Chapter 4 East Asian and Taiwan Education in the Context of Worldwide Education Reform Education reforms worldwide in the last half century have been typically associated with major social events that were taking place at the time (Levin 2001). After World War II, around 1950, many countries took the initiative on education reform programs to promote the enhancement of economic growth as a long-term plan, as well as strengthen the national economic system, based on principals such as human capital theories or moderniza- tion ideology. Several stages of reform can be described, as follows. First stage, education reform in the 1950—-1960s: many newly indepen- dent countries, including Indonesia, India, and Pakistan, which were in an unhealthy economic and social state were in need of revitalizing their channels of growth after facing postwar ruin, Education is regarded as one of the major avenues for independence and modernization. As a result, in many countries, the government made efforts to invest in education in the hope that this would boost the national economy and social development. One of the reform objectives was to transform society through education with the support of the community and taxpayers, to revitalize national strength, spirit, and dignity. Through a variety of public funds, govern- ments increased investment in all sectors related to education. Meanwhile, the unprecedented fertility of the postwar Baby Boomer population reached its peak. Consequently, governments found it necessary to expand the educational scale, and they built more schools to improve the quality of education.48 Taiwan EpucaTION AT THE CRossRoaD Second stage, education reform of the 1960-1970s: growth in the numbers of university graduates reached a peak, and the unemployment rate as well rose. In other words, although educational opportunities had expanded, the market could not absorb this excess workforce since the demand-supply ratio was uneven, and therefore, economies did not flour- ish as expected. Up until this time, the birth rate had been gradually slow- ing down. Education experts as well as policy makers in the past had been full of hope, and they later found themselves unable to counter problems such as poverty, unemployment, and crime. Many emerging countries that invested heavily in education discovered that most of this investment did not automatically result in economic prosperity. Many of them started ask- ing, “Can education investment lead to a country’s economic recovery?” ‘This was especially the case when there were two worldwide oil crises as well as heavy spending on defense by the United States and the Soviet Union during the Cold War, right after 1970, which reduced the priority of the education budgets in these two countries. During this time, many states began facing fiscal austerity and budget deficits, and inflation was becoming more and more serious for many governments. Such conditions led, in the long run, to a very unsustainable economic situation. Therefore, these countries became unable to continue their ongoing investment in education. Third stage, educational reform of the 1970—1980s: governments such as those of British Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher (in office, May 4, 1979-November 28, 1990), and U.S. President Ronald Reagan (in office, January 20, 1981—January 20, 1989) launched a series of public policies limiting government power and authority over the public sectors; allowed for a freet market economy, i.c., a neoliberal ideology in support of “small government and big market” policies; and advocated tax cuts for the rich, the reduction of social welfare, and education expenditures. These reforms helped strengrhen the economies of the United Kingdom and the United States, and empowered local communities and school districts in establish- ing and regulating education reforms. Fourth stage, education reform in the 1980s: this period is usually called a time of “postmodernism,” when the “information society” came to challenge government's role in education, according to Giddens’s (1994), Ball’s (1998), and others’ critiques. As a result of neoliberal ideology, a great deal of public investment has consistently been allocated to the busi ness and market sectors rather than the education sector. As a result, the practice of reducing government's role in so-called political responsibil- ity led to the curbing of people's rights (Dai ct al. 2002). Countries such as New Zealand, Australia, and the United States invited more political and business leaders, instead of representatives of the education sector, toEast AsIAN AND Tarwan EpucaTION 49 participate in conferences on education reform when formulating educa- tion policies. At the same time, government gradually took the form of a business, employing strategies that included reducing state intervention by introducing market mechanisms into its policy-making process. In short, following the 1980s, a sharp reduction in public budgets in many countries influenced the educational organization structure, culture, values, resource allocation, management, social relations, and public welfare. Furthermore, in order to increase parents’ participation in decision-making and the sharing of funding, the government took the lead in providing additional financial support to parent groups. In particular, as they fele the impact of globalization in higher edu- cation, almost all countries worldwide started urging university reforms, whether in the form of mainland China's 211 project and 985. project, Korea's BK21 program, Taiwan’s Five Years Five Top University program, or Japan’s National University of Administrative Corporation, all of which are responses to the process of globalization. ‘The way a country maintains its own cultural traditions in order to respond to the needs of its people has always been the major concern of most citizens, Education is generally the vehicle by which governments establish and maintain this socialization process in