INTRODUCTION TO COGNITIVE PSYCHOLOGY

Practical Report

Submitted by:

Bonigala Jaanvi

23528004

Psychology Honours
 INTRODUCTION TO COGNITIVE PSYCHOLOGY

Cognitive psychology is concerned with how people acquire, store, transform, use, and
communicate information (Neisser, 1967). In simpler words, cognitive psychology basically
deals with our mental life i.e., what goes on inside our heads when we perceive, attend,
remember, think, categorize, reason, decide etc.

Although the ways of addressing fundamental issues have changes in cognitive psychology,
many of the fundamental questions remain much the same. The progression of ideas often
involves a dialectic, a developmental process where ideas evolve over time through a pattern
of transformation. A dialectic involves a thesis, i.e., a statement of belief is proposed. For e.g.,
some people believe that human nature governs many aspects of human behaviour (e.g.,
intelligence or personality; Sternberg, 1999). After a while, however, certain individuals
notice apparent flaws in the thesis. Eventually, or perhaps even quite soon, an antithesis
emerges which is a statement that counters a previous statement of belief. For e.g., an
alternative view is that our nurture almost entirely determines many aspects of human
behaviour. Sooner or later, the debate between the thesis and the antithesis leads to a
synthesis. A synthesis integrates the most credible features of each of two or more views. For
e.g., in the debate over nature versus nurture, the interaction between our innate nature and
environmental nurture may govern human nature.

This comparison of opposing viewpoints highlights the ongoing debate regarding the impact
of nature versus nurture on intelligence. Cultural differences underscore diverse approaches
in perceiving objects, for instance, the different viewpoints of a Westerner and an Easterner
when approaching a new object (Nisbett & Masuda, 2003). While Westerners focus on
objects independently, the Easterners emphasize contextual relationships (Nisbett &
Miyamoto, 2005). For instance, while watching fish swim in an ocean, Westerners tend to
concentrate on the fish, whereas Asians may prioritize the ocean's surroundings. Thus,
cultural influences significantly shape cognitive processes, including intelligence (Lehman,
Chiu, & Schaller, 2004).

Georg Hegel observed this dialectical progression of ideas, where the synthesis of contrasting
views becomes a new thesis, followed by an antithesis, perpetuating this developmental
cycle. Similarly, in psychology, evolving concepts prompt new perspectives and critiques,
leading to the integration of diverse approaches into a comprehensive paradigm.
 HISTORY OF COGNITIVE PSYCHOLOGY

The inception of cognitive psychology is rooted in two fundamental approaches: philosophy

and physiology. Philosophy delves into understanding various facets of the world through
introspection, an exploration of internal ideas and experiences. On the other hand, physiology
engages in the scientific study of life-sustaining functions in living matter, primarily through
empirical, observation-based methods.

Greek philosophers Plato and Aristotle, influential figures in shaping modern psychology,
differed significantly in their methodologies for investigating ideas. Plato, a rationalist,
advocated the path to knowledge through thinking and logical analysis without the necessity
for experiments. He emphasized reason as a source of knowledge and justification, operating
on the principles of rationalism. In contrast, Aristotle, an empiricist, believed in acquiring
knowledge through empirical evidence, emphasizing experience and observation. He
proposed that learning occurs through the mental association of two ideas, grounding his
beliefs in empiricism.

The foundation of cognitive psychology further stems from 17th to 19th-century philosophers
such as John Locke, David Hume, John Stuart Mill, René Descartes, George Berkeley, and
Immanuel Kant. The dichotomy between rationalism and empiricism gained prominence with
Descartes, who favoured introspective and reflective methods over empirical approaches in
the pursuit of truth. His famous maxim "cogito, ergo sum" (I think, therefore I am) illustrates
his stance that thinking and doubting were the sole proof of existence, mistrusting sensory
perception due to its susceptibility to deception, like optical illusions.

In contrast, Locke championed empirical observation, positing that humans are born devoid
of knowledge and acquire it through experience and observation. He conceptualized this view
as tabula rasa, suggesting that life and experience inscribe knowledge upon us. For Locke, the
study of learning served as a gateway to understanding the human mind, negating the
existence of innate ideas.

