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1
EDWARD GIBBON Efq: born the 8tMay 1737 .

Engraved byJn.Hallfrom an OriginalPictureplaintedby SirJoskin-Regnobiks.

London. Pablithidna the Act directs Feb 7191780 byW Strahan , T. Cadell .
A

THE

HISTORY

OF THE

DECLINE AND FALL

OF THE

ROMAN EMPIRE.

By EDWARD GIBBON, Efq;

VOLUME THE FIRST .

A NEW EDITION.

LONDON :

PRINTED FOR W. STRAHAN ; AND T. CADELL, IN THE STRAND .

MDCC LXXXII.

ACA
LIBE
PAT R
RI
 PREFACE.

T is not my intention to detain the reader by ex-

IT
patiating on the variety, or the importance of the

fubject, which I have undertaken to treat ; fince the

merit of the choice would ferve to render the weak-

neſs of the execution ſtill more apparent, and ſtill

leſs excufable. But as I have prefumed to lay before

the Public a first volume only of the Hiftory of the

Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire, it will per-

haps be expected that I fhould explain, in a few

words, the nature and limits of my general plan .

The memorable ſeries of revolutions , which, in

the courſe of about thirteen centuries , gradually un-

dermined , and at length deſtroyed , the ſolid fabric of

Roman greatneſs , may, with ſome propriety, be divided

into the three following periods .

I. The firſt of theſe periods may be traced from

the age of Trajan and the Antonines , when the Ro-

A 2 man
iv PREFACE.

man monarchy, having attained its full ftrength and

maturity, began to verge towards its decline ; and

will extend to the fubverfion of the Weſtern Empire ,

by the barbarians of Germany and Scythia, the rude

anceſtors of the moſt poliſhed nations of modern

Europe . This extraordinary revolution , which ſub-

jected Rome to the power of a Gothic conqueror,

was completed about the beginning of the fixth

century .

II. The fecond period of the Decline and Fall of

Rome, may be ſuppoſed to commence with the reign

of Juftinian, who by his laws, as well as by his vic-

tories, reſtored a tranſient ſplendour to the Eaftern

Empire. It will comprehend the invafion of Italy by

the Lombards ; the conqueft of the Afiatic and African

provinces by the Arabs, who embraced the religion

of Mahomet ; the revolt of the Roman people againſt

the feeble princes of Conftantinople ; and the eleva-

tion of Charlemagne, who, in the year eight hun-

dred , eſtabliſhed the ſecond, or German Empire of

the weft .

III. The

i
 V
PREFACE.

III. The laſt and longeſt of theſe periods includes

about fix centuries and a half ; from the revival of

the Weſtern Empire, till the taking of Conftantino-

ple by the Turks , and the extinction of a degenerate

race of princes , who continued to affume the titles

of Cæfar and Auguftus , after their dominions were

contracted to the limits of a ſingle city ; in which the

language, as well as manners , of the ancient Romans ,

had been long fince forgotten . The writer who

fhould undertake to relate the events of this period ,

would find himſelf obliged to enter into the general

hiſtory of the Cruſades , as far as they contributed to

the ruin of the Greek Empire ; and he would ſcarcely

be able to reſtrain his curiofity from making fome

inquiry into the ftate of the city of Rome, during

the darkneſs and confufion of the middle ages.

As I have ventured , perhaps too haftily, to commit

to the prefs, a work , which, in every fenfe of the

word , deferves the epithet of imperfect, I con-

fider myſelf as contracting an engagement to finiſh,

moſt probably in a fecond volume, the firft of theſe

4 memorable
vi PREFACE.

memorable periods ; and to deliver to the Public, the

complete hiſtory of the Decline and Fall of Rome,

from the age of the Antonines, to the fubverfion of

the Weſtern Empire. With regard to the ſubſequent

periods, though I may entertain fome hopes , I dare

not preſume to give any affurances . The execution

of the extenfive plan which I have deſcribed ,

would connect the ancient and modern hiftory of the

World ; but it would require many years of health,

of leifure, and of perfeverance .

BENTINCK-STREET ,
February 1 , 1776.

P. S. The entire Hiftory, which is now publiſhed ,

of the Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire in the

Weft, abundantly diſcharges my engagements with

the Public. Perhaps their favourable opinion may

encourage me to profecute a work, which, however

laborious it may ſeem , is the moſt agreeable occupation

of my leiſure hours.

BENTINCK-STREET,
March 1, 1781 .
 PREFACE. vii

An Author eaſily perſuades himſelf that the public

opinion is ftill favourable to his labours ; and I have

now embraced the ſerious refolution of proceeding to

the laſt period of my original deſign , and of the

> Roman Empire, the taking of Conftantinople by the

Turks , in the year one thouſand four hundred and

fifty-three. The moſt patient Reader, who computes

that three ponderous volumes have been already em-

ployed on the events of four centuries , may, perhaps ,

be alarmed at the long profpect . of nine hundred

years. But it is not my intention to expatiate with

the fame minuteneſs on the whole ſeries of the Byzan-

tine hiſtory. At our entrance into this period , the

reign of Juſtinian , and the conquefts of the Mahome-

tans , will deſerve and detain our attention , and the

laft age of Conftantinople (the Crufades and the

Turks) is connected with the revolutions of Modern

Europe . From the feventh to the eleventh century,

the obfcure interval will be fupplied by a conciſe

narrative of ſuch facts , as may ftill appear either.

intereſting or important .

BENTINCK-STREET,.
March 1 , 1782..
 ADVERTISEMENT...

ILIGENCE and accuracy are the only merits which an

D' hiftorical writer may aſcribe to himself, if any there indeed

can be affumed from the performance of an indifpenfable duty. I

may therefore be allowed to fay, that I have carefully examined

all the original materials that could illuftrate the fubject which
I had undertaken to treat. Should I ever complete the extenſive

defign which has been ſketched out in the Preface, I might perhaps

conclude it with a critical account of the authors confulted during

the progreſs of the whole work ; and however ſuch an attempt

might incur the cenfure of oftentation, I am perfuaded, that it would
be fufceptible of entertainment as well as information.

At preſent I ſhall content myſelf with a ſingle obſervation. The

Biographers, who, under the reigns of Diocletian and Conftantine,

compofed, or rather compiled, the lives of the Emperors, from

Hadrian to the fons of Carus, are ufually mentioned under the

names of Ælius Spartianus, Julius Capitolinus, Ælius Lampridius,

Vulcatius Gallicanus, Trebellius Pollio, and Flavius Vopifcus.

But there is fo much perplexity in the titles of the MSS.; and fo

ſo

many diſputes have ariſen among the critics (fee Fabricius, Biblioth .
Latin. 1. iii. c. 6. ) concerning their number, their names, and their

respective property, that for the moſt part I have quoted them with-

out diftinction, under the general and well- known title of the

Auguftan Hiftory.
 TABLE OF CONTENTS

OF THE

FIRST VOLUM E.

CHAP. I. A. D. Page
Auxiliaries 18
The Extent and Military Force of the Em- Artillery 19
Encampment ib.
pire, in the Age of the Antonines.
March 20
A. D. Page
Number and Difpofition of the Legions. ib.
NTRODUCTION 22
Navy
IN
Moderation of Auguftus 2 Amount of the whole Eſtabliſhment 23
Imitated by his Succeffors 3 View of the Provinces of the Roman Em-
Conqueft of Britain was the firft Excep- pire ib.
tion to it Spain ib.
Conqueft of Dacia, the fecond Excep- Gaul 24
tion to it 6 Britain 25
Conquefts of Trajan in the Eaft 7 Italy ib.
Refigned by his Succeffor Adrian 8 The Danube and Illyrian Frontier 26
Contraft of Hadrian and Antoninus Pius
9 Rhætia 27
Pacific Syftem of Hadrian and the two Noricum and Pannonia ib.
Antonines 10 Dalmatia 28
Defenfive Wars of Marcus Antoninus ib. Mæfia and Dacia ib.
Military Eftablishment ofthe Roman Em- Thrace, Macedonia, and Greece ib.
perors II Afia Minor 29
Difcipline 12 Syria, Phoenicia , and Paleftine 30
Exerciſes 13 Egypt 31
The Legions under the Emperors 15 Africa ib.
Arms ib. The Mediterranean , with its Iſlands32
Cavalry 17 General Idea of the Roman Empire 33
VOL . I. a СНАР .
 CONTENT S

СНАР. II. A. D. Page

Introduction of Fruits, &c. 63
Of the Union and internal Proſperity of the The Vine 64
Roman Empire in the Age of the Anto- The Olive ib.
nines. Artificial Grafs ib.
A. D. General Plenty 65
Page
Arts of Luxury ib.
Principles of Government 3.4
Univerfal Spirit of Toleration. ib. Foreign Trade 66
Of the People Gold and Silver 67
35
Of Philofophers General Felicity 68
36
Decline of Courage 69
Of the Magiftrates 38
In the Provinces of Genius ib.
ib.
At Rome 39 Degeneracy 70
Freedom of Rome 40 CHA P. III.
Italy 4I
The Provinces 42" Of the Conftitution of the Roman Empire,
Colonies , and Municipal Towns 43 in the Age of the Antonines.
Divifion of the Latin and the Greek Pro-
A. D. Page
vinces ·
45 Idea of a Monarchy
General Uſe of both the Greek and Latin 72
Situation of Auguſtus ib .
Languages 47 He reforms the Senate
Slaves 73
48
Their Treatment ib. Refigns his ufurped Power 74
Enfranchifement Is prevailed upon to reſume it under the
49
Numbers - Title of Emperor, or General ib.
50
Power of the Roman Generals
Populouſneſs of the Roman Empire 51 75
Lieutenants of the Emperor
Obedience and Union 5-2 77
Divifion of the Provinces between the
Roman Monuments 53
Many of them erected at private Expence ib. Emperor and the Senate ib.
Example of Herodes Atticus The former preferves his military Com-
54
His Reputation mand, and Guards , in Rome itſelf 78
55
Moft ofthe Roman Monuments for public Confular and Tribunitian Powers ib .
Ufe 56 Imperial Prerogatives. Fo
Temples, Theatres, Aqueducts 57 The Magiftrates 81
Number and Greatnefs of the Cities of the The Senate 82
Empire 58 General Idea of the Imperial Syftem 83
In Italy ib. Court of the Emperors ib.
Gaul and Spain 59 Deification 84
Africa ib. Titles of Auguftus and Cæfar 85
888

Afia 60 Character and Policy of Auguftus 86

Roman Roads 61 Image of Liberty for the People 87
Pofts 62 Attempts of the Senate after the Death of
Navigation ib.
Caligula ib.
Improvement of Agriculture in the Weft- Image of Government for the Armies 88
ern Countries of the Empire ·
63 Their Obedience
89
Defignation
 CONTENTS.

A. D. Page
A. D. Page
89 His Ignorance and low Sports 113
Defignation of a Succeffor
Of Tiberius 90 g
Huntin ofwild Beafts 114
Of Titus ib. Commodus difplays his Skill in the Am-
phitheatre 115
The Race of the Cæfars, and Flavian Fa-
Acts as a Gladiator 116
mily ib.
His Infamy and Extravagance 117
96 Adoption and Character of Trajan 91
Confpiracy of his Domeſtics ib.
117 Of Hadrian 92
192 Death of Commodus 118
Adoption of the Elder and Younger Verus ib.
Choice of Pertinax for Emperor ib.
138-180. Adoption of the two Antonines. 93
Character and Reign of Pius He is acknowledged by the Prætorian
94
of Marcus ib. Guards 119
193 And by the Senate 120
Happineſs of the Romans 96
ib. The Memory of Commodus declared in-
Its precarious Nature ib.
famous
Memory of Tiberius, Caligula, Nero,
and Domitian Legal Jurifdiction of the Senate over the
97
121
Peculiar Mifery of the Romans under their Emperors
Virtues of Pertinax ib.
Tyrants ib.
He endeavours to reform the State 122
Infenfibility of the Orientals 98
ib.
Knowledge and free Spirit of the Romans 99 His Regulations
His Popularity 124
Extent of their Empire left them no Place
Difcontent of the Prætorians ib.
of Refuge 1.00
ib.
A Confpiracy prevented
CHA P. IV. 193 Murder of Pertinax by the Prætorians 125

The Cruelty, Follies, and Murder of Com-

CHA P. V.
modus.- Election of Pertinax. - His At-
Public Sale of the Empire to Didius Juli-
tempts to reform the State. -His Affaffi .
anus by the Prætorian Guards. -Clodius
nation by the Prætorian Guards.
Albinus in Britain, Pefcennius Niger in
A. D. Page
Indulgence of Marcus 102 Syria, and Septimius Severus in Pannonia,
To his Wife Fauftina ib. declare against the Murderers of Perti-
To his Son Commodus 103 nax .-Civil Wars and Victory of Severus
180 Acceffion of the Emperor Commodus 104
over his three Rivals.-Relaxation of
Character of Commodus ib.
His Return to Rome Difcipline.-New Maxims of Govern-
105
183 Is wounded by an Affaffin 106 ment.
Hatred and Cruelty of Commodus to- A. D. Page
wards the Senate 107 Proportion of the military Force to the
The Quintilian Brothers. ib. Number of the People 127
186 The Miniſter Perennis 108 The Inftitution of the Prætorian Guards 128
Revolt of Maternus 109 Their Camp, Strength , and Confidence ib.
The Minifter Cleander 110 Their fpecious Claims 129
His Avarice and Cruelty ib. They offer the Empire to Sale 130
189 Sedition and Death of Cleander 111 193 It is purchaſed by Julian 131
Julian is acknowledged by the Senate ib.
Diffolute Pleafures of Commodus 113
a 2 Takes
 CONTENT S.

A. D. Page
verus.--Licentioufnefs of the Army.-
Takes Poffeffion of the Palace
132
The public Diſcontent General State of the Roman Finances.
ib .
The Armies of Britain, Syria, and Pan- A. D.
Paga
Greatnefs and Difcontent of Severus
nonia, declare againſt Julian 133 155
Clodius Albinus in Britain His Wife the Empress Julia
ib. ib.
Pefcennius Niger in Syria Their two Sons, Caracalla and Geta
135 156
Pannonia and Dalmatia Their mutual Averfion to each other
136 Em 157
193 Septimius Severus declared Emperor by Three perors
ib.
the Pannonian Legions 208 The Caledonian War ib .
137
Marches into Italy Fingal and his Heroes
138 Contraft of the Caledonians and the Ro- 158
Advances towards Rome ib.
Diftrefs of Julian mans
· 139 · 159
His uncertain Conduct Ambition of Caracalla
ib. ib.
Is deferted by the Prætorians 211 Death of Severus, and Acceffion of his two
140
Is condemned and executed by Order of Sons
160
the Senate Jealouſy and Hatred of the two Emperors
141 Fruitless Negociation for dividing the ib..
Difgrace of the Prætorian Guards ib.
Funeral and Apotheofis of Pertinax Empire between them
142 161
212 Murder of Geta
193-197. Succeſs of Severus againſt Niger 162
and against Albinus Remorse and Cruelty of Caracalla
ib. Death of Papinian 163
Conduct of the two civil Wars
143 213 His Tyranny extended over the whole 165
Arts of Severus
ib.
Towards Niger Empire
ib. Relaxation of Difcipline 166
Towards Albinus
144 217 Murder of Caracal la 167
Event of the civil Wars
145 Imitation of Alexander 168
Decided by one or two Battles
146 Election and Character of Macrinus 169
Siege of Byzantium ib.
147 Difcontent of the Senate
Deaths of Niger and Albinus 170
148 Difcontent of the Army
Cruel Confequences of the civil Wars
Animofity of Severus against the Senate ib.
ib. Macrinus attempts a Reformation of the 171
The Wifdom and Juftice of his Govern-. Army
Death of the Empress Julia 172.
ment ·
19 Edu cat ion , Pret enfi ons , and Rev olt of 173
General Peace and Profperity
Relaxation of military Diſcipline 150 Elagabalus, called at firft Bafianus and
ib. Antoninus
New Eftablishment of the Prætorian
218 Defeat and Death of Macrinus- ib.
Guards
151 Elagabalus writes to the Senate 174
The Office of Prætorian Præfe& t
175
The Senate oppreffed by mili tary De- 152 219 Pict ure of Elagabalus
Sup erftition 176
Spotifm His
153 177
New Maxims ofthe Imperial Prerogative ib. His profligate and effeminate Luxury
Contempt of Decency, which diftinguiſh- 178
CHAP. VI. ed the Roman Tyrants
Difcontents of the Army 180
The Death of Severus. - Tyranny of Cara- 221 Alexander Severus declared Cæfar ib.
ib.
Sedition of the Guards, and Murder of
calla.- Ufurpation of Macrinus -Follies 222
Elagabalus
of Elagabalus. - Virtues of Alexander Se- 181
Acceffion of Alexander Severus
182
Power
 CONTENTS.

A. D. Page and of the three Gordians.- Ufurpation

Power of his Mother Mamxa 182
His wife and moderate Adminiftration 184 and fecular Games of Philip.
Education and virtuous Temper of Alex- , A. D. Page
ander ib. The apparent Ridicule and folid Advan-
Journal of his ordinary Life 185 tages of hereditary Succeffion 204
Want of it in the Roman Empire pro-
222-235 . General Happineſs of the Roman
World 185 ductive of the greateſt Calamities 205
Alexander refufes the Name of Antoninus 187 Birth and Fortunes of Maximin 206

He attempts to reform the Army ib. His military Service and Honours 207
Seditions of the Prætorian Guards, and 235 Confpiracy of Maximin 208.
Murder of Ulpian Murder of Alexander Severus ib.
188
Danger of Dion Caffius 189 Tyranny of Maximin 209
Tumults of the Legions Oppreffion ofthe Provinces 211
190
Firmness of the Emperor ib. 237 Revolt in Africa 212
Defects of his Reign and Character Character and Elevation of the two Gor-
191
Digreffion on the Finances of the Empire 192 dians 213
Establishment of the Tribute on Roman They folicit the Confirmation of their
Citizens 193 Authority 215
Abolition of the Tribute The Senate ratifies their Election of the
194 Gordians
Tributes of the Provinces ib. ib.
Of Afia and Egypt Declares Maximin a public Enemy 217
ib.
Of Gaul, Africa , and Spain Affumes the Command of Rome and Italy ib.
19;
Of the Ifle of Gyanis Prepares for a civil War ib.
i 196
Amount of the Revenue ib. 237 Defeat and Death of the two Gordians 218
Election of Maximus and Balbinus by the
Taxes on Roman Citizens inftituted by
Senate
Augutus ib. 219
Their Characters 220
I. The Cuftoms 197
II. The Excife Tumult at Rome. The Younger Gor-
198
dian is declared Cæfar 221
III. Tax on Legacies and Inheritances ib.
Suited to the Laws and Manners Maximin prepares to attack the Senate,
199
Regulations of the Emperors and their Emperors ib.
200
Edict of Carac alla 238 Marches into Italy 223
201
The Freedom of the City given to all the Siege of Aquileia ib.
Conduct of Maximus 224
Provincials, for the Purpofe of Tax-
ation ib. 238 Murder of Maximin and his Son 225
His Portrait 226
Temporary Reduction of the Tri-
bute Joy of the Roman World ib .
202 Sedition at Rome
Confequences of the univerfal Freedom of 227
Diſcontent of the Prætorian Guards 228
1 Rome ib.
238 Maffacre of Maximus and Balbinus 229
CHAP. VII. The third Gordian remains fole Emperor 230
The Elevation and Tyranny of Maximin.- Innocence and Virtues of Gordian ib.
Rebellion in Africa and Italy, under the 240 Adminiſtration of Mifitheus 231
242 The Perfian War ib .
Authority of the Senate. - CivilWars and
243 The Arts of Philip 232
Seditions.-Violent Deaths of Maximin
244 Murder of Gordian ib.
and bis Son, of Maximus and Balbinus, Form of a military Republic 233
Reign
 CONTENTS
.

A, D.
Page A. D. Page
Reign of Philip Origin of the Germans
234 263
248 Secular Games ib. Fables and Conjectures ib.
Decline of the Roman Empire
235 The Germans ignorant of Letters
265
of Arts and Agri-
CHAP . VIII . culture 266
of the Ufe of
Of the State of Perfia after the Restoration Metals
267
Their Indolence
of the Monarchy by Artaxerxes. 268
Their Tafte for ftrong Liquors
A. D. 269
Page State of Population
The Barbarians of the Eaft and of the 27.0
North German Freedom
27.1
237 Affemblies of the People
1 Revolutions of Afia 272
ib. Authority of the Princes and Magistrates 274
+ The Perfian Monarchy restored by Arta-
xerxes More abfolute over the Property , than
238 over the Perfons of the Germans
Reformation of the Magian Religion ib.
240 Voluntary Engagements
Perfian Theology , two Principles 275
241 German Chastity
Religious Worſhip 276
242 Its probable Caufes
Ceremonies and moral Precepts 277
243 Religion
Encouragement of Agriculture 278
244 Its Effects in Peace
Power of the Magi • 245 279
in War 280
Spirit of Perfecution
246 The Bards 281
Establishment of the royal Authority in
; Caufes which checked the Progress of the
the Provinces
247 Germans
Extent and Population of Perſia ib.
248 Want of Arms
Recapitulation of the War between the 282
Parthian and Roman Empire of Diſcipline
249 283
'Civil Diffentions of Germany
165 Cities of Seleucia and Cteſiphon 284
250 Fomented by the Policy of Rome
216 Conquest of Ofrhoene by the Romans • Tranfien Unio again 285
251 t n ſt Marcus Anto-
230 Artaxerxes claims the Provinces of Afia,
ninus --
and declares War againſt the Romans 286
252 Diſtinction of the German Tribe
233 Pretended Victory of Alexander Severus ib.
253 Numbers
More probable Account of the. War 8237
254
240 Character and Maxims of Artaxerxes
256 СНАР . Х.
Military Power of the Perfians ib.
Their Infantry contemptible The Emperors Decius, Gallus, Emilianus,
257 Valerian , and Gallienus . -The general
Their Cavalry excellent ib.
Irruption of the Barbarians. -The thirty
CHAP. IX. Tyrants.
A. D. Page
The State of Germany till the Invasion of
248-268 . The Nature of the Subject 289
the Barbarians, in the Time of the Em- The Emperor Philip ib.
peror Decius. 249 Services, Revolt , Victory, and Reign of
A. D. the Emperor Decius
Page 290
Extent of Germany 250 He marches againſt the Goths
260 291
Climate Origin of the Goths from Scandinavia ib.
ib. Religion of the Goths.
Its Effects on the Natives 293
262 Inftitutions and Death of Odin
ib.
Agreeable,
 CONTENTS.

A. D. Page A. D. Page
Agreeable, but uncertain, Hypothefis They plunder the Cities of Bythinia 320
concerning Odin- 294, Retreat of the Goths 321
Emigration ofthe Goths from Scandinavia Third naval Expedition of the Goths ib.
into Pruffia ib.
They pafs the Bofphorus and the Hel-
from Pruffia to the Ukraine 295 leſpont 322
The Gothic Nation increaſes in its March 296
Ravage Greece, and threaten Italy. 323
Diftinction of the Germans and Sarmatians 2,7 Their Divifions and Retreat ib.
Defcription of the Ukraine 298 Ruin of the Temple of Ephefus 324
The Goths invade the Roman Provinces ib. Conduct of the Goths at Athens 325
20 Various Events of the Gothic War 299. Conqueft of Armenia by the Perfians. 326
z31 Decius revives the Office of Cenfor in the Valerian marches into the Eaſt 327
Perfon of Valerius 301 260 Is defeated and taken Priſoner by Sapor
The Defign impracticable, and without King of Perfia ib.
Effect
302 Sapor overruns Syria, Cilicia, and Cap-
Defeat and Death of Decius and his Son 303 padocia 328
251 Election of Gallus 304 Boldness and Succefs of Odenathus a-
252 Retreat of the Goths 305. gainſt Sapor 330
Gallus purchaſes Peace by the Payment Treatment of Valerian 331
of an annual Tribute ib. Character and Adminiſtration of Gal-
Popular Difcontent ib. lienus 332
253 Victory and Revolt. of Emilianus 306 The Thirty Tyrants 333
Gallus abandoned and ſſain 307 Their real Number was no more than
Valerius revenges the Death of Gallus, nineteen 334
and is acknowledged Emperor ib.. Character and Merit of the Tyrants ib.
Character of Valerian 308 Their obfcure Birth
335
253-268 General Misfortunes of the Reigns The Caufes of their Rebellion ib.
of Valerian and Gallienus ib. Their violent Deaths
336
Inroads of the Barbarians 309 Fatal Confequences of theſe Ufurpations 337,
Origin and Confederacy of the Franks ib. Diforders of Sicily 338
They invade Gaul, and ravage Spain 311 Tumults of Alexandria 339
They pafs over into Africa 312 Rebellion of the Ifaurians 340
Origin and Renown of the Suevi ib. Famine and Pestilence 341
A mixed Body of Suevi affume the Name, Diminution of the human Species ib.
of Alemanni
313
Invade Gaul and Italy ib. СНАР . XI.
Are repulfed from Rome by the Senate
and People Reign of Claudius.- Defeat of the Goths.-
314
The Senators excluded by Gallienus from
Victories, Triumph, and Death of Aure-
the military Service ib.
Gallienus contracts an Alliance with the lian.
Alemanni A. D. Page
315
Inroads of the Goths ib. 268 Aureolus invades Italy, is defeated and
Conqueft of the Bofphorus by the Goths 316 befieged at Milan 343
The Goths acquire a naval Force 317 Death of Gallienus 345
First naval Expedition of the Goths 318 Character and Elevation of the Emperor
The Goths befiege and take Trebizond ib. Claudius ik
The fecond Expedition of the Goths 319 268 Death of Aureolus
347
5 Clemency
 CONTENTS.