society. It is a political issue, however, and sometimes there is instability in the political educa- tion arena. In Germany, for example, political parties have hotly debated the issue of the operation of comprehensive schools and grammar schools. The United Kingdom also came under the influence of conservative governance, such as during the government of Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher, who held power for over 18 years, a period of time that saw the thorough implementation of neoliberal concepts that transformed the British education and social welfare system into market-oriented mecha- nisms. Similar changes took place in New Zealand’s, Australia’s, and Canada’s education systems Education reform also o curred in Taiwan, Japan, Korea, and many other countries in Asia as different political parties with vatious ideolo- gies took office. In addition, the transformation of the traditional educa- tional administration system can be classified as a “centralized” system, a regional decentralization system,” or something “in the middle.” The cen- tralized administrative system is usually set up by a unified national edu- cation system, namely the Ministry of Education (Department of Science, Education, Employment, or Human Development), which is in charge of regulations, policies, funding, and the administration of national educa- tion standards, on behalf of the state, such as in France, the former Soviet Union, China, and so forth. In the regional decentralization system, the local governments of each province, state, or municipality, or local school50 Taiwan EpucaTION AT THE CRossRoaD districts hold their own authority over educational management, which is commonly seen in the United States, Germany, and Australia (Xie 2007). In recent years, education systems have become increasingly complex Therefore, in many countries, education administration has gradually turned to one of the above modes of centralization or decentralization, developing in this particular way into a partnership between national and local government, such as the United Kingdom, Japan, and China. Yet as more and more deregulation and competitive pressures reign, the question of how to enhance administrative efficiency and improve teaching and evaluation, in order to achieve “efficiency and effectiveness” is facing an unprecedented challenge (Dale 2001). Educational administrative departments in many countries ate unable to maintain their original framework, and have started to combine edu- cation, youth development, vocational training, talent development, and the cultural and creative sectors, in order to strengthen relations with other departments. For example, in the United Kingdom, in June 2007, the original Department for Education and Skills was changed to the Department for Children, Schools and Families and the Department for Innovation, Universities and Skills. In Japan, the Ministry of Education was renamed the Ministry of Education and Science in 2001, and in Korea, the Department of Education Human Resources and the Ministry of Science and Technology was reestablished in 2008 All of these restructuring efforts were mainly in response to a more precise division of interdisciplinary integration and expansion of the origi- nal service sector under the pressure of public demand for national com- petitiveness and the need to adjust from one political party to another. In the process of such a restructuring movement, the central government has tended to weaken its role in regulating the disparities in and the quality of national education, This has in some cases led to inequalities in education Issues such as equity and efficiency are always the subject of much atten- tion, especially before and after a reform has promoted the improvement of efficiency and the maintaining of social justice at the same time. As edu- cation reforms have progressed in the last owenty years, social-class divi- sion has become increasingly obvious in many countries. For example, the societies of Japan, Kenya, and Taiwan in the early 1960s enjoyed a fairer pay structure, the gap between individuals with less schooling and those with more was evident, education tended to be an important mechanism for social mobility, and many poor children were able to achieve upward mobility through education. ‘After the 1980s, as education reform took place, namely through the decentralization of government, the introduction of market mechanisms, a relaxing of the school curriculum, and the increasing trend towards theEast Asian AND TaIwANn EpucaTION 51 commercialization of education, the reinforcement of class distinctions and social inequalities was exacerbated. ‘I ‘hese reforms seemed to raise issues of inequality and social justice, Issues of fairness and efficiency sur- faced especially on topics like the right to education regardless of gender, race, ethnicity, or disadvantaged status A Changing East Asia and Taiwan The Regional Context East Asia, as a developing area, is undergoing rapid development and fat- reaching changes that transcend national borders. There are four trends of special significance (Chen 2001b). First, East Asia has become one of the foci of world attention because of its fast-growing numbers of students and the expansion of quality education services. East Asia has been renowned for its culeure of frugality, hardwork, and family values, which has distin- guished it from the rest of the world. The region is also in the process of rapid demographic transition, which is reflected in increased life expec- tancy, the decline in the mortality rate, and at the same time, the drastic decline in the birth rate. Nevertheless, the high literacy rates and massifi- cation of higher education in the region are also impressive . Nevertheless, many Asian economies continue to experience funda- mental and tumultuous change in a time of globalization, which has led not only to a drastic social, cultural, and ecological transformation but also the growing gap between rich and