International Business Review xxx (xxxx) xxx

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International Business Review

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Cultural identity threats and identity work of skilled migrants in

multinational corporations
Jinju Xie, Vesa Peltokorpi *
Hiroshima University, Graduate School of Social Sciences, 1–1-89 Higashi-senda-machi, Naka-ku, Hiroshima 730–0053, Japan

A R T I C L E I N F O A B S T R A C T

Keywords: While skilled migrants (SMs) are increasingly valuable human resources in organizations, little is known about
Identity threat their cultural identity threats and work in multinational corporations (MNCs). This study draws on the identity
Identity work work perspective and interviews with 163 SMs to examine how and why SMs use identity work to cope with
Multinational corporation
encountered cultural identity threats and what types of SMs’ identity work can be identified in MNCs. Our
Skilled migrants
Japan
analysis shows that SMs respond to identity threats in the forms of cultural tightness, value conflict, and stig­
matization by protective identity work (i.e., differentiating, detaching, distancing, and rejecting) or adaptive
identity work (i.e., shifting, revising, extending, and suppressing).

1. Introduction neutral representations of differences, cultural identity work in foreign

The movement of skilled migrants (SMs) to developed countries has
risen more rapidly than other types of employees (OECD et al., 2019).
SMs refer to foreign-born and raised people who hold at least a bache­
lor’s degree or extensive experience and seek to work in foreign coun­
tries for an undefined period of time (Crowley-Henry & Al Ariss, 2018).
SMs can be distinguished from expatriates and other types of migrants
(see Appendix A). While SMs generally are more educated than the local
population (OECD et al., 2019) and their skills, knowledge, and abilities
can provide a competitive advantage to host countries (Zikic, 2015),
they tend to experience career-and work-related challenges (Risberg &
Romani, 2022) and identity threats created by conflicting cultural
values, attitudes, and expectations in local organizations (Webb &
Lahiri-Roy, 2019).
SMs can use identity work to cope with and react to cultural identity
threats (Ailon-Souday & Kunda, 2003) and to make sense of “who am I”
and how “should I act” in unfamiliar cultural settings (Yagi & Kleinberg,
2011). Identity work, triggered and intensified in challenging and
difficult situations, involves individuals creating, protecting, and
adjusting their perspectives of themselves and seeking social validation
for these perspectives (Kreiner et al., 2006). In multinational corpora­
tions (MNCs), national cultures and cultural differences among em­
ployees play an important role in identity work (Ailon-Souday & Kunda,
2003; Baikovich & Wasserman, 2020), providing revealing settings to
examine SMs’ identity conflicts and identity work. Instead of being
subsidiaries is shown to include social categorization and commonly
held stereotypes of “the self” and “the other” (Baikovich & Wasserman,
2020; Koveshnikov et al., 2016). While individuals tend to value and
have a need to protect their cultural identities (Gecas, 1982), research in
nonwork settings also suggests that migrants can adjust their identities
to align with the new cultural context (e.g., Alter & Kwan, 2009; Bag­
guley & Hussain, 2016; Jiménez, 2010; Vazquez Maggio & Frey, 2021).
This study, by addressing two research questions – (1) How and why
do SMs use identity work to cope with cultural identity threats in MNCs?
(2) What types of SMs’ identity work can be identified in MNCs? –
contributes to the literature in three ways. First, it draws on the identity
work perspective (Petriglieri, 2011) and interviews with 163 SMs in
local MNCs in Japan (Japan-based MNCs) to answer repeated calls for
research on SMs’ identity threats and identity work in MNCs (e.g., Hajro
et al., 2021; Zikic & Richardson, 2016). Despite MNCs employ more SMs
than local organizations, international business (IB) research has given
limited attention to SMs’ cultural identity threats and identity work in
MNCs (Hajro et al., 2021). IB research has focused primarily on labor
market entry barriers that SMs face in host countries (Harjo et al., 2021).
Because identity threats are detrimental to SMs and organizations in
terms of decreased performance (Steele, 1997) and self-esteem (Taylor
& Brown, 1988), and increased voluntary turnover (Trevor & Nyberg,
2008), more research on this area is warranted. The identity work
perspective (Petriglieri, 2011) taken in this study helps us to demon­
strate that SMs either protect or restructure their identities (e.g.,

* Corresponding author.
E-mail address: vesa@hiroshima-u.ac.jp (V. Peltokorpi).

https://doi.org/10.1016/j.ibusrev.2023.102246
Received 23 February 2023; Received in revised form 25 September 2023; Accepted 26 November 2023
0969-5931/© 2023 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.