A. D. Page
Clemency and Juſtice of Claudius 347 CHAP. XII.
He undertakes the Reformation of the
Conduct of the Army and Senate after the
Army 348
269 The Goths invade the Empire Death of Aurelian. - Reigns of Tacitus,
349
Diftrefs and Firmnefs of Claudius 350 Probus, Carus, and bis Sons.
His Victory over the Goths ib. A. D. Page
270 Death of the Emperor, who recommends Extraordinary Conteft between the Army
Aurelian for his Succeffor
352 and the Senate for the Choice of an Em-
The Attempt and Fall of Quintilius 353 peror 383
Origin and Services of Aurelian ib.
Aurelian's fuccefsful Reign 275 A peaceful Interregnum of eight Months 384
354 The Conful affembles the Senate
His fevere Difcipline 386
ib. Character of Tacitus ib.
He concludes a Treaty with the Goths 355
He is elected Emperor
He refigns to them the Province of Dacia 356 387
He accepts the Purple 388
270 The Alemannic War 357 Authority of the Senate · ib.
The Alemanni invade Italy
359 Their Joy and Confidence
Are at laft vanquished by Aurelian 390
360 276 Tacitus is acknowledged by the Army ib.
271 Superftitious Ceremonies. 361 The Alani invade Afia, and are repulfed
Fortifications of Rome 362 by Tacitus 391
Aurelian fuppreffes the two Ufurpers
363 276 Death of the Emperor Tacitus
Succeffion of Ufurpers in Gaul 392
ib. Ufurpation and Death of his Brother
271 The Reign and Defeat of Tetricus 364 Florianus
393
272 Character of Zenobia 365 Their Family fubfifts in Obfcurity ib.
Her Beauty and Learning 366 Character and Elevation of the Emperor
Her Valour ib. Probus
394
She revenges her Hufband's Death 367 His reſpectful Conduct towards the Senate 395
Reigns over the Eaft and Egypt ib. Victories of Probus over the Barbarians
3.6
272 The Expedition of Aurelian 369 277 He delivers Gaul from the Invaſion of
The Emperor defeats the Palmyrenians. the Germans
in the Battles of Antioch and Emefa 398
ib. He carries his Arms into Germany
The State of Palmyra .399
370 He builds a Wall from the Rhine to the
It is befieged by Aurelian 371 Danube
Aurelian becomes Maſter of Zenobia, Introduction and Settlement of the Bar- , 400
and of the City barians
372 402
Behaviour of Zenobia
373 Daring Enterpriſe of the Franks 403
Rebellion and Ruin of Palmyra
374 279 Revolt of Saturninus in the Eaft
404
Aurelian fuppreffes the Rebellion of 280 -of Bonofas and Proculus in Gaul
Firmus in Egypt 405
ib. 281 Triumph of the Emperor Probus ib.
274 Triumph of Aurelian 375 His Difcipline
His Treatment of Tetrices and Zenobia 406
377 282 His Death
407
His Magnificence and Devotion ib. Election and Character of Carus
408
He fuppreffes a Sedition at Rome 378 The Sentiments of the Senate and People 409
Obfervations upon it
379 Carus defeats the Sarmatians, and marches
Cruelty of Aurelian 381 into the Eaſt
410
175 He marches into the Eaft, and is aflafi- 283 He gives Audience to the Perfian Am-
nated ib. baffadors
ib.
4 His
 CONT
ENTS.

A. D.
Page A. D.
283 His Victories and extraordinary Death Page
411 He fuppreffes Books of Alchymy
He is fucce eded by his two Sons , Carin us
Novelty and Progrefs of that Art 441
and Numerian ib.
412 The Perfian War
284 Vices of Carinus 442
He celebrates the Roman Games 413 282 Tiridates the Armenian
· ib.
415 286 His Reſtoration to the Throne of Armenia 443
Spectacles of Rome ib.
The Amphitheatre State of the Country
417 ib.
Return of Numerian with the Army from Revolt of the People and Nobles
Story of Mungo 444
Perfia ib.
Death of Numerian 419 The Perfians recover Armenia
420 445
284 Election of the Emperor Diocletian 296 War between the Perfians and the Romans 446
421 Defeat of Galerius
285 Defeat and Death of Carinus ib.
422 His Reception by Diocletian
448
CHAP. XIII. 297 Second Campaign of Galerius
ib.
His Victory
ib.
The Reign of Diocletian and his three Allo- His Behaviour to his royal Captives
449
ciates, Maximian , Galerius , and Conſtan- Negociation for Peace
ib.
Speech of the Perfian Ambaſſador
tius .-General Re establishment of Order Anfwer of Galerius 450
Moderation of Diocletian ib.
and Tranquillity .- The Perfian War,
Conclufion of a Treaty of Peace 451
Villory and Triumph. - The new Form
Articles of the Treaty ib.
of Administration. - Abdication and Re- 452
The Aboras fixed as the Limits between
tirement of Diocletian and Maximian .
the Empires
A. D. Ceffion of five Provinces beyond the Tigris 453
ib.
Page
285 Elevation and Character of Diocletian Armenia and Iberia
423 454
His Clemency and Victory 303 Triumph of Diocletian and Maximian
286 Affociation and Character of Maximian 425 455
ib. Long Abfence ofthe Emperors from Rome 456
292 Aſſociation of two Cæfars, Galerius and Their Refidence at Milan and Nicomedia 457
Conftantius Debaſement of Rome and of the Senate 458
Departments and Harmony of the four 427
New Bodies of Guards , Jovians and Her-
Princes culians
Series of Events 428 459
Civil Magiftracies laid afide
287 State of the Peaſants of Gaul 429 460
ib. Imperial Dignity and Titles
Their Rebellion and Chaftifement Diocletian affumes the Diadem , and in- ib.
287 Revolt of Caraufius in Britain 430 troduces the Perfian Ceremonial
Importance of Britain 431 New Form of Adminiſtration , two Au- 461I
Power of Caraufius 432
ib. gufti, and two Cæfars
289 Acknowledged by the other Emperors Increaſe of Taxes 463
294 His Death 433 Abdication of Diocletian and Maximian 464
465
296 Recovery of Britain by Conftantius 434 Refemblance to Charles the Fifth
Defence of the Frontiers ib. 466
304 Long Illneſs of Diocletian
Fortifications 435 ib.
His Prudence
Diffentions of the Barbarians ib. 457
Compliance of Maximian
Conduct of the Emperors 436 Retirement of Diocletian at Salona 468
Valour of the Cæfars ib. ib.
His Philofophy
Treatment of the Barbarians 437 469
313 His Death
Wars of Africa and Egypt 438 470
ib . Defcription of Salona and the adjacent
296 Conduct of Diocletian in Egypt Country
439 ib.
VOL. I. Of Diocletian's Palace
471
b Decline
 CONTENT S.

A. D. Page A. D. Page
Decline of the Arts . 473 306-312 . Adminiſtration of Conftantine in
of Letters 474 Gaul
497
The new Platonifts ib. Tyranny ofMaxentius in Italy and Africa 498
CHAP . XIV. 312 Civil War between Conftantine and Max-
entius
501
Troubles after the Abdication of Diocletian.
Preparations 502
-Death of Conftantius. - Elevation of Conftantine paffes the Alps ib.
Conftantine andMaxentius. -Six Emperors Battle of Turin 503
at the fame Time. -Death of Maximian Siege and Battle of Verona ib.
Indolence and Fears of Maxentius 508
and Galerius.- Victories of Conftantine
over Maxentius and Licinius.- Re- union 312 Victory of Conftantine near Rome 509
His Reception 511
of the Empire under the Authority of His Conduct at Rome 513
Conftantine. 313 His Alliance with Licinius 514
A. D. Page War between Maximian and Licinius ib..
305-323 . Period of civil Wars and Confufion 476 The Defeat and Death of Maximin 515
Character and Situation of Conftantius ib.
Cruelty of Licinius 516
Of Galerius 477 Unfortunate Fate of the Empress Valeria
The Two Cæfars , Severus and Maximin 478 and her Mother ib.
Ambition of Galerius difappointed by two 314 Quarrel between Conftantine and Licinius 519
Revolutions 479 Firſt civil War between them 520
274 Birth, Education , and Efcape of Conftan- 314 Battle of Cibalis 521.
tine 480 Battle of Mardia 522
306 Death of Conftantius, and Elevation of Treaty of Peace 523
Conftantine 482 315-323. General Peace, and Laws of Con-
He is acknowledged by Galerius , who ftantine ib.
gives him only the Title of Cæfar, and 322 The Gothic War 526
that of Auguftus to Severus 483 323 Second civil War between Conftantine
The Brothers and Sifters of Conſtantine 484 and Licinius 528
Difcontent of the Romans at the Appre- 323 Battle of Hadrianople 529
henfion of Taxes 485 Siege of Byzantium , and naval Victory of
306 Maxentius declared Emperor at Rome 486 Crifpus 531
Maximian re-affumes the Purple 487 Battle of Chryfopolis 532
307 Defeat and Death of Severus ib. Submiffion and Death of Licinius 533
Maximian gives his Daughter Faufta, and 324 Re-union of the Empire 534
the Title of Auguftus, to Conftantine 489.
Galerius invades Italy ib. CHA P. XV.
His Retreat 492
The Progrefs of the Chriftian Religion, and
307 Elevation of Licinius to the Rank of Au-
ib. the Sentiments, Manners, Numbers, and
guftus
Elevation of Maximin 493 Condition of the primitive Chriftians.
308 Six Emperors ib . A. D. Page
Misfortunes of Maximin ib . Importance of the Inquiry - 535
310 His Death 495 Its Difficulties ib .
311 Death of Galerius 496 Five Caufes of the Growth of Chriflianity 536
His Dominion fhared between Maximin 1. THE FIRST CAUSE . Zeal of the Jews 537
and Licinius 497 Its gradual Increaſe 538
Their
 CONTENT S.

A, D. Page A. D. Page
V. THE FIFTH CAUSE . The Chriftians
Their Religion better fuited to Defence
than to Conqueft 539 active in the Government of the Church 581-
More liberal Zeal of Chriftianity Its primitive Freedom and Equality 582
541
Inftitution of Bishops as Prefidents of the
Obftinacy and Reafons of the believing
College of Prefbyters 584
Jews 542
Provincial Councils 586
The Nazarene Church of Jerufalem 544
Union of the Church ib.
The Ebionites 546
The Gnoftics Progress of Epifcopal Authority 587
547
Their Sects , Progrefs, and Influence 549 Pre- eminence of the Metropolitan
The Dæmons confidered as the Gods of Churches 588 .
Ambition of the Roman Pontiff 589
Antiquity 551
Abhorrence of the Chriftians for Idolatry 553 Laity and Clergy 590
Ceremonies ib . Oblations and Revenue of the Church 591
Arts 554 Diftribution of the Revenue 594
Feſtivals 555 Excommunication 596
Zeal for Chriftianity 556 Public Penance 597
II. THE SECOND CAUSE . The Doctrine The Dignity of Epifcopal Government 598
of the Immortality of the Soul among Recapitulation of the Five Caufes 599
the Philofophers ib. Weakness of Polytheifm 600
Among the Pagans of Greece and The Scepticifm ofthe Pagan World proved
Rome 558 favourable to the new Religion 601
Among the Barbarians and the Jews 559 And to the Peace and Union of the Ro-
Among the Chriftians man Empire 602
561
Approaching End of the World ib. Hiftorical View of the Progrefs of Chrifti-
Doctrine of the Milennium anity 603
562
In the Eaft 604
Conflagration of Rome and of the World 564
The Pagans devoted to eternal Punish- The Church of Antioch 605
ment In Egypt 606
565
Were often converted by their Fears In Rome 607
567
III. THE THIRD CAUSE . Miraculous In Africa and the Weſtern Provinces 609
Powers of the primitive Church ib. Beyond the Limits of the Roman Em-
Their Truth conteſted pire 611
569
Our Perplexity in defining the miraculous General Proportion of Chriftians and
Period ib. Pagans 612
Ufe of the Primitive Miracles Whether the firft Chriftians were mean
571
613
IV. THE FOURTH CAUSE. Virtues of and ignorant
the firſt Chriſtians 572 Some Exceptions with regard to Learning 614
Effects of their Repentance 573 with regard to Rank and
Care of their Reputation ib. Fortune 615
Morality of the Fathers 575 Christianity most favourably received by
Principles of human Nature ib. the Poor and Simple 616
The primitive Chriftians condemn Plea- Rejected by fome eminent Men of the first
fure and Luxury 576 and fecond Centuries ib.
Their Neglect of Prophecy 617
Their Sentiments concerning Marriage
of Miracles 618
and Chaſtity 577
Their Averfion to the Bufinefs of War and General Silence concerning the Darkness
Government 580 of the Paffion ib.
CHAP .
4
 CONT
ENTS
.

CHAP . XVI. A. D.
Gradual Relaxation Page
The Conduct of the Roman Government to- 663
Three Methods of efcaping Martyrdom
wards the Chriftians, from the Reign of Alternatives of Severity and Toleration ib.

Nero to that of Conftantine. The ten Perfecutions 66 5

ib.
A. D. Suppoſed Edicts of Tiberius and Marcus
Chriſtianity perfecuted by the Roman Em- Page Antoninus
666
perors 180 State of the Chriſtians in the Reigns of
620 Commodus and Severus
Inquiry into their Motives
Rebellious Spirit of the Jews 621 667
622 211-249. Of the Succeffors of Severus
Toleration of the Jewish Religion 669
244 Of Maximin, Philip, and Decius
623 670
The Jews were a people which followed, 253-260. Of Valerian , Gallienus , and his
the Christians a Sect which deferted , Succeffors
the Religion of their Fathers 672
260 Paul of Samofata, his Manners
Chriftianity accufed of Atheifm, and mif- 624 673
270 He is degraded from the See of Antioch
taken by the People and Philofophers 674
274 The Sentence is executed by Aurelian
The Union and Affemblies of the Chrifti- 626 .675
284-303 . Peace and Profperity of the Church
ans confidered as a dangerous Conspiracy 628 under Diocletian
Their Manners calumniated
Progrefs of Zeal and Superſtition among 676
Their imprudent Defence 630
the Pagans
Co Em pe
Idea of the nd uct of the rors to- 631 Maximian and Galerius puniſh a few 677
wards the Chriſtians Chriftian Soldiers
679
They neglected the Chriftians as a Sect of 633 Galerius prevails on Diocletian to begin a
Jews general Perfecution
The Fire of Rome under the Reign of Nero 63 4 681
636 503 Demolition of the Church of Nicomedia 682
Cruel Punishment of the Chriſtians as the
The firft Edict againſt the Chriftians
Incendiaries of the City Zeal and Puniſhment of a Chriſtian 683
Remarks on the Paffage of Tacitus re- 637 Fire of the Palace of Nicomedia imputed 84
6
lative to the Perfecution of the Chrif- to the Chriftians
tians by Nero Execution of the firſt Edict 685
6
Oppreffion of the Jews and Chriftians by 39 Demolition of the Churches 686
Domitian 688
Subfequent Edicts
Execution of Clemens the Conful 642 689
303-311 . General Idea of the Perfecution
Ignorance of Pliny concerning the 644 In the Weſtern Provinces , under
Chriſtians Conftantius and Conftantine
Trajan and his Succeffors eftabliſh a legal 646 In Italy and Africa , under Maximian 690
Mode of proceeding against them and Severus ; and under Maxen-
Popular Clamours 647 tius
Trials of the Chriftians 648 692
In Illyricum and the Eaft under Gale-
Humanity of the Roman Mag iftrates 65 0 rius and Ma xi min
Inconfiderable Number of Martyrs 652 694
311 Galerius publiſhes an Edict of Toleration 695
Example of Cyprian, Bishop of Carthage 653 Peace of the Chu rch
654 696
His Danger and Flight Maximin prepares to renew the Perfecu-
655 tion
257 His Banifhment
656 697
His Condemnation 313 End of the Perfecutions
His Ma rt yr dom 657 Pro bab le Acc oun t of the Suf fer ing s of the 698
Various Incitements to Martyrdom 658 Martyrs and Confeffors
659 Number of Martyrs 699
Ardour of the firſt Chriſtians
661 Conclufion 701
703
THE
 THE

HISTORY

OF THE

DECLINE AND FALL

OF THE

ROMAN EMPIRE.

CHAP. I.

The Extent and Military Force of the Empire in the Age

of the Antonines.

'N the fecond century of the Chriftian Era, the empire of Rome CHAP.
I.
Icomprehended the fairest part of the earth, and the moſt ci-
Introduction.
vilized portion of mankind. The frontiers of that extenfive

monarchy were guarded by ancient renown and difciplined valour.

The gentle, but powerful influence of laws and manners had gra-

dually cemented the union of the provinces. Their peaceful in-

habitants enjoyed and abuſed the advantages of wealth and luxury.

The image of a free conftitution was preferved with decent reverence :

The Roman fenate appeared to poffefs the fovereign authority, and

devolved on the emperors all the executive powers of government.

During a happy period of more than fourfcore years, the public A. D. 98-
180.
administration was conducted by the virtue and abilities of Nerva ,

Trajan , Hadrian , and the two Antonines. It is the deſign of this ,

and of the two fucceeding chapters, to defcribe the profperous con-

dition of their empire ; and afterwards, from the death of Marcus

VOL. I. B Antoninus ,
2 THE DECLINE AND FALL

CHA P. Antoninus, to deduce the moſt important circumſtances of its decline

I.
and fall ; a revolution which will ever be remembered, and is ftill

felt by the nations of the earth.

Moderation The principal conqueſts of the Romans were atchieved under the
of Auguftus.
republic ; and the emperors, for the moſt part, were fatisfied with

preſerving thoſe dominions which had been acquired by the policy

of the fenate, the active emulation of the confuls, and the martial

enthuſiaſm of the people. The feven firſt centuries were filled with

a rapid fucceffion of triumphs ; but it was reſerved for Auguſtus,

to relinquish the ambitious defign of. fubduing the whole earth , and

to introduce a ſpirit of moderation into the public councils. In-

clined to peace by his temper and fituation , it was eafy for him to

diſcover, that Rome, in her prefent exalted fituation, had much

lefs to hope than to fear from the chance of arms ; and that, in the

profecution of remote wars, the undertaking became every day

more difficult, the event more doubtful, and the poffeffion more:

precarious, and lefs beneficial. The experience of Auguftus added

weight to thefe falutary reflections, and effectually convinced him,.

that, by the prudent vigour of his counfels, it would be eaſy to ſe-

cure every conceffion , which the ſafety or the dignity of Rome

might require from the moſt formidable barbarians. Inftead of ex-

poſing his perſon and his legions to the arrows of the Parthians , he

obtained, by an honourable treaty, the reftitution of the ſtandards

and prifoners which had been taken in the defeat of Craffus '.

His generals, in the early part of his reign, atttempted the re-
duction of Ethiopia and Arabia Felix. They marched near a

thousand miles to the ſouth of the tropic ; but the heat of the climate
foon repelled the invaders, and protected the unwarlike natives of

' Dion Caffius (1. liv. p . 736. ) , with the recorded his own exploits , afferts that he com-
annotations of Reymar, who has collected all pelled the Parthians to restore the enfigns of
that Roman vanity has left upon the fubject. Craffus.
The marble of Ancyra, on which Auguftus

5 thoſe
 OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 3

thoſe ſequeſtered regions . The northern countries of Europe CHA P.

I.
fcarcely deferved the expence and labour of conqueft . The forefts
and moraffes of Germany were filled with a hardy race of barbari-
ans, who defpifed life when it was feparated from freedom ; and

though, on the first attack, they feemed to yield to the weight

of the Roman power, they foon, by a fignal act of deſpair, re-

gained their independence, and reminded Auguftus of the vicif-
1
fitude of fortune³. On the death of that emperor, his teſtament

was publicly read in the fenate. He bequeathed, as a valuable

legacy to his fucceffors , the advice of confining the empire within

thofe limits, which Nature feemed to have placed as its permanent
bulwarks and boundaries ; on the weft the Atlantic ocean ; the

Rhine and Danube on the north ; the Euphrates on the caft ; and

towards the fouth, the fandy deferts of Arabia and Africa *.

Happily for the repoſe of mankind , the moderate fyftem recom- Imitated by
his fucceffors.
mended by the wiſdom of Auguftus, was adopted by the fears and
vices of his immediate fucceffors. Engaged in the purfuit of plea-

fure, or in the exerciſe of tyranny, the firſt Cæfars feldom ſhewed

themſelves to the armies, or to the provinces ; nor were they dif-

pofed to fuffer, that thofe triumphs which their indolence neglected,

fhould be ufurped by the conduct and valour of their lieutenants.

The military fame of a fubject was confidered as an infolent in-

Strabo ( 1. xvi . p. 780. ) , Pliny the elder legions. See the first book ofthe Annals of
(Hift. Natur. 1. vi . c . 32. 35. ) , and Dion Caf- Tacitus. Sueton. in Auguft. c. 23. and
fius (1. liii. p . 723. and 1. liv. p . 734. ) , have Velleius Paterculus, l. ii. c. 117 , &c. Au-
left us very curious details concerning thefe guftus did not receive the melancholy news
wars. The Romans made themſelves mafters with all the temper and firmnefs that might
of Mariaba , or Merab, a city of Arabia have been expected from his character.
Felix, well known to the Orientals (fee 4 Tacit. Annal . 1. ii. Dion Caffius, 1. Ivi .
Abulfeda and the Nubian geography, p. 52. ) . p. 833 , and the fpeech of Auguftus himſelf,
They were arrived within three days journey in Julian's Cæfars. It receives great light
of the Spice country, the rich object of their from the learned notes of his French tranf-
invafion. lator, M. Spanheim .
3 By the flaughter of Varus and his three
B 2 vafion
 THE DECLINE AND FALL
4

CHAP.
I. vaſion of the Imperial prerogative ; and it became the duty, as well
as intereft, of every Roman general, to guard the frontiers intrufted

to his care, without afpiring to conquefts which might have proved

no leſs fatal to himſelf than to the vanquished barbarians³.
Conqueft of
Britain was The only acceffion which the Roman empire received, during
the first ex-
the first century of the Chriftian Era, was the province of Britain.
ception toit.
In this fingle inftance the fucceffors of Cæfar and Auguftus were

perfuaded to follow the example of the former, rather than the

precept of the latter. The proximity of its fituation to the coaſt of

Gaul feemed to invite their arms ; the pleafing, though doubtful

intelligence of a pearl fishery, attracted their avarice ; and as
Britain was viewed in the light of a diftinct and infulated world,

the conqueſt ſcarcely formed any exception to the general ſyſtem of

continental meaſures. After a war of about forty years , under-

taken by the moft ftupid ' , maintained by the moft diffolute,,

and terminated by the moft timid of all the emperors, the far

greater part of the iſland fubmitted to the Roman yoke . The

various tribes of Britons poffeffed valour without conduct , and the

love of freedom without the ſpirit of union. They took up arms

with favage fiercenefs ; they laid them down, or turned them

againſt each other with wild inconftancy ; and while they fought
fingly, they were fucceffively fubdued. Neither the fortitude of

5 Germanicus, Suetonius Paulinus, and margaritis deeffe quam nobis avaritiam. ”·

Agricola, were checked and recalled in the
courſe of their victories. Corbulo was put
to death . Military merit, as it is admirably
expreffed by Tacitus, was, in the ftricteft
fenfe ofthe word, imperatoria virtus.
Cæfar himſelf conceals that ignoble mo-
tive ; but it is mentioned by Suetonius, c.
47. The British pearls proved, however, of
little value, on account of their dark and
livid colour. Tacitus obferves, with reafon
(in Agricola, c. 12. ), that it was an inherent
66
defect. Ego facilius crediderim, naturam
7 Claudius , Nero, and Domitian. A hope
is expreffed by Pomponius Mela, 1. iii . c. 6 .
(he wrote under Claudius) that, by the fuc-
cefs of the Roman arms, the island and its
favage inhabitants would foon be better
known. It is amufing enough to perufe fuch
paffages in the midst of London.
See the admirable abridgment given by
Tacitus, in the life of Agricola, and copi--
oufly, though perhaps not completely, illuf-
trated by our own antiquarians, Camden and .
Horſley.

Caractacus ,
 OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 5

Caractacus, nor the defpair of Boadicea, nor the fanaticifm of the CHA P.
I.
Druids, could avert the flavery of their country, or refift the ſteady
progrefs of the Imperial generals, who maintained the national

glory, when the throne was difgraced by the weakeft, or the moſt

vicious of mankind. At the very time when Domitian , confined to

his palace, felt the terrors which he inſpired ; his legions , under the
command of the virtuous Agricola, defeated the collected force

of the Caledonians at the foot of the Grampian hills ; and his fleets,

venturing to explore an unknown and dangerous navigation , dif-

played the Roman arms round every part of the iſland . The con-

queft of Britain was confidered as already atchieved ; and it was

the defign of Agricola to complete and enfure his fuccefs by the

eafy reduction of Ireland, for which, in his opinion, one legion and
a few auxiliaries were fufficient . The weftern ifle might be im-

proved into a valuable poffeffion , and the Britons would wear their

chains with the leſs reluctance, if the profpect and example of free-
dom was on every fide removed from before their eyes.

But the fuperior merit of Agricola foon occafioned his removal

from the government of Britain ; and for ever difappointed this

rational, though extenſive ſcheme of conqueft. Before his depar-

ture, the prudent general had provided for fecurity as well as for

dominion. He had obferved, that the iſland is almoft divided into

two unequal parts by the oppofite gulfs, or, as they are now called,
the Friths of Scotland. Acrofs the narrow interval of about forty

miles, he had drawn a line of military ftations, which was after-

wards fortified in the reign of Antoninus Pius, by a turf rampart
erected on foundations of ſtone ". This wall of Antoninus , at a

finall distance beyond the modern cities of Edinburgh and Glaf-

The Irish writers, jealous of their na- occafion, both with Tacitus and with Agricola.
tional honour, are extremely provoked on this 19See Horley's Dritannia Romana, l.i. c. 10.

gow,
 6 THE DECLINE AND FALL

CHAP.
I. gow, was fixed at the limit of the Roman province. The native

→→ Caledonians preſerved in the northern extremity of the iſland their

wild independence, for which they were not lefs indebted to their

poverty than to their valour. Their incurfions were frequently re-

pelled and chaftifed ; but their country was never fubdued ".

The maſters of the faireſt and moſt wealthy climates of the globe,

turned with contempt from gloomy hills affailed by the winter tem-

peft, from lakes concealed in a blue mift, and from cold and lonely

heaths, over which the deer of the foreſt were chafed by a troop of
naked barbarians ".

Conquest of Such was the ſtate of the Roman frontiers, and fuch the maxims
Dacia ; the
fecond ex- of Imperial policy from the death of Auguftus to the acceffion of
ception .
Trajan . That virtuous and active prince had received the education

of a foldier, and poffeffed the talents of a general " . The peace-

The

ful fyftem of his predeceffors was interrupted by ſcenes of war and

conqueft ; and the legions, after a long interval, beheld a military

emperor at their head. The firft exploits of Trajan were againſt

the Dacians, the moft warlike of men, who dwelt beyond the

Danube, and who, during the reign of Domitian, had infulted with

impunity the Majefty of Rome ". To the ſtrength and fierceneſs

of barbarians, they added a contempt for life , which was derived

from a warm perfuafion of the immortality and tranfmigration of the

foul ". Decebalus, the Dacian King, approved himſelf a rival not

unworthy of Trajan ; nor did he defpair of his own and the public

The poet Buchanan celebrates, with formimagery of Offian's Poems, which, ac-
elegance and ſpirit (fee his Sylvæ v . ) , the un- cording to every hypothefis, were compoſed
violated independence of his native country. by a native Caledonian .
But, if the fingle teftimony of Richard of 13 See Pliny's Panegyric, which feems.
Cirencester was fufficient to create a Roman founded on facts.
province of Vefpafiana to the north of the
14 Dion Caffius , 1. Lxvii.
wall, that independence would be reduced
within very narrow limits. 15 Herodotus, 1. iv. c. 94. Julian in the
12 See Appian (in Proxm . ) and the uni- Cæfars, with Spanheim's obfervations.

fortune,
 OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE.
7

fortune, till, by the confeffion of his enemies, he had exhaufted CHA P.