poor, and between the urban and rural areas in each society. This is especially the case with respect to the eco- nomic crisis of 2008 that resulted in the collapse of the rapid and sustained economic growth that took place in Asia over the last four decades. Despite great cultural and geographical diversity, coupled with huge economic and political differences in Asia, an emerging regional economic cooperation and integration is in progress. While continental economic integration (Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation [APEC], the Association of Southeast Asian Nations [ASEAN], and the Free Trade Area [APTA)) is driven by intraregional investment, Taiwan, which long suffered from diplomatic iso- lation, is expected to promote and strengthen regional collaboration since passing the Economic Cooperation Free-Trade Agreement (ECFA) with China. Asian governments have set up trading blocs aimed at consolidat- ing the markets. With the rebirth of ASEAN and the formation of APEC, the Asian Regional Fund (ARF), AFTA, and the Asia European Meeting (ASEM), corporate power is being further strengthened. Nevertheless,52 Taiwan EpucaTION AT THE CRossRoaD such regional integration and collaboration can also further weaken the ability of each government to promote its own social, economic, and envi- ronmental policies that address the needs of its people Finally, these trends have also been accompanied by the opening of a democratic movement, resulting in the phenomenal growth of nongov- ernmental organizations (NGOs), including their emergence in Taiwan, Singapore, and so on. Asian coalitions that focus on human rights, the environment, and sustainable human development have been created, and there is a growing recognition by governments and multilateral bodies of the strategic role these organizations play in building a civil society in the region. This trend has been accelerating since the economic and political rise of China whose literacy rate and educational development at all levels reached its peak over the last decade, Toward a Civil Society Asia is a region of countries that have recently started to rediscover national potentialities, renewed energy, and a proper work ethic. It is an area dominated by the economic giant Japan, with newly emerging indus- trialized countries developing at a rapid rate. Japan’s recovery after World War II was sparked by a national determination to excel again in the world through means other than military might and power. The Republic of China (Taiwan) was an extremely poor country when it fought against Japan during World War II, and it was soon divided by the superpowers into two parts across the Taiwan Strait, and later was devastated by its civil war. Nevertheless, Taiwan's traditionally high educational zeal originated from the period of Japanese colonization and Chinese traditions. Coupled with its strong desire for modernization and prosperity, Taiwan has set a reliable example of economic development. All the economically viable countries in this area, including Japan, Korea, Singapore, and Hong Kong, share the common traditions of Confucian educational thought and strong, kinship and family ties. These are the foundations of the spirit of industry, peacefulness, and order that contribute to high economic incentive, respect for the elderly and authority, and the harmony of society (Chen 2001a) The cultural characteristics of East Asian countries that are stressed here—the spiritual realm of man and society—make the pursuit of edu- cational and economic development, coupled with the goal of national growth, a priority. These factors all contribute to a strong ethical frame- work and are the basis for putting the needs of society before individual needs and rights. Asian countries had a later start than their WesternEast Asian AND TaIwANn EpucaTION 53 counterparts in regard to guarantecing their people human rights, equity, privacy, and security, which are the foundation of a civil society. However, people in the Asian region are eager to participate in the global village, regardless of the costs, to achieve better social outcomes. Family Values and Education Priority A society with strong social capital is one in which social trust facilitates cooperation and networking for mutual benefit (Coleman 1990). The Asian culture emphasizes family values and a sense of belongingness among clan Confusion may arise among ethics, law, and the common good in most Asian societies, and family values may conflict with the public interest. Ie is an Asian value that families are invied into decision-making processes; therefore, the process of forming a social consensus, including any form of educational policies, should take the family into consideration. In many developed countries, education policy is very much influenced by economic and technological development at the expense of individual rights or traditional values. Thomas Murray (1992), after comparing ten countries (China, Egypt, Indonesia, Pakistan, Papua New Guinea, Soviet Union, Korea, and Zaire) , proposed some items that appear to be nec- essary within the national development network, including moral/social values. Murray indicated that students should be educated adequately with values related to national development and cultural traditions. But here I would like to raise a question. If technology guides a country’s values and resource distribution, should “education” still take up the heavy responsi- bility of passing on traditional values? When scholars like Kas Mazurek et al. discussed the role of educators, they too realized that teachers’ training programs should focus on interdis. ciplinary ability, including economic, technological, political, and ecologi cal skills, and so on, to cope with the future growth of a society made up of diverse cultures, ethnic groups, and nationalities. Therefore, when discuss- ing the education profession, these responsibilities and aspects should be included, and teachers should be aware of the overall