Please cite this article as: Jinju Xie, Vesa Peltokorpi, International Business Review, https://doi.org/10.1016/j.ibusrev.2023.102246
J. Xie and V. Peltokorpi
Baikovich & Wasserman, 2020) and move beyond more frequently used
models of acculturation (e.g., Berry, 1980) and biculturalism (e.g.,
LaFromboise et al., 1993) in research on migrants.
Second, this study advances IB research by identifying identity work
approaches that SMs use to cope with cultural identity threats in local
MNCs. While prior studies also suggest that employees use identity work
to deal with identity threats in organizations (e.g., Baikovich & Was­
serman, 2020; Fernando & Patriotta, 2020; Koveshnikov et al., 2016),
they present identity work in more all-encompassing ways. Our analysis
shows that SMs cope with identity threats by using either protective
identity work (i.e., differentiating, detaching, distancing, and rejecting)
to protect their identity or adaptive identity work (i.e., shifting, revising,
extending, and suppressing) to assimilate into the local cultural context.
Moreover, our study demonstrates that protective and adaptive identity
work approaches involve how SMs make sense of cultural identities, the
meaning they associate with these identities, and the value they place on
them. By identifying factors that shape adaptive and protective identity
work approaches, this study also extends the framework of identity
protection and identity restructuring (Petriglieri, 2011) to SMs in MNCs.
Third, this study contributes to research on identity work by exam­
ining SMs in a non-Western, culturally homogeneous country – Japan.
Although cultural identity and identity work are influenced by the cul­
tural context (Roccas & Brewer, 2002), relatively little is known about
identity threats and identity work in culturally tight and homogeneous
countries. This is because the bulk of previous research has been con­
ducted in multicultural Western countries (Farashah et al., 2022; Vora
et al., 2019). Yet, in culturally tight and homogeneous countries such as
Japan, locals tend to make a stronger distinction between themselves
and foreigners (Gelfand et al., 2006; Peltokorpi & Zhang, 2020), and
migrants can thus face stronger pressures for cultural identity change
(Bourhis et al., 1997) than their counterparts in multicultural Western
countries.
2. Conceptual framework
Identities based on national cultural values can unite and divide
employees in MNCs (Baikovich & Wasserman, 2020; Koveshnikov et al.,
2016). Although a stream of research has examined differences in na­
tional cultural values (Hofstede, 1980; House et al., 2002), less attention
in IB research has been given to cultural identity threats and identity
work in MNCs (Hajro et al., 2021; Vora et al., 2019). Research on cul­
tural identity, drawing often on conceptual models of acculturation (e.
g., Berry, 1980) and biculturalism (e.g., LaFromboise et al., 1993), have
focused predominatedly on cultural identification modes – the degree to
which individuals identify with home and host country cultures.
Although beneficial, these models also have limitations in capturing
how and why individuals subjectively, behaviorally, and narratively
protect or construct their cultural identities when facing identity threats
(Brown, 2015, 2022; Petriglieri, 2011). In particular, the widespread use
of the acculturation model has limited research to predetermined
categories.
Furthermore, research suggests that employees use national cultural
values to derogate others and protect cultural identities in MNCs (Bai­
kovich & Wasserman, 2020; Koveshnikov et al., 2016; Storgaard et al.,
2020). For instance, an ethnographic study describes how local em­
ployees used national identity to construct resistant identities in foreign
subsidiaries (Baikovich & Wasserman, 2020). While individuals tend to
value and protect their identities (Petriglieri, 2011), they also adapt and
transform them through contextual interactions (Alter & Kwan, 2009;
Jiménez, 2010). Thus, instead of presenting identity work solely as a
protective struggle that creates a division between local and foreign
employees, we abductively use the transactional model of stress and
coping-based identity work perspective (Petriglieri, 2011) and in­
terviews to demonstrate how and why SMs protect, craft, and maintain
cultural identities when facing identity threats in local MNCs.
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2.1. Cultural identity threat
To understand identity threat, it is important first to define identity
(Petriglieri, 2011). Identity – subjective interpretation of “who I am” – is
based on an individual’s personal roles, attributes, characteristics, and
group membership (Ashforth & Mael, 1989). This suggests that identi­
ties are characterized by meanings that individuals ascribe to themselves
and ascribed to them by others (Ibarra & Barbulescu, 2010). Cultural
identity, in turn, refers to an individual’s interpretation of “who I am” as
a cultural being in relation to a set of beliefs, habits, knowledge, prac­
tices, norms, and values shared in a given population (Jameson, 2007).
Internalized cultural identity guides individuals’ views and behaviors
when salient (Gecas, 1982). Cultural identity is a dynamic construct
encompassing individuals’ attitudes and beliefs regarding cultural group
membership, and their ongoing identity development process (Anthias,
2013; Bielewska, 2021; Weber et al., 2021). While identities tend to
change over time, individuals also have a need to develop and sustain
their cultural identities to attain a sense of stability and consistency, and
to maintain a high level of self-esteem across different social contexts.
Individuals often highly value their identities (Petriglieri, 2011), and the
degree of identity consistency and stability is positively associated with
psychological health (Suh, 2002).
Identity threat occurs when individuals appraise experiences as
potentially harmful to the value, meanings, or enactment of their
identity (Petriglieri, 2011). Such threats often stem from intergroup
differences and individuals’ tendency to devalue outgroup members
(Tajfel & Turner, 1979). Therefore, individuals can face cultural identity
threats, resulting in anxiety and cognitive disturbance when moving to a
different cultural context and encountering devaluation of their cultural
identities (Salmonsson & Mella, 2013). These threats become apparent
and arise from intergroup interactions. While cultural differences do not
necessarily create identity threats, they can arise when individuals feel
that they are not able to sustain their original cultural identities in the
future. For example, previous research suggests that migrants feel the
pressure to construct new identities (Slay & Smith, 2011) and face
discrimination and ethnocultural stigma in various countries, including
Germany (Al Ariss et al., 2013), Japan (Oishi, 2012), and the USA
(Bhatt, 2013). Stigma refers to instances where an identity is discredited
or discounted, often due to societal norms or values (Goffman, 1963). In
culturally homogeneous countries, immigrants tend to experience more
identity threats than in culturally heterogeneous countries due to the
low acceptance and judgment of their original cultural identities (Ver­
kuyten, 2013). While not focusing on identity threats, a study suggests
that SMs in local organizations in Japan faced strong pressures to
assimilate with local practices regardless of their nationality or ethnicity
(Hoff & Tseng, 2020). This can make it difficult for SMs to enact and
verify their original cultural identities and challenges to protect their
original identities if they need to conform to the local cultural values and
norms.
2.2. Identity work
Due to a range of negative outcomes such as reduced self-esteem
(Taylor & Brown, 1988) individuals can use identity work to address
identity threats (Petriglieri, 2011). More specifically, individuals facing
identity threats can use identity work to (re)define “who they are” and
“how they should act” (Brown, 2022) to position themselves in more
positive terms with “others” who have different cultural backgrounds
and values (Ailon-Souday & Kunda, 2003; Vaara et al., 2003). Thus,
identity work sheds light on how individuals construct and cultivate
personal identities and values (Pratt et al., 2006). Identity work, influ­
enced by contextual factors, is intensified at stressful changes where
“strains, tensions, and surprises are prevalent” (Brown, 2015: 25). While
identity conflicts and threats can occur in all intercultural interactions,
national cultural differences play a key role in MNCs (Ailon-Souday &
Kunda, 2003). Rather than being objective representations of
J. Xie and V. Peltokorpi
differences, cultural conceptions in identity work can involve
stereotype-based “us” and “them” distinctions between locals and SMs in
organizations. For example, a study on SM accountants from Sri Lanka in
local firms in the UK demonstrates that sensemaking narratives in terms
of a cultural opposition between “us” and “them” helped SMs to develop
a more positive identity in the face of occupational downgrading (Fer­
nando & Patriotta, 2020). Another study in the UK suggests that
Romanian SMs sought to repair their stigmatized identities by devel­
oping more positive and coherent self-views (Doldor & Atewologun,
2021). Moreover, a study in foreign subsidiaries in Russia suggests that
when managers constructed identities of “the self” and “the others” in
intercultural encounters, they tended to use simplified stereotypical
ideas rooted in the cultural category membership of themselves and
others (Koveshnikov et al., 2016). The “us” and “them” division also
increased the salience of national identification and intercultural
confrontation in foreign subsidiaries in Japan (Baikovich & Wasserman,
2020).
Among the various theoretical frameworks in the identity work
perspective (Brown, 2022), the transactional model of stress and coping
(Lazarus & Folkman, 1984) can elucidate how SMs use identity work to
address identity threats. This model identifies cognitive appraisal and
coping as responses to stressful events. Individuals use the two stages of
cognitive appraisal to evaluate the potential impact of stressors.
Cognitive appraisal is the “process of categorizing an encounter, and its
various facets, with respect to its significance for well-being” (Lazarus &
Folkman, 1984: 31). In the primary appraisal, one evaluates whether he
or she has anything at stake in this encounter. If one determines that the
encounter is harmful, he or she engages in a secondary cognitive
appraisal in an attempt to change conditions regarded to be harmful.
The secondary appraisal entails the evaluation of an individual’s own
resources to cope with the stressor (Folkman et al., 1986), and coping
involves cognitive and behavioral efforts to master, reduce, or tolerate
the internal or external demands created by the stressful transaction
(Folkman, 1984). When facing stressful events, individuals can active
and/or passive (avoidant) coping approaches. Petriglieri (2011) referred
to this model to conceptualize that individuals facing identity threats
perform “identity-protection” responses that are directed toward the
source of the threat and involve no change in identity or “identity-r­
estructuring” responses that are directed toward changing the aspect of
the threatened identity. Despite its applicability, the transactional model
has received limited attention in research on identity work (Brown,
2022; Hajro et al., 2022). By elucidating how individuals interpret and
respond to stressful events, the transactional model-based identity work
perspective (Petriglieri, 2011) can also help to go beyond the works
focusing on protective identity work (e.g., Baikovich & Wasserman,
2020; Koveshnikov et al., 2016) to describe how and why SMs cope with