I.
every reſource both of valour and policy ". This memorable

war, with a very ſhort fufpenfion of hoftilities, lafted five years ;

and as the emperor could exert, without controul, the whole force

of the ftate, it was terminated by an abfolute fubmiffion of the

barbarians ". The new province of Dacia , which formed a fecond

exception to the precept of Auguftus, was about thirteen hun-
dred miles in circumference. Its natural boundaries were the

Niefter, the Teyfs , or Tibiſcus, the Lower Danube, and the Euxine
Sea. The veftiges of a military road may ftill be traced from the

banks of the Danube to the neighbourhood of Bender, a place

famous in modern hiftory, and the actual frontier of the Turkiſh
and Ruffian empires ".

Trajan was ambitious of fame ; and as long as mankind fhall Conquefts of

Trajan in the
continue to beſtow more liberal applauſe on their deſtroyers than eaſt.
on their benefactors, the thirst of military glory will ever be the
vice of the moft exalted characters. The praiſes of Alexander ,

tranſmitted by a fucceffion of poets and hiftorians, had kindled a

dangerous emulation in the mind of Trajan. Like him the Roman
emperor undertook an expedition against the nations of the eaſt, but

he lamented with a figh, that his advanced age fcarcely left him any

hopes of equalling the renown of the fon of Philip ". Yet the

fuccefs of Trajan, however tranfient, was rapid and fpecious. The

degenerate Parthians, broken by inteftine difcord, fled before his
arms. He defcended the river Tigris in triumph, from the moun-
1
tains of Armenia to the Perſian gulph. He enjoyed the honour

of being the firft, as he was the laft, of the Roman generals, who

16 Plin. Epift. viii . 9. Province of Dacia, in the Academie des In-

17 Dion Caffius, 1. lxviii . p. 1123. 1131 . fcriptions, tom . xxviii. p . 444-468 .
Julian in Cæfaribus. Eutropius , viii. 2. 6 . 19 Trajan's fentiments are reprefented in
Aurelius Victor in Epitome. a very just and lively manner in the Cæfars
1 See a Memoir of M. d'Anville, on the of Julian.
ever
 NE
8. THE DECLI AND FALL

CHAP.
ever navigated that remote fea. His fleets ravaged the coafts of
I.
-Arabia ; and Trajan vainly flattered himſelf that he was approach-

ing towards the confines of India 20. Every day the aſtoniſhed
fenate received the intelligence of new names and new nations, that

acknowledged his fway. They were informed that the kings of

Bofphorus, Colchos, Iberia, Albania, Ofrhoene, and even the Par-

thian monarch himſelf, had accepted their diadems from the hands
of the emperor ; that the independent tribes of the Median and

Carduchian hills had implored his protection ; and that the rich

countries of Armenia, Mefopotamia, and Affyria, were reduced in-

21
to the ſtate of provinces ". But the death of Trajan ſoon clouded

the fplendid profpect ; and it was juftly to be dreaded , that ſo many

diftant nations would throw off the unaccustomed yoke, when they

were no longer reſtrained by the powerful hand which had impofed

it.
Refigned by
his fucceffor It was an ancient tradition , that when the Capitol was founded by
Adrian.
one of the Roman kings, the god Terminus (who prefided over

boundaries, and was reprefented according to the faſhion of that

age by a large ftone) alone, among all the inferior deities, refufed

to yield his place to Jupiter himſelf. A favourable inference was

drawn from his obftinacy, which was interpreted by the augurs, as a

fure prefage that the boundaries of the Roman power would never
22
recede 2. During many ages, the prediction, as it is ufual, con-

tributed to its own accomplishment. But though Terminus had

refifted the majeſty of Jupiter, he ſubmitted to the authority of the

23 -
emperor Hadrian The refignation of all the eaſtern conquefts

20
Eutropius and Sextus Rufus have en-
deavoured to perpetuate the illufion . See a
very fenfible differtation of M. Freret in
the Academie des Infcriptions, tom. xxi .
P. 55.
21 Dion Caffius, 1. lxviii ; and the Ab-
breviators.
22 Ovid . Faft. 1: ii . ver. 667. See Livy, and
Dionyfius of Halicarnaffus, under the reign
of Tarquin.
23 St. Auguftin is highly delighted with
the proof of the weaknefs of Terminus, and
the vanity of the Augurs. See De Civitate
Dei, iv. 29 .
of
 OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 9

of Trajan was the firſt meaſure of his reign. He reftored to the CHA P.
I.
Parthians the election of an independent Sovereign, withdrew the

Roman garrifons from the provinces of Armenia, Mefopotamia, and

Affyria, and, in compliance with the precept of Auguftus, once

24
more eſtabliſhed the Euphrates •
as the frontier of the empire
Cenfure, which arraigns the public actions and the private motives
of princes, has afcribed to envy, a conduct, which might be attri-

buted to the prudence and moderation of Hadrian. The various

character of that emperor, capable, by turns, of the meaneft and

the most generous fentiments, may afford fome colour to the fuf-

picion. It was, however, fcarcely in his power to place the

fuperiority of his predeceffor in a more confpicuous light, than by

thus confeffing himſelf unequal to the taſk of defending the con-

quefts of Trajan.

The martial and ambitious ſpirit of Trajan, formed a very fin- Contraft of
Hadrian and
gular contraft with the moderation of his fucceffor. The reſtleſs Antoninus
Pius.
activity of Hadrian was not leſs remarkable, when compared with

the gentle repoſe of Antoninus Pius. The life of the former was

almoſt a perpetual journey ; and as he poffeffed the various talents.

of the foldier, the ſtateſman, and the ſcholar, he gratified his cu-
rioſity in the diſcharge of his duty. Careless of the difference of

feafons and of climates, he marched on foot, and bare-headed, over

the fnows of Caledonia, and the fultry plains of the Upper Egypt ;
nor was there a province of the empire , which, in the courfe of his

reign, was not honoured with the prefence of the monarch ".

But the tranquil life of Antoninus Pius was fpent in the bofom of

24 See the Auguftan Hiftory, p. 5. Je-
rome's Chronicl , and all the Epitomifers.
It is fomewhat furprising , that this memora-
ble event fhould be omitted by Dion, or ra-
ther by Xiphilin .
25 Dion, 1. Ixix. p. 1158. Hift . Auguft.
p. 5. 8. If all our hiftorians were loft, me-
dals, infcriptions, and other monuments,
would be fufficient to record the travels of Ha-
drian.

VOL. I. C Italy ;
 10 THE DECLINE AND FALL

CHA
I. P. Italy ; and, during the twenty-three years that he directed the pub-

lic adminiftration, the longeſt journies of that amiable prince extended

no farther than from his palace in Rome, to the retirement of his

Lanuvian Villa 2 .
Pacific fyftem
of Hadrian Notwithstanding this difference in their perfonal conduct, the
and the two
general fyftem of Auguftus was equally adopted and uniformly
Antonines.
purfued by Hadrian and by the two Antonines. They perfifted in

the defign of maintaining the dignity of the empire, without at-

tempting to enlarge its limits. By every honourable expedient they

invited the friendship of the barbarians ; and endeavoured to

convince mankind, that the Roman power, raiſed above the tempta-

tion of conqueft, was actuated only by the love of order and juftice.

During a long period of forty-three years their virtuous labours

were crowned with fuccefs ; and if we except a few flight hoftili-

ties that ſerved to exerciſe the legions of the frontier, the reigns of

Hadrian and Antoninus Pius offer the fair proſpect of univerſal

peace 27. The Roman name was revered among the moſt re-
mote nations of the earth. The fierceft barbarians frequently fub-
mitted their differences to the arbitration of the emperor ; and we

are informed by a cotemporary hiſtorian , that he had feen am-

baffadors who were refuſed the honour which they came to folicit, of

being admitted into the rank of ſubjects 28.

Defenfive
wars of Mar- The terror of the Roman arms added weight and dignity to the

cus Antoni- moderation of the emperors. They preferved peace by a conftant.

nus.
preparation for war ; and while juftice regulated their conduct, they

26 See the Auguftan Hiftory and the Epi-
tomes.
27 We muft, however, remember, that, in
the time of Hadrian, a rebellion of the Jews
raged with religious fury, though only in a
fingle province : Paufanias ( 1. viii . c . 43. )
mentions two neceffary and fuccefsful wars,
conducted by the generals of Pius. 1ft, A-
gainft the wandering Moors, who were driven
into the folitudes of Atlas. 2d, Againſt the
Brigantes of Britain, who had invaded the
Roman province. Both theſe wars (with ſe-
veral other hoftilities). are mentioned in the
Auguftan Hiſtory, p. 19.
28 Appian of Alexandria, in the preface to
his Hiſtory of the Roman wars.
announced
 t

OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE.

announced to the nations on their confines, that they were as little CHA P.
I.
difpofed to endure, as to offer an injury. The military ftrength,
which it had been fufficient for Hadrian and the elder Antoninus

to difplay, was exerted againſt the Parthians and the Germans by

the emperor Marcus. The hoftilities of the barbarians provoked

the reſentment of that philofophic monarch , and , in the proſecution

of a juſt defence, Marcus and his generals obtained many fignal

29
victories, both on the Euphrates, and on the Danube ". The mi-

litary eſtabliſhment of the Roman empire, which thus affured either

its tranquillity or fuccefs, will now become the proper and important
object of our attention.

In the purer ages of the the ufe of arms Military efta-

commonwealth,
bliſhment of
was reſerved for thofe ranks of citizens who had a country to love, the Roman
emperors.
a property to defend, and ſome ſhare in enacting thoſe laws, which

it was their intereft, as well as duty, to maintain. But in pro-

portion as the public freedom was loft in extent of conqueft, war

30
was gradually improved into an art, and degraded into a trade " .

The legions themſelves, even at the time when they were recruited

in the moſt diſtant provinces, were fuppofed to confift of Roman ci-

tizens. That diſtinction was generally confidered, either as a legal

qualification, or as a proper recompence for the foldier ; but a more

ferious regard was paid to the effential merit of age, ftrength, and

military ſtature ". In all levies, a juft preference was given to the
climates of the North over thofe of the South : the race of men born

29 Dion, 1. lxxi. Hift. Auguft. in Mar-
co. The Parthian victories gave birth to a
crowd of contemptible hiftorians, whofe me-
mory has been refcued from oblivion , and ex-
pofed to ridicule, in a very lively piece of
criticifm of Lucian .
30 The poorest rank of foldiers poffeffed
above forty pounds fterling (Dionyf. Hali-
carn. iv. 17. ), a very high qualification , at a
time when money was fo fcarce, that an ounce
of filver was equivalent to feventy pound
weight of brafs. The populace, excluded by
the ancient conftitution, were indifcriminate-
ly admitted by Marius . See Salluft. de
Bell . Jugurth . c . 91 .
3 Cæfar formed his legion Alauda, of
Gauls and ftrangers : but it was during the
licence of civil war ; and after the victory, he
gave them the freedom of the city for their
reward.

C 2 to

•
12 THE DECLINE AND FALL

CHA
I. P. to the exerciſe of arms, was fought for in the country rather than

in cities ; and it was very reaſonably prefumed , that the hardy oc-

cupations of fmiths, carpenters, and huntſmen , would fupply more

vigour and reſolution , than the fedentary trades which are employed
in the fervice of luxury ". After every qualification of property

had been laid afide, the armies of the Roman emperors were ſtill

commanded, for the moſt part, by officers of a liberal birth and edu-
cation ; but the common foldiers, like the mercenary troops of mo-

dern Europe, were drawn from the meaneft, and very frequently

from the moſt profligate, of mankind .

Difcipline. That public virtue which among the ancients was denominated

patriotiſm, is derived from a ftrong fenfe of our own intereſt in the

preſervation and profperity of the free government of which we are

members. Such a fentiment , which had rendered the religions of the legions
republic almoſt invincible, could make but a very feeble impreffion
on the mercenary fervants of a defpotic prince ; and it became ne-

ceſſary to ſupply that defect by other motives, of a different, but not

leſs forcible nature ; honour and religion. The peaſant, or mecha-

nic, imbibed the ufeful prejudice that he was advanced to the more

dignified profeffion of arms, in which his rank and reputation would

depend on his own valour : and that, although the prowess of a pri-

vate ſoldier muſt often eſcape the notice of fame, his own behaviour

might fometimes confer glory or difgrace on the company, the le-

gion, or even the army, to whoſe honours he was aſſociated. On

his firſt entrance into the ſervice, an oath was adminiſtered to him,
with every circumſtance of folemnity. He promiſed never to deſert

his ftandard, to fubmit his own will to the commands of his leaders,

and to facrifice his life for the fafety of the emperor and the em-

pire ". The attachment of the Roman troops to their ftandards,

12 See Vegetius de Re Militari, 1. i . c. 2-7. emperor, was annually renewed by the troops,
33 The oath of fervice and fidelity to the on the firſt of January.
2 was
 OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 13

was infpired by the united influence of religion and of honour. C H_A`P.

I.
The golden eagle, which glittered in the front of the legion, was

the object of their fondeft devotion ; nor was it eſteemed lefs impi-

ous, than it was ignominious, to abandon that facred enfign in the

hour of danger 34. Theſe motives, which derived their ftrength

from the imagination , were enforced by fears and hopes of a more

ſubſtantial kind. Regular pay, occafional donatives, and a ſtated re-

compence, after the appointed time of fervice, alleviated the hard-

fhips of the military life ", whilft, on the other hand, it was im-

poffible for cowardice or difobedience to eſcape the fevereſt puniſh-

ment. The centurions were authorized to chaſtiſe with blows, the '

generals had a right to punish with death ; and it was an inflexible

maxim of Roman diſcipline, that a good foldier ſhould dread his

officers far more than the enemy. From fuch laudable arts did the

valour of the Imperial troops receive a degree of firmneſs and do-

cility, unattainable by the impetuous and irregular paffions of bar-

barians.

And yet fo fenfible were the Romans of the imperfection of va- Exerciſes .
lour without ſkill and practice, tha
in their language, the name
36
of an army was borrowed from the word which fignified exerciſe

Military exerciſes were the important and unremitted object of their

difcipline. The recruits and young foldiers were conftantly trained

34 Tacitus calls the Roman Eagles , Bello- ry government. After twenty years fervice,
rum Deos. They were placed in a chapel in the veteran received three thouſand denarii
the camp, and with the r deities received (about one hundred pounds fterling) , or a
the religious worship of the troops. proportionable allowance of land. The pay
35 See Gronovius de Pecunia vetere, 1. iii . and advantages of the guards were, in gene-
P. 120, & c. The emperor Domitian raiſed ral, about double thoſe of the legions.
the annual ftipend of the legionaries to twelve 26 Exercitus ab exercitando, Varro de Lin-
pieces of gold, which, in his tine, was equi- guâ Latinâ, 1. iv. Cicero in Tufculan . 1. ii..
valent to about ten of our guineas. This pay, 37. There is room for a very intereſting
fomewhat higher than our own, had been, work , which ſhould lay open the connexion
and was afterwards, gradually increased, ac- between the languages and manners of na-
cording to the progrefs of wealth and milita- tions.
both
14 THE DECLINE AND FALL

CHA P. both in the morning and in the evening, nor was age or knowledge 养
I.
allowed to excufe the veterans from the daily repetition of what

they had completely learnt. Large fheds were erected in the win-
ter-quarters of the troops, that their ufeful labours might not
receive any interruption from the moſt tempeftuous weather ; and it

was carefully obferved, that the arms deſtined to this imitation of

war, fhould be of double the weight which was required in real
action ". It is not the purpoſe of this work to enter into any mi-

nute defcription of the Roman exercifes. We fhall only remark,

that they comprehended whatever could add ftrength to the body, M

activity to the limbs, or grace to the motions. The foldiers were

diligently inftructed to march, to run, to leap, to fwim, to carry

heavy burdens, to handle every fpecies of arms that was uſed

either for offence or for defence , either in diftant engagement or

in a cloſer onſet ; to form a variety of evolutions ; and to move to

the found of flutes, in the Pyrrhic or martial dance 38
". In the midft
of
peace, the Roman troops familiarifed themſelves with the practice

of war ; and it is prettily remarked by an ancient hiſtorian who had

fought againſt them, that the effufion of blood was the only circum-

ſtance which diſtinguiſhed a field of battle from a field of exerciſe ".

It was the policy of the ableft generals , and even of the emperors

themſelves, to encourage thefe military ftudies by their prefence and

example ; and we are informed that Hadrian , as well as Trajan , fre-

quently condefcended to inftruct the unexperienced foldiers , to

reward the diligent, and fometimes to diſpute with them the prize of

fuperior ſtrength or dexterity " . Under the reigns of thofe princes,

37 Vegetius, l . ii. and the reft of his firſt book. 39 Jofeph. de Bell . Judaico, 1. iii . c. 5. We
33 The Pyrrhic Dance is extremely well
illuftrated by M. le Beau, in the Academie are indebted to this Jew for fome very curious
des Infcriptions , tom. xxxv. p . 262 , &c. That details of Roman diſcipline.
learned academician , in a feries of memoirs, 4º Plin. Panegyr. c . 13. Life of Hadrian,
has collected all the paffages of the ancients in the Auguſtan Hiſtory.
that relate to the Roman legion.

8 the
 OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 15

the ſcience of tactics was cultivated with fucceſs ; and as long as the CHA P.
I.
empire retained any vigour, their military inftructions were reſpect-

ed as the most perfect model of Roman difcipline.

Nine centuries of war had gradually introduced into the fervice The legions
under the
many alterations and improvements. The legions, as they are de- emperors.

fcribed by Polybius ", in the time of the Punic wars, differed very

materially from thoſe which atchieved the victories of Cæfar, or de-

fended the monarchy of Hadrian and the Antonines. The confti-

42
tution of the Imperial legion may be deſcribed in a few words " . The

heavy-armed infantry, which compofed its principal ſtrength ", was

divided into ten cohorts, and fifty-five companies, under the orders
of a correfpondent number of tribunes and centurions. The firſt

cohort, which always claimed the poſt of honour and the cuſtody of

the eagle, was formed of eleven hundred and five foldiers, the moſt

approved for valour and fidelity. The remaining nine cohorts con-
fifted each of five hundred and fifty-five ; and the whole body of

legionary infantry amounted to fix thouſand one hundred men.

Their arms were uniform, and admirably adapted to the nature of Arms,

their ſervice ; an open helmet, with a lofty creft ; a breaft-plate, or

coat of mail ; greaves on their legs , and an ample buckler on their

left arm . The buckler was of an oblong and concave figure, four feet

in length, and two and an half in breadth, framed of a light wood,

covered with a bull's hide, and ftrongly guarded with plates of

brafs. Befides a lighter fpear, the legionary foldier graſped in his

right hand the formidable pilum, a ponderous javelin , whoſe utmoſt

length was about fix feet, and which was terminated by a mafly

See an admirable digreffion on the Ro- 43 Vegetius de Re Militari, 1. ii. c. 1. In

man difcipline, in the fixth book ofhis hiftory. the purer age of Cæfar and Cicero, the word
42 Vegetius de Re Militari, 1. ii. c. 4, &c. miles was almoft confined to the infantry. Un-
Confiderable part ofhis very perplexed abridg- der the lower empire, and in the times of
ment was taken from the regulations of Tra- chivalry, it was appropriated almoft as ex-
jan and Hadrian ; and the legion , as he de- clufively to the men at arms, who fought on.
fcribes it, cannot fuit any other age of the horseback.
Roman empire.
triangular
16 THE DECLINE AND FALL

CHA
I. P. triangular point of ſteel of eighteen inches ". This inftrument was
indeed much inferior to our modern fire-arms ; fince it was ex-

hauſted by a ſingle diſcharge, at the diſtance of only ten or twelve

paces. Yet when it was launched by a firm and fkilful hand, there

was not any cavalry that durft venture within its reach, nor any
ſhield or corflet that could ſuſtain the impetuofity of its weight. As

foon as the Roman had darted his pilum, he drew his fword, and

ruſhed forwards to cloſe with the enemy. His fword was a ſhort well-

tempered Spaniſh blade, that carried a double edge, and was alike

fuited to the purpoſe of ſtriking or of puſhing ; but the foldier was

always inftructed to prefer the latter uſe of his weapon, as his own

body remained lefs expofed, whilft he inflicted a more dangerous

wound on his adverfary ". The legion was ufually drawn up eight

deep ; and the regular diſtance of three feet was left between the
files as well as ranks . A body of troops, habituated to preſerve
this open order, in a long front and a rapid charge, found them-

felves prepared to execute every diſpoſition which the circumſtances

of war, or the ſkill of their leader, might fuggeft. The foldier

poffeffed a free ſpace for his arms and motions, and fufficient inter-

vals were allowed, through which ſeaſonable reinforcements might

be introduced to the relief of the exhaufted combatants 7. The

tactics of the Greeks and Macedonians were formed on very differ-

ent principles. The ſtrength of the phalanx depended on fixteen

ranks of long pikes, wedged together in the cloſeſt array " . But it

44 In the time of Polybius and Dionyfius 47 M. Guichardt, Memoires Militaires,

of Halicarnaffus ( 1. v. c. 45. ) , the ſteel point
of the pilum feems to have been much long-
er. In the time of Vegetius, it was reduced
to a foot, or even nine inches. I have chofen
a medium .
45 For the legionary arms , fee Lipfius de
Militia Romanâ, 1. iii . c. 2-7.
45 See the beautiful comparifon of Virgil,
Georgic. ii. v. 279.
tom. i. c . 4. and Nouveaux Memoires, tom . i.
p. 253-311 , has treated the fubject like a
ſcholar and an officer.
48 See Arrian's Tactics. With the true
partiality of a Greek, Arrian rather chofe
to defcribe the phalanx, of which he had
read, than the legions which he had com-
manded .
was
 OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 17

was foon diſcovered by reflection , as well as by the event, that the CHAP.
I.
ftrength of the phalanx was unable to contend with the activity of
the legion " .

The cavalry, without which the force of the legion would have Cavalry.
remained imperfect, was divided into ten troops or fquadrons ; the

firft, as the companion of the first cohort, confifted of an hun-

dred and thirty-two men ; whilft each of the other nine amounted

only to fixty-fix. The entire eſtabliſhment formed a regiment , if

we may uſe the modern expreffion , of feven hundred and twenty-

fix horſe, naturally connected with its refpective legion , but occa-

fionally ſeparated to act in the line, and to compoſe a part of the

wings of the army " . The cavalry of the emperors was no longer

compofed , like that of the ancient republic, of the nobleft youths

of Rome and Italy, who, by performing their military ſervice on

horfeback, prepared themſelves for the offices of fenator and conful ;

and folicited, by deeds of valour, the future fuffrages of their

Since the alteration of manners and government,
countrymen ".

the moſt wealthy of the equeftrian order were engaged in the ad-

miniſtration of juſtice, and of the revenue " ; and whenever they

embraced the profeffion of arms, they were immediately intruſted

53
with a troop of horfe, or a cohort of foot " . Trajan and Hadrian

formed their cavalry from the fame provinces, and the ſame claſs of

their fubjects, which recruited the ranks of the legion . The horſes

were bred, for the moſt part, in Spain or Cappadocia. The Roman

troopers deſpiſed the complete armour with which the cavalry of the

49 Polyb. 1. xvii. fenfe of that very curious paffage was firſt

5 Veget. de Re Militari, 1. ii. c. 6. His difcovered and illuftrated by M. de Beaufort,
pofitive teftimony, which might be fupported Republique Romaine, 1. ii. c . 2 .
by circumftantial evidence, ought furely to 53 As in the inftance of Horace and Agri-
filence thofe critics who refufe the Imperial cola. This appears to have been a defect in
Jegion its proper body of cavalry. the Roman diſcipline ; which Hadrian endea-
5 See Livy almost throughout, particu- voured to remedy, by afcertaining the legal
larly xlii . 61 . age of a tribune.
52 Plin. Hift. Natur. xxxiii . 2 . The true

VOL. I. D Eaft
18 THE DECLINE AND FALL

CHA P. Eaft was encumbered. Their more ufeful arms confifted in a

I.
helmet, an oblong ſhield, light boots, and a coat of mail. A jave-

lin, and a long broad fword, were their principal weapons of

offence. The uſe of lances and of iron maces they ſeem to have bor-
rowed from the barbarians 54.·
Auxiliaries.
The ſafety and honour of the empire was principally intruſted to
the legions, but the policy of Rome condefcended to adopt every
ufeful inftrument of war. Confiderable levies were regularly made

among the provincials, who had not yet deferved the honourable

diftinction of Romans. Many dependant princes and communities ,

difperfed round the frontiers, were permitted , for a while, to hold

their freedom and fecurity by the tenure of military ſervice ".

Even felect troops of hoſtile barbarians were frequently compelled

or perfuaded to confume their dangerous valour in remote climates,

56
and for the benefit of the ſtate · All theſe were included under

the general name of auxiliaries ; and howfoever they might vary ac-

cording to the difference of times and circumſtances , their numbers

were feldom much inferior to thofe of the legions themfelves ".

Among the auxiliaries, the braveft and moft faithful bands were

placed under the command of præfects and centurions , and ſeverely

trained in the arts of Roman difcipline ; but the far greater part re-

tained thofe arms, to which the nature of their country, or their

early habits of life, more peculiarly adapted them. By this in-

ftitution each legion, to whom a certain proportion of auxiliaries was

allotted, contained within itſelf every fpecies of lighter troops, and

of miffile weapons ; and was capable of encountering every na-

54 See Arrian's Tactics. ately fent into Britain . Dion Caffius, 1. lxxi .
55 Such, in particular, was the ſtate of 57 Tacit. Annal. iv. 5. Thoſe who fix
the Batavians. Tacit. Germania, c. 29 . a regular proportion of as many foot, and
56 Marcus Antoninus obliged the van- twice as many horfe, confound the auxili-
quifhed Quadi and Marcomanni to fupply him aries of the emperors, with the Italian allies
with a large body oftroops, which he immedi- of the republic.

tion,
 OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 19

58
tion, with the advantages of its refpective arms and difcipline " . CHAP.
I.
Nor was the legion deftitute of what, in modern language, would
be ftyled a train of artillery. It confifted in ten military engines Artillery.

of the largeft, and fifty-five of a finaller fize ; but all of which,

either in an oblique or horizontal manner, difcharged ftones and

darts with irrefiftible violence ".

