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A pandemic killing tens of millions

of people is a real possibility — and
we are not prepared for it
A century ago, the Spanish flu killed more than 50 million people. The world
is at risk of another pandemic of similar scale.
By Ron Klain Oct 15, 2018, 6:00am EDT

W hat single event killed more

Americans than any other in our history?
Finding the best ways to do good. Made possible by The attacks of 9/11? The epic conflicts
The Rockefeller Foundation.
of World War I or World War II?

None of the above. This year, we mark the 100th anniversary of a catastrophe that
killed more Americans than all of the events above combined: the Spanish flu
epidemic of 1918, which took as many as 675,000 lives in this country and more than
50 million worldwide — killing nearly one out of every 20 humans then alive.

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One hundred years later, it is the prospect of another such pandemic — not a nuclear
war, or a terrorist attack, or a natural disaster — that poses the greatest risk of a
massive casualty event in the United States. The scope of the danger is
breathtaking: Bill Gates, citing epidemiologists, has said that there is a “reasonable
probability” of a pandemic that kills more than 30 million people worldwide in the
next two decades. A tabletop exercise run at Johns Hopkins Center for Health
Security in May simulated a global flu-like outbreak called Clade X and found that
150 million people (including 15 million in the US) would die in the first year
alone.

In an era with so much progress in science and medicine, how can the United States
remain so vulnerable to such a pandemic? W ith so much money and energy being
devoted to combatting large-scale terrorist attacks, nuclear proliferation, and other
dangers, why has so much less attention been devoted to a threat that is arguably
more likely and potentially deadlier?

We cannot totally eliminate the risk of pandemics in the near term. But a three-
pronged agenda focused on mitigating that risk — pushing for better and faster
vaccine development and deployment, a stronger emergency response infrastructure,
and a more robust global health security system — can make us safer.

But most importantly, we need to take the risk seriously. A catastrophic pandemic is
not merely the stuff of dystopian fiction. It is very much a real danger, as real today
as it was 100 years ago.

The pandemic risk today

America in 2018 is in many respects safer from the pandemic threat than America
was in 1918. Advances in science and medicine have given us many tools to combat
a pandemic flu that we lacked a century ago. In the event that existing vaccines
provide no protection from a particular new flu threat, antiviral medicines would at
least pose a partial first line of defense against the epidemic until a vaccine could be
developed. Antibiotics would also help combat secondary infections, which killed so
many in 1918. We have made progress in 100 years.

But for every one of these modern miracles that makes us safer, there is some other
element of modernity that raises our risk level from what it was a century ago. Global

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transportation networks can bring a virus from a remote corner of the world to one of
its most populous cities in less than 24 hours. The clustering of more people into
cities — especially supercities in Asia — creates fertile grounds for such diseases to
spread quickly. The incursion of humans into wildlife habitats is increasing the
crossover of zoonotic diseases (like Ebola) from animals into people. Climate change
is expanding the reach of disease-bearing vectors like mosquitoes into new regions
and putting new populations at risk.

The possibility that an epidemic could take a huge number of lives here and around
the world should be no surprise, given our collective experience with the HIV/AIDS
epidemic, which has killed more than 35 million worldwide. More recently, the West
African Ebola epidemic of 2014-’15 (for which I served as the White House
response coordinator) killed more than 11,000 people there and spread panic
worldwide before it was contained.

The past two decades have seen a roll call of near-miss catastrophes. The SARS
outbreak of 2002. The H1N1 flu of 2009. The MERS outbreak of 2012. And, of
course, the Ebola epidemic of 2014, which at one point was forecast to take 1 million
lives. They all were horrible, but each could have been significantly worse.

H1N1 offers a telling story. At a time when the world worried about a pandemic flu
coming from Asia, H1N1 exploded from Mexico and California across the US. Once it
was identified as a pandemic risk, an all-out effort to create a vaccine was launched
— but the vaccine wasn’t made widely available to the public until after the
epidemic’s peak. Even then, manufacturers were able to produce only a limited
supply. Government officials gave conflicting guidance about the danger and the
safety of routine actions (like keeping schools opened or air travel with infected
people).

In the end, about 60 million Americans contracted H1N1 that year — which, by
pure luck, turned out not to be a particularly lethal strain. Had it been even one-tenth
as deadly as the Spanish flu (which was estimated to have killed about 10 to 20
percent of those it infected), even our modern medicine could not have prevented
hundreds of thousands of Americans from dying in a relatively short period of time, in
an event that would be more searing in contemporary consciousness than 9/11.

New political and social trends further increase our risk level. A rising tide of anti-

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vaccine sentiment in the US and Europe is raising the risk of a resurgence of once-
vanquished infectious diseases (like measles), and increasing the likelihood of
massive vaccine resistance in the event of an epidemic. The ability of social media to
rapidly spread false information — painfully illustrated in the 2016 campaign — is
another source of danger: Would the directives of public health officials be followed in
a crisis? Would they be undermined by misinformation spread by misguided
provocateurs or a hostile foreign power?