identity threats by using protective and adaptative identity work.
In addition to only protecting them, research in non-work settings
also suggests that migrants can exercise agency over their cultural
identities in a range of ways such as engaging actively with different
cultural groups, deepening their understanding of other cultures, and/or
aligning their behavioral styles more closely with the members of
different cultural group(s) (e.g., Alter & Kwan, 2009; Bagguley & Hus­
sain, 2016; Jiménez, 2010; Vazquez Maggio & Frey, 2021). While
potentially beneficial, conforming to expectations and pressures of
identity change may also involve downplaying and suppressing genuine
thoughts and feelings (Gino et al., 2015), which is shown to be associ­
ated with various aversive outcomes, including tensions (Harter, 2002)
and negative emotions (Lenton et al., 2013). When individuals perceive
their cultural identities as devaluated, unsupported, or ignored, they can
resort to self-distancing (Steele & Aronson, 1995) and resistance (Bai­
kovich & Wasserman, 2020) behaviors. Moreover, the ease of getting
accepted by locals is influenced by the cultural context (Burke & Stets,
2009). In homogeneous settings, SMs might not be accepted by locals,
even if they adopt local cultural identities and behaviors (Baas, 2021;
Oishi, 2012). In such cases, SMs can opt to protect their original cultural
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identities because attempts to change their identities to become inte­
grated are ineffective and these efforts are cognitively and emotionally
taxing for them. This suggests that situational characteristics can influ­
ence how SMs access and cope with identity threats in local MNCs.
3. Method
3.1. Research design and settings
This study adopts a qualitative approach to develop an in-depth
understanding of the relatively unexplored area (Edmondson & McMa­
nus, 2007). Given that context can influence the likelihood of SMs being
accepted by locals (Peltokorpi & Zhang, 2020) and identity work used
by SMs (Fernando & Patriotta, 2020), this study adopts an empirical
contextualization strategy (Ketokivi & Mantere, 2010) in which the
research context is considered of interest instead of a limitation. The
importance of context has also been emphasized in research on IB (e.g.,
Teagarden et al., 2018), culture (e.g., Sackmann & Phillips, 2004), and
migrants (e.g., Szkudlarek et al., 2021).
We conducted this study in Japan for three reasons. First, cultural
identity threats occur more often to migrants in ethnically and culturally
homogeneous countries (Verkuyten, 2013). In ethnically and culturally
homogeneous Japan, the proportion of foreigners is only 2% (Ministry of
Internal Affairs and Communications of Japan, 2020). In contrast to
more loose cultures like Canada, Japan is a tight culture with strong
norms, and low tolerance and sanctions for deviant behaviors (Gelfand
et al., 2006). Due to this cultural tightness and their minority status, SMs
in Japan can be pressured to assimilate into the local culture, increasing
identity threats. Second, locals in Japan tend to value cultural homo­
geneity, categorize foreigners as different “outgroup” members, and
have low acceptance and tolerance of cultural differences (Hoff & Tseng,
2020). In Japan, cultural homogeneity and the salience of foreigners as
outgroups (Peltokorpi & Zhang, 2020) might create challenges and
pressures for SMs to protect their cultural identities. SMs can simulta­
neously feel pressures to adopt local identities and to be regarded by
locals as outgroups in Japan. In some support, research suggests that
even when migrants seek to integrate into local culture, they are not
accepted by locals in Japan due to their sensitivity to cultural differences
(Baas, 2021). Third, this study moves research on identity work from
Western multicultural countries to Japan. SMs are increasingly impor­
tant in Japan, like many developed Western countries, due to their aging
population and the rising demand for foreign labor. Yet, despite some
changes in immigration laws (in 2018, a “specified skilled worker” visa
category was created to admit work-ready foreign workers who possess
certain expertize and techniques), Japan has been less successful in
attracting SMs than Western countries (Hoff & Tseng, 2020; Liu-Farrer
et al., 2023; Oishi, 2012).
3.2. Data collection
We collected data over two years through semi-structured interviews
with 163 SMs employed by local MNC operations in Japan. Using a
purposeful sampling approach (Patton, 1990), we contacted and inter­
viewed as many people as possible during this time period who fulfilled
the following SM-based criteria: people with foreign citizenship who
have moved from foreign countries to Japan, have at least a bachelor’s
degree, employed full-time by Japan-based MNCs, and intend to stay in
Japan. We obtained their contact details through an Internet search
(contacting SMs and posting interview requests on social network sites),
and snowballing (direct and intermediated contacts with SMs). Social
network sites and snowballing were effective ways to identify, contact,
and interview SMs because both authors have lived in Japan for many
years (first author, 6 years; second author, 15 years), and perhaps SMs
identified us as fellow migrants in Japan. We ensured full autonomy to
all informants.
The interviewed 163 SMs were from 28 countries such as China,
J. Xie and V. Peltokorpi
France, and the USA; 89 of them were male (74 female). In line with the
general pattern in Japan (Oishi, 2012), the Chinese were the largest
nationality in our sample. The age of the SMs ranged from the 20s to the
60s. Approximately 62% of them had worked in Japan for more than five
years; 89% of them were in the headquarters of local MNCs in Japan.
SMs worked in various occupations such as accounting and consulting
and ranged from staff to upper-level managers. All SMs had at least
bachelor’s degrees and were a minority (less than 5%) in all MNCs in
Japan (see Appendix B for more details). For confidentiality reasons, the
names of participants are replaced with interview numbers (#1-#163).
We conducted digitally recorded interviews (average length, one
hour) face-to-face and through online media. We started all interviews
with a collection of descriptive data about SMs and their employing
MNCs, continuing with open-ended questions related to their experi­
ences working for local MNCs in Japan. Our guiding questions were: (1)
What were the main reasons for you to work in Japan? (2) Please tell me
about your experiences working in Japan. (3) How it is to be an
employee in this MNC? (4) How do you think about yourself in this
MNC? (5) What are your future plans? We allowed SMs to choose the
topics that they were interested in to share their thoughts and encour­
aged them to explain their experiences in their preferred ways. Identity-
related issues were common in these discussions. We asked follow-up
questions and asked SMs to elaborate on these identity work-related
issues when possible. We conducted interviews in English, Japanese,
and Mandarin Chinese. The data were transcribed verbatim.
3.3. Data analysis
Our data analysis followed abductive logic, which is the middle
ground between deductive and inductive modes of reasoning (Van
Maanen et al., 2007). This abductive approach involves iteration be­
tween the data and the relevant literature and theory. We analyzed our
interviews through the process of data reduction, display, conclusion
drawing, and verification (Miles & Huberman, 1994).
We followed scholarly recommendations (Gillham, 2005) by first
coding our interviews into one broad category that covered SMs’ cul­
tural identity threats and identity work in order not to lose any valuable
information. Our analysis was guided by the definitions of identity
threat as “experiences appraised as indicating potential harm to the
value, meanings, or enactment of an identity” (Petriglieri, 2011: 645),
and identity work as the “active construction of identity in social con­
texts” (Pratt et al., 2006: 237). We then organized these codes into
identity threat and identity work. In our analysis, we considered the
cognitive and physical dimensions of identity work (Caza et al., 2018).
We checked and compared the cultural identity threat and identity
work dimensions to arrange them into first-order codes. We identified
and labeled the three most often mentioned first-order codes under the
identity threat dimension. The first code, “cultural tightness,” refers to
the strength of norms and degree of sanctioning of employees in local
MNCs. SMs explained that they were evaluated by local employees and
managers based on prevailing local standards, presenting threats to their
identities. Due to actual or perceived deviance from the prevailing local
norms, SMs explained local employees and managers lack trust in and
socially exclude them in local MNCs.
The second code, “value conflict,” refers to conflicts in work values
(which constitute cultural identities) between SMs and local employees.
Values play an important role in shaping an individual’s self-identities
and self-perceptions (Aquino & Reed, 2002). Value conflicts can
emerge in various situations, ranging from the endorsement of different
general cultural value systems to more domain-specific disagreement
about the most appropriate course of action in local MNCs. Our analysis
shows that SMs and local employees had differences and conflicts in
terms of work values such as the level of conformity to the majority,
hierarchies, and rigidity in work practices. While locals often valued
conformity, rigidity, and stability in work practices, SMs saw value in
flexibility and making changes.
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The third code, “stigmatization,” refers to the stigmatization expe­
rienced by SMs based on their foreign status (i.e., belonging to a
different, often devalued group) in local MNCs. SMs noted that locals
stereotyped SMs as being incapable of understanding Japanese practices
and culture, and willing to work as hard as locals. This stigmatization
had adverse effects on SMs’ self-esteem and posed threats to their per­
sonal and social identities, and their ability to express and act in line
with their original cultural identities.
In the identity work dimension, we identified and labeled eight first-
order themes that reflect how SMs construct their identities. By
comparing the differences and similarities among these themes, our
analysis shows two distinct identity work dimensions. One group of the
first-order codes shows that SMs seek to protect their cultural identity in
response to pressures for change. In contrast, another group of first-
order codes shows that SMs seek to reconstruct their cultural identity
to adapt to the local environment. Guided by the transactional model of
stress and coping (Lazarus & Folkman, 1984) in the identity work
domain (Petriglieri, 2011), we divided these codes into two aggregate
dimensions: “protective identity work” and “adaptive identity work”.
In the protective identity work dimension, we identified and cate­
gorized four codes: (1) “differentiating” which refers to SMs cognitively
separating themselves from locals by regarding and categorizing them­
selves as ‘foreigners’ or ‘outsiders,’ (2) “detaching” which refers to SMs
emotionally detaching themselves from locals often strongly embedded
and attached to local MNCs by positioning themselves as ‘temporary
stayers’ with low organizational attachment, (3) “distancing” which
refers to SMs’ efforts to distance themselves from identity threat by
socially keeping distance with locals in and out of work settings, and (4)
“rejecting” which refers to SMs’ sustaining the consistency of their
original identities by derogating and refraining to engaging in conflict­