The camp of a Roman legion prefented the appearance of a for- Encamp-

ment.
tified city . As foon as the ſpace was marked out, the pioneers

carefully levelled the ground, and removed every impediment that

might interrupt its perfect regularity. Its form was an exact

quadrangle ; and we may calculate , that a ſquare of about ſeven

hundred yards was fufficient for the encampment of twenty thou-

fand Romans ; though a fimilar number of our own troops would

expofe to the enemy a front of more than treble that extent. In the

midſt of the camp, the prætorium , or general's quarters, rofe above

the others ; the cavalry, the infantry , and the auxiliaries occupied

their reſpective ſtations ; the ftreets were broad, and perfectly

ftraight, and a vacant fpace of two hundred feet was left on all fides,
between the tents and the rampart. The rampart itſelf was ufually

twelve feet high, armed with a line of ftrong and intricate palifades ,

and defended by a ditch of twelve feet in depth as well as in breadth.

This important labour was performed by the hands of the legionaries

58 Vegetius, ii. 2. Arrian , in his order of
march and battle against the Alani.
59 The fubject of the ancient machines is
treated with great knowledge and ingenuity
by the Chevalier Folard (Polybe, tom. ii. p.
233-290) . He prefers them in many refpects
to our modern cannon and mortars. We may
opferve, that the ufe of them in the field gra-
dually became more prevalent, in proportion
as perfonal valour and military fkill declined.
with the Roman empire. When men were no
longer found, their place was fupplied by
machines. See Vegetius, ii . 25. Arrian .
6° Vegetius finithes his fecond book, and
the defcription of the legion, with the fol-
lowing emphatic words : " Univerfa quæ in
66 quoque belli genere
neceffaria effe cre.
duntur, fecum legio debet ubique portare ,
66
ut in quovis loco fixerit caftra, armatam
" faciat civitatem . "

D 2 themſelves ;
20 THE DECLINE AND FALL

CHAP. themſelves ; to whom the ufe of the fpade and the pick- axe was no
I.
lefs familiar than that of the fword or pilum. Active valour may

often be the prefent of nature ; but fuch patient diligence can be

the fruit only of habit and diſcipline" .
March. Whenever the trumpet gave the fignal of departure, the camp

was almoſt inftantly broke up, and the troops fell into their
ranks without delay or confuſion . Befides their arms, which

the legionaries fcarcely confidered as an encumbrance, they were .

laden with their kitchen furniture, the inftruments of fortifica-

tion , and the provifion of many days 62. Under this weight,

which would opprefs the delicacy of a modern foldier, they were-

trained by a regular ftep to advance, in about fix hours, near

twenty miles 63. On the appearance of an enemy, they threw afide

their baggage, and by eafy and rapid evolutions converted the

64
column of march into an order of battle "4. The flingers and

archers fkirmiſhed in the front ; the auxiliaries formed the first

line, and were feconded or fuftained by the ftrength of the le-

gions : the cavalry covered the flanks, and the military engines
were placed in the rear.
Number and Such were the arts of war, by which the Roman emperors de-
cifpofition of
the legions . fended their extenſive conquefts , and preſerved a military ſpirit, at

a time when every other virtue was oppreffed by luxury and

defpotiſm . If, in the confideration of their armies, we pafs from

their diſcipline to their numbers, we fhall not find it eaſy to

define them with any tolerable accuracy. We may compute,

however, that the legion , which was itſelf a body of fix thou-

For the Roman Caftremetation, fee Po- 63 Vegetius, i . 9. See Memoires de

lybius, 1. vi. with Lipfius de Militia Roma-
na, Jofeph. de Bel. Jud . 1. iii . c. 5. Vege-
tius, i . 21-25 . iii . 9. and Memoires de
Guichard, tom. i . c. 1.
62 Cicero in Tufculan . ii . 37 .--- Jofeph . de
Bell. Jud. 1. iii . 5. Frontinus , iv. 1.
l'Academie des Infcriptions, tom . xxv. p .
187 .
64 See thofe evolutions admirably well ex-
plained by M. Guichard, Nouveaux Me-
moires, tom. i. p. 141–234.
5 fand
 OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 21

fand eight hundred and thirty-one Romans, might, with its at- CHA P.
I.
tendant auxiliaries, amount to about twelve thoufand five hundred

men. The peace eſtabliſhment of Hadrian and his fucceffors was

compoſed of no leſs than thirty of theſe formidable brigades ; and

moſt probably formed a ſtanding force of three hundred and feventy-

five thousand men . Inftead of being confined within the walls of

fortified cities, which the Romans confidered as the refuge of weak-

nefs or pufillanimity, the legions were encamped on the banks of

the great rivers, and along the frontiers of the barbarians. As

their ſtations, for the most part, remained fixed and permanent,

we may venture to defcribe the diftribution of the troops. Three

legions were fufficient for Britain. The principal ftrength lay

upon the Rhine and Danube, and confifted of fixteen legions,

in the following proportions : two in the Lower, and three in

the Upper Germany ; one in Rhætia, one in Noricum , four in

Pannonia, three in Mafia, and two in Dacia. The defence of the

Euphrates was entrusted to eight legions, fix of whom were planted

in Syria, and the other two in Cappadocia. With regard to Egypt,

Africa, and Spain, as they were far removed from any important

fcene of war, a fingle legion maintained the domeftic tranquillity .

of each of thofe great provinces. Even Italy was not left deſtitute

of a military force. Above twenty thouſand choſen foldiers, diftin-

guiſhed by the titles of City Cohorts and Prætorian Guards , watched.

over the fafety of the monarch and the capital. As the authors of

almoft every revolution that diftracted the empire, the Prætorians

will, very foon, and very loudly, demand our attention ; but in their

arms and inftitutions, we cannot find any circumftance which dif

criminated them from the legions, unleſs it were a more fplendid

appearance, and a lefs rigid difcipline " .

Tacitus (Annal. iv. 5. ) has given us a the proper medium between theſe two peri
ftate of the legions under Tiberius : and ods. See likewife Lipfius de Magnitudine
Dion Caffius (1. lv. p. 794. ) under Alex Romanâ, l. i . c. 4, 5.
ander Severus. I have endeavoured to fix on
The
22 THE DECLINE AND FALL

С НА Р. The navy maintained by the emperors might feem inadequate to

'
I.
their greatneſs ; but it was fully fufficient for every uſeful purpoſe
Navy.
of government. The ambition of the Romans was confined to the

land ; nor was that warlike people ever actuated by the enter-

prifing fpirit which had prompted the navigators of Tyre , of Car-

thage, and even of Marſeilles , to enlarge the bounds of the world ,

and to explore the moſt remote coafts of the ocean. To the Romans

the ocean remained an object of terror rather than of curiofity " ;

the whole extent of the Mediterranean , after the deftruction of Car-

thage, and the extirpation of the pirates , was included within their

provinces . The policy of the emperors was directed only to pre-

ferve the peaceful dominion of that fea, and to protect the com-

merce of their fubjects . With thefe moderate views , Auguſtus

ftationed two permanent fleets in the moſt convenient ports of

Italy, the one at Ravenna , on the Adriatic , the other at Mifenum ,

in the bay of Naples . Experience feems at length to have con-

vinced the ancients , that as foon as their gallies exceeded two , or

at the moſt three ranks of oars , they were fuited rather for vain

pomp than for real fervice . Auguftus himſelf, in the victory of

Actium , had ſeen the fuperiority of his own light frigates (they

were called Liburnians ) over the lofty but unwieldy caftles of his
rival " . Of thefe Liburnians he compofed the two fleets of Ra-

venna and Mifenum , deftined to command, the one the eaſtern ,

the other the weſtern divifion of the Mediterranean ; and to each

of the fquadrons he attached a body of ſeveral thouſand marines .

Beſides theſe two ports , which may be confidered as the princi-

pal feats of the Roman navy , a very confiderable force was fta-

66 The Romans tried to diſguiſe, by the we may credit Orofius, thefe monftrous caf-
pretence of religious awe, their ignorance and tles were no more than ten feet above the
terror. See Tacit . Germania , c. 34. water, vi. 19.
67 Plutarch , in Marc. Anton. And yet, if

1 tioned
 OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 23

CHAP.
tioned at Frejus, on the coaft of Provence, and the Euxine was I.
guarded by forty fhips, and three thoufand foldiers. To all thefe

we add the fleet which preferved the communication between Gaul

and Britain, and a great number of veffels conftantly maintained

on the Rhine and Danube, to harafs the country, or to intercept

the paffage of the barbarians " . If we review this general ftate

of the Imperial forces ; of the cavalry as well as infantry ; of the

legions, the auxiliaries, the guards, and the navy ; the moſt liberal
computation will not allow us to fix the entire eſtabliſhment by fea

and by land at more than four hundred and fifty thouſand men : Amount
the wholeof
a military power, which, however formidable it may feem,
was eſtabliſhi
ment.
equalled by a monarch of the laſt century, whoſe kingdom was con-
fined within a ſingle province of the Roman empire".

We have attempted to explain the fpirit which moderated, and View ofthe
provinces of
the ftrength which fupported, the power of Hadrian and the An- the Roman .
empire.
tonines. We ſhall now endeavour, with clearneſs and preciſion, to

deſcribe the provinces once united under their ſway, but, at prefent,.
divided into fo many independent and hoftile ftates.

Spain, the weſtern extremity of the empire, of Europe, and of the Spain..

ancient world, has, in every age, invariably preſerved the fame na-

tural limits ; the Pyrenæan mountains, the Mediterranean, and the

Atlantic Ocean. That great peninfula, at prefent fo unequally di-

vided between two fovereigns, was diftributed by Auguftus into

three provinces, Lufitania, Bætica, and Tarraconenfis. The king-

dom of Portugal now fills the place of the warlike country of the

Lufitanians ; and the lofs fuftained by the former, on the fide of the

Eaft, is compenfated by an acceffion of territory towards the North .

The confines of Grenada and Andalufia correſpond with thoſe of

68 See Lipfius, de Magnitud. Rom . 1. i. 69 Voltaire, Siecle de Louis XIV. c. 29.

c. 5. The fixteen laft chapters of Vegetius It must, however, be remembered, that
relate to naval affairs. France ftill feels that extraordinary effort.
ancient
24 THE DECLINE AND FALL

CHAP ancient Bætica. The remainder of Spain, Gallicia, and the Afturias,
I.
Biſcay, and Navarre, Leon, and the two Caftilles, Murcia, Va-
lencia, Catalonia, and Arragon , all contributed to form the third

and moft confiderable of the Roman governments, which, from the

name of its capital, was ftyled the province of Tarragona ". Of

the native barbarians, the Celtiberians were the moſt powerful, as

the Cantabrians and Afturians proved the moſt obftinate. Confident

in the ſtrength of their mountains, they were the laſt who fub-

mitted to the arms of Rome, and the firſt who threw off the yoke of
the Arabs.

Gaul. Ancient Gaul, as it contained the whole country between the

Pyrenees, the Alps, the Rhine, and the Ocean, was of greater extent
than modern France. To the dominions of that powerful monarchy,

with its recent acquifitions of Alface and Lorraine, we muſt add the

dutchy of Savoy, the cantons of Switzerland, the four electorates of

the Rhine, and the territories of Liege, Luxemburgh, Hainault, Flan-

ders, and Brabant. When Auguftus gave laws to the conquefts of

his father, he introduced a diviſion of Gaul equally adapted to the

progrefs of the legions, to the courſe of the rivers, and to the

principal national diſtinctions, which had comprehended above

an hundred independent ftates ". The fea- coaft of the Medi-

terranean, Languedoc, Provence, and Dauphiné, received their

provincial appellation from the colony of Narbonne. The go-

vernment of Aquitaine was extended from the Pyrenees to the

Loire. The country between the Loire and the Seine was ftyled the

7° See Strabo, 1. ii. It is natural enough
to fuppofe, that Arragon is derived from Tar-
raconenfis, and feveral moderns who have
written in Latin, uſe thoſe words as fynony-
mous. It is however certain , that the Arra-
gon, a little ſtream which falls from the Py-
renees into the Ebro, first gave its name to a
country, and gradually to a kingdom. See
d'Anville, Geographie du Moyen Age, p. 181 .
71 One hundred and fifteen cities appear in
the Notitia of Gaul ; and it is well known
that this apellation was applied not only to
the capital town, but to the whole territory
of each ftate. But Plutarch and Appian in-
creaſe the number of tribes to three or four
hundred.
Celtic
 OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 25

Celtic Gaul, and foon borrowed a new denomination from the cele- CHA P.
I.
brated colony of. Lugdunum, " or Lyons. The Belgic lay beyond the

Seine, and in more ancient times had been bounded only by the

Rhine ; but a little before the age of Cæfar, the Germans, abufing their

fuperiority of valour, had occupied a confiderable portion of the

Belgic territory. The Roman conquerors very eagerly embraced fo

flattering a circumftance, and the Gallic frontier of the Rhine, from

Bafil to Leyden, received the pompous names of the Upper and the
72
Lower Germany 2. Such, under the reign of the Antonines, were

the fix provinces of Gaul ; the Narbonnefe, Aquitaine, the Celtic, or

Lyonnefe, the Belgic, and the two Germanies.

We have already had occafion to mention the conqueſt of Britain.

Britain, and to fix the boundary of the Roman province in this

ifland. It comprehended all England, Wales, and the Lowlands of

Scotland, as far as the Friths of Dunbarton and Edinburgh. Before

Britain loft her freedom, the country was irregularly, divided between

thirty tribes of barbarians, of whom the moft confiderable were the

Belge in the Weft, the Brigantes in the North, the Silures in South

Wales, and the Iceni in Norfolk and t Suffolk "

3. As far as we can

either trace or credit the refemblance of manners and language,

Spain, Gaul, and Britain were peopled by the fame hardy race of

favages. Before they yielded to the Roman arms, they often dif-

puted the field , and often renewed the conteft. After their fubmif-
fion they conftituted the weſtern divifion of the European provinces ,
which extended from the columns of Hercules to the wall of

Antoninus, and from the mouth of the Tagus to the fources of the
Rhine and Danube.

Before the Roman conqueft, the country which is now called Italy.

Lombardy, was not confidered as a part of Italy. It had been

72 D'Anville. Notice de l'Ancienne 73 Whitaker's Hiftory of Manchester , vol . i.

Gaule. c. 3.

VOL. I. E occupied

!
26 THE DECLINE AND FALL

CHA
I. P. occupied by a powerful colony of Gauls, who fettling themſelves .

along the banks of the Po, from Piedmont to Romagna, carried their

arms and diffuſed their name from the Alps to the Apennine. The

Ligurians dwelt on the rocky coaft, which now forms the republic

of Genoa. Venice was yet unborn ; but the territories of that ſtate,

which lie to the eaſt of the Adige, were inhabited by the Vene--
tians 74 The middle part of the peninſula that now compoſes the

dutchy of Tuſcany and the ecclefiaftical ftate, was the ancient feat

of the Etrufcans and Umbrians ; to the former of whom Italy

was indebted for the firſt rudiments of civilized life ". The Ty--
ber rolled at the foot ofthe feven hills of Rome, and the country

of the Sabines, the Latins, and the Volfci, from that river to the

frontiers of Naples, was the theatre of her infant victories. On

that celebrated ground the firft confuls deferved triumphs ; their

fucceffors adorned villas, and their pofterity have erected con--
vents 76• Capua and Campania poffeffed the immediate territory of

Naples ; the reft of the kingdom was inhabited by many warlike

nations, the Marfi, the Samnites, the Apulians, and the Luca-
nians ; and the fea-coafts had been covered by the flourishing colo-

nies of the Greeks. We may remark, that when Auguftus divided .

Italy into eleven regions, the little province of Iftria was annexed to
that feat of Roman fovereignty ".

The Danube
The European provinces of Rome were protected by the courſe
and Illyrian
frontier . of the Rhine and the Danube. The latter of thofe mighty freams,

which rifes at the diftance of only thirty miles from the former,

flows above thirteen hundred miles , for the most part, to the ſouth--

eaft, collects the tribute of fixty navigable rivers, and is, at length,.

74 The Italian Veneti , though often con-
founded with the Gauls, were more probably
of Illyrian origin . See M. Freret, Memoires
de l'Academie des Infcriptions, tom . xviii.
75 See Maffei Verona illuftrata, 1. i.
76 The first contraft was obſerved by the
ancients. See Florus , i. 11. The fecond
must ftrike every modern traveller.
77 Pliny ( Hift. Natur. 1. iii . ) follows the
divifion of Italy, by Auguftus.

5 through :
 OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 27

through fix mouths received into the Euxine, which appears fcarcely CHA P.
I.
78
equal to fuch an acceffion of waters " . The provinces of the

Danube foon acquired the general appellation of Illyricum, or the

Illyrian frontier ", and were eſteemed the moſt warlike of the

empire ; but they deſerve to be more particularly confidered under

the names of Rhætia, Noricum, Pannonia, Dalmatia, Dacia, Mæfia,

Thrace, Macedonia, and Greece.

The province of Rhætia, which foon extinguiſhed the name of Rhatia.

the Vindelicians, extended from the fummit of the Alps to the

banks of the Danube ; from its fource, as far as its conflux with

the Inn. The greateſt part of the flat country is fubject to the

elector of Bavaria ; the city of Augſburg is protected by the con-

ftitution of the German empire ; the Grifons are fafe in their moun-

tains, and the country of Tirol is ranked among the numerous

provinces of the houſe of Auftria.

The wide extent of territory, which is included between the Inn , Noricum and
Pannonia.
the Danube , and the Save ; Auftria, Styria, Carinthia, Carniola,

the Lower Hungary and Sclavonia, was known to the ancients un-

der the names of Noricum and Pannonia. In their original ſtate

of independence, their fierce inhabitants were intimately connected.

Under the Roman government they were frequently united, and they

fill remain the patrimony of a fingle family. They now contain

the refidence of a German prince, who ftyles himſelf Emperor of

the Romans, and form the center, as well as ftrength, of the Auſtrian

power. It may not be improper to obferve, that if we except

Bohemia, Moravia, the northern ſkirts of Auftria, and a part of

Hungary, between the Teyfs and the Danube, all the other domi-

78 Tournefort, Voyages en Grèce et Afie was gradually extended by the Romans from
Mineure, lettre xviii . the Alps to the Euxine Sea. See Severini
79 The name of Illyricum originally be- Pannonia, 1. i. c. 3.
Jonged to the fea-coaft of the Hadriatic, and

E 2 nions
 28 THE DECLINE AND FALL

CHA P. nions of the Houſe of Auftria were compriſed within the limits of
I.
the Roman empire.
Dalmatia.
Dalmatia, to which the name of Illyricum more properly belonged ,
was a long, but narrow tract, between the Save and the Adriatic.

The best part of the fea-coaft, which ſtill retains its ancient ap-

pellation, is a province of the Venetian ſtate, and the feat of the

little republic of Ragufa. The inland parts have affumed the Scla-

vonian names of Croatia and Boſnia ; the former obeys an Auſtrian

governor, the latter a Turkiſh pafha ; but the whole country is ftill

infeſted by tribes of barbarians, whoſe ſavage independence irregu-

larly marks the doubtful limit of the Chriftian and Mahometan
80
power $0.
Mafia and
Dacia. After the Danube had received the waters of the Teyfs and the
81
Save, it acquired, at leaft, among the Greeks, the name of Ifter ..

It formerly divided Mafia and Dacia , the latter of which, as we

have already feen, was a conqueft of Trajan, and the only pro-

vince beyond the river. If we inquire into the preſent ſtate of thoſe
countries, we ſhall find that, on the left hand of the Danube, Temef-

war and Tranfylvania have been annexed, after many revolutions,

to the crown of Hungary ; whilft the principalities of Moldavia and

Walachia acknowledge the fupremacy of the Ottoman Porte. On

the right hand of the Danube, Mafia, which, during the middle ages ,,

was broken into the barbarian kingdoms of Servia and Bulgaria, is:

again united in Turkish flavery.

Thrace , Ma-
The appellation of Roumelia, which is ftill bestowed by the
cedonia , and
Greece . Turks on the extenfive countries of Thrace, Macedonia, and Greece ,

preferves the memory of their ancient ftate under the Roman

empire. In the time of the Antonines, the martial regions of Thrace,,

-80
A Venetian traveller, the Abbate
Fortis, has lately given us fome ac-
count of thofe very obfcure countries.
But the geography and antiquities of the
weflern Illyricum can be expected only
from the munificence of the emperor, its
fovereign.
81 The Save rifes near the confines ofIftria,.
and was confidered by the more early Greeks.
as the principal ftream of the Danube.
from
 OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 29

from the mountains of Hamus and Rhodope, to the Bofphorus and CHA P.
I.
the Hellefpont, had affumed the form of a province . Notwith- རམས་

ftanding the change of mafters and of religion, the new city of

Rome, founded by Conftantine on the banks of the Bofphorus,

has ever fince remained the capital of a great monarchy. The

kingdom of Macedonia, which , under the reign of Alexander,

gave laws to Afia, derived more folid advantages from the policy

of the two Philips ; and with its dependencies of Epirus and

Theffaly, extended from the Ægean to the Ionian fea . When

we reflect on the fame of Thebes and Argos, of Sparta and Athens ,

we can ſcarcely perfuade ourſelves, that fo many immortal repub-

lics of ancient Greece were loft in a fingle province of the Roman

empire, which , from the fuperior influence of the Achæan league,

was uſually denominated the province of Achaia.

Such was the ſtate of Europe under the Roman emperors. The Afia Minor..

provinces of Afia, without excepting the tranfient conqueſts of

Trajan, are all comprehended within the limits of the Turkiſh

power. But, inſtead of following the arbitrary divifions of defpotiſm

and ignorance, it will be fafer for us, as well as more agreeable,

to obferve the indelible characters of nature. The name of Afia

Minor is attributed with fome propriety to the peninfula, which,

confined between the Euxine and the Mediterranean, advances from

the Euphrates towards Europe. The moft extenfive and flouriſhing

diſtrict, weſtward of mount Taurus and the river Halys, was dig-

nified by the Romans with the exclufive title of Afia. The jurif-

diction of that province extended over the ancient monarchies of

Troy, Lydia, and Phrygia, the maritime countries of the Pamphy-

lians, Lycians, and Carians, and the Grecian colonies of Ionią,

which equalled in arts, though not in arms, the glory of their pa

rent. The kingdoms of Bithynia and Pontus poffeffed the northern

fide of the peninfula from Conftantinople to Trebizond . On the

oppofite fide, the province of Cilicia was terminated by the moun-

tains.
 30 THE DECLINE AND FALL

CHA
I. P. tains of Syria : the inland country, feparated from the Roman

Afia by the river Halys, and from Armenia by the Euphrates, had

once formed the independent kingdom of Cappadocia. In this

place we may obſerve, that the northern fhores of the Euxine , be-

yond Trebizond in Afia, and beyond the Danube in Europe, ac-

knowledged the fovereignty of the emperors, and received at their

hands, either tributary princes or Roman garrifons. Budzak, Crim

Tartary, Circaffia,and Mingrelia, are the modern appellations of

82
thofe favage countries
Syria, Phoe
nicia , and Under the fucceffors of Alexander, Syria was the feat of the
Paleftine.
Seleucida, who reigned over Upper Afia, till the fuccefsful revolt
of the Parthians confined their dominions between the Euphrates

and the Mediterranean. When Syria became fubject to the Romans ,

it formed the eaftern frontier of their empire ; nor did that province,

in its utmoft latitude, know any other bounds than the moun-
tains of Cappadocia to the north, and towards the fouth, the con-
fines of Egypt, and the Red Sea. Phoenicia and Paleftine were

fometimes annexed to, and fometimes feparated from, the jurifdiction

of Syria. The former of thefe was a narrow and rocky coaft ; the

latter was a territory fcarcely fuperior to Wales , either in fertility

or extent. Yet Phoenicia and Paleftine will for ever live in the

memory of mankind ; fince America, as well as Europe, has re-

ceived letters from the one, and religion from the other 3. A fandy
defert alike deftitute of wood and water fkirts along the doubtful

confine of Syria, from the Euphrates to the Red Sea. The wan-

dering life of the Arabs was infeparably connected with their inde-

82 See the Periplus of Arrian . He exa- before Chrift ; and the Europeans carried them
mined the coafts of the Euxine , when he was
to America, about fifteen centuries after the
governor of Cappadocia . Chriftian æra. But in a period of three thou-
83 The progrefs of religion is well known . fand years, the Phoenician alphabet received
The use of letters was introduced among the confiderable alterations , as it paffed through
favages of Europe about fifteen hundred years the hands of the Greeks and Romans.

pendence,
 OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE
31

pendence, and wherever, on fome fpots lefs barren than the reft, CHA P.
I.
they ventured to form any fettled habitations, they foon became fub-
84
jects to the Roman empire *.

The geographers of antiquity have frequently heſitated to what Egypt .

portion of the globe they ſhould afcribe Egypt " . By its fituation
that celebrated kingdom is included within the immenfe peninfula of

Africa ; but it is acceffible only on the fide of Afia, whoſe revolu-

tions, in almoſt every period of hiftory, Egypt has humbly obeyed..

A Roman præfect was feated on the ſplendid throne of the Ptolemies ;

and the iron fceptre of the Mamalukes is now in the hands of a

Turkish paſha. The Nile flows down the country, above five hun-
dred miles from the tropic of Cancer to the Mediterranean, and

marks, on either fide, the extent of fertility by the meaſure of its

inundations. Cyrene, fituate towards the weft, and along the fea-

coaft, was firft a Greek colony, afterwards a province of Egypt,

and is now loft in the defert of Barca..

From Cyrene to the ocean, the coaft of Africa extends above fif- Africa.

teen hundred miles ; yet fo clofely is it preffed between the Medi-

terranean and the Sahara, or fandy defert, that its breadth ſeldom
exceeds fourfcore or an hundred miles. The eaſtern divifion was

confidered by the Romans as the more peculiar and proper pro-

vince of Africa , Till the arrival of the Phoenician colonies, that

fertile country was inhabited by the Libyans, the moſt ſavage of

mankind. Under the immediate jurifdiction of Carthage, it became

the center of commerce and empire ; but the republic of Carthage

is now degenerated into the feeble and diforderly ftates of Tripoli and

84 Dion Caffius, lib. lxviii. p. 1131. have preferred for that purpofe the weft-
85
Ptolemy and Strabo, with the modern ern branch of the Nile, or even the
geographers, fix the Ifthmus of Suez as the great Catabathmus, or defcent, which laft
boundary of Afia and Africa. Dionyfius, would affign to Afia, not only Egypt, but
Mela, Pliny, Salluft, Hirtius and Solinus, part of Libya.