Immanuel Kant, an 18th-century German philosopher, synthesized the rationalist and

empiricist viewpoints of Descartes and Locke. He argued that both rationalism and
empiricism were complementary and coalescent. Kant's dialectical synthesis proposed that
these perspectives worked in tandem, and his synthesis resonates in contemporary
psychology, where most psychologists accept the amalgamation of rationalist and empiricist
ideas.

Structuralism

The origins of psychology trace back to 1879 when Wilhelm Wundt founded the first
experimental psychology laboratory (Fancher, 1979). His aim was to establish a scientific
exploration of the mind, unravelling the laws and principles underlying immediate conscious
experiences. Wundt’s primary quest was to identify the fundamental units composing the
mind, akin to a chemist crafting a periodic chart for mental elements. His vision was to
discern how these elements amalgamate, ultimately giving rise to intricate mental
phenomena. Envisioning a comprehensive field, Wundt foresaw the study of systematically
varying stimuli and their influence on diverse mental states.

Wundt and his students conducted extensive studies predominantly employing introspection,
a method involving introspective analysis of consciousness. Introspection aimed to dissect the
elemental constituents of an object or process. Wundt postulated that consciousness was
grounded in sensory raw materials, existing ‘below’ the realm of meaning. He contended that
any conscious thought emerged from a blend of sensations characterised by four properties:
mode (like visual, auditory, tactile, olfactory), quality (like colour, shape, texture), intensity
and duration.

His student Edward B. Titchener coined the term ‘structuralism’ to encapsulate Wundt’s and
his own pursuits (Hillner,1984). Structuralism aimed at uncovering the elemental components
of the mind rather than probing into the ‘why’ of its functioning.

However, the introspective method encountered substantial limitations. Participants might

struggle to articulate their thoughts accurately or precisely due to the subjective nature of
introspection. Moreover, the information obtained from participants could be biased or
incorrect. Additionally, the act of focusing on thoughts or verbalising them during a task
could potentially alter the ongoing mental processes, comprising the reliability of
introspective findings.

Despite its foundational role in the early developmental of psychology, introspection’s

limitations led to skepticism and eventually its decline as the primary method of inquiry.
Nonetheless, Wundt’s emphasis on breaking down mental processes into elemental
components laid the groundwork for subsequent psychological frameworks and
methodologies.

Functionalism

Functionalism emerged as a counterbalance to structuralism in psychology, proposing a shift

from focusing on the contents of the human mind to understanding the processes underlying
thoughts and behaviours. Unlike structuralists who delved into the elementary structures of
the mind, functionalists were more interested in deciphering how and why the mind functions
as it does. They aimed to explore the practical implications of their research, emphasizing the
study of mental processes over structural elements.

The central quest of functionalists revolved around comprehending the intricacies of human
cognition and behaviour, advocating for an investigation into the workings of the mind rather
than its mere components. Unlike structuralists, they sought answers to why humans behave
and think in particular ways, exploring the purposes and functions of various mental
phenomena.

Functionalists were united by the questions they posed rather than a uniform set of
conclusions or methodologies. Their flexibility in employing diverse methods aligned with a
pragmatic outlook. Pragmatism, an ideology that emphasizes the value of knowledge based
on its practical utility, resonated deeply with functionalism. Pragmatists were not only
interested in understanding human behaviour but also in utilizing this knowledge for practical
applications. They underscored the importance of psychology in enhancing school
performance, memory retention, and other aspects of human behaviour.

William James, a pivotal figure in guiding functionalism, highlighted its transition towards
pragmatism through his influential work "Principles of Psychology." James, along with
psychologists like John Dewey and Edward L. Thorndike, shared a conviction that the mind's
primary function was adaptation to the environment. Their emphasis on adaptation resonated
with the pragmatic approach, focusing on the practical implications of psychological
research.