ing local cultural practices. All these dimensions were used by SMs to
protect the value and enactment of their original identities from the
threats of changing them. While interrelated, these dimensions also had
noticeable differences. For example, the differentiating identity work
was primarily adopted by SMs from developed Western countries who
did not have similar SM ingroups in local MNCs. In contrast, the
distancing identity work was often used by SMs who had similar SM
identity groups in local MNCs. While the SMs using the detaching
approach protected their identities by regarding themselves as ‘tempo­
rary stayers,’ the SMs using the rejecting approach degraded and refused
to adopt conflicting identities.
In the adaptive identity work dimension, we identified and catego­
rized four codes: (1) “shifting” which refers to SMs changing and
regarding themselves like locals through accepting local cultural values
and practices to fit in, (2) “revising” which refers to SMs revising their
cultural identities by selectively changing parts of their cultural selves to
be more like locals to adapt to the local requirements while sustaining
some of their original parts of cultural selves, (3) “extending” which
refers SMs extending their original cultural identities by holding two sets
of cultural values and identities and thinking or doing things more
flexibly, and (4) “suppressing” which refers SMs adapting to local
requirement by suppressing their original cultural identity to shadow
cultural differences such as values, perspectives, and practices. While
interrelated, these dimensions also had noticeable differences. For
example, while SMs using the shifting approach sought to be like local
employees, SMs adopting the revising approach sought to keep their
core cultural values. All these dimensions were efforts that allowed SMs
to adapt to the local cultural context.
Furthermore, our identification and codification of the protective
and adaptive identity work dimensions provided evidence that SMs
seeking to build careers in local MNCs were more likely to use adaptive
identity work approaches. These SMs were often from less developed
countries. In contrast, SMs especially from developed Western countries
were more likely to use protective identity work approaches. Because
employment in local MNCs was not as important for them as for SMs
from emerging economies, they were less willing to adopt local
J. Xie and V. Peltokorpi
identities. Our analysis provides some evidence that adaptive identity
work approaches have negative effects, especially on SMs from less
developed countries. For example, an SM (#110) revealed: “If they [SMs]
are from developing countries, like Vietnam, they really get abused [in MNCs]
because they cannot return to their own countries due to lower salaries”
(#110).
Taken together, our analyses revealed four interrelated “length of the
stay”, “intention to stay”, “country of origin,” and “career orientation”
aspects in the protective and adaptive identity work dimensions. For
example, whereas SMs from more developed countries were more likely
to cope with identity threats by protective identity work and less willing
to stay in local MNCs and Japan, SMs from less developed countries were
more inclined to use adaptive identity work and more willing to stay
local MNCs in Japan. At the same time, these aspects did not uniformly
manifest across all identity work dimensions. Because there was
considerable variation among these aspects, we present them in
conjunction with our adaptive and protective identity work dimensions.
Finally, we found little variation in organizational settings and work
environments in local MNCs perhaps due to high cultural homogeneity
and tightness in Japan (Gelfand et al., 2006). In Japan, local companies
value homogeneity and even take “pride” in treating foreign employees
exactly the same as they treat Japanese employees (Hoff & Tseng, 2020;
Maki et al., 2015). Moreover, we did not observe professional identities
to intersect with cultural identities. In line with a study on SMs in Japan
(Hoff & Tseng, 2020), we neither observed intersectionality in terms of
gender and ethnicity perhaps because of gender-aligned positions and
tasks (Gottfried, 2003) and a salient distinction between locals and
foreigners in Japan (Peltokorpi & Zhang, 2020).
We assessed the trustworthiness of our findings by reflecting on how
we conducted our study and analyzed our data (Pratt et al., 2020).
Trustworthiness is based on authenticity, criticality, and plausibility
(Pratt, 2008). First, we suggest that SMs’ accounts are trustworthy
because they often treated us as peers with related experiences, and who
showed genuine interest in understanding their views and experiences.
Second, as recommended by Silverman (2000), we did not treat the
interviewees’ accounts as potentially ‘true’ versions of a fixed reality,
but rather as realities that reflected their shared constructions of the
social world. Third, we reflected on potential biases in our fieldwork and
data analysis. To mitigate possible biases, we adopted complementary
roles and work patterns during fieldwork and data analysis. During
fieldwork, we matched interviewers and interviewees in terms of
country of origin and geographic region. The first author was also closer
to the interview data. In contrast, the second author with more extensive
research experience evaluated and provided alternative views during
data analysis. We also had repeated meetings and discussions on the
meaning of the dataset, gradually constructing a joint interpretation of
the empirical evidence. Table 1 shows our coding concepts and inter­
view examples.
4. Findings
We first elaborate on our findings on identity threats faced by SMs in
terms of cultural tightness, cultural value conflicts, and stigmatization in
local MNCs. We then elaborate on how SMs adopted protective identity
work (i.e., separating, detaching, distancing, and rejecting) or adaptive
identity work (i.e., shifting, revising, extending, and suppressing) ap­
proaches to cope with these identity threats.
4.1. Identity threat
SMs experienced identity threats in terms of cultural tightness, cul­
tural value conflicts, and stigmatization. Cultural tightness created
identity threats to SMs in terms of local standard-based evaluations, low
trust, and exclusion of SMs having incongruent values and practices. The
identities of SMs also conflicted with locals in terms of work practices
and values. Further, SMs faced identity threats by being stigmatized by
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Table 1
Coding categories and interview examples.
Aggregate First-order Interview examples
dimension codes
Identity threat Cultural “I enjoy wearing various types of clothing that
tightness reflect personality but the Japanese cannot do
it. They follow the Japanese style – a white
shirt and black pants. If I don’t dress like
them, I am seen as abnormal. If I don’t dress
like them, they think that I am a foreigner,
treat me like a guest, and don’t trust me. In
their values, black pants and a white shirt
represent the norm, so not conforming to this
standard leads them to view me as someone
who disregards their rules” (#100).
“They don’t understand that foreigners have a
different way of thinking. Their idea is that
everybody should think the same way. That is
why we need first to explain to them that
foreigners don’t think the same way. For
example, if a foreigner takes a day off to
spend time with their children, it doesn’t
imply a lack of respect for their company. In
fact, if they are allowed to take a day off, they
will respect their company more. Yet,
Japanese people seldom request time off to be
with their children. So, why is he [foreigner]
requesting a day off? He doesn’t respect the
company. They never prioritize their
children” (#7).
Value conflict “The Japanese are like robots. When a
foreigner enters the system, they force him to
be like them. They force him to behave like
them” (#8).
“They impose strict rules that must be
adhered to without exception. Even if your
outcomes are correct, failure to comply with
these rules can result in being asked to redo
the task. I prioritize achieving the correct
results over following a rigid process. In this
respect, they lack flexibility and adhere too
rightly to rules. This influences my
motivation and makes me feel
uncomfortable” (#41).
Stigmatization “To be accepted, we have to be more
Japanese than the Japanese. For example, we
have to be more punctual than the Japanese”
(#90).
“They think that the Japanese are better at
doing their job, more serious, and more
devoted to their companies than anyone else
and that foreigners are not as hardworking
and committed. This perception, I believe,
arises from a misunderstanding of how people
behave and the differences in cultural
approaches to work. That is why the criteria
for being considered a good worker in Japan
differ from those in the USA. What an
American may view as being a good worker
may not align with the Japanese perspective
of a job well done. I think they [locals] fail to
acknowledge that their way is not the only
way and that there are alternative approaches
to doing things well and work” (#4).
Protective Differentiating “I think Japanese are Japanese and foreigners
identity work are foreigners. I don’t expect them to see me
as one of them because they will never see me
as one of them. I will always be a foreigner
and can never be regarded as Japanese by
them. I feel that I am a foreigner anyway, I
don’t need them to see me as the same
because they won’t see me as the same”
(#68).
“If I live in Japan as a foreigner, I can be
happy. That is to say, you should not try to fit
in. You are a foreigner. You have your
original values and feelings about society. If
(continued on next page)
J. Xie and V. Peltokorpi
Table 1 (continued )
Aggregate First-order Interview examples
dimension codes
you try to fit in, you won’t be so happy
because you have to eliminate your original
values, and you have to make them accept
you, which is difficult” (#82).
Detaching “I keep myself separated. I like to see myself
as a worker, not as a part of the company. I
have my ideas. My future plans are not related
to this company. So, I will work for a few
years for this company, make money, and
then I do my stuff. This is my approach”
(#116).
“It is not suitable for foreigners to work here
for a long time. The seniority system and
division of work are very detailed. We can’t
do things outside of the assigned task scale,
which hinders our personal growth. This
environment is not good for people who are
creative and ambitious. We seek more
challenges than stability” (#1).
Distancing “I don’t want to get on well with them or
make friends with them. Because I must leave
one day anyway, there is no need to spend
time cultivating deep relationships with
them. I can’t change their way of thinking,
especially their strict adherence to authority
and rules. Developing strong relationships
would require deeper conversations, but that
leads to misunderstandings and conflicts
because we cannot understand each other. I
think it is best to maintain the current friendly
surface-level interactions and focus on
performing my job as required” (#23).
“I stay in the Chinese circle. I don’t feel that I
belong here. As a foreigner, it’s difficult for
me to go into Japanese social circles because
there are too many explicit and explicit rules,
like following certain rules of greeting”
(#77).
Rejecting “You can live happily in Japan as a foreigner
without trying to integrate. Forcing myself to
become Japanese would make me miserable
because my values, ways of thinking, and
cultural background formed when I was a
child is different from theirs. For instance, I
dislike going out for drinks with coworkers
after work. In Japan, Japanese people are
taught to prioritize group harmony from a