Tunis.
732 THE DECLINE AND FALL

CHAP.
..I. Tünis. The military government of Algiers oppreffes the wide extent

of Numidia, as it was once united under Maffiniffa and Jugurtha :

but in the time of Auguftus, the limits of Numidia were contracted ;

and, at leaft, two thirds of the country acquiefced in the name of

Mauritania, with the epithet of Cæfarienfis. The genuine Mau-

ritania, or country of the Moors, which, from the ancient city of

Tingi, or Tangier, was diftinguiſhed by the appellation of Tingi-

tana, is repreſented by the modern kingdom of Fez. Salle, on the
Ocean, fo infamous at prefent for its piratical depredations, was no-
ticed by the Romans, as the extreme object of their power, and almoft

of their geography. A city of their foundation may ſtill be dif-

covered near Mequinez, the refidence of the barbarian whom we

condeſcend to ſtyle the Emperor of Morocco ; but it does not appear ,

that his more fouthern dominions, Morocco itſelf, and Segelmeſſa ,

were ever comprehended within the Roman province. The weftern

parts of Africa are interfected by the branches of mount Atlas, a

name fo idly celebrated by the fancy of poets " ; but which is now
diffuſed over the immenfe ocean that rolls between the ancient and

the new continent 87.

The Medi-
terranean Having now finifhed the circuit of the Roman empire, we
with its may obferve, that Africa is divided from Spain by a narrow
inlands .
ftrait of about twelve miles, through which the Atlantic flows
into the Mediterranean. The columns of Hercules, fo famous

among the ancients, were two mountains which feemed to have been

torn aſunder by ſome convulſion of the elements ; and at the foot of

16 The long range, moderate height, and
gentle declivity of mount Atlas (fee Shaw's
Travels, p. 5. ) are very unlike a folitary
mountain which rears its head into the
clouds, and feems to fupport the heavens .
The peak of Teneriff, on the contrary, rifes
a league and a half above the furface of the
fea, and as it was frequently vifited by the
Phoenicians, might engage the notice of the
Greek poets . See Buffon , Hiftoire Naturelle,
tom. i. p. 312. Hiftoire des Voyages , tom.
ii.
87 M. de Voltaire , tom . xiv. p. 297. un-
fupported by either fact or probability, has
generouſly beſtowed the Canary Iſlands on the
Roman empire.
the
 OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 33

the European mountain, the fortrefs of Gibraltar is now feated. CHA P.

I.
The whole extent of the Mediterranean Sea, its coafts, and its iflands,
were compriſed within the Roman dominion. Of the larger iſlands,

the two Baleares, which derive their name of Majorca and Minorca
from their reſpective ſize, are ſubject at preſent, the former to Spain,
the latter to Great Britain. It is eaſier to deplore the fate, than to
defcribe the actual condition of Corfica. Two Italian fovereigns
affume a regal title from Sardinia and Sicily. Crete, or Candia ,

with Cyprus, and moft of the fmaller iflands of Greece and Afia,
have been fubdued by the Turkish arms ; whilft the little rock of
Malta defies their power, and has emerged, under the government

of its military Order, into fame and opulence.

This long enumeration of provinces, whofe broken fragments General idea
ofthe Roman
have formed fo many powerful kingdoms, might almoft induce us empire.
to forgive the vanity or ignorance of the ancients. Dazzled with the

extenſive ſway, the irreſiſtible ſtrength, and the real or affected mo-

deration of the emperors, they permitted themſelves to defpife, and

fometimes to forget, the outlying countries which had been left in

the enjoyment of a barbarous independence ; and they gradually

ufurped the licence of confounding the Roman monarchy with the

globe of the earth . But the temper, as well as knowledge, of a

modern hiftorian, require a more fober and accurate language. He

may imprefs a jufter image of the greatnefs of Rome, by obferving

that the empire was above two thouſand miles in breadth, from the
wall of Antoninus and the northern limits of Dacia, to mount Atlas

and the tropic of Cancer ; that it extended, in length, more than

three thoufand miles from the Weſtern Ocean to the Euphrates ; that

it was fituated in the fineft part of the Temperate Zone, between

the twenty-fourth and fifty-fixth degrees of northern latitude ;

and that it was ſuppoſed to contain above fixteen hundred thouſand
fquare miles, for the moſt part of fertile and well cultivated land " .
88
ss Bergier, Hift . des Grands Chemins, but I diftruft both the doctor's learning and
1. iii. c. 1 , 2, 3 , 4. a very uſeful collection . his maps.
19 See Templeman's Survey of the Globe:
VOL. I. F
 THE DECLINE AND FALL
34

CHA P. II .

Of the Union and internal Profperity ofthe Roman Empire,

in the Age of the Antonines.

СНАР. T is not alone by the rapidity, or extent of conqueſt, that we

II.
IT The fovereign of
fhould eftimate the greatneſs of Rome.
Principles of
the Ruffian deferts commands a larger portion of the globe.
government.
In the feventh fummer after his paffage of the Hellefpont,

Alexander erected the Macedonian trophies on the banks of the

Hyphafis '. Within leſs than a century, the irreſiſtible Zingis, and

the Mogul princes of his race, fpread their cruel devaftations and

tranfient empire, from the fea of China, to the confines of Egypt

and Germany . But the firm edifice of Roman power was raiſed
and preferved by the wiſdom of ages. The obedient provinces of

Trajan and the Antonines were united by laws, and adorned by

arts. They might occafionally fuffer from the partial abuſe of de-

legated authority ; but the general principle of government was wiſe,

fimple, and beneficent. They enjoyed the religion of their anceſtors,

whilft in civil honours and advantages they were exalted , by juſt

degrees, to an equality with their conquerors.

Univerfal I. The policy of the emperors and the fenate, as far as it con-

fpirit of to- cerned religion,

leration. was happily feconded by the reflections of the

enlightened, and by the habits of the fuperftitious, part of their fub-

jects. The various modes of worship, which prevailed in the

3
They were erected about the mid-
way between Lahor and Dehli. The
conquefts of Alexander in Hindoftan were
confined to the Punjah, a country wa-
tered by the five great ftreams of the
Indus.
2 See M. de Guignes Hiftoire des Huns,
1. xv, xvi, and xvii .
Roman
 OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 35

CHAP.
Roman world, were all confidered by the people, as equally true ; II.
by the philofopher, as equally falſe ; and by the magiſtrate, as
equally uſeful. And thus toleration produced not only mutual in-
dulgence, but even religious concord.

The fuperftition of the people was not embittered by any mixture of the
people.
of theological rancour ; nor was it confined by the chains of any

ſpeculative ſyſtem . The devout polytheiſt, though fondly attached

to his national rites, admitted with implicit faith the different reli-

gions of the earth '. Fear, gratitude, and curiofity, a dream or an

omen, a fingular diſorder, or a diſtant journey, perpetually difpofed

him to multiply the articles of his belief, and to enlarge the liſt of

his protectors. The thin texture of the Pagan mythology was inter-
woven with various, but not difcordant materials. As foon as it was

allowed that fages and heroes, who had lived, or who had died for

the benefit of their country, were exalted to a ſtate of power and im-

mortality, it was univerfally confeffed, that they deſerved, if not

the adoration, at leaft the reverence, of all mankind. The deities of

a thouſand groves and a thoufand ftreams poffeffed, in peace, their

local and reſpective influence ; nor could the Roman who depre-
cated the wrath of the Tiber, deride the Egyptian who prefented his
offering to the beneficent genius of the Nile. The vifible powers

of Nature, the planets, and the elements, were the fame throughout

the univerfe. The invifible governors of the moral world were in-
evitably caft in a fimilar mould of fiction and allegory. Every

virtue, and even vice, acquired its divine reprefentative ; every art

3 There is not any writer who defcribes in
fo lively a manner as Herodotus, the true ge-
nius of Polytheifm . The beſt commentary
may be found in Mr. Hume's Natural History
of Religion ; and the beft contraft in Bof-
fuet's Univerfal Hifiory. Some obfcure
traces of an intolerant fpirit appear in the
conduct of the Egyptians (fee Juvenal , Sat.
xv . ) ; and the Chriftians as well as Jews, who
lived under the Roman empire, formed a very
important exception : fo important indeed,
that the difcuflion will require a diftinct chap-
ter of this work,

F 2 and
 E
L IN
HE EC D LL
36 T D AN FA

CHAP.
11. and profeffion its patron, whoſe attributes, in the moſt diſtant ages

and countries, were uniformly derived from the character of their

peculiar votaries. A republic of gods of fuch oppofite tempers and

intereſt required , in every ſyſtem , the moderating hand of a fu-

preme magiſtrate, who, by the progrefs of knowledge and flattery,

was gradually inveſted with the fublime perfections of an Eternal

Parent, and an Omnipotent Monarch . Such was the mild fpirit

of antiquity, that the nations were leſs attentive to the difference,

than to the reſemblance, of their religious worthip. The Greek, the

Roman, and the Barbarian, as they met before their reſpective altars,

eaſily perfuaded themſelves, that under various names, and with

various ceremonies, they adored the fame deities. The elegant

mythology of Homer gave a beautiful, and almoſt a regular form ,

to the polytheism of the ancient world '.

Of philofo- The philofophers of Greece deduced their morals from the nature
phers. of man, rather than from that of God. They meditated, however,

on the Divine Nature , as a very curious and important ſpeculation ;

and in the profound inquiry, they difplayed the ftrength and weak-
nefs of the human underſtanding . Of the four moſt celebrated
fchools, the Stoics and the Platonifts endeavoured to reconcile the

jarring interefts of reafon and piety. They have left us the moſt

fublime proofs of the exiftence and perfections of the firft caufe ; but,

as it was impoffible for them to conceive the creation of matter, the

workman in the Stoic philofophy was not fufficiently diſtinguiſhed

from the work ; whilft, on the contrary, the fpiritual God of Plato

4 The rights, powers, and pretenfions of themfelves applied to their gods the names of
the fovereign of Olympus, are very clearly Mercury, Mars, Apollo, &c.
defcribed in the xvth book of the Iliad : in The admirable work of Cicero de Na-
the Greek original, I mean ; for Mr. Pope, turâ Deorum, is the best clue we have to
without perceiving it, has improved the theo- guide us through the dark and profound
logy of Homer. abyfs. He reprefents with candour, and
See for inftance, Cæfar de Bell . Gall . vi . confutes with fubtlety, the opinions of the
17. Within a century or two the Gauls philofophers.
and
 OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 37

and his diſciples, reſembled an idea, rather than a ſubſtance. The CHA P.
II.
opinions of the Academics and Epicureans were of a lefs religious
caft ; but whilft the modeft fcience of the former induced them to

doubt, the pofitive ignorance of the latter urged them to deny, the

providence of a Supreme Ruler. The fpirit of inquiry, prompted

by emulation, and ſupported by freedom , had divided the public

teachers of philofophy into a variety of contending fects ; but the

ingenuous youth, who, from every part, reſorted to Athens, and

the other feats of learning in the Roman empire, were alike inftruct-
ed in every ſchool to reject and to defpife the religion ofthe multitude.

How, indeed, was it poffible, that a philofopher ſhould accept, as

divine truths, the idle tales of the poets, and the incoherent tradi-

tions of antiquity ; or, that he ſhould adore, as gods, thoſe im-

perfect beings whom he muſt have defpifed, as men ! Againſt fuch

unworthy adverſaries, Cicero condefcended to employ the arms of

reafon and eloquence ; but the fatire of Lucian was a much more
adequate, as well as more efficacious weapon . We may be well

affured, that a writer, converfant with the world, would never have

ventured to expoſe the gods of his country to public ridicule, had

they not already been the objects of fecret contempt among the

poliſhed and enlightened orders of fociety '.

Notwithſtanding the faſhionable irreligion which prevailed in the

age of the Antonines, both the intereſt of the prieſts and the credulity

of the people were fufficiently refpected. In their writings and con-

verfation, the philofophers of antiquity afferted the independent

dignity of reafon ; but they refigned their actions to the commands

of law and of cuftom . Viewing, with a fimile of pity and indulgence,

the various errors of the vulgar, they diligently practifed the cere-
monies of their fathers, devoutly frequented the temples of the

gods ; and fometimes condefcending to act a part on the theatre of

7 I do not pretend to affert, that, in this ftition, dreams, omens, apparitions, &c. had
irreligious age, the natural terrors of fuper- loft their efficacy.
fuperftition,
 E
N
I
L L
E C D L
H E N A
38 T D A F

CHA
II. P. fuperftition , they concealed the fentiments of an Atheiſt under the
-facerdotal robes . Reaſoners of fuch a temper were ſcarcely in-

clined to wrangle about their reſpective modes of faith , or of wor-

thip. It was indifferent to them what ſhape the folly of the mul-

titude might chufe to affume ; and they approached, with the fame

inward contempt, and the fame external reverence, the altars of the

Lybian, the Olympian , or the Capitoline Jupiter '.

Of the ma- It is not eafy to conceive from what motives a ſpirit of perſecu-
giftrate.
tion could introduce itfelf into the Roman councils. The magif-

trates could not be actuated by a blind, though honeft bigotry,

fince the magiftrates were themfelves philofophers ; and the ſchools

of Athens had given laws to the fenate. They could not be impelled

by ambition or avarice, as the temporal and ecclefiaftical powers

were united in the fame hands. The pontiffs were chofen among

the moft illuftrious of the fenators ; and the office of Supreme Pon-

tiff was conftantly exercifed by the emperors themſelves. They

knew and valued the advantages of religion , as it is connected with

civil government. They encouraged the public feftivals which

humanize the manners of the people. They managed the arts of

divination , as a convenient inftrument of policy ; and they reſpected

as the firmeft bond of fociety, the uſeful perfuafion , that, either in

this or in a future life, the crime of perjury is moft affuredly

punished by the avenging gods '. But whilft they acknowledged

the general advantages of religion , they were convinced, that the

various modes of worſhip contributed alike to the fame falutary

purpofes ; and that , in every country, the form of fuperftition , which

had received the fanction of time and experience, was the beſt adapted

In the pro- to the climate, and to its inhabitants. Avarice and tafte very
winces ;
Socrates, Epicurus , Cicero , and Plu duous and exemplary. Diogen. Laert. x. 10.
tarch, always inculcated a decent reverence Polybius, 1. vi . c. 53 , 54. Juvenal, Sat.
for the religion of their own country, and of xiii. laments, that in his time this apprehen-
mankind . The devotion of Epicurus was affi- fion had loft much ofits effect.

frequently
 OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 39

frequently defpoiled the vanquished nations of the elegant ftatues of CHAP.

II.
their gods, and the rich ornaments of their temples "° : but, in the
exerciſe of the religion which they derived from their anceſtors,

they uniformly experienced the indulgence, and even protection , of

the Roman conquerors . The province of Gaul feems, and indeed
only ſeems, an exception to this univerfal toleration. Under the

fpecious pretext of aboliſhing human facrifices, the emperors Tibe-

rius and Claudius ſuppreſſed the dangerous power of the Druids " :
but the prieſts themſelves, their gods and their altars, fubfifted in

peaceful obfcurity till the final deſtruction of Paganiſm ".

Rome, the capital of a great monarchy, was inceffantly filled with at Rome..

fubjects and ſtrangers from every part of the world ", who all in-

troduced and enjoyed the favourite fuperftitions of their native

country ". Every city in the empire was juſtified in maintaining

the purity of its ancient ceremonies ; and the Roman fenate, ufing
the common privilege, fometimes interpofed, to check this inunda-

tion of foreign rites. The Egyptian fuperftition , of all the moſt

contemptible and abject, was frequently prohibited ; the temples of

Serapis and Ifis demoliſhed, and their worshippers banished from

Rome and Italy ". But the zcal of fanaticifin prevailed over the

10 See the fate of Syracufe, Tarentum , p . 252. ) , and even by the hands of the conful
Ambracia, Corinth, &c. the conduct of ( Valerius Maximus, 1. 3. ) . After the death
Verres, in Cicero ( Actio ii . Orat. 4. ) , and of Cæfar, it was reftored at the public ex-
the ufual practice of governors, in the viiith pence ( Dion , 1. xlvii. p . 501. ) . When Au-
Satire of Juvenal. guftus was in Egypt, he revered the majesty :
" Sueton. in Claud . -Plin . Hift. Nat. of Serapis ( Dion , 1. li . p . 647. ) ; but in the
XXX. 1 . Pomerium of Rome, and a mile round it,
12 Pelloutier Hiftoire des Celtes, tom. vi. he prohibited the worship of the Egyptian
P. 230 252. gods ( Dion , 1. liii. p. 679. 1. liv. p. 735..
13 Seneca Confolat. ad Helviam, p. 74. They remained , however, very fashionable
Edit. Lipf. under his reign ( Ovid . de Art . Amand . 1. i . ) ·
14 Dionyfius Halicarn . Antiquitat . Ro- and that of his fucceffor, till the justice of
man. 1. ii. Tiberius was provoked to ſome acts of feve-
15 In the year of Rome 701 , the temple rity. ( See Tacit . Annal. ii . 85. Jofeph. An- ..
of Ifis and Serapis was demolished by the tiquit . 1. xviii. c. 3. )
order of the fenate (Dion Caffius, 1. xl.
cold
 INE
40 THE DECL AND FALL

CHAP. cold and feeble efforts of policy. The exiles returned, the profe-
II.
lytes multiplied, the temples were reftored with increafing fplendor,

and Ifis and Serapis at length affumed their place among the

Roman deities ". Nor was this indulgence a departure from the

old maxims of government. In the pureft ages of the common-

wealth, Cybele and Efculapius had been invited by folemn em-

baffies " ; and it was customary to tempt the protectors of befieged.

cities, by the promiſe of more diftinguiſhed honours than they

poffeffed in their native country " . Rome gradually became the

common temple of her ſubjects ; and the freedom of the city was

beftowed on all the gods of mankind ".

Freedom of II . The narrow policy of preferving, without any foreign mix-
Rome.
ture, the pure blood of the ancient citizens, had checked the for-

tune, and haftened the ruin, of Athens and Sparta. The afpiring

genius of Rome facrificed vanity to ambition , and deemed it more

prudent, as well as honourable, to adopt virtue and merit for her

own wherefoever they were found, among flaves or ftrangers, ene-

mies or barbarians 20. During the moft flourishing æra of the

Athenian commonwealth , the number of citizens gradually decreaſed

from about thirty " to twenty-one thoufand ". If, on the con-

trary, we ſtudy the growth of the Roman republic , we may diſcover,

that, notwithſtanding the inceffant demands of wars and colonies ,

the citizens, who, in the firft cenfus of Servius Tullius, amounted

to no more than eighty-three thouſand, were multiplied , before the

16 Tertullian in Apologetic. c . 6. p . 74. manus of the learned Spanheim, is a com-

Edit. Havercamp. I am inclined to attri- plete hiſtory of the progreffive admiffion of
bute their eſtabliſhment to the devotion of Latium , Italy, and the provinces, to the
the Flavian family. freedom of Rome.
17 See Livy, 1. xi. and xxix. 21 Herodotus, v. 97. It fhould feem ,
" Macrob. Saturnalia, 1. iii. c. 9 . He however, that he followed a large and popu
gives us a form of evocation . lar eftimation .
19 Minutius Fælix in Octavio, p . 54 . Ar- 22 Athenæus Deipnofophift. 1. vi. p. 272 ,
nobius , 1. vi . p. 115. Edit. Cafaubon. Meurfius de Fortunâ Atticâ,
20 Tacit. Annal . xi . 24 . The Orbis Ro- c. 4.
I commence-
 OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 41

Commencement of the focial war, to the number of four hundred CHA P.

II.
and fixty-three thouſand men, able to bear arms in the fervice of
23
their country "
3. When the allies of Rome claimed an equal fhare

of honours and privileges, the fenate indeed preferred the chance

of arms to an ignominious conceffion . The Samnites and the Lu-

canians paid the fevere penalty of their rafhnefs ; but the reft of the

Italian ftates, as they fucceffively returned to their duty, were ad-

mitted into the bofom of the republic , and foon contributed to

the ruin of public freedom. Under a democratical government, the

` citizens exerciſe the powers of fovereignty ; and thoſe powers will

be firſt abuſed, and afterwards loft, if they are committed to an

unwieldy multitude. But when the popular affemblies had been

fuppreffed by the adminiftration of the emperors , the conquerors

were diſtinguiſhed from the vanquished nations, only as the firft and

moſt honourable order of fubjects ; and their increaſe, however

rapid, was no longer expofed to the fame dangers. Yet the wiſeſt

princes, who adopted the maxims of Auguftus, guarded with the

ftricteft care the dignity of the Roman name, and diffufed the free-
25
dom of the city with a prudent liberality " .

Till the privileges of Romans had been progreffively extended Italy.

to all the inhabitants of the empire, an important diftinction was

preferved between Italy and the provinces. The former was ef-

teemed the centre of public unity, and the firm baſis of the con-
ftitution. Italy claimed the birth, or at leaſt the reſidence, of the
emperors and the fenate 26. The eftates of the Italians were exempt

23 See a very accurate collection of the the practice of his own age, and fo little to
numbers of each Luftrum in M. de Beaufort, that of Auguftus.
Republique Romaine, 1. iv. c. 4. 26 The fenators were obliged to have one-
24 Appian. de Bell. civil. 1. i . Velleius third of their own landed property in Italy.
Paterculus, 1. ii. c . 15 , 16 , 17 . See Plin. 1. vi. ep. 19. The qualification
25 Mæcenas had adviſed him to declare by was reduced by Marcus to one-fourth. Since
one edict, all his fubjects, citizens . But we the reign of Trajan, Italy had funk nearer
mayjustly fufpect that the Hiftorian Dion was to the level of the provinces.
the author of a counfel, fo much adapted to
VOL. I. G from
 THE DECLINE AND FALL
42

CHAP. from taxes, their perfons from the arbitrary juriſdiction of gover-
II .
nors. Their municipal corporations, formed after the perfect, model

of the capital, were intrufted , under the immediate eye of the fu-

preme power, with the execution of the laws. From the foot of the

Alps to the extremity of Calabria, all the natives of Italy were born
citizens of Rome. Their partial diftinctions were obliterated, and

they infenfibly coalefced into one great nation , united by language,

manners, and civil inftitutions, and equal to the weight of a powerful

empire. The republic gloried in her generous policy, and was

frequently rewarded by the merit and fervices of her adopted fons.

Had fhe always confined the diſtinction of Romans to the an--

cient families within the walls of the city, that immortal name

would have been deprived of fome of its nobleft ornaments. Virgil

was a native of Mantua ; Horace was inclined to doubt whether he

fhould call himſelf an Apulian or a Lucanian : it was in Padua that

an hiftorian was found worthy to record the majeſtic ſeries of Ro-

man victories. The patriot family of the Catos emerged from

Tufculum ; and the little town of Arpinum claimed the double

honour of producing Marius and Cicero, the former of whom de-

ferved , after Romulus and Camillus, to be ftyled the Third Founder

of Rome ; and the latter, after faving his country from the deſigns

of Catiline, enabled her to contend with Athens for the palm of

eloquence ".

The pro- The provinces of the empire (as they have been deſcribed in the
vinces.
preceding chapter) were deftitute of any public force, or conſtitu-
tional freedom. In Etruria, in Greece , and in Gaul ", it was

27 The first part of the Verona Illuftrata 29 They are frequently mentioned
of the Marquis Maffei, gives the cleareft and by Cæfar. The Abbé Dubos attempts ,
most comprehenfive view of the ftate of Italy with very little fuccefs, to prove that
under the Cæfars. the affemblies of Gaul were continu-
28 See Paufanias, 1. vii . The Romans ed under the emperors. Hiftoire de l'E-
condeſcended to reftore the names of thofe tabliffement de la Monarchie Françoiſe,
affemblies, when they could no longer be 1. i. c. 4.
dangerous .
the
>
 OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 43

the firſt care of the fenate to diffolve thofe dangerous confederacies CHA P.
II.
which taught mankind, that, as the Roman arms prevailed by di-

vifion, they might be refifted by union. Thoſe princes, whom the

oftentation of gratitude or generofity permitted for a while to hold

a precarious fceptre, were difmiffed from their thrones, as foon as

they had performed their appointed taſk of faſhioning to the yoke

the vanquished nations. The free ftates and cities which had em-

braced the caufe of Rome, were rewarded with a nominal alliance,

and infenfibly funk into real fervitude. The public authority

was every where exercifed by the minifters of the fenate and of the

emperors, and that authority was abfolute, and without control.

But the fame falutary maxims of government, which had fecured

the peace and obedience of Italy, were extended to the moft dif-

tant conquefts. A nation of Romans was gradually formed in the

provinces, by the double expedient of introducing colonies, and of

admitting the moft faithful and deferving of the provincials to the

freedom of Rome.