Functionalists drew heavily from Darwinian evolutionary theory, attempting to extend

biological notions of adaptation to psychological phenomena. This approach stood in stark
contrast to structuralists' perspectives. Structuralists favoured laboratory settings to study
isolated stimuli, believing this approach could unveil the true nature of the mind. Conversely,
functionalists disagreed, advocating for studying mental phenomena in real-life situations and
emphasizing the study of whole organisms engaged in complex, real-world tasks. Their
fundamental belief rested on studying psychology in a holistic context rather than within
controlled laboratory environments (Hillner, 1984).
Associationism

Although functionalists were interested in how people learn, they did not really specify a
mechanism by which learning takes place. This task was taken up by another group,
Associationists who focused on how elements of the mind, like events or ideas, can become
associated with one another in the mind to result in a form of learning. For example,
associations may result from:
• contiguity (associating things that tend to occur together at about the same time)
• similarity (associating things with similar features or properties)
• contrast (associating things that show polarities, such as hot/cold, light/dark, day/ night).

In the late 1800s, associationist Hermann Ebbinghaus (1850–1909) was the first
experimenter to apply associationist principles systematically. Specifically, Ebbinghaus
studied his own mental processes. He made up lists of nonsense syllables that consisted of a
consonant and a vowel followed by another consonant (e.g., zax). He then took careful note
of how long it took him to memorize those lists. He counted his errors and recorded his
response times. Through his self-observations, Ebbinghaus studied how people learn and
remember material through rehearsal, the conscious repetition of material to be learned.
Among other things, he found that frequent repetition can fix mental associations more firmly
in memory. Thus, repetition aids in learning.

Another influential associationist, Edward Lee Thorndike (1874–1949), held that the role of
“satisfaction” is the key to forming associations. Thorndike termed this principle the law of
effect (1905) i.e., a stimulus will tend to produce a certain response over time if an organism
is rewarded for that response. Thorndike believed that an organism learns to respond in a
given way (the effect) in a given situation if it is rewarded repeatedly for doing so (the
satisfaction, which serves as a stimulus to future actions). Thus, a child given treats for
solving arithmetic problems learns to solve arithmetic problems accurately because the child
forms associations between valid solutions and treats. These ideas were the predecessors of
the development of behaviourism.

Behaviourism

In the United States during the 1930s, the emergence of behaviourism marked a dominant
epoch in academic psychology, reigning until the late 1960s. Regarded by some as a branch
of functionalism (Amsel, 1989), behaviourism adopted an explicit doctrine denouncing
references to unobservable, subjective mental states such as consciousness and subjective
processes including expecting, believing, understanding, and perceiving. This school of
thought firmly advocated for the scientific scrutiny of behaviour while sidelining
introspection, which behaviourists considered impractical due to its inherent subjectivity and
incapacity to resolve theoretical disputes.

John B. Watson, a pivotal figure in behaviourism, advocated an extreme position, reducing all
"mental" phenomena to physiological and behavioural responses. He posited that images and
thoughts were manifestations of low-level glandular or muscular activities. Watson argued
that when individuals reported thinking, it essentially boiled down to the perception of subtle
muscle movements in the tongue and larynx (Fancher, 1979). His exclusion of mental
language from psychology represented a significant negative shift, as he deemed the
scientific study of mental phenomena implausible. However, Watson's emphasis on
discarding subjective introspection encouraged the development of more stringent research
methodologies and testable hypotheses among future psychologists.

B. F. Skinner, another influential behaviourist, took a nuanced approach toward mental events
and representations. He acknowledged the existence of mentalistic entities like images,
sensations, and thoughts, considering them legitimate subjects for study. However, Skinner
refuted the classification of mental events as distinct from behavioural activities. He
contested the idea of mental representations, conceptualizing them as internal replicas of
external stimuli, proposing instead that images and thoughts were verbal labels for bodily
processes. Skinner hypothesized that mental events were triggered by external environmental
stimuli, resulting in observable behaviours. His focus on functional analysis aimed to
circumvent the intricacies associated with studying mental events, advocating for a simpler
understanding of the relationship between stimuli and behaviour (Hergenhahn, 1986).
Contrarily, some behaviourists, like Edward Tolman, were more receptive to the notion of
mental representations. Tolman's research with rats suggested that animals possessed goals
and internal cognitive maps guiding their behaviour. He argued that a rat navigating a maze
aimed to attain food and developed an internal representation or cognitive map of the maze to
locate the food. Tolman's work underscored the existence of internal expectations and
representations influencing behavioural outcomes in animals. The diverse viewpoints within
behaviourism ranging from Watson's outright dismissal of mental events to Skinner's
acknowledgment with reservations and Tolman's support for internal representations elucidate
the broad spectrum of ideas that thrived during this influential period in psychology. This era
of behaviourism, despite its variegated stances on mental phenomena, substantially impacted
the evolution of psychological methodology and conceptual frameworks in the ensuing years.