And then there is the risk factor of isolationism and xenophobia. W hile responsible
officials in the Trump administration have responded to two Ebola outbreaks in the
Democratic Republic of Congo this year (including one that is far from under
control), in a more visible crisis, Trump’s isolationist instincts might assert
themselves. In 2014, such views led him to tweet that President Barack Obama
should not have evacuated American Ebola fighters who contracted the disease from
West Africa, and instead, should have left them to “suffer the consequences” of their
condition.

Xenophobic views played a critical role in the tardy response to Zika in 2015-16.
Congress delayed acting on a funding package because Zika was perceived to be a
“foreigner’s disease.” As I made public appearances promoting this funding, I often
heard in response, “Zika isn’t a public health problem, it’s an immigration problem —
just keep the foreigners out.”

Never mind that there was no evidence that it was foreigners — as opposed to
Americans coming home from vacations — that were bringing the disease to our
shores. The anti-Zika funds stalled in Congress, and we eventually saw transmission
of the disease in Florida, and the first-ever Centers for Disease Control and
Prevention (CDC) warning against travel to parts of the continental US.

More generally, a turn inward risks undercutting our best defense against epidemics:
working with other countries to fight them overseas. Trump has proposed cutting
international programs at the National Institutes of Health and CDC to fund his border
wall. That may have political appeal to his base, but the reality is that there is no wall
high enough to keep infectious diseases out of our country. (To date, Congress has
rejected such proposals from the president, and boosted funding for the two
agencies.)

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How we can prepare for the next pandemic

Reducing our risk from these dangers is a vast undertaking, and runs the gamut from
better surveillance systems to massive medical research projects to all forms of
global investments. But three items should top our agenda:

1) Improve vaccine development and deployment

W hile the ultimate goal of a “universal flu vaccine” is still far in the future, better
vaccines that cover a wider array of flu strains are coming sooner. Last year, a global
public-private partnership named the Coalition for Epidemic Preparedness
Innovations (CEPI) was formed to accelerate vaccine development for epidemic
infectious diseases threats. Though CEPI was launched with generous support from
donors like the Gates Foundation and the Wellcome Trust, it can fund work on only a
handful of the highest-priority vaccines.

Luanne Boiko receives an influenza vaccination from nurse practitioner at the CVS Pharmacy store’s MinuteClinic on October 4,
2018 in Miami, Florida.

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Even for the world’s best scientists, predicting which diseases should be prioritized is
hard. I attended a conference in the runup to the formation of CEPI where scientists
discussed a “top 10” list. Just a few months later, Zika — not even on the list — was
a huge threat.

Moreover, inventing vaccines doesn’t save lives; vaccinating people does. Even if
scientists discover promising vaccines for infectious diseases threats, the world
predominantly relies on private vaccine makers to bring those vaccines to market,
which is not always a certainty. (Large vaccine makers felt burned spending
millions on developing an Ebola vaccine in 2014 that will never yield profits.)

Vaccines also face complex regulatory challenges — the Ebola vaccine tested in
2014 and being used now in the Democratic Republic of Congo isn’t licensed — and
a hazy global policy framework on issues like intellectual property from clinical tests.

W hat’s more, while the US has a legal process to govern liability and compensation
for anyone injured if a new vaccine is used on an emergency basis (called the PREP
Act), most countries don’t, creating a substantial risk that a vaccine could be made
to combat a crisis — and be left sitting in warehouses while lawyers and
policymakers hash out the details.

The world has a hugely successful system, run by the amazingly efficient alliance
known as Gavi, for funding and distributing well-established, proven vaccines in
developing countries. Gavi — a public-private partnership of developed and
developing nations, the World Health Organization (W HO), the World Bank, the
Gates Foundation, and other civil society groups — has grown in scope and scale
since its launch in 2000.

It has now taken on deployment of the new Ebola vaccine as a project, and it could
be a vehicle for tackling many of the complex issues of funding and implementing an
emergency epidemic response vaccine plan, but that would require additional funding
sources and support to ensure that Gavi is not distracted from its core work of
vaccinating millions against existing disease threats.

2) Strengthen US epidemic preparation and response

A global review known as the “Joint External Evaluation” gave the US some of the
strongest marks among the world’s countries for being ready to cope with an

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epidemic. But that should provide only small comfort.

No city in America has existing capacity (i.e., treatment units within a hospital
supported by trained staff and equipment) to treat more than a handful of dangerous
infectious diseases patients at one time. During the Ebola epidemic, the US
government distributed patients carefully so that even our very best infectious
diseases hospitals — facilities in Nebraska, at NIH, and at Emory — never treated
more than two patients at a time.

An outbreak of even just a few dozen cases of a deadly, highly infectious disease —
let alone a few hundred — would overwhelm any city in our country. In such a
scenario, death would beget death, as patients carrying the virus would stream into
hospitals and infect others who did not yet have the disease.