"Wherefoever the Roman conquers, he inhabits," is a very juft Colonies and

municipal
obfervation of Seneca 30, confirmed by hiſtory and experience. The towns.

natives of Italy, allured by pleaſure or by intereft, haftened to enjoy

the advantages of victory ; and we may remark, that, about forty years

after the reduction of Afia, eighty thouſand Romans were maſſacred

Theſe voluntary I
in one day, by the cruel orders of Mithridates ".

exiles were engaged, for the moſt part, in the occupations of com-
merce, agriculture, and the farm ofthe revenue. But after the legions

were rendered permanent by the emperors, the provinces were peopled

by a race of foldiers ; and the veterans, whether they received the

reward of their fervice in land or in money, ufually fettled with

their families in the country, where they had honourably ſpent

1° Seneca in Confolat. ad Helviam, c. 6. fwell the maffacre to 150,000 citizens ; but

31 Memnon apud Photium , c . 33. Valer. I fhould efteem the fmaller number to be
Maxim. ix. 2. Plutarch and Dion Caffius more than fufficient.
G 2 their
 THE DECLINE AND FALL
44

CHAP. their youth. Throughout the empire, but more particularly in the
II.
weſtern parts, the moſt fertile diſtricts, and the moft convenient

fituations, were reſerved for the eſtabliſhment of colonies ; fome of

which were of a civil, and others of a military nature. In their

manners and internal policy, the colonies formed a perfect repre-

fentation of their great parent ; and they were foon endeared to

the natives by the ties of friendſhip and alliance, they effectually

diffufed a reverence for the Roman name, and a defire, which was

feldom diſappointed, of fharing , in due time, its honours and ad-

vantages . The municipal cities infenfibly equalled the rank and

fplendour of the colonies ; and in the reign of Hadrian , it was dif-

puted which was the preferable condition, of thoſe focieties which

had iffued from , or thoſe which had been received into , the bofom of

Rome . The right of Latium , as it was called, conferred on the

cities to which it had been granted , a more partial favour. The

magiftrates only, at the expiration of their office, affumed the

quality of Roman citizens ; but as thofe offices were annual, in a

few years they circulated round the principal families . Thofe of

the provincials who were permitted to bear arms in the legions 35 ;

thoſe who exercifed any civil employment ; all, in a word, who

performed any publie fervice, or difplayed any perfonal talents ,

were rewarded with a prefent, whofe value was continually di-

miniſhed by the increafing liberality of the emperors. Yet even,

in the age of the Antonines, when the freedom of the city had been

32 Twenty-five colonies were fettled in already enjoyed the rights of Municipia,

Their ex-
Spain (fee Plin. Hift. Natur. iii . 3 , 4. iv . 35. ) : fhould folicit the title of colonies.
and nine in Britain , of which London, Col- ample, however, became faſhionable, and
chefter, Lincoln , Chefter, Glouceſter, and the empire was filled with honorary colo-
Bath, ftill remain confiderable cities (fee nies. See Spanheim, de Ufu Numifmatum,
Richard of Cirencester, p. 36, and Whit- Differtat. xiii.
aker's Hiftory of Manchefter, 1. i . c. 3. ) .
34 Spanheim, Orbis Roman . c. 8. p . 62 .
39 Aul . Gell. Noctes Atticæ, xvi . 13. The
emperor Hadrian expreffed his furprise, that 35 Ariftid . in Romæ Encomio , tom.i. p..
the cities of Utica, Gades, and Itatica, which 218. Edit . Jebb.
beſtowed
 OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 45

beſtowed on the greater number of their fubjects, it was ftill accom- CHA P.
II.
panied with very folid advantages. The bulk of the people ac

quired, with that title, the benefit of the Roman laws, particularly

in the intereſting articles of marriage, teftaments, and inheritances ;

and the road of fortune was open to thofe whofe pretenfions were

feconded by favour or merit. The grandfons of the Gauls, who

had beſieged Julius Cæfar in Alefia, commanded legions, governed

35
provinces, and were admitted into the fenate of Rome "6. Their

ambition, inſtead of diſturbing the tranquillity of the ſtate, was inti- -

mately connected with its fafety and greatneſs.

So fenfible were the Romans of the influence of language over Divifion of

the Latin and
national manners, that it was their moſt ſerious care to extend, with the Greek H
the progreſs of their arms, the ufe of the Latin tongue ". The provinces.

ancient dialects of Italy, the Sabine, the Etrufcan, and the Vene-

tian, funk into oblivion ; but in the provinces, the eaſt was lefs
docile than the weft, to the voice of its victorious preceptors. This

obvious difference marked the two portions of the empire with a

diftinction of colours , which, though it was in fome degree con--

cealed during the meridian fplendor of profperity, became gradually

more viſible, as the fhades of night defcended upon the Roman

world. The weſtern countries were civilized by the fame hands

which fubdued them. As foon as the barbarians were reconciled to

obedience, their minds were opened to any new impreffions of

knowledge and politenefs. The language of Virgil and Cicero ,

though with fome inevitable mixture of corruption , was fo uni-

38
verfally adopted in Africa, Spain , Gaul, Britain, and Pannonia "

that the faint traces of the Punic or Celtic idioms were preferved

36 Tacit. Annal . xi . 23 , 24. Hiſt. iv. 74. Africa ; Strabo for Spain and Gaul ; Taci-
37 See Plin . Hift. Natur . iii . 5. Auguftin . tus, in the life of Agricola, for Britain ;
de Civitate Dei, xix . 7. Lipus de pronun- and Velleius Paterculus , for Pannonia . To
ciatione Lingua Latina, c. 3. them we may add the language of the In-
38 Apuleius and Auguftin will answer for fcriptions ..
only
 E
N
I
E L D L
C L
H E N A
46 T D A F

CHAP.
II. only in the mountains, or among the peaſants " . Education and
ſtudy infenfibly inſpired the natives of thoſe countries with the

fentiments of Romans ; and Italy gave faſhions , as well as laws,

to her Latin provincials. They folicited with more ardour, and

obtained with more facility, the freedom and honours of the ſtate ;
40
ſupported the national dignity in letters *° and in arms ; and , at length,

in the perſon of Trajan, produced an emperor whom the Scipios

would not have difowned for their countryman. The fituation of

the Greeks was very different from that of the barbarians. The

former had been long fince civilized and corrupted. They had

too much taſte to relinquish their language, and too much vanity to

adopt any foreign inſtitutions. Still preſerving the prejudices, after

they had loft the virtues, of their anceſtors, they affected to

deſpiſe the unpoliſhed manners of the Roman conquerors,

whilft they were compelled to refpect their fuperior wifdom and
power ". Nor was the influence of the Grecian language and
fentiments confined to the narrow limits of that once celebrated

country. Their empire, by the progrefs of colonies and con-

queft, had been diffuſed from the Hadriatic to the Euphrates and

the Nile. Afia was covered with Greek cities, and the long reign

of the Macedonian kings had introduced a filent revolution into

Syria and Egypt. In their pompous courts thoſe princes united the

elegance of Athens with the luxury of the Eaſt, and the example of

the court was imitated, at an humble diftance, by the higher ranks of

their ſubjects. Such was the general divifion of the Roman empire

39 The Celtic was preſerved in the moun- St. Auftin's congregations were ftrangers to
tains of Wales , Cornwall, and Armo- the Punic.
rica. We may obſerve that Apuleius re- 40
Spain alone produced Columella, the
proaches an African youth, who lived Senecas, Lucan, Martial , and Quintilian .
among the populace, with the uſe of the 4 There is not, I believe, from Dionyfius
Punic ; whilst he had almoſt forgot Greek, to Libanius, a ſingle Greek critic who men-
and neither could nor would fpeak Latin tions Virgil or Horace. They feem igno-
(Apolog. p. 596. ) . The greater part of rant that the Romans had any good writers.
into
 OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 47

into the Latin and Greek languages. To thefe we may add a third CHA P.
II.
diſtinction for the body of the natives in Syria, and eſpecially in

Egypt. The uſe of their ancient dialects, by fecluding them from

the commerce of mankind, checked the improvements of thoſe bar-

barians " . The flothful effeminacy of the former, expoſed them to

the contempt ; the fullen ferociouſneſs of the latter, excited the aver-

fion of the conquerors . Thofe nations had fubmitted to the Ro-

man power, but they feldom defired or deferved the freedom of the

city ; and it was remarked, that more than two hundred and thirty

years elapfed after the ruin of the Ptolemies, before an Egyptian was
44
admitted into the fenate of Rome**.

It is a juft though trite obſervation, that victorious Rome was her- General ufe
of both lan-
felf fubdued by the arts of Greece. Thofe immortal writers who ſtill guages,

command the admiration of modern Europe, foon became the favour-

ite object of ſtudy and imitation in Italy and the western provinces.

But the elegant amufements of the Romans were not fuffered to in-

terfere with their found maxims of policy. Whilft they acknow-

ledged the charms of the Greek, they afferted the dignity of the Latin

tongue, and the exclufive ufe of the latter was inflexibly maintained
in the adminiftration of civil as well as military government ".

The two languages exercifed at the fame time their feparate jurif-

diction throughout the empire : the former, as the natural idiom of

fcience ; the latter, as the legal dialect of public tranfactions. Thoſe
who united letters with bufinefs, were equally converfant with both ;

and it was almoft impoffible, in any province, to find a Roman fub-

42 The curious reader may fee in Dupin firſt inftance happened under the reign of
(Bibliotheque Ecclefiaftique, tom. xix. p. 1 . Septimius Severus.
c. 8.) how much the ufe of the Syriac and 45 See Valerius Maximus, 1. ii. c . 2. n . 2 .
Egyptian languages was ftill preferved. The emperor Claudius disfranchiſed an emi-
43 See Juvenal, Sat. iii . and xv. Ammian. nent Grecian for not understanding Latin .
Marcellin . xxii . 16 . He was probably in fome public office. Sue-
* Dion Caffius, 1. lxxvii . p. 1275. The tonius in Claud. c. 16.
6
jec,
 E
N
I
L D L
E C L
H E N A
48 T D A F

CHAP.
II. jet, of a liberal education , who was at once a ftranger to the Greek

and to the Latin language .

Slaves. It was by fuch inftitutions that the nations of the empire infenfibly
melted away into the Roman name and people. But there ftill re-

mained, in the centre of every province and of every family, an

unhappy condition of men who endured the weight, without fhar-

ing the benefits, of fociety. In the free ſtates of antiquity, the do-

Their treat meſtic flaves were expoſed to the wanton rigour of defpotiſm . The
ment.
perfect fettlement of the Roman empire was preceded by ages of

violence and rapine. The flaves confifted , for the most part, of

barbarian captives, taken in thouſands by the chance of war, pur-

chafed at a vile price , accuſtomed to a life of independence , and

impatient to break and to revenge their fetters . Againſt fuch in-

ternal enemies, whofe defperate infurrections had more than once

reduced the republic to the brink of deftruction , the moft fevere

regulations , and the moſt cruel treatment, feemed almoft juftified

by the great law of felf-preſervation . But when the principal

nations of Europe, Afia, and Africa, were united under the laws of

one fovereign, the fource of foreign fupplies flowed with much

lefs abundance, and the Romans were reduced to the milder but

more tedious method of propagation . In their numerous families,

and particularly in their country eftates, they encouraged the mar-

riage of their flaves. The fentiments of nature, the habits of edu-

cation, and the poffeffion of a dependent fpecies of property,

contributed to alleviate the hardships of fervitude ". The exiſt-

ence of a ſlave became an object of greater value, and though his

46 In the camp of Lucullus , an ox fold for 48 See a remarkable inftance of feverity in

a drachma , and a flave for four drachmæ ,
or about three ſhillings . Plutarch . in Lucull .
p. 580.
47 Diodorus Siculus in Eclog. Hit. 1 .
xxxiv. and xxxvi . Florus , iii. 19 , 20 .
Cicero in Verrem , v . 3 .
49 See in Gruter, and the other collectors ,
a great number of infcriptions addreffed by
flaves to their wives, children , fellow- fer-
vants , mafters, & c. They are all moſt pro-
bably ofthe Imperial age.

happiness
 OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 49

happineſs ftill depended on the temper and circumftances of the CHA P.

II.
mafter, the humanity of the latter, inftead of being reſtrained by

fear, was encouraged by the ſenſe of his own intereſt. The pro-

grefs of manners was accelerated by the virtue or policy of the em-

perors ; and by the edicts of Hadrian and the Antonines , the pro-
tection of the laws was extended to the moſt abject part of man-

kind. The jurifdiction of life and death over the flaves, a power

long exerciſed and often abuſed, was taken out of private hands,

and referved to the magiftrates alone. The fubterraneous prifons

were aboliſhed ; and, upon a juſt complaint of intolerable treatment,

the injured flave obtained either his deliverance, or a lefs cruel maſ-
ter so.

Hope, the beſt comfort of our imperfect condition, was not denied Enfranchife-
ment.
to the Roman flave ; and if he had any opportunit y of rendering
!
himſelf either ufeful or agreeable, he might very naturally expect

that the diligence and fidelity of a few years would be reward-

ed with the ineftimable gift of freedom. The benevolence of

the maſter was fo frequently prompted by the meaner fug-

geftions of vanity and avarice, that the laws found it more ne-

ceffary to reſtrain than to encourage a profufe and undiſtinguiſh-

ing liberality, which might degenerate into a very dangerous abuſe ".

It was a maxim of ancient jurifprudence, that a flave had not any

country of his own, he acquired with his liberty an admiffion into

the political fociety of which his patron was a member. The

confequences of this maxim would have proftituted the privileges of

the Roman city to a mean and promifcuous multitude . Some fea-

fonable exceptions were therefore provided ; and the honourable

diftinction was confined to fuch flaves only, as for juſt cauſes, and

50 See the Auguftan Hiftory, and a Dif 51 See another Differtation of M. de Bu-
fertation of M. de Burigny, in the xxxvth rigny in the xxxviith volume, on the Roman
volume ofthe Academy of Infcriptions, upon freedmen.
the Roman flaves.
VOL. I. H with
50 THE DECLINE AND FALL

CHAP.
II. with the approbation of the magiftrate, fhould receive a folemn and

legal manumiffion . Even thefe chofen freedmen obtained no

more than the private rights of citizens, and were rigorously

excluded from civil or military honours. Whatever might be

the merit or fortune of their fons, they likewife were eſteemed

unworthy of a feat in the fenate ; nor were the traces of a fervile

origin allowed to be completely obliterated till the third or fourth

generation ". Without deſtroying the diſtinction of ranks , a diſ-

tant profpect of freedom and honours was prefented, even to thoſe

whom pride and prejudice almoſt diſdained to number among the

human fpecies.
Numbers.
It was once propoſed to diſcriminate the flaves by a peculiar habit ;

but it was juſtly apprehended that there might be ſome danger in

53
acquainting them with their own numbers " . Without interpret-

ing, in their utmoft ftrictnefs, the liberal appellations of legions and

myriads "; we may venture to pronounce, that the proportion of

flaves, who were valued as property, was more confiderable than

that of fervants, who can be computed only as an expence ". The

youths of a promifing genius were inftructed in the arts and fciences,

and their price was afcertained by the degree of their fkill and

talents ". Almoft every profeffion , either liberal " or mechanical,

might be found in the houſehold of an opulent fenator. The mi-

nifters of pomp and fenfuality were multiplied beyond the con-

52 Spanheim, Orbis Roman . 1. i. c. 16. 55 In Paris there are not more than 43,700 .
P. 124, &c. domeftics of every fort, and not a twelfth
33 Seneca de Clementiâ, 1. i . c . 24. The part of the inhabitants. Meflange Recher-
original is much stronger, " Quantum peri- ches fur la Population, p. 186.
culum immineret fi fervi noftri numerare nos 56 A learned flave fold for many hundred
cœpiffent." pounds fterling ; Atticus always bred and
54 See Pliny ( Hift. Natur. 1. xxxiii . ) and taught them himſelf. Cornel . Nepos in Vit.
Athenæus (Deipnofophift . 1. vi. p . 272.) c. 13.
The latter boldly afferts, that he knew very 57 Many of the Roman phyficians were
many ( ϵm ) Romans who poffeffed , not flaves . See Dr. Middleton's Differtation and
for ufe, but oftentation , ten and even twenty Defence.
thousand flaves.

ception
 OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE.
5.1

ception of modern luxury " . It was more for the intereft of the CHA P.
II.
merchant or manufacturer to purchaſe, than to hire his workmen ;

and in the country, flaves were employed as the cheapeſt and moſt
laborious inftruments of agriculture. To confirm the general ob-

fervation, and to difplay the multitude of flaves, we might allege

variety of particular inftances. It was difcovered , on a very me-

lancholy occafion ,that four hundred flaves were maintained in

59
a fingle palace of Rome ". The fame number of four hundred

belonged to an eftate which an African widow, of a very private

condition, refigned to her fon, whilſt ſhe reſerved for herſelf a much

larger fhare of her property " . A freedman, under the reign of Au-
guftus, though his fortune had fuffered great loffes in the civil wars,
left behind him three thouſand fix hundred yoke of oxen, two hun-

dred and fifty thouſand head of fmaller cattle, and, what was almoſt

included in the deſcription of cattle, four thouſand one hundred and

61
fixteen flaves **.

The number of fubjects who acknowledged the laws of Rome, Populousness

ofthe Roman
of citizens, of provincials, and of flaves, cannot now be fixed with empire.

fuch, a degree of accuracy, as the importance of the object would

deferve . We are informed , that when the emperor Claudius ex-

ercifed the office of cenfor, he took an account of fix millions nine

hundred and forty-five thoufand Roman citizens, who, with the pro-

portion of women and children , muft have amounted to about twenty

millions of fouls. The multitude of fubjects of an inferior rank,

was uncertain and fluctuating. But, after weighing with attention
every circumſtance which could influence the balance, it feems pro-

bable, that there exiſted , in the time of Claudius , about twice as

many provincials as there were citizens, of either fex, and of every

38 Their ranks and offices are very copi- 60 Apuleius in Apolog. p. 548. Edit . Del-
ouſly enumerated by Pignorius de Servis. phin .
59 Tacit. Annal . xiv . 43. They all were exe- ❝ Plin . Hift . Natur. 1. xxxiii . 47 .
cuted for not preventing their master's murder.
H 2 age ;
52 THE DECLINE AND FALL

CHA P.
II. age ; and that the flaves were at leaſt equal in number to the free in-
habitants of the Roman world. The total amount of this imperfect

calculation would riſe to about one hundred and twenty millions of

perfons : a degree of population which poffibly exceeds that of mo-

dern Europe , and forms the moſt numerous fociety that has ever
been united under the fame fyftem of government.
Obedience Domeſtic peace and union were the natural confequences of the
2nd union .
moderate and comprehenfive policy embraced by the Romans. If

we turn our eyes towards the monarchies of Afia, we ſhall behold

defpotiſm in the centre, and weakneſs in the extremities ; the

collection of the revenue, or the adminiſtration of juſtice, enforced

by the preſence of an army ; hoſtile barbarians eſtabliſhed in the

heart of the country, hereditary fatraps ufurping the dominion of

the provinces, and fubjects inclined to rebellion , though incapable of

freedom. But the obedience of the Roman world was uniform, vo-

luntary, and permanent. The vanquished nations, blended into one

great people, refigned the hope, nay even the wifh, of refuming their
t
independence, and ſcarcely confidered their own exiſtence as diftin &

from the exiſtence of Rome. The eſtabliſhed authority of the em-

perors pervaded without an effort the wide extent of their dominions,

and was exercifed with the ſame facility on the banks of the Thames,
or of the Nile, as on thoſe of the Tyber. The legions were def-

tined to ferve againſt the public enemy, and the civil magiftrate fel-

dom required the aid of a military force 63. In this ftate of general

fecurity, the leifure as well as opulence both of the prince and people,

were devoted to improve and to adorn the Roman empire.

62 Compute twenty millions in France, way, four in the Low Countries. The whole
twenty-two in Germany, four in Hungary, would amount to one hundred and five, or
ten in Italy with its islands, eight in Great one hundred and feven millions . See Vol-
Britain and Ireland, eight in Spain and Por- taire, de Hiftoire Generale .
tugal, ten or twelve in the European Ruffia, 63 Jofeph. de Bell. Judaico, 1. ii . c. 16.
fix in Poland, fix in Greece and Turkey, The oration of Agrippa, or rather of the hif-
four in Sweden, three in Denmark and Nor- torian, is a fine picture of the Roman empire.
I Among
 OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE.
53

Among the innumerable monuments of architecture conſtructed CHA P.

II.
by the Romans, how many have eſcaped the notice of hiſtory , how
Roman mo-
few have refifted the ravages of time and barbarifin ! And yet even numents..

the majestic ruins that are ſtill ſcattered over Italy and the pro-
vinces, would be fufficient to prove, that thofe countries were once

the ſeat of a polite and powerful empire. Their greatneſs alone , or

their beauty, might deferve our attention ; but they are rendered

more intereſting, by two important circumſtances, which connect the

agreeable hiſtory of the arts , with the more uſeful hiſtory of human
manners. Many of thoſe works were erected at private expence,

and almoſt all were intended for public benefit.

It is natural to ſuppoſe that the greateſt number, as well as the them

Many erected
of
moft confiderable of the Roman edifices, were raifed by the empe- at private ex--
pence.
rors, who poffeffed fo unbounded a command both of men and
money. Auguftus was accustomed to boaft that he had found

his capital of brick, and that he had left it of marble . The

ftrict œconomy
of Vefpafian was the fource of his magnifi-
cence. The works of Trajan bear the ftamp of his genius. The

public monuments with which Hadrian adorned every province of

the empire, were executed not only by his orders, but under his

immediate inſpection. He was himſelf an artiſt ; and he loved the

arts, as they conduced to the glory of the monarch. They were

encouraged by the Antonines, as they contributed to the happineſs

of the people. But if the emperors were the first, they were not the

only architects of their dominions. Their example was univerfally

imitated by their principal fubjects, who were not afraid of declar-

ing to the world that they had ſpirit to conceive, and wealth to ac-

64 Sueton. in Auguft. c. 28. Auguftus Octavia, and the theatre of Marcellus . The
built in Rome the temple and forum of Mars example of the fovereign was imitated by his
the Avenger ; the temple of Jupiter Tonans minifters and generals ; and his friend Agrippa
in the Capitol ; that of Apollo Palatine, with left behind him the immortal monument of
public libraries ; the portico and bafilica of the Pantheon .
Caius and Lucius, the porticoes of Livia and
complish
 THE DECLINE AND FALL
54

CHA
II. P. compliſh, the nobleft undertakings. Scarcely had the proud ſtructure
of the Coliſeum been dedicated at Rome, before the edifices of a

finaller fcale indeed , but of the fame defign and materials, were

erected for the ufe, and at the expence , of the cities of Capua and
65
Verona "5 .
The infcription of the ftupendous bridge of Alcantara,

atteſts that it was thrown over the Tagus by the contribution of a

few Lufitanian communities. When Pliny was intrufted with the

government of Bithynia and Pontus, provinces by no means the

richeſt or moſt conſiderable of the empire, he found the cities within

his jurifdiction ftriving with each other in every uſeful and orna-

mental work, that might deſerve the curiofity of ſtrangers, or the

gratitude of their citizens. It was the duty of the Proconful to fup-

ply their deficiencies , to direct their taſte, and ſometimes to mode-

rate their emulation " . The opulent ſenators of Rome and the pro-

vinces efteemed it an honour, and almoſt an obligation , to adorn the

fplendour of their age and country ; and the influence of faſhion

very frequently fupplied the want of taſte or generofity. Among a

crowd of theſe private benefactors, we may felect Herodes Atticus ,

an Athenian citizen , who lived in the age of the Antonines. What-

ever might be the motive of his conduct, his magnificence would

have been worthy of the greateſt kings.

Example of
Herodes The family of Herod, at leaſt after it had been favoured by
Atticus. fortune, was lineally defcended from Cimon and Miltiades, Thefeus

and Cecrops, acus and Jupiter. But the pofterity of fo many gods

and heroes was fallen into the moſt abject ftate. His grandfather

had fuffered by the hands of juftice, and Julius Atticus, his father,

* See Maffei, Verona illuftrata, 1. iv. unfinished by a king ; at Nice, a Gymnafium,

P. 68. and a theatre which had already coft near
66 See the xth book of Pliny's Epiftles. ninety thousand pounds ; baths at Prufa and
He mentions the following works, carried on Claudiopolis ; and an aqueduct of fixteen.
at the expence of the cities. At Nicomedia, miles in length for the uſe of Sinope.
a new forum, an aqueduct , and a canal , left
muft
 OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE.
55

muſt have ended his life in poverty and contempt, had he not dif- CHA
II. P.
covered an immenfe treaſure buried under an old houfe, the laſt

remains of his patrimony. According to the rigour of law, the

emperor might have afferted his claim , and the prudent Atticus pre-
vented, by a frank confeffion , the officiouſneſs of informers. But

the equitable Nerva, who then filled the throne, refuſed to accept
any part of it, and commanded him to ufe, without fcruple, the

preſent of fortune. The cautious Athenian ftill inſiſted , that the

treaſure was too confiderable for a fubject , and that he knew not

how to use it. Abuſe it, then, replied the monarch, with a good-

natured peevishnefs ; for it is your own ". Many will be of

opinion, that Atticus literally obeyed the emperor's laſt inſtructions ;

fince he expended the greateſt part of his fortune, which was much
increaſed by an advantageous marriage, in the fervice of the

Public . He had obtained for his fon Herod , the prefecture of the

free cities of Afia ; and the young magiftrate, obferving that the

town of Troas was indifferently ſupplied with water, obtained from

the munificence of Hadrian, three hundred myriads of drachms

(about a hundred thouſand pounds) for the conftruction of a new

aqueduct. But in the execution of the work the charge amounted

to more than double the eſtimate, and the officers of the revenue

began to murmur, till the generous Atticus filenced their com-

plaints, by requeſting that he might be permitted to take upon

68
himſelf the whole additional expences.

The ableft preceptors of Greece and Afia had been invited by His repu
tation..
liberal rewards to direct the education of young Herod. Their pupil

foon became a celebrated orator according to the uſeleſs rhetoric of

that age, which, confining itſelf to the fchools, difdained to vifit

either the Forum or the Senate. He was honoured with the con-

67 Hadrian afterwards made a very perty and that of diſcovery. Hift. Auguft..
equitable regulation , which divided all P. 9.
treafure-trove between the right of pro- 6 Philoftrat . in Vit. Sophift. 1. ii . p . 548 .

fullhip
 E
LIN L
56 THE DEC AND FAL

CHA P. fulſhip at Rome ; but the greateſt part of his life was ſpent in a phi-
II.
lofophic retirement at Athens, and his adjacent villas ; perpetually

furrounded by fophifts, who acknowledged, without reluctance, the

fuperiority of a rich and generous rival " . The monuments of his

genius have periſhed ; ſome confiderable ruins ſtill preſerve the fame
of his taſte and munificence : modern travellers have meaſured the

remains of the ftadium which he conftructed at Athens. It was fix

hundred feet in length, built entirely of white marble, capable of

admitting the whole body of the people, and finiſhed in four years,
whilft Herod was prefident of the Athenian games. To the memory

of his wife Regilla, he dedicated a theatre, fcarcely to be paralleled

in the empire : no wood except cedar, very curiouſly carved, was

employed in any part of the building. The Odeum, defigned by

Pericles for muſical performances, and the rehearſal of new tragedies,

had been a trophy of the victory of the arts over Barbaric greatneſs ;

as the timbers employed in the conftruction confifted chiefly of the

mafts of the Perſian veffels. Notwithſtanding the repairs beſtowed

on that ancient edifice by a king of Cappadocia, it was again fallen

to decay. Herod reftored its ancient beauty and magnificence.

Nor was the liberality of that illuftrious citizen confined to the walls

of Athens. The moft fplendid ornaments bestowed on the temple

of Neptune in the Ifthmus, a theatre at Corinth, a ftadium at Delphi,

a bath at Thermopylæ, and an aqueduct at Canufium in Italy,

were infufficient to exhauft his treaſures. The people of Epirus,

Theffaly, Euboea, Boeotia , and Peloponnefus, experienced his fa-

vours ; and many infcriptions of the cities of Greece and Aſia grate-

fully ftyle Herodes Atticus their patron and benefactor 70.