young age. If invited, they go out for drinks. If
you don’t go, that means you don’t fit in their
group. While drinking, they often engage in
gossip about those who didn’t join them. I
can’t get used to that and find it to be a waste
of time. Japanese also experience great
pressure at work. As a foreigner, I don’t
believe it’s worth it. I have the freedom to go
home and find another job, so I don’t feel the
need to adhere to these norms” (#81).
“If I just say what they like to hear, I will be
under a lot of pressure. If I only say what they
like to hear, they won’t respond to my
requirements towards them [.] the
circumstances forced me to be careless. I
don’t think it’s a big deal. The situation can’t
get much worse” (#27).
Adaptive Shifting “I must see myself as a Japanese and accept
identity work their culture. If I think of myself as a
foreigner, I can’t be accepted as one of them. I
must gradually accept the Japanese way of
thinking and logic because I couldn’t proceed
with my job well if I don’t change my ways of
thinking to theirs” (#95).
“I have a long-term plan to stay here, and I
want to get used to the local culture and to fit
in […] I want to become a Japanese. I try to
absorb more about Japanese culture and get
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Table 1 (continued )
Aggregate First-order Interview examples
dimension codes
used to their ways of doing things at work. I
try to be more like them. I try my best to get
close to them, try to adapt and fit in” (#10).
Revising “I learn by living here. In the future, when I
return to my home country, I will be different,
incorporating a blend of Japanese and
American perspectives into my thinking. I
can’t revert to thinking solely like an
American. I have permanently multicultural
thinking into my mindset” (#96).
“I make compromises to some extent to avoid
being excluded and feeling discomfort. For
instance, when everyone else works overtime
for two hours, I will work one hour to show
that I am not so different” (#121).
Extending “Japanese are under great pressure at work.
As a foreigner, I don’t think it is worth doing
so. I can go home and find a job. I’ll take it
easy. As a foreigner, I have more freedom
because I have two sets of values” (#82).
“They are very slow due to their strict
adherence to all kinds of rules. This is a good
thing because it means that they obey the
rules and there will be fewer problems.
However, strict adherence to rules limits the
company’s ability to change [...] Japanese
employees are used to following step-by-step
rules at work, while foreign employees
perceive some of these steps as unnecessary. I
adopt a balanced approach by obeying to
rules that must be obeyed, while I refrain
from doing so in cases where it isn’t essential”
(#149).
Suppressing “I have a high tolerance level. I may feel some
psychological discomfort, but if my work goes
smoothly, I have less psychological burden. In
such cases, I accept the situation because I
can’t make rules by myself and expect others
to adjust to me. Because this is not realistic, I
try to change myself. Because I want to stay in
Japan for a long time, I must adapt and
understand their way of thinking. This allows
me to work more smoothly. If I plan to return
home after a few years, there is less need to
adapt. In that case, I just need to understand
their ideas and work in my own way. So, the
approach depends on the circumstances.
Because I want to stay here for a long time, I
need to adapt to the Japanese way of thinking
[...] I need to change myself and do the work
based on the Japanese way of thinking”
(#41).
“I must adapt because all the employees
around me are Japanese. I do my best to
follow their ways. For example, I will make a
detailed confirmation about each step in the
process. Because they pay my salary, I try to
align my ways with Japanese practices […]
Since I work in a Japanese company, I should
respect the Japanese corporate culture. My
priority is meeting their expectations and
requirements rather than imposing my own
ways of thinking” (#36).
locals based on their foreign status.
4.1.1. Cultural tightness.
SMs faced identity threats due to strong pressures to adopt local
values and practices in local MNCs. Given the cultural conformity and
minority status of SMs, there was low tolerance and acceptance for
divergent values and behaviors in local MNCs. In principle, all em­
ployees were expected to follow the same practices. An SM (#36)
explained: “I am the only foreigner in our company. Because they [locals]
J. Xie and V. Peltokorpi
have limited contact with foreigners and don’t know much about foreign
cultures, they evaluate me only based on Japanese cultural standards. They
measure me by the Japanese ruler, even though I am a foreigner”. The SMs
who did not adopt local identities and practices were socially isolated:
“They feel that I am weird if I don’t behave the same way. They think that I
am abnormal. If I don’t nod the way they do, they consider me a ’weirdo’ and
exclude me” and “If I am not like them, I will feel even more lonely and
excluded by them than now. I have to mimic them to be accepted” (#7). SMs
who did not follow local practices were also excluded from key tasks and
promotions: “The Japanese have difficulties accepting foreigners’ manage­
ment style. They can put them in the position to advise those [locals] who
make decisions but not in the important positions because of different ways of
thinking” (#15). Because of their minority status and cultural tightness,
SMs experienced identity threats by not being able to enact their original
cultural identities in local MNCs.
4.1.2. Value conflicts
SMs also faced identity threats stemming from value conflicts. These
conflicts emerged when SMs and locals disagreed and held different
convictions regarding what was appropriate in a given situation. In
particular, SMs had distinct values and convictions from locals in terms
of conformity, flexibility, and the need for change in work practices. For
example, incongruent perceptions of conformity acted as identity
threats and exerted pressure for identity change. An SM (#3) explained:
“They [locals] are so rigid, and that forces me to become a rigid person as
well. But that is not my true nature. I experience this conflict and don’t want
to stay here anymore. It is uncomfortable when I feel that I need to be like a
Japanese”. While locals often preferred strict adherence to rules and
processes at work, SMs valued flexibility in work practices. These dif­
ferences made it challenging for SMs to maintain and act upon their
original identities. SMs stated: “Their ways make me feel very tired at
work, not physically but mentally” (#35) and “while I care more about ef­
ficiency, they want only to follow rules […] that is why I don’t want to be like
them” (#107). While locals preferred stability, SMs also saw the value in
challenging the status quo. Because locals often regarded suggestions
given by SMs as locally incongruent, SMs had limited chances to enact
their cultural identities: “It is frustrating because I cannot change things.
When I try to change things, the answer [from locals] often comes back as, oh
that’s not how we do things here” (#21).
4.1.3. Stigmatization.
SMs also faced identity threats by being stigmatized by locals based
on their foreign status. The more SMs were perceived to be different
from locals, the less they were trusted by local employees and managers
to conduct their work tasks satisfactorily. In particular, locals did not
regard SMs as culturally competent employees. SMs reasoned: “Even
after several years, there are still situations where my colleagues say, ‘because
you are not a Japanese, you do not understand.’ There are very strong inside-
outside boundaries” (#20), and “for them [locals], because you are a
foreigner, you will always be the second […] foreigners, for them, are clumsy
and always make mistakes” (#2). Due to perceived or actual differences in
work practices and stereotypical images of foreigners in Japanese
media, SMs faced threats to their identities and ways to work: “They
think that we are lazy [...] maybe they got those stereotypes from TV and
movies” (#105), and “arguments that the Japanese work harder than for­
eigners are ridiculous, but I don’t have the energy […] I cannot quarrel with
them. I can only tolerate it. And that harms my mental health” (#1). This
stigmatization by locals made SMs reflect and, at times, adapt their
identities in local MNCs.
4.2. Protective identity work
To cope with identity threats, one type of SMs used protective
identity work to protect their identities. Specifically, our analysis shows
four distinct types of protective identity work: (1) differentiating, (2)
detaching, (3) distancing, and (4) rejecting. The ones using these
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identity work approaches were often from Western developed countries,
had a temporary perspective on their work and stay in Japan, and/or
had memberships in SM ingroups in local MNCs.
4.2.1. Differentiating
These SMs protected their identities by differentiating themselves
from locals. Placing a high value on their core values and regarding
themselves as foreigners who are fundamentally different from locals,
they reduced the damage of being discriminated against and their
identities and behaviors devaluated in local MNCs. These SMs, often
from other developed countries, reasoned that it was not worth wasting
time and energy to change themselves and were proud of their
foreignness. An SM (#18) reasoned: “I am now more confident of myself
because I know who I am. In Japan, my American identity becomes stronger
because I get totally irritated, feeling like I must fit in all the time. Being an
American, it feels annoying, stifling, and tiring to be always watched, always
must be the same. I will always be different anyway, so take pride in being
different. ” While some of these SMs expected never to become similar
and to be regarded as similar by locals, others emphasized their
foreignness even more after realizing the extent to which they would
need to deviate from their core identities to potentially be accepted in
Japan. SMs who adopted the differentiating approach believed that their
unique ideas and perspectives, distinct from those of the locals, held
value and could contribute to local MNCs. An SM (#153) said: “As a
foreigner, I have different ideas. It is not good if all employees are the same.
Because I am a foreigner, some of my ideas can make things easier, faster,
better, or more efficient” While locals seldom appreciated such contri­
butions, this approach allowed these SMs to maintain their self-esteem
and protect their core identities.
4.2.2. Detaching
These SMs protected their identities by regarding themselves as
‘temporary stayers’ in local MNCs and Japan. By adopting this approach,
they alleviated the harmful effects of negative judgments and evalua­
tions by locals in Japan. This temporal perspective of living and working
in Japan acted as an imaginary mental escape that helped these SMs to
value themselves and cope with the anxiety and stress stemming from
conflicting requirements and expectations in local MNCs. By detaching
themselves emotionally from and accepting being regarded as “guest
workers” by locals and having limited career opportunities in local
MNCs, they protected their cultural identities. An SM (#99) explained:
“When a weak person meets a strong group, he is more willing to fit in because
a strong group can give him a better future. But we are hardly willing to fit in
because China for us is the most promising place now. We regard Japan as a
springboard because we will eventually return back home”. SMs using the
detaching approach were able to avoid assimilation pressures and enact
their core cultural identities. An SM (#14) said: “Because I am not going to