Gestalt Psychology

The school of Gestalt psychology began in 1911 in Frankfurt, Germany, at a meeting of three
psychologists: Max Wertheimer, Kurt Koffka, and Wolfgang Köhler (Murray, 1988). As the
name Gestalt (meaning shape) suggests, these psychologists’ central assumption was that
psychological phenomena could not be reduced to simple elements but rather had to be
analysed and studied in their entirety. They (studied mainly perception and problem solving)
believed an observer didn’t construct a coherent perception from simple sensory aspects of an
experience but instead apprehended the total structure of an experience as a whole.

The Gestalt psychologists rejected structuralism, functionalism, and behaviourism as offering

incomplete accounts of psychological and cognitive experiences. They chose to study
people’s subjective experience of stimuli and to focus on how people use or impose structure
and order on their experiences. They believed that the mind imposes its own structure and
organization on stimuli and organizes perceptions into wholes rather than discrete parts.
These wholes tend to simplify stimuli. Thus, when we hear a melody, we experience not a
collection of individual sounds but larger, more organized units that is melodic lines.

The Cognitive Revolution

The cognitive revolution in psychology, emerging post-World War II, marked a paradigm
shift from behaviourism to understanding the importance of mental events and
representations. This rejection of behaviourism was fuelled by various historical trends that
reshaped psychological inquiry. During the war, the field of human factors engineering arose,
emphasizing the design of machinery to suit operators' cognitive capacities. Psychologists
borrowed concepts from communications engineering, viewing humans as limited-capacity
processors of information, leading to landmark studies exploring cognitive limitations, like
George Miller's work on the limitations of human cognitive capacities (7±2)

Simultaneously, advancements in linguistics, especially through Noam Chomsky's work,

highlighted the complexity of language acquisition and usage, challenging behaviourist
explanations. Chomsky's proposition of a generative grammar system underscored that
language abilities involve an implicit set of rules, shaping language comprehension and
production. Moreover, developments in neuroscience questioned the long-held belief in the
brain's non-localization of functions. Contrary to Karl Lashley's claim, research by Donald
Hebb, David Hubel, and Torsten Wiesel suggested neural specialization for specific functions
and highlighted the role of early experiences in brain development.

Additionally, the rise of computers and artificial intelligence introduced the computer
metaphor, comparing human cognitive activities to computer operations. This analogy helped
conceptualize information processing, storage, recoding, and manipulation in human
cognition. The cognitive revolution was a culmination of these trends, challenging
behaviourism by emphasizing mental representations' significance in explaining behaviour. It
shifted psychology's focus to internal cognitive processes, leading to the development of
cognitive psychology.

Post-WWII, psychologists rejected behaviourism's assertion that mental events were beyond
scientific study, embracing the importance of mental representations. Human factors
engineering emphasized machinery design aligned with human cognitive capacities.
Borrowing from communications engineering, psychologists viewed humans as limited-
capacity processors, inspiring studies on cognitive limitations. Concurrently, linguistics,
especially Chomsky's work, highlighted language's complex rules, challenging behaviourist
views on language acquisition. Chomsky proposed an implicit generative grammar system
governing language ability, reshaping how psychologists understood language processes.

Neuroscience research contradicted Lashley's claim on non-localized brain functions. Hebb,

Hubel, and Wiesel demonstrated neural specialization and the influence of early experiences
on brain development, challenging prior beliefs. The advent of computers led to the computer
metaphor, aiding the understanding of human cognition through information processing
analogies. This metaphor facilitated insights into information storage, recoding, and
manipulation, aligning human cognition with computational processes.

In summary, the cognitive revolution, a rejection of behaviourism, was driven by historical

trends emphasizing mental representations, cognitive limitations, language complexity, neural
specialization, and computational parallels in human cognition. This shift laid the foundation
for cognitive psychology, focusing on internal mental processes to explain behaviour and
cognitive functioning.