Moft of the In the commonwealths of Athens and Rome, the modeft fim-
Roman mo-
numents for plicity of private houſes announced the equal condition of freedom ;
public ufe ;
69 Aulus Gellius, in Noct. Attic . i. 2 . ix. 2 . farias, 1. 1. and vii. 10. The life of Hero-
xviii. 10. xix. 12. Philoftrat . p. 564. des, in the xxxth volume of the Memoirs of
7° See Philoftrat. 1. ii . p. 548. 560 . Pau- the Academy of Inſcriptions.
whilft
 OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE.
57

whilft the fovereignty of the people was repreſented in the ma- CHAP.
II.
jeſtic edifices deftined to the public ufe " ; nor was this republican
temples, the-
pirit totally extinguifhed by the introduction of wealth and mo- atres, eque-

narchy. It was in works of national honour and benefit, that duas, &c.
the moſt virtuous of the emperors affected to difplay their magni-
ficence. The golden palace of Nero excited a juſt indignation , but

the vaft extent of ground which had been ufurped by his felfifh

luxury, was more nobly filled under the fucceeding reigns by the
Coliſeum, the baths of Titus, the Claudian portico, and the temples

dedicated to the goddefs of Peace, and to the genius of Rome ".

Theſe monuments of architecture, the property of the Roman peo-

ple, were adorned with the moſt beautiful productions of Grecian

painting and ſculpture ; and in the temple of Peace, a very curious

library was open to the curiofity of the learned . At a fmall dif-

tance from thence was fituated the Forum of Trajan. It was fur-

rounded with a lofty portico, in the form of a quadrangle, into

which four triumphal arches opened a noble and fpacious entrance :

in the centre aroſe a column of marble, whoſe height, of one hun-

dred and ten feet, denoted the elevation of the hill that had been

cut away. This column, which ſtill fubfifts in its ancient beauty,

exhibited an exact reprefentation of the Dacian victories of its

founder. The veteran foldier contemplated the ftory of his own

campaigns, and by an eaſy illufion of national vanity, the peaceful

citizen affociated himfelf to the honours of the triumph. All the

other quarters of the capital, and all the provinces of the empire,

71 It is particularly remarked of Athens by I obtained a copy from the library of the

Dicearchus, de Statu Græciæ, p. 8. inter Canon Ricardi at Florence. Two celebrated
Geographos Minores, edit. Hudfon. pictures of Timanthes and of Protogenes are
72 Donatus de Roma Vetere, 1. iii . c . 4, 5 , mentioned by Pliny, as in the Temple of
6. Nardini Roma Antica, 1. iii . 11 , 12 , 13 . Peace ; and the Laocoon was found in the
and a MS. defcription of ancient Rome, by baths of Titus.
Bernardus Oricellarius, or Rucellai , ofwhich

VOL. I. I were
 I NE
E CL D LL
58 TH DE AN FA

CHA P. were embellifhed by the fame liberal ſpirit of public magnificence,

II.
and were filled with amphitheatres, theatres, temples, porticos , tri-

umphal arches, baths, and aqueducts, all varioufly conducive to

the health, the devotion, and the pleafures of the meaneft citizen ..

The laſt mentioned of thoſe edifices deferve our peculiar attention .

The boldness of the enterpriſe, the folidity of the execution, and the
uſes to which they were fubfervient, rank the aqueducts among the

nobleft monuments of Roman genius and power. The aqueducts of

the capital claim a juſt pre- eminence ; but the curious traveller,

who, without the light of hiſtory, fhould examine thoſe of Spoleto,

of Metz, or of Segovia, would very naturally conclude , that thoſe

provincial towns had formerly been the refidence of fome potent

monarch. The folitudes of Afia and Africa were once covered with

flouriſhing cities, whofe populouſneſs, and even whoſe exiſtence,

was derived from fuch artificial ſupplies of a perennial ſtream of freſh

water73.
Number and
We have computed the inhabitants, and contemplated the public
greatness of
the cities of works, of the Roman empire. The obfervation of the number and
the empire .
greatneſs of its cities will ferve to confirm the former, and to multiply

the latter. It may not be unpleafing to collect a few fcattered in-

ftances relative to that ſubject, without forgetting, however, that from

.

the vanity of nations and the poverty of language, the vague appella-
tion of city has been indifferently beftowed on Rome and upon Lau-

rentum . Ancient Italy is faid to have contained eleven hundred

In Italy.
and ninety-feven cities ; and for whatſoever æra of antiquity

the expreffion might be intended , there is not any reaſon to

believe the country lefs populous in the age of the Antonines, than

73 Montfaucon l'Antiquité Expliquée, 74 Ælian Hift. Var. 1. ix. c. 16. He lived

tom. iv. p. 2. 1. i . c. 9. Fabretti has com- in the time of Alexander Severus . See Fabri-
poſed a very learned treatife on the aqueducts cius, Biblioth . Græca, l. iv. c. 21 .
of Rome.
in
 OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 59

in that of Romulus. The petty ſtates of Latium were contained CHA P.

II.
within the metropolis of the empire, by whofe fuperior influence

they had been attracted. Thofe parts of Italy which have fo long

languiſhed under the lazy tyranny of priefts and viceroys, had

been afflicted only by the more tolerable calamities of war ; and

the first fymptoms of decay, which they experienced, were amply

compenfated by the rapid improvements of the Cifalpine Gaul.

The fplendor of Verona may be traced in its remains : yet Verona

was lefs celebrated than Aquileia or Padua, Milan or Ravenna.

II. The fpirit of improvement had paffed the Alps, and been felt Gaul and
Spain.
even in the woods of Britain, which were gradually cleared away

to open a free ſpace for convenient and elegant habitations. York

was the feat of government ; London was already enriched by com-

merce ; and Bath was celebrated for the falutary effects of its medi-
cinal waters. Gaul could boaſt of her twelve hundred cities " ; and

though, in the northern parts , many of them, without excepting

Paris itſelf, were little more than the rude and imperfect townſhips
of a rifing people ; the fouthern provinces imitated the wealth and

elegance of Italy ". Many were the cities of Gaul, Marſeilles,

Arles, Nifmes, Narbonne, Thoulouſe, Bourdeaux , Autun , Vienna ,

Lyons, Langres, and Treves, whofe ancient condition might fuftain

an equal, and perhaps advantageous compariſon with their preſent

ftate. With regard to Spain , that country flouriſhed as a province,

and has declined as a kingdom . Exhaufted by the abuſe of her

ftrength, by America, and by ſuperſtition , her pride might poffibly

be confounded, if we required fuch a lift of three hundred and

fixty cities, as Pliny has exhibited under the reign of Vefpafian ".

III. Three hundred African cities had once acknowledged the Africa.

75 Jofeph. de Bell. Jud . ii. 16. The num-, 77 Plin . Hift. Natur. iii. 3, 4. iv. 35. The
ber, however, is mentioned, and fhould be lift feems authentic and accurate : the divifion
received with a degree of latitude. of the provinces, and the different condition
76 Plin . Hift . Natur. iii . 5 . of the cities, are minutely distinguished .
I 2 authority
60 THE DECLINE AND FALL

CHAP. authority of Carthage ", nor is it likely that their numbers dimi-
II.
niſhed under the adminiſtration of the emperors : Carthage itſelf

roſe with new ſplendor from its afhes ; and that capital, as well as

Capua and Corinth, foon recovered all the advantages which can
Afia. be feparated from independent fovereignty. IV. The provinces.
of the eaſt preſent the contraft of Roman magnificence with
Turkiſh barbariſm. The ruins of antiquity fcattered over un-

cultivated fields, and afcribed, by ignorance

ignorance,, to the
to the power of

magic, fcarcely afford a ſhelter to the oppreffed peaſant or wan-

dering Arab. Under the reign of the Cæfars, the proper Afia

alone contained five hundred populous cities ", enriched with all
the gifts of nature, and adorned with all the refinements of art.

Eleven cities of Afia had once difputed the honour of dedicating a

temple to Tiberius, and their reſpective merits were examined by

the fenate . Four of them were immediately rejected as unequal.

to the burden ; and among theſe was Laodicea, whofe fplendor is

ſtill diſplayed in its ruins . Laodicea collected a very confiderable

revenue from its flocks of fheep, celebrated for the fineness of their

wool, and had received, a little before the conteſt, a legacy of above
.
four hundred thousand pounds by the teftament of a generous
82
citizen If fuch was the poverty of Laodicea, what muſt have

been the wealth of thofe cities, whofe claim appeared preferable,

and particularly of Pergamus, of Smyrna , and of Ephefus, who

78 Strabon. Geograph. 1. xvii. p. 1189. under the name of Guzel-hiffar, a town of

79 Jofeph . de Bell . Jud . ii . 16. Philoftrat.
in Vit. Sophift. 1. ii . p . 548. Edit. Olear.
80 Tacit. Annal . iv. 55. I have taken ſome
pains in confulting and comparing modern
travellers, with regard to the fate of thofe
eleven cities of Afia ; feven or eight are to-
tally deftroyed, Hypæpe, Tralles, Laodicea,
Ilium , Halicarnaffus, Miletus, Ephefus, and
we may add Sardes . Of the remaining
three, Pergamus is a ſtraggling village of two
or three thouſand inhabitants. Magnefia,,
fome confequence ; and Smyrna, a great city,
peopled by an hundred thoufand fouls. But:
even at Smyrna, while the Franks have main-
tained commerce, the Turks have ruined
the arts.
See a very exact and pleafing defcription
of the ruins of Laodicea, in Chandler's Tra-
vels through Afia Minor , p. 225 , &c.
$2. Strabo, 1. xii . p . 866. He had ſtudied '
at Tralles.
fo
 OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 61

fo long difputed with each other the titular primacy of Afia " ? The CHAP.
II.
capitals of Syria and Egypt held a ſtill ſuperior rank in the empire :
Antioch and Alexandria looked down with difdain on a crowd of

dependent cities , and yielded, with reluctance, to the majefty of

Rome itſelf.

All theſe cities were connected with each other, and with the Romant
Roads.
capital by the public highways, which iffuing from the Forum of

Rome, traverfed Italy, pervaded the provinces, and were termi-

nated only by the frontiers of the empire. If we carefully trace

the diſtance from the wall of Antoninus to Rome, and from thence

to Jerufalem , it will be found that the great chain of communi-

cation , from the north -weſt to the ſouth - eaſt point of the empire,

was drawn out to the length of four thouſand and eighty Roman

miles ". The public roads were accurately divided by mile-ſtones,

and ran in a direct line from one city to another, with very little

refpect for the obftacles either of nature or private property.

Mountains were perforated , and bold arches thrown over the broad-

eft and moſt rapid ftreams " . The middle part of the road was
raiſed into a terrace which commanded the adjacent country, con-

fifted of feveral ftrata of fand, gravel, and cement, and was

paved with large ftones, or in fome places, near the capital, with

33 See a Differtation of M. de Boze, Mem.
de l'Academie, tom . xviii. Ariftides pro-
nounced an oration which is ſtill extant, to re-
commend concord to the rival cities.
3+ The inhabitants of Egypt, exclufive of
Alexandria, amounted to feven millions and
a half (Jofeph . de Bèll . Jud . ii . 16. ) . Under
the military government of the Mamalukes,
Syria was fuppofed to contain fixty thouſand
villages (Hiftoire de Timur Bec, 1. v. c. 20. ) .
5 The following Itinerary may ferve to
convey fome idea of the direction of the road,
and of the distance between the principal
towns. I. From the wall of Antoninus to
York, 222 Roman miles. II. London 227 .
III. Rhutupix or Sandwich 67. IV. The
navigation to Boulogne 45. V. Rheims 174.
VI. Lyons 330. VII. Milan 324. VIII.
Rome 426. IX . Brundufium 360. X. The
navigation to Dyrrachium 40. XI . Byzan-
tium 711. XII . Ancyra 283. XIII . Tarfus
301. XIV. Antioch 141. XV. Tyre 252 .
XVI . Jerufalem 168. In all 4080 Roman,.
or 3740 English miles . See the Itineraries
published by Weffeling, his annotations ; Gale
and Stukeley for Britain, and M. d'Anville
for Gaul and Italy..
86 Montfaucon, l'Antiquité Expliquée,
(tom . iv. p . 2. 1. i . c . 5. ) has deſcribed the
bridges of Narni, Alcantara, Nifmes, &c.
granite..
62 THE DECLINE AND FALL

CHAP.
II. granite " . Such was the folid conftruction of the Roman highways,
whofe firmneſs has not entirely yielded to the effort of fifteen

centuries. They united the fubjects of the moft diftant provinces

by an eafy and familiar intercourfe ; but their primary object had

been to facilitate the marches of the legions ; nor was any country

confidered as completely fubdued, till it had been rendered , in all its

parts, pervious to the arms and authority of the conqueror.

Pofts.
The advantage of receiving the earlieft intelligence, and of con-

veying their orders with celerity, induced the emperors to eſtabliſh ,

throughout their extenfive dominions, the regular inftitution of

pofts . Houfes were every where erected at the diſtance only of

five or fix miles ; each of them was conftantly provided with forty

horfes, and by the help of theſe relays, it was eafy to travel an

hundred miles in a day along the Roman roads " . The uſe of

the pofts was allowed to thoſe who claimed it by an Im-

瀑 perial mandate ; but though originally intended for the public

fervice, it was fometimes indulged to the bufinefs or conveniency

Navigation. of private citizens " . Nor was the communication of the Roman

empire leſs free and open by fea than it was by land. The provinces
furrounded and inclofed the Mediterranean ; and Italy, in the ſhape

of an immenfe promontory, advanced into the midſt of that great

lake. The coafts of Italy are, in general, deftitute of fafe harbours ;

but human induftry had corrected the deficiencies of nature ; and

the artificial port of Oftia, in particular, fituate at the mouth of the

87 Bergier Hiftoire des grands Chemins de
l'Empire Romain , l . ii . c . 1 — 28 .
88 Procopius in Hift. Arcanâ, c . 30. Ber-
gier. Hift. des grands Chemins, 1. iv. Codex
Theodofian . 1. viii . tit . v. vol . ii . p . 506-563 .
with Godefroy's learned commentary.
59 In the time of Theodofius , Cæfarius, a
magiftrate of high rank, went poft from An-
tioch to Conftantinople. He began his jour-
ney at night, was in Cappadocia ( 165 miles
from Antioch) the enfuing evening, and ar-
rived at Conftantinople the fixth day about
noon. The whole diſtance was 725 Roman,
or 665 English miles. See Libanius Orat.
xxii . and the Itineraria, p . 572-581 .
9 Pliny, though a favourite and a míni-
fter, made an apology for granting poft-horfes
to his wife on the most urgent buſineſs. Epift.
X. 121 , 122 .

Tyber,
 OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 63

СНАР.
Tyber, and formed by the emperor Claudius, was an uſeful monu- II.
ment of Roman greatnefs ". From this port , which was only

fixteen miles from the capital, a favourable breeze frequently carried

veffels in ſeven days to the columns of Hercules , and in nine or ten ,

to Alexandria in Egypt ” .

Whatever evils either reafon or declamation have imputed to Improve-

ment of agri-
extenfive empire, the power of Rome was attended with ſome be- culture in
the western
neficial confequences to mankind ; and the fame freedom of inter- countries of
the empire..
courſe which extended the vices , diffuſed likewiſe the improvements ,

of focial life. In the more remote ages of antiquity, the world was

unequally divided . The eaft was in the immemorial poffeffion of

arts and luxury ; whilft the weft was inhabited by rude and war-

like barbarians, who either difdained agriculture, or to whom it

was totally unknown . Under the protection of an eſtabliſhed

government, the productions of happier climates, and the induſtry

of more civilized nations, were gradually introduced into the

weſtern countries of Europe ; and the natives were encouraged, by

an open and profitable commerce, to multiply the former, as well

as to improve the latter. It would be almoft impoffible to enu-

merate all the articles, either of the animal or the vegetable reign ,

which were fucceffively imported into Europe, from Afia and

Egypt " ; but it will not be unworthy of the dignity, and much

lefs of the utility, of an hiſtorical work, flightly to touch on a few

of the principal heads. 1. Almoſt all the flowers , the herbs, and Introduction
of fruits, & c.
the fruits, that grow in our European gardens, are of foreign ex-

traction, which, in many cafes, is betrayed even by their names :

the apple was a native of Italy, and when the Romans had tafted
the richer flavour of the apricot, the peach, the pomegranate, the

"' Bergier Hift. des grands Chemins, 1. iv.
C. 49.
22 Plin. Hift. Natur . xix. 1 .
93 It is not improbable that the Greeks
and Phoenicians introduced fome new arts
and productions into the neighbourhood of
Marfeilles and Gades.
5 citron,
 64 THE DEC AND FAL
LIN L
E

CHA
H. P. citron, and the orange, they contented themſelves with applying

to all these new fruits the common denomination of apple, dif-

criminating them from each other by the addional epithet of their

The vine. country. 2. In the time of Homer, the vine grew wild in the

ifland of Sicily, and moſt probably in the adjacent continent ; but it

was not improved by the fkill , nor did it afford a liquor grateful

to the taſte, of the favage inhabitants . A thousand

A thouſand years af-

terwards, Italy could boaft, that of the fourfcore moft generous

and celebrated wines, more than two-thirds were produced from

her foil ". The bleffing was foon communicated to the Narbon-

neſe province of Gaul ; but fo intenſe was the cold to the north of

the Cevennes, that, in the time of Strabo, it was thought impoffible

to ripen the grapes in thofe parts of Gaul ". This difficulty,

however, was gradually vanquished ; and there is fome reafon to

believe, that the vineyards of Burgundy are as old as the age of the

The olive. Antonines ". 3. The olive, in the weſtern world , followed the pro-
grefs of peace, of which it was confidered as the fymbol. Two cen-

turies after the foundation of Rome, both Italy and Africa were

ftrangers to that uſeful plant ; it was naturalized in thoſe countries ;

and at length carried into the heart of Spain and Gaul. The timid

errors of the ancients, that it required a certain degree of heat, and

could only flourish in the neighbourhood of the fea, were infenfibly

Flax. exploded by induſtry and experience ". 4. The cultivation of flax

was tranſported from Egypt to Gaul, and enriched the whole coun-

try, however it might impoverish the particular lands on which it

Artificial was fown " . 5. The uſe of artificial graffes became familiar to the
grafs.
94 See Homer Odyff. 1. ix. v. 358 .
95 Plin . Hift. Natur. 1. xiv.
96 Strab. Geograph . 1. iv. p . 223. The
intenfe cold of a Gallic winter was almoft
proverbial among the ancients.
97 In the beginning of the ivth century,
the orator Eumenius (Panegyric. Veter. viii .
6. edit. Delphin . ) fpeaks of the vines in the
territory of Autun, which were decayed
through age, and the firft plantation of which
was totally unknown . The Pagus Arebrig-
nus is fuppofed by M. d'Anville to be the
diftrict of Beaune, celebrated , even at prefent,
for one of the firft growths of Burgundy.
98 Plin. Hift . Natur. 1. xv.
99 Plin. Hift. Natur. 1. xix.
farmers
 OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 65

farmers both of Italy and the provinces, particularly the Lucerne, CHA
II P.
which derived its name and origin from Media 10°.• The affured

fupply of wholeſome and plentiful food for the cattle during winter,

multiplied the number of the flocks and herds, which in their

turn contributed to the fertility of the foil. To all theſe im-
provements may be added an affiduous attention to mines and

fisheries, which, by employing a multitude of laborious hands,

ſerve to increaſe the pleaſures of the rich , and the ſubſiſtence of
the poor. The elegant treatife of Columella defcribes the advanced

ſtate of the Spaniſh huſbandry, under the reign of Tiberius ; and plenty.
General
it may be obſerved, that thoſe famines which fo frequently afflicted

the infant republic, were feldom or never experienced by the ex-

tenfive empire of Rome. The accidental ſcarcity, in any fingle pro-

vince, was immediately relieved by the plenty of its more fortunate

neighbours.

Agriculture is the foundation of manufactures ; fince the pro- Arts of

- luxury.
ductions of nature are the materials of art. Under the Roman

empire, the labour of an induftrious and ingenious people was

variouſly, but inceffantly employed, in the fervice of the rich.

In their dreſs , their table, their houfes, and their furniture, the
favourites of fortune united every refinement of conveniency, of

elegance, and of ſplendour ; whatever could footh their pride, or

gratify their ſenſuality. Such refinements, under the odious name

of luxury, have been ſeverely arraigned by the moraliſts of every
age ; and it might perhaps be more conducive to the virtue, as

well as happineſs, of mankind, if all poffeffed the neceffaries,

and none the fuperfluities, of life. But in the prefent imperfect

condition of fociety, luxury, though it may proceed from vice or

folly, feems to be the only means that can correct the unequal dif-

100 See the agreeable Effays on Agricul- all that the ancients and moderns have faid
tare by Mr. Harte, in which he has collected of lucerne.

VOL. I. K tribution
66 THE DECLINE AND FALL

CHA
II. P. tribution of property. The diligent mechanic, and the ſkilful artiſt,
who have obtained no ſhare in the divifion of the earth, receive a

voluntary tax from the poffeffors of land ; and the latter are prompted,

by a ſenſe of intereft, to improve thoſe eſtates, with whoſe produce

they may purchaſe additional pleaſures. This operation, the parti-

cular effects of which are felt in every ſociety, acted with much

more diffuſive energy in the Roman world. The provinces would

foon have been exhaufted of their wealth, if the manufactures and

commerce of luxury had not inſenſibly reſtored to the induſtrious

fubjects, the fums which were exacted from them by the arms and

authority of Rome. As long as the circulation was confined within

the bounds of the empire, it impreffed the political machine with a

new degree of activity, and its confequences, fometimes beneficial,

could never become pernicious.
Foreign
trade . But it is no eaſy taſk to confine luxury within the limits of an
empire. The moſt remote countries of the ancient world were

ranfacked to ſupply the pomp and delicacy of Rome. The foreſt

of Scythia afforded fome valuable furs. Amber was brought over

land from the fhores of the Baltic to the Danube ; and the -bar-

barians were aſtoniſhed at the price which they received in exchange

for fo uſeleſs a commodity 101. There was a confiderable demand

for Babylonian carpets, and other manufactures of the Eaft ; but

the moſt important and unpopular branch of foreign trade was

carried on with Arabia and India. Every year, about the time of

the ſummer ſolſtice, a fleet of an hundred and twenty veffels failed

from Myos-hormos, a port of Egypt, on the Red Sea. By the

periodical affiftance of the Monfoons, they traverſed the ocean in

102
about forty days. The coaft of Malabar, or the iſland of Ceylon 1°²,

101 Tacit . Germania , c. 45. Plin. where it was produced ; the coaft of modern
Hift . Natur. xxxviii . 11. The latter ob- Pruffia .
ferved, with fome humour, that even 102 Called Taprobana by the Romans , and
fashion had not yet found out the ufe Screndib by the Arabs . It was difcovered
of amber. Nero fent a Roman knight, under the reign of Claudius, and gradually
to purchafe great quantities on the fpot, became the principal mart of the East.
was
 OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 67

was the ufual term of their navigation , and it was in thofe CHA P.
II.
markets that the merchants from the more remote countries of

Afia expected their arrival. The return of the fleet of Egypt was
fixed to the months of December or January ; and as foon as their

rich cargo had been tranſported on the backs of camels, from

the Red Sea to the Nile, and had defcended that river as far as

Alexandria , it was poured, without delay, into the capital of the

empire 103. The objects of oriental traffic were fplendid and trifling :
filk, a pound of which was eſteemed not inferior in value to a
104
pound of gold *°*; precious ftones, among which the pearl claimed
the firſt rank after the diamond 105 ; and a variety of aromatics ,

that were confumed in religious worship and the pomp of funerals.

The labour and risk of the voyage was rewarded with almoſt in-

credible profit ; but the profit was made upon Roman ſubjects, and a

few individuals were enriched at the expence of the Public.

As the Gold
filver. and
natives of Arabia and India were contented with the productions

and manufactures of their own country, filver, on the ſide of the

Romans, was the principal, if not the only inftrument of com-

merce. It was a complaint worthy of the gravity of the ſenate,

that, in the purchaſe of female ornaments, the wealth of the ſtate

was irrecoverably given away to foreign and hoftile nations.106.
The annual lofs is computed, by a writer of an inquifitive but cen-

forious temper, at upwards of eight hundred thouſand pounds

107
fterling "°7. Such was the ftyle of difcontent , brooding over the

dark proſpect of approaching poverty. And yet, if we compare

103 Plin. Hift. Natur. 1. vi. Strabo , 1. xvii.
104 Hift. Auguft. p. 224. A filk garment
was confidered as an ornament to a woman,
but as a difgrace to a man.
105 The two great pearl fisheries were the
fame as at prefent, Ormuz and Cape Como-
rin. As well as we can compare ancient
with modern geography, Rome was fupplied
with diamonds from the mine of Jumelpur,
in Bengal, which is defcribed in the Voyages
de Tavernier, tom . ii. p. 281.
106 Tacit. Annal . iii . 52. In a ſpeech of
Tiberius .
107 Plin . Hift. Natur. xii. 18. In another
place he computes half that fum ; Quingen-
ties H. S. for India exclufive of Arabia.

K 2 the
68 THE DECLINE AND FALL

CHAP.
II. the proportion between gold and filver, as it ftood in the time of
Pliny, and as it was fixed in the reign of Conftantine, we ſhall dif-
108
cover within that period a very confiderable increaſe 98... There
is not the leaſt reaſon to ſuppoſe that gold was become more ſcarce ;
it is therefore evident that filver was grown more common ; that

whatever might be the amount of the Indian and Arabian exports,

they were far from exhauſting the wealth of the Roman world

and that the produce of the mines abundantly ſupplied the demands
of commerce ..

Notwithſtanding the propenfity of mankind to exalt the paft,

and to depreciate the prefent, the tranquil and profperous ſtate of

the empire was warmly felt, and honeftly confeffed, by the pro-
General fe- vincials as well as Romans. 66 They acknowledged that the true
licity.
66
principles of focial life, laws, agriculture, and ſcience, which had

" been firſt invented by the wiſdom of Athens , were now firmly

" eſtabliſhed by the power of Rome, under whofe aufpicious

" influence, the fierceft barbarians were united by an equal govern-

ment and common language. They affirm , that with the im-

provement of arts, the human fpecies was vifibly multiplied.

66
They celebrate the increafing fplendour of the cities , the beau
" tiful face of the country, cultivated and adorned like an im-
" menfe garden ; and the long feſtival of peace, which was en-

" joyed by fo many nations, forgetful of their ancient animofities,

109 99
" and delivered from the apprehenfion. of future danger

Whatever fufpicions may be fuggefted by the air of rhetoric and

declamation, which feems to prevail in theſe paffages, the ſubſtance

of them is perfectly agreeable to hiſtoric truth.