work here for a lifetime, I don’t have to make myself unhappy. Adhering
completely to the Japanese way makes me unnatural and uncomfortable
because we have our own culture”.
4.2.3. Distancing
These SMs kept social distance from locals to protect their identities.
This was often possible by interacting in tightly-knit SM ingroups in
local MNCs. This approach was prevalent among Chinese SMs perhaps
because of their collective value orientations and higher presence in
local MNCs. Given that social interactions shape one’s sense of self
(Cerulo, 1997), contact with locals who hold different cultural values
can create identity threats and pressures for identity change. To interact
smoothly with locals, these SMs explained the necessity to suppress their
true selves and adopt local ways. To avoid identity conflicts, they often
had only surface-level relations with locals. An SM (#107) explained: “I
care more about efficiency. They care more about following rules. That is why
cultural conflicts happen and I don’t want to interact with them much. I found
that the negotiation took up a lot of time and created uncomfortable feelings.
That is why I don’t want to be one of them and interact with them. This affects
J. Xie and V. Peltokorpi
my integration in this company.” To reduce identity threats, these SMs
preferred to interact with their home-country counterparts to retain
their cultural identities and feel a sense of belonging. An SM (#133)
reasoned: “It is better to stay within the Chinese circle because I don’t want to
fit in. I have many Chinese friends, and we eat Chinese food. To fit in, I need
to change my eating habits to Japanese ones. I also need to learn Japanese
values and change my values because if I don’t change my values, I cannot
interact well with the Japanese”. Identity threats reinforced cohesion
within these tightly-knit SM ingroups, allowing SMs to protect and
sustain their identities.
4.2.4. Rejecting
These SMs rejected conflicting cultural practices and values to pro­
tect and sustain their identities. Because these SMs often from developed
countries had a short temporal orientation to employment and careers in
local MNCs, they were less concerned and harmed by negative evalua­
tions and stigmatization by locals. Rather than forcing themselves to
adopt local practices that would make them feel unnatural and un­
comfortable, they tended to derogate local conflicting local practices
and values and acted based on their core cultural frames. For instance,
these SMs avoided overwork even though it is a standard practice in
Japan. An SM (#91) stated: “They [locals] don’t understand the balance
between work and free time. They are wasting time [...] I refuse to work
overtime because it is not fair”. While this approach allowed SMs to pro­
tect their identities, it also intensified their categorization as outsiders
by the locals in MNCs. And the more they felt that locals perceived them
as outsiders, the less inclined they were to conform to local customs. An
SM (#54) explained: “It makes me go in the opposite direction. Sometimes I
want to fit in more, but a lot of times it makes me want to dye my hair or get a
piercing or a tattoo because I always get stared at anyway. No matter where I
go, I stand out as a foreigner, and it makes me more rebellious. If everyone is
staring at me anyway, I am going to do what I want”.
4.3. Adaptive identity work
Another type of SMs used adaptive identity work in their attempts to
reduce identity threats and to fit into local MNCs. Our analysis shows for
types of adaptive identity work: (1) shifting, (2) revising, (3) extending,
and (4) suppressing. The SMs adopting these identity work types were
often from less developed countries and had a long-term perspective on
working in local MNCs.
4.3.1. Shifting
These SMs emphasized the importance of behaving and thinking like
local employees to fit in. These SMs often from less developed countries
with the intention to stay in Japan sought to build careers in local MNCs.
To do so, they carefully observed the behaviors of locals and were sen­
sitive to the comments given by locals. Identifying themselves as locals
was one approach for them to accept local cultures and adapt their be­
haviors accordingly. They often stated that shifting their own identities
is an efficient way to survive and build careers in MNCs. An SM (#141)
noted: “I want to work here and I need to work with them. If I don’t like some
of their behaviors, I would be tired and isolated. I would feel uncomfortable. I
need to change my behaviors, personality, way of thinking, and attitude to fit
in. I need to change myself.” Because the SMs using this approach reac­
tively conformed to local requirements, they were less ready to share
their ideas with locals due to potential incongruence with the local
context. An SM (#15) explained: “I behave like the Japanese, conforming,
and not standing out. I am muddling along from day to day. It is okay for me
to adapt to the Japanese ways of thinking. It is relatively easy to muddle along
here. Instead, I will not be able to survive if I go back [...] it is more difficult to
muddle along there because the competition is fierce. There is a saying that
Japan is a place for uncompetitive people to make a living”.
4.3.2. Revising
In comparison to the SMs who seek to change their identities to be
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like locals (i.e., the shifting approach), these SMs selectively adapted
some of their cultural identities while sustaining others. Through
appreciation and reflection, they started to respect certain local values
but also wanted to keep their core values. An SM (#36) reasoned: “I
respect the local culture and change myself to be like the Japanese, but I also
want to retain aspects of my own culture. I don’t want to erase the capability
of being flexible. I don’t want to be as rigid as the Japanese.” In this way,
SMs sought to reduce incongruent cultural identities. At the same time,
some of these SMs also sought to maintain a balance between original
and host country cultures to reduce identity conflicts and behave in
more accepted ways in local MNCs. An SM (#150) explained: “I know
that 100% American style doesn’t work well in Japanese companies. So, I
want to have a good mixture. I think there is a balance that you need to have
[…] I think like an American because I am an American. At the same time, I
try to have respect and understanding for Japanese business culture and find
harmony and a balance between the two”. The SMs using the revising
approach preserved elements of their core identities in a way that
reduced internal and external conflicts. Their ideas and behaviors were
also more well-appreciated in local MNCs.
4.3.3. Extending
These SMs extended over time their cultural identities by adopting
local cultural values and perspectives. This enabled them to think and
behave in more flexible ways and develop more smooth relationships
with locals. Similar to chameleons changing their skin color to blend
with their environment, these SMs used situationally adaptive cultural
behaviors and perspectives, allowing them to decrease their anxiety and
frustration. An SM (#114) stated: “I have been here long enough to learn to
look at situations the Japanese way instead of just in the American way.
Many of my [SM] coworkers are a lot more frustrated and complaining a lot
more because they are only looking at it from their point of view. Being here
for 22 years, I can say, ok, but this is normal in the Japanese way of thinking
in the Japanese mindset”. These SMs have adopted local cultural values to
adjust to and survive better in local MNCs. When making suggestions,
they pointed out that it is better to be part of the local culture first: “I
cannot push the US style. I cannot be angry or use a loud voice. I need to be
respectful and kind of using the Japanese culture which I can do to make
changes from the inside. If I attack from the outside culture, there is too much
resistance. I need to be part of the shared culture and that only can make
small movements” (#69).
4.3.4. Suppressing
These SMs adapted to the local culture by suppressing their identi­
ties. In comparison to the ones adopting the shifting approach, these SMs
concealed their identities and altered their cultural perspectives and
behaviors to gain acceptance among locals. This approach was driven by
the fear that not conforming to local behaviors would make them stand
out and be treated as outgroups by locals. An SM (#95) explained: “I
should be one of them [locals] to learn things. I can first jump into their circle
and after I became one of them, I jump out of it. If I work with them with my
personality at first, I cannot get into their circle. It is irreversible [...] I don’t
want to abandon away my original identity. I just try to suppress it tempo­
rarily”. However, the prolonged suppression of their original identities
increased stress and anxiety for these SMs due to the conflict between
their inherent identities and the altered behaviors. They explained being
depressed and worried about losing their “true selves” over time. An SM
(#57) revealed: “They [locals] want me to be exactly like Japanese. I have
no choice but to do work according to their requirements. I have no choice but
to comply with their expectations for the sake of my job and to make a living.
They will be angry if I don’t do things in their way. I must change myself and
my way of doing things. Because I cannot change them, I need to change
myself. I must force myself to change”. In addition to causing identity
conflicts, these SMs were rarely regarded as similar coworkers by locals.
J. Xie and V. Peltokorpi
5. Discussion
This study drew on the identity work perspective and interviews with
163 SMs to examine how and why SMs use identity work to respond to
cultural identity threats and what types of SMs’ identity work exist in
MNCs. Our analysis shows that SMs reacted to identity threats (i.e.,
cultural tightness, value conflict, and stigmatization) by protective
identity work (i.e., differentiating, detaching, distancing, and rejecting)
or adaptive identity work (i.e., shifting, revising, extending, and sup­
pressing). Our findings also suggest that identity work approaches were
shaped by the length of stay, intention to stay, country of origin, and
career orientation of SMs (for an abductive research model, see Fig. 1).
5.1. Theoretical contributions
First, this study responded to the repeated calls for research on
identity threats and identity work by SMs in MNC settings (e.g., Hajro
et al., 2021; Zikic & Richardson, 2016) by examining SMs’ cultural
identity threats and identity work in local MNCs in Japan. Contributing
to research on cultural identity threats (e.g., Baikovich & Wasserman,
2020; Koveshnikov et al., 2016), this study identified three distinctive
identity threats – cultural tightness, value conflict, and stigmatization –
that SMs faced in local MNCs in Japan. Among these three threats,
cultural tightness, in particular, has received little attention perhaps due
to the focus in prior research on multicultural Western countries (Harjo
et al., 2021). In tight and homogeneous cultures, such as Japan, SMs are
more likely to experience identity conflicts due to shared behavioral
norms and expectations than SMs in Western multicultural countries.
Since little tolerance and acceptance were given to different ways in
local MNCs in Japan, SMs felt their identities to be under threat. This
study also suggests that cultural tightness was interrelated with two
other identity threats in terms of value conflict and stigmatization.
Together, they formed a tight web of expectations and norms for SMs in
local MNCs in Japan. Beyond portraying identity work as a mere
struggle that fosters division between SMs and local employees in MNCs