social developmental network, as well as properly trained in the ability to exercise good judgment and think critically (Mazurek et al. 1999). It will be worthwhile to discuss the role of teachers from a global perspective. In regards to the quickly spreading technology in the region, schools are facing unprecedented chal- lenges. The rapid pace of technological development suggests ceaseless cur- ricula renewals, Combining the curricula with technology does not exactly mean to use technology as a teaching medium, but rather to incorporate54 Taiwan EpucaTION AT THE CRossRoaD into instruction the impact on humanity and the ramifications in society that result from technology. Drawing on Henry Giroux’s idea, we should integrate technology training in “civie courage” into the present education curriculum. In so doing, we can equip our students with passion, imagi- nation, and wisdom so they can excel regardless of economic, political, or social pressure (Giroux 1985). This is especially timely in conducting research on value clarification in the context of curriculum planning, for what we have at present, at least in East Asia, technology and science is tak- ing over to a great extent in education in the name of social modernization and national development (Elwyn 2000). Concerning parental domestic tutoring assistance, it is becoming more and more difficult for parents to tutor their children in their homework, as information and knowledge advance so rapidly. New research meth- ods and teaching materials widen the gap between school and family. In areas with scarce resources and for families that lack resources, the gap becomes even wider. This transformation and growing issue exist largely in terms of the distribution of education resources and access to educ tional opportunities. The first responsibility of astute teachers is to research what students know, and how they speak, experience, and feel. From this starting point, an empowering curriculum can be developed (Shor 1992). We then begin to form the basic questions: What kind of teaching approach do we need? What have we learned about the ability to make a critical judgment? Other than passing on values and transmitting knowledge, what capacity do we have to help students clarify their intellectual confusion and problem- solving abilities? Do teachers possess what they need in order to deal with the changes in social values? Or are they merely passively accepting values and passing them on (Chen 2001a)? Social transformation and the interpretation of values deserve more attention as well as constructive criticism. For centuries, it was believed that Asian did noe value the cultivation of critical thinking in education as its Western counterparts did. Not until the late 1980s did analytical skills start to be included in the curriculum. Critical thinking is not only a tech- nique and a method but also an attitude that is often regarded as a meta- phor for values orientation, and as a conflict between the fixed values that most students will encounter in their daily life. Thus, “critical” implies the combination of an active attitude and ideology (Thomas 1993). If we accept this spirit and viewpoint in order to see new aspects, such as how the recently developed biotech industry has brought many innovations to the world, we might take a more active role in helping students enter a diverse society, make appropriate judgments, and obtain correct and objec- tive information. This would be helpful to the overall raising of citizens’East Asian AND TaIwANn EpucaTION 55 problem-solving ability in the new century, which is the ultimate goal of technological development in East Asia and Taiwan (Chen 2001b). The Social Context of Taiwan's Education System Like other East Asian societies, Taiwan's society has been very much influ- enced by Confucian valucs, such as political authoritarianism, the family system, academic examination systems, saving habits, local organization, and family networks (Tu 1995). Education has been regarded as a prior- ity in Confucian culture, and study is considered as hard work, effort, persistence, cultivation, and rigidity, whereas playing games is considered idleness (Yao 2000; Zhou, 2000). Consequently, Taiwanese society places much emphasis on creden- tials and the practice of taking examinations. The Imperial examination in ancient China (694-1895), which lasted for more than one thousand years, had the functions of diminishing the effect of social and family origin on social mobility and enforcing the social control of the ruling class by identifying intellectuals for the governing class through public examinations. Although the Chinese Imperial examination was abolished in 1905, Taiwan is still influenced by this tradition, in which the exami- nations are expected to be fair and to pave the way for social upward mobility. After the central government's relocation to Taiwan in 1949, the American “six-three-three-four” system continued until 1968, at which time a nine-year compulsory education plan was carried out. This plan continued for the next four decades, and now another twelve-year basic education reform program is about to launch in 2014 with the hope that it will alleviate exam pressure on secondary students and increase the poten- tial of Taiwan's human resources. Since the 1950s, Taiwan has encountered uncertainty and tensions in the political environment due to the military threat from China. Between 1957 and 1980, emphasis shifted to the planning and developing of human resources in coordination with the national goal of economic development. Additional challenges to the educational system have come in response to the forces of economic liberalization and globalization, which have trans- formed Taiwan since the 1980s. As the nation’s industrial structure has shifted from a labor-intensive to a capital- and technology-intensive base, along with her political democratization movement, Taiwan's educational system has entered an era of transition and reform.