PARADIGMS OF COGNITIVE PSYCHOLOGY

A paradigm is a body of knowledge structured according to what its proponents consider

important and what they do not. It includes the assumptions investigators make in studying a
phenomenon and also specifies what kinds of experimental methods and measures are
appropriate for an investigation. Paradigms are thus intellectual frameworks that guide
investigators in studying and understanding phenomena.

The Information-Processing Approach

The information-processing approach in cognitive psychology, prominent in the 1960s and

1970s and enduring today (Atkinson & Shiffrin, 1968), likens human cognition to
computerized information processing. This model suggests that cognition involves
information flowing through mental systems. Researchers within this framework propose that
information undergoes various stages receiving, storing, recoding, transforming, retrieving,
and transmitting within specific mental storage areas. The approach assumes people's
cognitive abilities comprise interconnected capacities, such as attention spans, memory, and
language skills. Information-processing theorists seek to understand these capacities'
relationships to explain how individuals perform cognitive tasks. Analogous to computers,
theorists propose humans as versatile symbol manipulators, capable of remarkable cognitive
tasks through a few mental operations applied to symbols. Symbolically stored information's
coding greatly influences its ease of future use.
The figure shows a general-purpose information-processing system. The various memory
stores where information is held for possible later use and the different processes that operate
on the information at different points or that transfer it from store to store. Certain processes,
such as detection and recognition, are used at the beginning of information processing.
Others, such as recoding or retrieval, have to do with memory storage and the rest such as
reasoning or concept formation, have to do with putting information together in new ways. In
this model, boxes represent stores, and arrows represent processes (boxes-and-arrows models
of cognition). Altogether, the model is depicted best by something computer scientists call
‘flowcharts’, which illustrate the sequential flow of information through a system.

The tradition of this approach is rooted in structuralism in which it is attempted to identify the
basic capacities and processes we use in cognition. The computer metaphor used in this
approach also shows an indebtedness to the fields of engineering and communications.
Psychologists working in the information-processing tradition are interested in relating
individual and developmental differences to differences in basic capacities and processes.
Typically, information-processing psychologists use experimental and quasi-experimental
techniques in their investigations.

The Connectionist Approach

In the early 1980s, researchers introduced connectionism, also known as parallel-distributed

processing (PDP). This framework depicts cognition as a network of interconnected
processing units (McClelland, 1988), akin to neural networks. Each unit, interconnected with
others, maintains varying activation levels influenced by input from the environment and
connected units. Connections bear positive or negative weights, either exciting or inhibiting
the activation of linked units, resembling the functioning of neurons transmitting electrical
impulses.
One major difference between the information-processing and the connectionist approaches is
the way in which cognitive processes are assumed to occur. In information-processing
models, cognition is typically assumed to occur serially that is, in discrete stages. In contrast,
most connectionist models assume that cognitive processes occur in parallel, many at the
same time. The connectionist framework allows for a wide variety of models that can vary in
the number of units hypothesized, number and pattern of connections among units, and
connection of units to the environment. However, all connectionist models share the
assumption that there is no need to hypothesize a central processor that directs the flow of
information from one process or storage area to another. Instead, different patterns of
activation account for the various cognitive processes (Dawson, 1998). Knowledge is not
stored in various storehouses but within connections between units. Learning occurs when
new connective patterns are established that change the weights of connections between
units.

Connectionism, inspired by structuralism, diverges from the information-processing approach

by drawing insights from cognitive neuropsychology and neuroscience. While information
processors focus on abstract, symbolic explanations of cognition, connectionist models delve
into the brain's "sub-symbolic" functioning. As a newer paradigm, connectionism is mapping
explanations for individual and developmental differences, aiming to replicate experimental
research through neural network-based computer programs.

The Evolutionary Approach

Humans often overlook the complexity

underlying cognitive abilities such as three-
dimensional object perception or language
comprehension, assuming them to be
simple tasks. However, artificial
intelligence research has revealed the
challenges in programming computers for
even basic versions of these functions
(Winston, 1992). This discrepancy prompts
psychologists to explore how young children and the majority of individuals, regardless of
intellectual capacity, effortlessly perform these tasks. Some turn to evolutionary theory
(Cosmides & Tooby, 2002; Richerson & Boyd, 2000), arguing that the human mind, like
other animal minds, has evolved over generations, shaped by natural selection in response to
various environments encountered by our ancestors.