(e.g., Koveshnikov et al., 2016), our abductive approach also allowed us
to show that SMs respond to cultural identity threats through either
protective identity work or adaptive identity work. Further, this
approach empowered us to deviate from the commonly utilized models
Fig. 1. Identity threat and identity work.
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International Business Review xxx (xxxx) xxx
of acculturation (e.g., Berry, 1980) and biculturalism (e.g., LaFromboise
et al., 1993) often used in research.
Second, this study contributes to the literature by making a distinc­
tion between different identity work reactions that SMs use to cope with
identity threats in local MNCs. While previous studies acknowledge that
employees use identity work to resolve identity threats in organizations
(e.g., Fernando & Patriotta, 2020; Koveshnikov et al., 2016; Storgaard
et al., 2020), they tend to depict identity work in a more uniform
manner. Our analysis reveals that cultural identity threats, as a tight web
of norms and expectations, acted as catalysts for diverse identity work
approaches. Specifically, SMs used either protective identity work (i.e.,
differentiating, detaching, distancing, and rejecting) to protect their
cultural identities or adaptive identity work (i.e., shifting, revising,
extending, and suppressing) to adjust to the local context. For example,
SMs adopted behavioral (e.g., distancing) and cognitive (e.g., differen­
tiating) protective identity work to safeguard their original identities.
This study also enriches identity work research by suggesting that pro­
tective and adaptive identity work through cognitive appraisal involves
how SMs make sense of cultural identities, the meaning they associate
with these identities, and the value they place on them. By doing so, this
study complements and extends the framework of identity protection
and identity restructuring (Petriglieri, 2011) to SMs in MNCs. While
seldom used in identity work research (Brown, 2022; Caza et al., 2018),
this study also suggests the applicability of the transactional model
(Lazarus & Folkman, 1984) to understand how SMs make sense and
respond to identity threats by a range of protective and adaptive identity
work approaches.
In addition to distinguishing a set of protective and adaptive identity
work dimensions, our study also complements and extends social
categorization-based works on identity work in organizations (Brown,
2022; Caza et al., 2018). While present to some extent in all our identity
work dimensions, our analysis shows that protective identity work di­
mensions consisted more of “othering” (Baikovich & Wasserman, 2010)
and “mutual othering” including negative views of locals (Kay & Tre­
vena, 2021), as well as differentiation between “us” (SMs) and “them”
(locals) than adaptive identity work dimensions. By focusing on differ­
ences rather than similarities, SMs protected their identities. In partic­
ular, SMs used “mutual othering” to respond to identity threats and
social categorization by locals. Shifting the focus from local employees
J. Xie and V. Peltokorpi
and expatriates in foreign subsidiaries (e.g., Baikovich & Wasserman,
2010; Koveshnikov et al., 2016) to SMs in local MNCs, our study also
suggests that SMs used their cultural identity to justify their incongruent
behaviors. In contrast to research on identity work in local organizations
(e.g., Fernando & Patriotta, 2020) and foreign subsidiaries (e.g.,
Koveshnikov et al., 2016), our analysis also shows that a distinction
between “us” and “them” was not entirely negative – the SMs using the
adaptive identity work perceived the practices used and values held by
locals in a more positive light and consequently gravitated from their
original cultural identities toward local identities. The positive percep­
tions of SMs and negative evaluations by locals can thus create identity
threats that motivate SMs to adopt hybrid and local identities.
Moreover, this study advances research by offering novel insights
into the interrelated length of the stay, intention to stay, country of
origin, and career orientation aspects that shape the protective and
adaptive identity work dimensions. Because people create and recreate
their identities over time through interactions (Anthias, 2013; Bie­
lewska, 2021), our study provides evidence of time-related gravitation
from the suppressing to shifting, revising, and extending identity work.
At the same time, our study also suggests relative stability of protective
identity work dimensions. For instance, SMs who used the detaching
identity work approach protected their identities by having limited so­
cial interactions with locals. These findings resonate with a study sug­
gesting that organizational expatriates in China and Japan retained their
identities by making changes in their environment (e.g., firing locals)
and having limited interactions with locals (Peltokorpi & Zhang, 2020).
Furthermore, our findings suggest that intentions to stay in Japan acted
as a mental escape that allowed SMs to protect their identities. Instead of
actually leaving, contemplating leaving helped SMs to cope with iden­
tity threats and value themselves, their identities, and ways of working.
This resonates with a meta-analysis showing that most employees who
contemplate leaving (turnover intention) end up staying in their orga­
nizations (Griffeth et al., 2000). Moreover, our study provides evidence
that SMs from less developed countries tend to use adaptive identity
work approaches and have longer-term career orientations than SMs
from more developed countries. However, due to the notable variation
in our findings, we hope that these factors will be examined in Japan and
other host countries in future research.
Third, this study extends identity work research to a non-Western
highly culturally homogeneous country – Japan. To date, research in
this area has been conducted primarily in multicultural Western coun­
tries (Harjo et al., 2021; Vora et al., 2019). Our study conducted in
culturally tight and homogeneous Japan shows that SMs experience
strong pressures for cultural identity change in local MNCs. In a related
vein, prior research suggests that local companies in Japan are found to
aim for homogeneity and use ethnocentric human resource (HR) prac­
tices to retain only those foreign employees who fully adapt to the
distinctive Japanese system (Maki et al., 2015). Our study takes a step
further by suggesting that locals were not fully accepting SMs even if
they sought to adopt local identities to fit in. Such a situation can make
SMs who initially made efforts to fit in the local context adopt the
defensive identity work approach in local MNCs. Although protective
identity work allowed SMs to decrease cultural identity threats to a
certain degree, they were concerned about not being fully accepted by
locals and using their skills and competencies to a full extent in local
MNCs. The SMs using adaptive identity work experienced stress because
of low tolerance and acceptance of differences in Japan. These SMs often
found it challenging to express their authentic selves because they had to
subdue their original identities in alignment with local expectations.
This suggests that identity work is contingent on agency, power, and the
host country context.
5.2. Practical implications
This study has implications for practice. First, relevant parties (e.g.,
HR staff and local managers and employees) who work with SMs in local
10
International Business Review xxx (xxxx) xxx
organizations and MNCs are advised to understand that identity threats
tend to increase SMs’ psychological stress and have negative outcomes
in terms of decreased performance (Steele, 1997) and increased volun­
tary turnover (Trevor & Nyberg, 2008). While SMs can respond to
identity threats by using various identity work approaches, such ap­
proaches often reduce to only a certain extent the detrimental effects
negative effects of identity threats. To reduce identity threats and in­
crease awareness of cultural differences, local organizations can seek to
create a more inclusive environment for local and SM employees (Nishii,
2013). For example, cultural awareness and diversity training and
workshops can help local and SM employees have a better understand­
ing and acceptance of different ways to work. Despite the growing
number of SMs in Japan, local companies have not modified their HRM
practices to meet the needs of SMs (Hoff & Tseng, 2020).
Second, relevant parties in local organizations and MNCs are advised
to understand and recognize SMs can use protective identity work when
experiencing identity threats. SMs using protective identity work can be
regarded and also regard themselves more as “outsiders” and “guest
workers” rather than fully integrated members of local organizations.
Such perceptions can prevent them from leveraging their skills and ca­
pabilities to the fullest in local organizations. Local organizations can
also have challenges in retaining these SMs due to their low motivation
to develop long-term careers in local organizations. If local employees
became more aware and accepting of different cultural values and be­
haviors, this type of SMs could lose their defensive stance and be more
willing to develop long-term careers in local organizations.
Third, relevant parties in local organizations and MNCs are advised
to pay more attention to SMs who use adaptive identity work. This study
underscores that not all SMs opt for adaptive identity work willingly;
some of them were forced to change themselves fearing being excluded
by locals. This type of SMs can be understood to be well-adapted due to
their similar behavioral patterns to locals. However, they might expe­
rience stress and depression if they suppress their cultural identity and
continue being not their true self. This is particularly salient among
those who have long-term intentions to stay in local organizations. Local
employees are advised to tolerate and accept different values and ways
of doing things to help and support SMs to adjust better to local
organizations.
5.3. Limitations and suggestions for future research
This study also has limitations that are used to provide suggestions
for future research. First, our findings can be country-specific because it
was conducted in local MNCs in Japan. For instance, the highly homo­
geneous national culture might make country-specific effects on SMs’
identity threats and identity work strong in Japan. While we expect
similar findings to emerge in other culturally homogeneous East Asian
countries, including China (Peltokorpi & Zhang, 2020) and South Korea
(Ha & Jang, 2015), our findings can be less generalizable to culturally
diverse countries such as Australia. We thus call for research in other
countries to better understand the types of identity threats and identity
work in other countries.
Second, despite the process nature of the identity work, we con­
ducted interviews with SMs once. Previous research suggests that
identity work is a dynamic process (Brown & Phua, 2011). For example,
the SMs in our sample who used the defensive identity work explained
not to protect their original identity from the beginning. Some of them
initially made efforts to adapt but adopted the defensive identity work
after realizing that the adaptation efforts had not much effect. Future
research could focus more on SMs’ dynamic reactions to contextual
situations by using a longitudinal approach.
Third, this study focuses on the types of identity work and the con­
ditions why SMs chose these types of identity work. Because we inter­
viewed the migrants only once, we were not able to examine the
outcomes of the different identity work types. Conducting identity work
is not effortless but drains individuals’ cognitive and emotional
J. Xie and V. Peltokorpi International Business Review xxx (xxxx) xxx