Health care workers would be put at risk, and as word spread, people who were not
infected but who had other ailments would stay away from hospitals. Death rates
from heart attacks, strokes, childbirth, and other urgent care situations would spike.

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Emergency Room staff from MedStar Georgetown University Hospital conduct a decontamination disaster drill in the Washington,
D.C., on May 18, 2016.

After the Ebola epidemic of 2014, Congress funded a system of 10 regional “special
pathogen” infectious diseases treatment centers in the US, a vast improvement from
the three we had before the epidemic. Even so, these centers only have a total of
approximately 100 equipped treatment beds — isolated hospital beds with necessary
equipment and trained staff — and as the fears of 2014 fade in memory and our
guard drops, the response time at these facilities to go from “standby” to “ready” is
rising.

We need to step up our investment in facilities, training, and equipment for our
domestic epidemic response — and do so now, not when a crisis comes. And we
need to give a president some basic tools to cope with such a threat: a robust Public
Health Emergency Response Fund to fund the early stages of a response (the
perennially underfunded reserve currently holds just 2 percent of what the US spent
on the Ebola response), and the same kind of disaster assistance authority under the
Stafford Act for epidemics that the president now has for earthquakes or hurricanes.

We need to create a new group of federal epidemic responders, which I’ve called the
Public Health Emergency Management Agency (PhEMA); barring that, we should
create a specialized unit in the Federal Emergency Management Agency that is
trained and equipped for the job.

But most of all, we need to stick with (and indeed, even increase) our commitment to
the Global Health Security Agenda launched by President Obama, which helps other
countries build up their capacities to detect and respond to outbreaks. Spending on
such “foreign aid” will never be popular. But we should think of infectious disease
threats the way we think of terrorism: The best way to make America safer is to make
the world safer from this danger.

3) Bolster global response capabilities

It would shock most people to know that there is no elite squadron of fully equipped
global epidemic responders ready to be deployed when the alarm sounds. As I often
said during the Ebola epidemic, the thing that should scare people is not that the
black helicopters will be landing in their backyards any minute now — it’s that there

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are no black helicopters coming, even if you need them.

Our current global response capacity relies on the W HO to declare that an epidemic
is underway, and provide general coordination for a response. Most of the hardest
work —actually treating sick patients, and engaging with locals on how to deal with
the threat — is performed by a number of courageous NGOs such as Doctors
W ithout Borders, the International Rescue Committee, and Partners in Health.

The W HO was roundly criticized for its handling of the 2014 Ebola epidemic, and new
leadership was installed in 2017. Under Dr. Tedros Adhanom Ghebreyesus, the
W HO’s new director general, the organization has improved its work on epidemics
and is acting in a more transparent fashion.

But even so, the W HO — which was created initially to spotlight violations of
international health regulations — has not been, and seems unlikely to become, an
organization with the kind of personnel, equipment, or authority to power a full-scale
pandemic response.

Dr. Mike Montello, research director at the US National Institutes of Health, prepares the first batch of Ebola vaccines to be given

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in the Ebola vaccine trials, which were launched at Redemption Hospital, formerly an Ebola holding center, on February 2, 2015,
in Monrovia, Liberia.

Moreover, as we are seeing in the current WHO-led Ebola response in the

Democratic Republic of Congo — where the response is falling behind the
disease, and the risk of spread to adjacent countries is rising — when epidemic
responders encounter local violence, civil discord, or security threats, they have no
protection and must sometimes cease operations. Officials complain that the violent,
chaotic conditions in the Eastern Congo are a “worst case” for an Ebola outbreak, but
in a truly ghastly epidemic, instability and regional violence is likely to become the
rule, not the exception.

Some world leaders have backed a plan first proposed by then-German Foreign
Minister Frank-Walter Steinmeier to create a multinational white helmet brigade that
could provide security and logistical dimensions to an epidemic response. In 2014,
the UN established a temporary unit that helped do similar work in West Africa called
UNMEER, or the UN Mission for Ebola Emergency Response. That effort got mixed
reviews for its uneven performance and rapidly rotating personnel in West Africa, but
perhaps the UN could take another run at creating such a response unit.

But the bottom line is this: If science fiction became reality, and the world was
threatened by interstellar invaders putting tens of millions of lives at risk, it’s hard to
believe we would face that danger “armed” only with an international regulatory
organization and a cluster of NGOs. And yet that is precisely what we will be relying
on what a major epidemic comes our way.

In the end, the question we will face is not if a massive global pandemic will hit, but
when. Pandemics have recurred throughout history with devastating consequences,
from the bubonic plague in the Middle Ages to the Spanish flu a century ago to
HIV/AIDS in our own lifetimes.

The more we do now to accelerate vaccine research and deployment, bolster the
home front for the coming threat, and invest in a global health security agenda and
response capacities, the better we will fare when that day comes.

Ron Klain served as the White House Ebola response coordinator in 2014-15. He
previously served as chief of staff to Vice Presidents Joe Biden and Al Gore.

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