Evolutionary psychologist Leda Cosmides (1989) highlights that our ancestors faced not only
physical but also ecological and social environments. From this perspective, humans have
developed specialized cognitive competencies rooted in our evolutionary heritage. Cosmides
and Tooby (2002) propose that humans possess distinct problem-solving programs,
specialized to solve specific adaptive problems (e.g., food aversion, grammar acquisition).
These specialized mechanisms are context-specific, tailored to particular domains or classes
of problems.

Their perspective extends to social domains, emphasizing that ancestral challenges often
revolved around social issues like creating and enforcing social contracts. Accordingly,
individuals excel in reasoning about costs, benefits, and detecting cheating in social
exchanges (Cosmides & Tooby, 2000, 2002). Evolutionary psychologists contend that
understanding a system, particularly reasoning mechanisms, is clearer when considering the
evolutionary pressures on our ancestors. They suggest that comprehending the directional
impact of evolutionary forces on a system helps explain its workings more effectively than
considering equally plausible alternative directions.

The Ecological Approach

The evolutionary approach within psychology and anthropology aligns closely with the
cultural perspective rather than other psychological paradigms. This approach posits that
cognitive activities are intricately intertwined with broader cultural contexts, asserting that
culture and the surrounding context significantly shape all cognitive endeavours.

Jean Lave, an advocate of this perspective, conducted the Adult Math Project, an exploration
of everyday arithmetic practices (Lave, 1988). This project observed and experimented with
how people utilized arithmetic in their daily lives. For instance, in their study on grocery-
shopping trips, Lave, Murtaugh, and de la Rocha (1984) noted that individuals applied
various calculation methods contingent upon the context. This finding was surprising as
conventional teaching typically emphasizes the use of fixed formulas yielding a singular
numerical answer across problems of a given type.
Lave (1988) highlighted stark differences between arithmetic problem-solving in everyday
life versus solving school-based problems. Daily problems typically yield multiple plausible
solutions, emerge from practical daily living experiences, and are personally constructed by
problem solvers. In contrast, school problems tend to offer a single definitive answer,
disconnected from personal experiences and goals.

The ecological approach, although currently garnering substantial attention, emerged years
earlier. J. J. Gibson advocated for studying cognition in real-world contexts. Ulric Neisser,
influenced by Gibson, authored a book in 1976 urging psychology to focus on investigating
more realistic cognitive phenomena. This approach draws inspiration from both functionalist
and Gestalt psychology. Functionalist emphasis on the purposes served by cognitive
processes aligns with ecological questions, while Gestalt psychology's spotlight on contextual
elements resonates with the ecological approach. Rejecting artificial settings divorced from
larger contexts, the ecological approach leans on naturalistic observation and field studies,
steering away from relying solely on laboratory experiments or computer simulations to
explore cognition.

RESEARCH METHODS IN COGNITIVE PSYCHOLOGY

Self-Report

Self-reporting involves individuals sharing factual information, opinions, and beliefs about
themselves and cognitive processes. The reliability of this data hinges on participants'
honesty. Intentional misreporting may involve editing out unflattering details, while
unintentional misreporting could stem from not understanding or accurately recalling the
information. For instance, when asked about high school problem-solving strategies, a
participant might struggle to remember accurately. Recollected information tends to be less
reliable than real-time reports due to memory lapses.

In studying complex cognitive processes, researchers often use verbal protocols or specific
reporting on particular aspects of cognition. Although self-reporting is information-rich and
practical, responses may exhibit tendencies towards agreement, extremity, or social
desirability. These nuances can affect data accuracy and interpretation, highlighting the
complexity of relying solely on self-reported information for understanding cognitive
processes.
Case study

Case studies involve in-depth examinations of individuals within their psychological,

psychosocial, and environmental context. They aim to provide a comprehensive
understanding of a specific situation, event, or phenomenon, focusing on one particular unit
such as an individual, group, organization, or community. This approach is beneficial for
exploring the interaction between a phenomenon and its context.