resources. For example, some SMs using the adaptive identity work
explained to be mentally exhausted and depressed because the identity
suppressed their original identity. While our focus in this study was on
cultural identity threats and related identity work approaches, SMs can
hold multiple identities, and their effects can be considered in future
research.
I must change myself to see and do things in their [local] ways. I need to
abandon my thoughts to absorb new ones. This process is painful, like taking a
knife to dig out the rotten meat and letting it grow again (our interview with
a skilled migrant in Japan).
Acknowledgments

Data availability We would like to thank the senior editor, Tony Fang, and three
anonymous reviewers for their comments on study.
The data that has been used is confidential.

Appendix A. Distinguishing SMs from expatriates and other types of migrants

Unlike organizational expatriates (OEs) transferred by MNCs temporarily to host countries, SMs move to work and live abroad through their own
agency (Cerdin et al., 2014). The indefinite stay in host countries separates SMs from OEs and self-initiated expatriates (SIEs) who by definition return
to their home countries (Harjo et al., 2001). In comparison to OEs and SIEs, SMs are also described to have lower levels of agency (Hajro et al., 2019).
While SIEs are presented as the internationally mobile workforce from developed countries (Al Ariss & Crowley-Henry, 2013), SMs originate from
both developing and developed countries. While SMs can also described as middling migrants (a global middle class; Bielewska, 2021) SMs in our
study consist of top-level managers and professionals. SMs are different from transnational knowledge workers who have lived and worked in at least
three countries, including their country of origin, for at least a year, with a year implying residency rather than a visit (Colic-Peisker, 2010).

Appendix B. Study participants

ID Country/region Age Gender Years/ Japan ID Country/region Age Gender Years/ Japan

1 China 31–40 Male 11–15 83 India 31–40 Male 1–5

2 Philippines 21–30 Female 6–10 84 Philippines 21–30 Male 1–5
3 USA 21–30 Female 1–5 85 China 21–30 Male 6–10
4 USA 31–40 Female 11–15 86 China 21–30 Female 6–10
5 China 31–40 Female 11–15 87 India 31–40 Male 1–5
6 China 31–40 Male 16–20 88 Poland 21–30 Female 1–5
7 France 21–30 Male 1–5 89 Sri Lanka 21–30 Male 1–5
8 Pakistan 21–30 Male 1–5 90 Sri Lanka 21–30 Male 1–5
9 Indonesia 21–30 Male 6–10 91 Spain 31–40 Male 6–10
10 China 31–40 Male 6–10 92 China 31–40 Male 6–10
11 China 21–30 Male 11–15 93 China 21–30 Female 6–10
12 Cambodia 21–30 Female 1–5 94 USA 41–50 Male 1–5
13 Taiwan 51–55 Female 31–35 95 Vietnam 21–30 Male 1–5
14 China 31–40 Male 6–10 96 Indonesia 21–30 Female 1–5
15 China 31–40 Male 11–15 97 China 31–40 Male 11–15
16 Turkey 31–40 Male 1–5 98 UK 21–30 Male 1–5
17 China 31–40 Female 11–15 99 China 31–40 Female 16–20
18 USA 31–40 Female 6–10 100 Australia 31–40 Female 16–20
19 China 31–40 Male 16–20 101 China 31–40 Male 6–10
20 Indonesia 31–40 Male 6–10 102 Vietnam 21–30 Male 1–5
21 China 21–30 Female 6–10 103 Mexico 31–40 Male 11–15
22 China 41–50 Female 21–25 104 Hong Kong 21–30 Female 1–5
23 China 21–30 Female 6–10 105 China 21–30 Female 1–5
24 Nepal 31–40 Male 6–10 106 China 31–40 Male 11–15
25 Singapore 21–30 Male 1–5 107 Yemen 31–40 Male 1–5
26 Vietnam 21–30 Male 1–5 108 India 31–40 Male 1–5
27 China 41–50 Female 21–25 109 India 21–30 Male 1–5
28 Latvia 21–30 Female 1–5 110 India 21–30 Male 1–5
29 China 31–40 Female 11–15 111 Indonesia 21–30 Female 1–5
30 China 21–30 Male 1–5 112 Italy 31–40 Male 6–10
31 China 21–30 Female 1–5 113 China 31–40 Male 11–15
32 China 21–30 Female 6–10 114 USA 31–40 Male 21–25
33 Vietnam 21–30 Female 6–10 115 Nepal 31–40 Male 6–10
34 India 21–30 Female 1–5 116 USA 31–40 Male 6–10
35 China 31–40 Male 6–10 117 China 31–40 Female 16–20
36 China 21–30 Male 11–15 118 Indonesia 21–30 Female 1–5
37 China 31–40 Female 6–10 119 China 31–40 Male 11–15
38 China 31–40 Male 11–15 120 UK 41–50 Male 21–25
39 China 21–30 Male 6–10 121 USA 21–30 Male 1–5
40 Nepal 31–40 Male 6–10 122 USA 41–50 Male 1–5
41 China 21–30 Female 6–10 123 China 41–50 Female 26–30
42 China 31–40 Male 6–10 124 Vietnam 21–30 Male 1–5
43 India 31–40 Female 1–5 125 China 21–30 Male 1–5
44 China 21–30 Male 6–10 126 Philippines 31–40 Male 11–15
45 China 51–60 Male 26–30 127 Hong Kong 41–50 Male 11–15
46 China 31–40 Female 6–10 128 USA 31–40 Male 1–5
47 Nepal 31–40 Male 6–10 129 France 31–40 Female 1–5
(continued on next page)

11
J. Xie and V. Peltokorpi International Business Review xxx (xxxx) xxx

(continued )
ID Country/region Age Gender Years/ Japan ID Country/region Age Gender Years/ Japan

48 Nepal 31–40 Male 6–10 130 UK 31–40 Female 6–10

49 Taiwan 21–30 Female 1–5 131 China 31–40 Male 1–5
50 China 31–40 Male 6–10 132 China 21–30 Female 11–15
51 Indonesia 21–30 Female 11–15 133 China 31–40 Male 11–15
52 China 21–30 Female 6–10 134 Malaysia 31–40 Male 11–15
53 UK 31–40 Male 16–20 135 Germany 31–40 Male 6–10
54 USA 21–30 Female 6–10 136 China 31–40 Female 6–10
55 Spain 31–40 Female 11–15 137 France 21–30 Male 1–5
56 China 31–40 Female 11–15 138 Bangladesh 31–40 Male 1–5
57 India 31–40 Male 1–5 139 China 21–30 Male 6–10
58 Iran 31–40 Female 1–5 140 China 21–30 Male 6–10
59 China 21–30 Male 6–10 141 India 21–30 Female 6–10
60 Vietnam 21–30 Female 1–5 142 Cambodia 21–30 Male 1–5
61 China 21–30 Female 1–5 143 India 41–50 Female 11–15
62 France 51–60 Male 1–5 144 Indonesia 31–40 Male 11–15
63 Poland 31–40 Male 6–10 145 China 31–40 Male 11–15
64 UK 41–50 Male 16–20 146 China 31–40 Male 11–15
65 UK 31–40 Male 6–10 147 Tunisia 31–40 Male 6–10
66 China 31–40 Male 11–15 148 USA 31–40 Male 1–5
67 China 31–40 Female 6–10 149 Israel 31–40 Male 6–10
68 China 31–40 Female 16–20 150 Nepal 31–40 Male 6–10
69 USA 21–30 Male 6–10 151 India 31–40 Female 1–5
70 Italy 21–30 Female 1–5 152 China 31–40 Male 6–10
71 Singapore 31–40 Female 11–15 153 Philippines 31–40 Male 6–10
72 India 31–40 Male 1–5 154 China 31–40 Male 11–15
73 Mexico 21–30 Male 1–5 155 Vietnam 21–30 Male 1–5
74 China 31–40 Female 6–10 156 China 31–40 Female 11–15
75 China 21–30 Female 6–10 157 China 21–30 Female 11–15
76 Mongolia 21–30 Male 1–5 158 China 21–30 Female 1–5
77 China 21–30 Male 6–10 159 Australia 31–40 Male 1–5
78 Hong Kong 21–30 Female 1–5 160 China 31–40 Male 1–5
79 Brazil 31–40 Female 11–15 161 Romania 31–40 Male 1–5
80 China 31–40 Male 11–15 162 USA 31–40 Male 1–5
81 Taiwan 21–30 Female 6–10 163 China 31–40 Male 11–15
82 China 21–30 Female 6–10

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