books written by non-Dalit writers too. Therefore, it
is doubtful whether it should be classed in the Dalit literary canon.
But canons are also fluid. Also, every book that speaks about caste
is not Dalit literature and every writer writing about caste is not a
Dalit writer. This has to be kept in mind. All along through her
talks, interviews published, one cannot really miss out on the ap
parent shallow understanding she has about ideologies and people.
Sujatha Gidla seems rather allergic to be affiliated to Ambedkarites.
She associates some weird creepiness to the coinage for reasons better
known to her. Her confusion can be marked at numerous places
Of Being Ants amongst the Elephants 347
when she calls herself a Marxist and not an Ambedkarite. Possibly,
she had not read Ambedkar and Dalit literatures enough to ensure
herself some finality of a stand. This book therefore cannot be put
in the same elevated stratum as Daya Pawar’s Baluta, Omprakash
Valmiki’s Jhootan, Vasant Moon’s Growing up Untouchable in
India: A Dalit Autobiography or even a Baby Tai Kamble’s Jina Amucha
or Shantabai Kamble’s Majya Jalmachi Chittrakatha.
There have been serious objections raised by the leftists too who
were firsthand witness to the events narrated by her. The book in
many places degenerates to mere documentation and the reader
tends to get lost. The language employed is too sonorous and of
fensive at times. More importantly, it becomes problematic when
she makes sweeping statements such as caste has nothing to do
with religion because caste has its roots in the Hindu religion and
its Varna system. It was also this which necessitated Ambedkar to
get out of its fold and accept a scientific Dhamma. She talked of
herself as more of a Marxist than feminist and admitted it was
intentional on her part to write about her uncle as he was a well-
known person. Her personal dislike for Bahujan Samaj Party is
evident, but calling all the other followers of Ambedkar as creepy
is ad nauseam. 23 Her unreasonable take on caste issues is seen
through regional lenses. She spoke of the non-Indians in whose
eyes, people like her were just Indians and not untouchables but
what about those Indians who carried their caste baggage even to
the US? She called Trump an extension of Obama which may be
debatable and linked the US situation to India, where in the garb
of nationalism, the fascists are out to sell the country to corpora
tions and appropriately maintains that caste being the central thing
in India the Dalit struggle was of all the oppressed.
There are however, factual inaccuracies for which her own uncle’s
daughters have filed an injunction in the court. The granddaugh
ters of Kondapalli Seetharamaih have filed a case against her. The
revolutionary poet, Varavara Rao has pointed out numerous errors
in reportage and claims that the fact that SM was a founder member
of CPI(ML) PW and remained a leader till the end, is not true.
Gidla’s treatment of history was more a subjective admiration for
her uncle. Further it was not her uncle but Prahlad the state com
348 Aparna Lanjewar Bose
mittee secretary who organized the escape of KS from the prison
ward of Osmania hospital. He also objected to her character assas
sinations and mudslinging of some prominent people.24 Gidla on
her part felt the criticism did not undermine the story she was
trying to tell. But the truth is that one cannot write down historical
facts just because it happened to be an uncle’s perception about
himself and about certain people around him.
Gidla’s own perception too was highly localized rather unchar
acteristic of other parts of India except for the caste issue. Should
these memories garnered from multiple sources be tested with his
tory? Is it a painful initiation of a young girl towards existential
realities or is it an untouchable girl and her family’s personal his
tory? Is this a book about a girl gaining consciousness of being a
Dalit or about a girl regaining and addressing her Dalit subjectivity?
Is this at best a cosmopolitan Christian story of a family who hap
pened to be former untouchables? Is she implicating names, of
people she never spoke to, in the name of authenticity? Is hers, an
outsiders perspective catering more to the Western audience for
romanticized exoticism than for the average Indian? Besides this,
her uncle’s depiction seems flat at places whereas he was more
dynamic than her presentation of him. Why wasn’t the caste issue
brought in when he was a top leader? Shouldn’t one be historically
accurate while dealing with a historical personage? Should this
book be considered an important contribution in Dalit Literature
or is it just another book on caste? These and several more ques
tions can justifiably be asked about the book. Dalit Literature has
a defined sensibility, and consciousness as stated earlier but if Gidla
without reading and understanding Ambedkar, confidently posed
as a speaker on the intricacies of caste, then all the above questions
raised stand legal. What is also undeniable is the question SM
raises on that hopeful day of Indian Independence, which held
promise to many untouchables like him, but who were denied
opportunity to take centre stage ‘Who were they’? After seventy
years of Independence and legislations, the question raised, still
stands for his fellow Dalits.
The title is parabolically suggestive that caste has indeed re
duced Dalits to being ants amidst elephants that trample them
Of Being Ants amongst the Elephants 349
down. But on the positive note it can be interpreted that ants may
be tiny invisible creatures but have the capability to bring down
the giant elephants to their knees. Therefore, the ants together
symbolize power that the elephants should be afraid of because if
vexed they know to strike where it hurts most. The tender trunk
of elephants can also become the heel of Achilles when a swarm
enters and bites. And despite being vulnerable to the elephant
onslaught, they have learnt to defend their homes. So the ants
need not necessarily get associated with trivial insignia. This then
is the story of modern India where the ants continue to fight for
their existence negotiating spaces with the elephants.
NOTES
REFERENCE
Gidla, Sujatha, Ants among Elephants: An Untouchable Family and the Making
of Modern India, New York: Farrar, Strauss and Giroux, 2017.
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