In situations where direct manipulation or controlled experiments are not feasible, case
studies offer invaluable insights. For instance, traumatic brain injury in humans cannot be
ethically manipulated in a laboratory setting. The case of Phineas Gage, who survived a
severe brain injury in 1848 that dramatically altered his behaviour and cognition, remains a
pivotal example. Since replicating such incidents for experimental purposes is impossible,
case studies serve as crucial sources of information for understanding phenomena like
traumatic brain injury. They provide unique opportunities to explore and analyse real-life
instances that cannot be studied through controlled experimentation (Jacobsen, 2002)

Naturalistic and Controlled Observations

Observation in psychology involves methodically recording behavioural occurrences in real

time using systematic and objective approaches. Naturalistic observation involves observing
people in familiar settings as they engage in their everyday cognitive activities, such as
attempting to operate a new automated teller machine (ATM) at an airport. In contrast,
controlled observation provides researchers with a bit more control over the observation
setting by manipulating specific conditions while attempting to standardize the setting for all
participants.

One advantage of observational studies is their ecological validity; they occur in real-world
settings, offering insights into how cognitive processes function amidst natural environmental
changes. This method is relatively straightforward, requiring fewer resources and not
mandating formal participation from individuals. However, a drawback is the lack of
experimental control, making it challenging to isolate the causes behind different behaviours
or reactions. Observers collect data and infer relationships among observed behaviours but
cannot verify hypotheses directly.
Some psychologists view naturalistic observation as a tool to identify phenomena warranting
investigation with other research methods. Additionally, observers' biases and their
preconceived plans about what to record, whom to observe, how to record, and the duration
and frequency of observation can impact and potentially distort the findings. Thus, the
accuracy and relevance of observations depend on the observer's initial planning and potential
biases brought into the study.

Clinical interview

In clinical interviews, the investigator tries to channel the process where they begin by asking
each participant a series of open-ended questions. For instance, the interviewer might ask the
participant to think about a problem and describe their approaches to it. With the clinical
interview method, the interviewer follows up with another set of questions. Depending on the
participant’s responses, the interviewer may pursue one or another of many possible lines of
questioning, trying to follow each participant’s own thinking and experience while focusing
on specific issues or questions.

Experiments and Quasi-Experiments

Controlled experimental designs in psychology often take place in laboratory settings where
researchers exert control over various aspects of the study. Here, researchers manipulate
independent variables, elements under their regulation, while keeping other factors constant.
Dependent variables, on the other hand, represent outcome responses influenced by the
independent variables in the experiment.

For instance, in a memory study, participants might be divided into two groups randomly and
presented with identical stimuli, differing only in the instructions given to each group (the
independent variable). The experimenter then assesses participants' performance on a
memory test (the dependent variable). However, certain independent variables like gender,
ethnicity, age, or education level cannot be randomly assigned by the experimenter, leading to
quasi-experiments. While quasi-experiments share characteristics with experiments, they
involve these unassignable factors as independent variables (Campbell & Stanley, 1963).
Researchers value experiments and quasi-experiments as they allow isolation of causal
factors, offering stronger claims about causality compared to observational methods.
Nevertheless, experimental settings may impose constraints, such as artificiality or formality,
limiting participants from natural behaviour. Consequently, tasks suitable for experimental
study might not align with those significant or common in real-life experiences. This
discrepancy poses a risk of studying phenomena weakly connected to actual human
experiences. Thus, while experiments provide controlled environments, they may not fully
capture the complexities of real-world phenomena.

Psychobiological Research

Psychobiological research delves into the connection between cognitive performance and
cerebral events or structures, employing various techniques categorized into three main
groups. Postmortem studies analyze the brain of deceased individuals, linking their cognitive
functions before death to observable brain features. These insights have unveiled correlations
between specific brain lesions and distinct cognitive deficits, providing fundamental
understandings of brain-cognition relationships.

Advancements in technology now allow for in vivo examinations of individuals with known
cognitive impairments. By studying live subjects with cognitive deficits, researchers gain
valuable insights into normal cognitive functions and how they correlate with cerebral
damage. This approach significantly enhances comprehension of typical cognitive processes.

Moreover, psychobiological investigations involve studying normal cognitive functions

through animal models. Animals are utilized for neurosurgical procedures that are either
challenging, unethical, or impractical to perform on humans. For instance, studies observing
cortical neural activity or investigating how the brain responds to visual stimuli often involve
cats or monkeys. Through these experiments, researchers gain valuable insights into cerebral
activity and its relation to cognitive processes, offering a broader understanding of cognitive
functioning in both humans and animals.

Computer simulations and Artificial Intelligence

Digital computers have significantly shaped cognitive psychology through two primary
influences. Firstly, they've indirectly contributed by inspiring models of human cognition
based on how computers process information. Secondly, they've had a direct impact through
computer simulations and the realm of artificial intelligence.

In simulations, researchers program computers to replicate specific human functions or

processes, such as solving cognitive tasks or recognizing patterns. Some scientists have even
endeavored to construct comprehensive computer models representing the entire cognitive
architecture of the human mind. These ambitious models have triggered discussions about the
potential functioning of the human mind as a unified system. Occasionally, the line between
simulation and artificial intelligence becomes blurred, particularly in programs designed to
simulate human performance while optimizing functionality.

For example, consider a chess-playing computer program. One approach, the brute force
method, involves constructing an algorithm that evaluates an immense number of moves
within a brief period. While not mirroring human cognition, this approach can achieve
superlative chess-playing performance, potentially surpassing even the best human players.

Alternatively, simulation aims to emulate how chess grandmasters tackle chess problems.
Success for this approach involves the program making moves akin to those chosen by the
grandmasters. Some programs combine both approaches, generally simulating human
performance but resorting to brute force strategies when required to secure victories in
games.

CURRENT TRENDS IN COGNITIVE PSYCHOLOGY

Cognitive science

In the 1970s, scholars across diverse disciplines, including cognitive psychology, computer
science, philosophy, linguistics, neuroscience, and anthropology, recognized shared interests
in understanding the nature of the mind and cognition. This recognition led to the inception of
cognitive science—an interdisciplinary field aiming to unravel the intricacies of the mind.

Cognitive science delves into three core objectives: comprehending the representations and
processes underlying mental abilities, exploring their acquisition and developmental
pathways, and investigating their implementation in the brain or related biological systems.
Simply put, its primary aim is to unravel the workings of the human mind. Gardner (1985)
marked the birth of this field at a symposium on information theory in 1956, where several
pioneers gathered at MIT.

A fundamental assumption in cognitive science is the necessity to analyze cognition at the

level of representation. This signifies a focus on mental theories involving symbols, rules,
and images. Cognitive scientists prioritize studying information representations rather than
delving into brain cell functioning or historical and cultural influences.

Cognitive Neuropsychology

Cognitive neuropsychology employs neurocognitive techniques like MRI, PET, and EEG to
explore cognitive deficits in individuals with brain damage. Ellis and Young (1988) detailed
the case of P.H., a 19-year-old who suffered a severe head injury following a motorcycle
accident. Despite retaining normal language abilities, memory function, and an average IQ,
P.H. encountered a notable cognitive deficit—he could not recognize familiar faces.

Despite his ability to discern basic facial features and characteristics, P.H. couldn't identify
previously familiar individuals by their faces alone. This condition, known as prosopagnosia,
meant that while he could differentiate between genders, ages, and facial attributes, he
couldn't recognize people he had once known well. Even upon hearing their voices, P.H.
struggled to associate faces with familiar individuals. This case exemplifies the intricate
cognitive deficits resulting from specific brain injuries, showcasing the specialized focus of
cognitive neuropsychology on dissecting cognitive functioning post-brain damage.

REFERENCES

Galotti, K. M. (2008). Cognitive Psychology: History, Methods and Paradigms. Cognitive

Psychology.

Sternberg, R. J. (2012). Introduction to Cognitive Psychology. Cognitive Psychology.

N.C.E.R.T. (2007). Variations in Psychological Attributes. Psychology textbook for class XII.

N.C.E.R.T. (2007). Self and Personality. Psychology textbook for class XII.

Lachman, R., Lachman, J. L., & Butterfield, E. C. (2015). Science and Paradigms. Cognitive
psychology and information processing: An introduction. Psychology Press.
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in personality psychology, 1(2007), 224-239.

Krusenvik, L. (2016). Using case studies as a scientific method: Advantages and

disadvantage.