103 The proportion which was 1 to 10, and 109 Among many other paffages, fee Pliny
› , rose to 143, the legal regulation of Con- ( Hift. Natur. iii. 5 ) , Ariftides (de Urbe
ftantine. See Arbuthnot's Tables of ancient Româ) , and Tertullian (de Animâ, c. 30.) .
Coins, c. v.

It
 OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 69

It was fcarcely poffible that the eyes of contemporaries fhould CHA P.

11.
diſcover in the public felicity the latent cauſes of decay and cor-
Decline of
ruption. This long peace, and the uniform government of the courage ;

Romans, introduced a flow and fecret poifon into the vitals of the

empire. The minds of men were gradually reduced to the fame

level, the fire of genius was extinguiſhed, and even the military

ſpirit evaporated. The natives of Europe were brave and robuſt, .

Spain , Gaul, Britain , and Illyricum, fupplied the legions with ex-
cellent foldiers, and conftituted the real ftrength of the monarchy.

Their perfonal valour remained, but they no longer poffeffed that

public courage which is nourished by the love of independence, the

ſenſe of national honour, the prefence of danger, and the habit of

command. They received laws and governors from the will of

their fovereign, and trufted for their defence to a mercenary army.

The pofterity of their boldeſt leaders was contented with the rank

of citizens and fubjects. The moſt afpiring fpirits reforted to the

court or ſtandard of the emperors ; and the deferted provinces, de-

prived of political ftrength or union, infenfibly funk into the languid .

indifference of private. life.

The love of letters, almoſt infeparable from peace and re- of genius ..

finement, was fashionable among the fubjects of Hadrian and

the Antonines, who were themſelves men of learning and cu-

riofity. It was diffufed over the whole extent of their em-

pire ; the moſt northern tribes of Britons had acquired a taſte for

rhetoric ; Homer as well as Virgil were tranfcribed and ftudied on

the banks of the Rhine and Danube ; and the moſt liberal rewards
110
fought out the fainteft glimmerings of literary merit "¹º. The

fciences ..

11 Herodes Atticus gave the fophift Po-
lemo above eight thousand pounds for three
declamations. See Philoftrat . 1. i . p. 558 .
The Antonines founded a ſchool at Athens,
in which profeffors of grammar, rhetoric, po-
litics , and the four great fects of philofophy,
were maintained at the public expence for
the inftruction of youth . The falary of a
philofopher was ten thouſand drachmæ, be-
tween three and four hundred pounds a year.
Similar
 70 THE DECLINE AND FALL

CHA P. fciences of phyfic and aſtronomy were fucceſsfully cultivated by the

II.
Greeks ; the obſervations of Ptolemy and the writings of Galen are

ſtudied by thoſe who have improved their diſcoveries and corrected

their errors ; but if we except the inimitable Lucian, this age of

indolence paffed away without having produced a ſingle writer of

original genius, or who excelled in the arts of elegant compoſition.

The authority of Plato and Ariftotle, of Zeno and Epicurus, ftill

reigned in the ſchools ; and their ſyſtems, tranfmitted with blind

deference from one generation of difciples to another, precluded

every generous attempt to exerciſe the powers , or enlarge the limits,

of the human mind. The beauties of the poets and orators, inſtead

of kindling a fire like their own, infpired only cold and fervile

imitations or if any ventured to deviate from thoſe models, they

deviated at the fame time from good fenfe and propriety. On the

revival of letters, the youthful vigour of the imagination , after a

long repofe, national emulation , a new religion, new languages ,

and a new world, called forth the genius of Europe. But the pro-

vincials of Rome, trained by a uniform artificial foreign education ,

were engaged in a very unequal competition with thoſe bold ancients,

who, by expreffing their genuine feelings in their native tongue,

had already occupied every place of honour. The name of Poet

was almoſt forgotten ; that of Orator was ufurped by the fophifts.

A cloud of critics, of compilers, of commentators , darkened the face

of learning, and the decline of genius was foon followed by the

corruption of tafte.

Degeneracy. The fublime Longinus, who in fomewhat a later period, and in

the court of a Syrian queen, preferved the ſpirit of ancient Athens,

Similar eftablishments were formed in the
other great cities of the empire. See Lu-
cian in Eunuch. tom . ii . p . 353. edit. Reitz.
Philoftrat. 1. ii. p . 566. Hift. Auguft . p. 21 .
Dion Caffius, 1. lxxi . p . 1195. Juvenal
himself, in a morofe fatire, which in every
line betrays his own disappointment and
envy, is obliged, however, to fay,
O Juvenes , circumfpicit et agitat vos.
Materiamque fibi Ducis indulgentia quærit.
Satir. vii. 20.
8 obferves
 OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE.
71

obſerves and laments this degeneracy of his contemporaries, which CHAP.

II.
debaſed their fentiments, enervated their courage, and depreffed
their talents. " In the ſame manner, fays he, as fome children al-
cc
ways remain pigmies, whofe infant limbs have been too cloſely
•
" confined ; thus our tender minds, fettered by the prejudices and

" habits of a juft fervitude, are unable to expand themſelves, or to

" attain that well-proportioned greatnefs which we admire in the

" ancients ; who living under a popular government, wrote with the
" fame freedom as they acted "" ." This diminutive ftature of

mankind, if we purſue the metaphor, was daily finking below the

old ſtandard, and the Roman world was indeed peopled by a race of

pygmies ; when the fierce giants of the north broke in , and mended

the puny breed. They reftored a manly fpirit of freedom ; and

after the revolution of ten centuries, freedom became the happy

parent of taſte and ſcience.

" Longin. de Sublim. c. 43. p. 229. edit. moft guarded caution, puts them into the
Toll, Here too we may fay of Longinus, mouth of a friend ; and, as far as we can col-
" his own example ſtrengthens all his laws." lect from a corrupted text, makes a fhew of
Inſtead of propofing his fentiments with a refuting them himſelf.
manly boldnefs, he infinuates them with the
 THE DECLINE AND FALL
7-

CHA P. III.

Of the Conftitution of the Roman Empire, in the Age of

the Antonines.

CHA P. HE obvious definition of a monarchy feems to be that of a

HI.
TH
ftate, in which a fingle perfon , by whatsoever name he may

narchy. be diſtinguiſhed, is intrufted with the execution of the laws, the

management of the revenue, and the command of the army. But,

unleſs public liberty is protected by intrepid and vigilant guardians,

the authority of ſo formidable a magiſtrate will foon degenerate into

defpotifm. The influence of the clergy, in an age of fuperftition,

might be uſefully employed to affert the rights of mankind ; but fo

intimate is the connexion between the throne and the altar, that the

banner of the church has very ſeldom been ſeen on the fide of the

people. A martial nobility and ftubborn commons, poffeffed of

arms, tenacious of property, and collected into conftitutional affem-

blies, form the only balance capable of preſerving a free conftitution

againſt enterpriſes of an aſpiring prince.

Situation of Every barrier of the Roman conftitution had been levelled by the
Auguftus.
vaft ambition of the dictator ; every fence had been extirpated by
the cruel hand of the Triumvir. After the victory of Actium, the

fate of the Roman world depended on the will of Octavianus, fur-

named Cæfar, by his uncle's adoption, and afterwards Auguftus,

by the flattery of the fenate. The conqueror was at the head of

forty-four veteran legions ' , confcious of their own ftrength , and of

the weakneſs of the conftitution , habituated, during twenty years civil

' Orofius, vi. 18.

war,
 OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 73

war, to every act of blood and violence, and paffionately devoted CHAP.
III.
to the houſe of Cæfar, from whence alone they had received, and

expected, the moſt laviſh rewards. The provinces, long oppreffed

by the minifters of the republic, fighed for the government of a

fingle perfon, who would be the mafter, not the accomplice, of

thofe petty tyrants. The people of Rome, viewing, with a fecret

pleaſure, the humiliation of the aristocracy, demanded only bread

and public ſhows ; and were fupplied with both by the liberal hand

of Auguftus. The rich and polite Italians, who had almoſt univer-

fally embraced the philofophy of Epicurus, enjoyed the preſent

bleffings of eaſe and tranquillity, and ſuffered not the pleafing dream
to be interrupted by the memory of their old tumultuous freedom .

With its power, the fenate had loft its dignity ; many of the moſt
noble families were extinct. The republicans of fpirit and ability

had periſhed in the field of battle, or in the profcription . The door

of the affembly had been defignedly left open, for a mixed multi-

tude of more than a thouſand perſons, who reflected difgrace upon

their rank, inſtead of deriving honour from it .
He reforms
The reformation of the fenate, was one of the firſt ſteps in which the fenate.
Auguftus laid aſide the tyrant, and profeſſed himſelf the father of

his country. He was elected cenfor ; and, in concert with his

faithful Agrippa, he examined the lift of the fenators, expelled a

few members, whofe vices or whofe obftinacy required a public

example, perfuaded near two hundred to prevent the fhame of an

expulfion by a voluntary retreat, raifed the qualification of a fena-
tor to about ten thoufand pounds, created a fufficient number of

Patrician families, and accepted for himself, the honourable title

of Prince of the Senate, which had always been bestowed, by the

cenfors, on the citizen the moft eminent for his honours and fervices '.

2 Julius Cæfar introduced foldiers, ftran- became ftill more fcandalous after his death.
gers, and half- barbarians, into the fenate 3 Dion Caflius, 1. iii . p. 693. Suetonius in
(Sueton. in Cæfar. c . 77. 80. ) . The abufe Auguft. c. 55 .
VOL. I. L But
 THE DECLINE AND FALL
74

CHAP. But whilft he thus reſtored the dignity , he deſtroyed the inde--
III.
pendence of the fenate. The principles of a free conftitution .

are irrecoverably loft, when the legiſlative power is nominated by

the executive.
Refigns his
Before an affembly thus modelled and prepared, Auguſtus pro- -
ufurped
power. nounced a ſtudied oration, which difplayed his patriotiſm , and

diſguiſed his ambition . " He lamented, yet excufed , his paſt

“ conduct. Filial piety had required at his hands the revenge of

" his father's murder ; the humanity of his own nature had ſome-

" times given way to the ftern laws of neceffity, and to a forced
" connexion with two unworthy colleagues : as long as Antony

" lived, the republic forbad him to abandon her to a degenerate :

6.6
Roman, and a barbarian queen. He was now at liberty to

fatisfy his duty and his inclination. He folemnly reſtored the

" fenate and people to all their ancient rights ; and wiſhed only to
66
mingle with the crowd of his fellow- citizens, and to ſhare the
66
bleffings which he had obtained for his country *.

Is prevailed It would require the pen of Tacitus (if Tacitus had aſſiſted at¨
upon to re-
fume it under this affembly) to defcribe the various emotions of the fenate ; thoſe
the title of
Emperor or that were fuppreffed , and thoſe that were affected. It was danger-..
General .
ous to truſt the fincerity of Auguftus ; to ſeem to diftruſt it , was ſtill

more dangerous . The refpective advantages of monarchy and a re--

public have often divided fpeculative inquirers ; the prefent great-

nefs of the Roman ftate, the corruption of manners, and the licence

of the foldiers, fupplied new arguments to the advocates of mo-

narchy ; and thefe general views of government were again warped

by the hopes and fears of each individual. Amidſt this confuſion :

of fentiments, the anfwer of the fenate was unanimous and decifive..

They refuſed to accept the refignation of Auguftus ; they conjured :

Dion (1. liii. p. 698. ) gives us a prolix have borrowed from Suetonius and Tacitus
and bombaft ſpeech on this great occafion . I the general language of Aeguſtús.,
him
5
 OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 75

him not to defert the republic, which he had faved . After a de- CHAP.
III.
cent refiftance, the crafty tyrant fubmitted to the orders of the
fenate ; and confented to receive the government of the provinces,

and the general command of the Roman armies, under the well-
known names of PROCONSUL and IMPERATOR '. But he would

receive them only for ten years. Even before the expiration of

that period, he hoped that the wounds of civil difcord would

be completely healed, and that the republic, reftored to its priſtine

health and vigour, would no longer require the dangerous inter-

pofition of fo extraordinary a magiſtrate. The memory of this

comedy, repeated feveral times during the life of Auguftus , was

preſerved to the laſt ages of the empire, by the peculiar pomp with

which the perpetual monarchs of Rome always folemnized the tenth

years of their reign .

Without any violation of the principles of the conftitution, the Power of the
Roman ge
general of the Roman armies might receive and exerciſe an au- nerals.

thority almoft defpotic over the foldiers, the enemies, and the

fubjects of the republic. With regard to the foldiers, the jealouſy

of freedom had, even from the earlieft ages of Rome, given way to

the hopes of conqueſt, and a juft ſenſe of military difcipline. The

dictator, or conful, had a right to command the fervice of the

Roman youth ; and to puniſh an obftinate or cowardly difobedience

by the moſt ſevere and ignominious penalties, by ftriking the
offender out of the lift of citizens, by confifcating his property,

and by felling his perſon into flavery '. The moft facred rights of

freedom, confirmed by the Porcian and Sempronian laws, were

5 Imperator (from which we have derived emperors affumed it in that fenfe, they placed
Emperor) fignified under the republic no it after their name, and marked how often
more than general, and was emphatically be- they had taken it.
ftowed by the foldiers, when on the field of Dion, 1. liii. p. 703 , &c.
battle they proclaimed their victorious leader 7 Livy Epitom. 1. xiv. Valer. Maxim . vi. 3.
worthy of that title. When the Roman
L 2 fufpended
 I NE
E CL D LL
76 TH DE AN FA

CHAP. fufpended by the military engagement. In his camp the ge

III.
neral exerciſed an abfolute power of life and death ; his jurif--
diction was not confined by any forms of trial , or rules of pro--
ceeding, and the execution of the fentence was immediate and with--

out appeal . The choice of the enemies of Rome was regularly

decided by the legislative autho rity. The moſt important refolu-

tions of peace and war were ferioufly debated in the fenate, and

folemnly ratified by the people. But when the arms of the legions

were carried to a great diſtance from Italy, the generals affumed the
liberty of directing them againſt whatever people, and in what-
ever manner, they judged moſt advantageous for the public fervice..

It was from the fuccefs, not from the juſtice, of their enterpriſes,
that they expected the honours of a triumph. In the uſe of victory,
eſpecially after they were no longer controlled by the commiffioners

of the fenate, they exerciſed the moſt unbounded defpotiſm . When

Pompey commanded in the eaft, he rewarded his foldiers and:

allies, dethroned princes, divided kingdoms, founded colonies, and

diftributed the treafures of Mithridates. On his return to Rome,

he obtained, by a ſingle act of the ſenate and people, the univerſal

ratification of all his proceedings . Such was the power over the
foldiers, and over the enemies of Rome, which was either granted

to, or aſſumed by, the generals of the republic. They were, at

the fame time, the governors, or rather monarchs, of the conquered

provinces, united the civil with the military character, adminiftered

* See in the viiith book of Livy, the con-
duct of Manlius Torquatus and Papirius Cur-
for. They violated the laws of nature and
humanity, but they afferted thoſe of military
diſcipline ; and the people, who abhorred the
action, was obliged to refpect the principle .
By the lavish but unconſtrained fuffrages
of the people, Pompey had obtained a mili-
tary command fcarcely inferior to that of Au-
guftus. Among the extraordinary acts of
power executed by the former, we may re-
mark the foundation of twenty-nine cities ,
and the diftribution of three or four mil-
lions fterling to his troops . The ratification
of his acts met with fome oppofition and de-
lays in the fenate. See Plutarch , Appian ,
Dion Caffius, and the first book of the epif-
tles to Atticus.

juftice
 OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 77

juftice as well as the finances, and exerciſed both the executive and CHA P.
III.
legiſlative power of the ſtate.

From what has been already obſerved in the firſt chapter of this Lieutenants
of the em-
work, fome notion may be formed of the armies and provinces peror.

thus intruſted to the ruling hand of Auguftus. But as it was im-

poffible that he could perfonally command the legions of ſo many

diftant frontiers, he was indulged by the fenate, as Pompey had

already been, in the permiffion of devolving the execution of his

great office on a fufficient number of lieutenants. In rank and

authority thefe officers feemed not inferior to the ancient proconfuls ;

but their ſtation was dependent and precarious. They received and

held their commiſſions at the will of a fuperior, to whofe aufpicious

influence the merit of their action was legally attributed " . They

were the reprefentatives of the emperor. The emperor alone was

the general of the republic, and his juriſdiction, civil as well as

military, extended over all the conquefts of Rome. It was ſome

fatisfaction, however, to the fenate, that he always delegated his

power to the members of their body. The Imperial lieutenants

were of confular or prætorian dignity ; the legions were com-

manded by fenators, and the præfecture of Egypt was the only im-

portant truft committed to a Roman knight.

Within fix days after Auguftus had been compelled to accept fo Divifion of
the provinces
very liberal a grant, he refolved to gratify the pride of the fenate between the
.
by an eafy facrifice. emperor
He reprefented to them, that they had en- the and.
fenate..
larged his powers, even beyond that degree which might be
required by the melancholy condition of the times. They had not
permitted him to refufe the laborious command of the armies and

10 Under the commonwealth, a triumph and religion , the triumph was referved to the
could only be claimed by the general, who emperor ; and his moft fuccefsful lieutenants
was authoriſed to take the Aufpices in the were fatisfied with fome marks of diftinction,
name of the people. By an exact confe- which, under the name of triumphal ho-
quence drawn from this principle of policy nours, were invented in their favour.
the
 INE
78 THE DECL AND FALL

CHAP. the frontiers ; but he muſt infift on being allowed to reftore the
III.
more peaceful and fecure provinces, to the mild adminiſtration of

the civil magiftrate. In the divifion of the provinces, Auguftus

provided for his own power, and for the dignity of the republic.

The proconfuls of the fenate, particularly thofe of Afia, Greece,

and Africa, enjoyed a more honourable character than the lieute-

nants of the emperor, who commanded in Gaul or Syria. The

former were attended by lictors, the latter by foldiers. A law was

paffed, that wherever the emperor was preſent, his extraordinary

commiffion fhould fuperfede the ordinary jurifdiction of the gover-

nor, a cuſtom was introduced, that the new conquefts belonged to the

Imperial portion , and it was foon difcovered , that the authority of the
Prince, the favourite epithet of Auguftus, was the fame in every part
of the empire .

"
The former In return for this imaginary conceffion , Auguftus obtained an
preferves his
military important privilege, which rendered him mafter of Rome and
command,
and guards Italy. By a dangerous exception to the ancient maxims , he was
in Rome
authorized to preferve his military command, fupported by a
itſelf.
numerous body of guards, even in time of peace, and in the heart

of the capital. His command, indeed, was confined to thoſe citi-

zens who were engaged in the fervice by the military oath ; but

fuch was the propenfity of the Romans to fervitude, that the oath

was voluntarily taken by the magiftrates, the fenators , and the

equeſtrian order, till the homage of flattery was infenfibly converted

into an annual and folemn proteftation of fidelity.
Confular and Although Auguftus confidered a military force as the firmeft
tribunitian
powers. foundation, he wifely rejected it, as a very odious inftrument of

government. It was more agreeable to his temper, as well as to his

policy, to reign under the venerable names of ancient magiftracy,

and artfully to collect, in his own perfon, all the ſcattered rays of

civil jurifdiction. With this view, he permitted the fenate to con-

fer
 OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 79

fer upon him, for his life, the powers of the confular " and tri- CHA P..
III.
bunitian offices ", which were, in the fame manner, continued to

all his fucceffors. The confuls had fucceeded to the kings of Rome,

and repreſented the dignity of the ftate. They fuperintended the

ceremonies of religion, levied and commanded the legions, gave

audience to foreign ambaffadors , and prefided in the affemblies

both of the fenate and people. The general control of the finances

was intrufted to their care ; and though they feldom had leiſure to

adminiſter juſtice in perſon, they were confidered as the fupreme

guardians of law, equity, and the public peace. Such was their

ordinary juriſdiction ; but whenever the fenate empowered the firſt

magiftrate to confult the ſafety of the commonwealth, he was raiſed

by that degree above the laws, and exercifed, in the defence of

liberty, a temporary defpotifm ". The character of the tribunes

was, in every refpect , different from that of the confuls. The

appearance of the former was modeſt and humble ; but their perſons-

were facred and inviolable. Their force was fuited rather for op-
pofition than for action. They were inftituted to defend the

oppreffed, to pardon offences, to arraign the enemies of the people,

and, when they judged it neceffary, to ftop, by a ſingle word, the

whole machine of government . As long as the republic fub-

fifted, the dangerous influence , which either the conful or the

tribune might derive from their refpective jurifdiction , was di

" Cicero (de Legibus, iii . 3. ) gives the the facred rights of the tribunes and people.
confular office the name of Regia poteftas : See his own Commentaries, de Bell. Civil. I. i.
and Polybius (1. vi. c. 3. ) obferves three pow- 13 Auguftus exerciſed nine annual conful-
ers in the Roman conftitution . The monar- fhips without interruption . He then moſt
chical was repreſented and exerciſed by the artfully refuſed that magiftracy as well as the
Confuls. dictatorship, abfented himſelf from Rome,
12 As the tribunitian power (diftin& t from and waited till the fatal effects of tumult and
the annual office) was first invented for the faction forced the fenate to inveſt him with a
dictator Cæfar ( Dion, 1. xliv . p . 384. ) , we perpetual confulfhip . Auguftus, as well as
may easily conceive, that it was given as a his fucceffors, affected, however, to conceal fo
reward for having fo nobly afferted, by arms, invidious a title.
miniſhed
80 THE DECLINE AND FALL

CHAP. miniſhed by feveral important refrictions. Their authority expired

III.
with the year in which they were elected ; the former office was di-

vided between two, the latter among ten perfons ; and, as both in

their private and public intereft they were averfe to each other, their

mutual conflicts contributed, for the most part, to ftrengthen rather

than to deſtroy the balance of the conftitution. But when the con-
fular and tribunitian powers were united, when they were veſted
for life in a ſingle perfon, when the general of the army was, at the

fame time, the minifter of the fenate and the reprefentative of the

Roman people, it was impoffible to reſiſt the exerciſe, nor was it eaſy
to define the limits, of his imperial prerogative.
Imperial pre- To theſe accumulated honours, the policy of Auguftus foon added
rogatives.
the ſplendid as well as important dignities of fupreme pontiff, and

of cenfor. By the former he acquired the management of the

religion, and by the latter a legal infpection over the manners and

fortunes of the Roman people. If fo many diftinct and independ-

ent powers did not exactly unite with each other, the complaiſance

of the ſenate was prepared to fupply every deficiency by the moſt

ample and extraordinary conceffions. The emperors , as the firſt

miniſters of the republic, were exempted from the obligation and

penalty of many inconvenient laws : they were authorized to con-

voke the fenate, to make feveral motions in the fame day, to recom-

mend candidates for the honours of the ftate, to enlarge the bounds

of the city, to employ the revenue at their difcretion , to declare

peace and war, to ratify treaties ; and by a moft comprehenſive

clauſe, they were empowered to execute whatſoever they fhould

judge advantageous to the empire, and agreeable to the majefty of

things private or public, human or divine " .

14 See a fragment of a Decree of the Se- Auguftus, Tiberius, and Claudius. This
nate, conferring on the emperor Vefpafian, curious and important monument is publiſhed
all the powers granted to his predeceffors, in Gruter's Infcriptions, No. ccxlii.

When
 OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. SI

When all the various powers of executive government were CHA

III. P.
committed to the Imperial magiftrate, the ordinary magiftrates of
The magif-
the commonwealth languifhed in obfcurity, without vigour, and trates.
almoft without bufinefs. The names and forms of the ancient

adminiſtration were preferved by Auguftus with the moſt anxious

care. The uſual number of confuls, prætors, and tribunes ", were

annually invefted with their refpective enfigns of office, and con-

tinued to diſcharge fome of their leaſt important functions. Thofe

honours ftill attracted the vain ambition of the Romans ; and the

emperors themſelves, though invefted for life with the powers of the A

confulfhip, frequently afpired to the title of that annual dignity,

which they condefcended to ſhare with the moſt illuftrious of their

fellow-citizens " . In the election of thefe magiftrates, the people,

during the reign of Auguſtus, were permitted to expofe all the in-
conveniences of a wild democracy. That artful prince, inſtead of

difcovering the leaft fymptom of impatience, humbly folicited their

fuffrages for himfelf or his friends, and fcrupulouſly practiſed all

the duties of an ordinary candidate ". But we may venture to

afcribe to his councils, the firſt meaſure of the fucceeding reign, by

18
which the elections were transferred to the fenate 1. The af-

15 Two confuls were created on the Ca- ofthe confulfhip. The virtuous princes were
lends of January ; but in the courfe of the moderate in the purfuit, and exact in the dif
year others were fubftituted in their places, charge of it. Trajan revived the ancient
till the annual number feems to have amount- oath, and fwore before the conful's tribunal,
ed to no less than twelve. The prætors were that he would obferve the laws (Plin . Panc-
ufually fixteen.or eighteen (Lipfius in Excurf. gyric. c. 64.) .
D. ad Tacit. Annal. 1. i ) . I have not men- 17 Quoties Magiftratuum Comitiis interef
tioned the Ædiles or Quæftors . Officers of fet. Tribus cum candidatis fuis circuibat :
the police or revenue eafily adapt themfelves fupplicabatque more folemni. Ferebat et ipfe
to any form of government. In the time of fuffragium in tribubus, ut unus e populo.
Nero, the tribunes legally poffeffed the right Suetonius in Auguft. c. 56.
of interceffion, though it might be dangerous 18 Tum primum Comitia e campo ad pa-
to exerciſe it ( Tacit. Annal. xvi. 26. ) . In tres tranflata funt. Tacit. Annal. i. 15. The
the time of Trajan, it was doubtful whether word primum feems to allude to fome faint
the tribuneſhip was an office or a name (Plin. and unſucceſsful efforts , which were made to-
Epift. i. 23. ). wards reftoring them to the people.
16 The tyrants themſelves were ambitious
VOL. I. M femblies
82 THE DECLINE AND FALL

CHA P. femblies of the people were for ever aboliſhed , and the emperors ,
III.
were delivered from a dangerous . multitude, who , without reftoring

liberty, might have diſturbed, and perhaps endangered , the eſtabliſh-

ed government.
The fenate.
By declaring themſelves the protectors of the people, Marius and

Cæfar had fubverted the conftitution of their country. But as foon

as the fenate had been humbled and difarmed, fuch an affembly, con-

fifting of five or fix hundred perfons, was found a much more tracta-

ble and uſeful inftrument of dominion . It was on the dignity of

the fenate, that Auguftus , and his fucceffors founded their new em-

pire ; and they affected, on every occafion, to adopt the language

and principles of Patricians. In the adminiſtration of their own

powers, they frequently confulted the great national council, and

feemed to refer to its decifion the moſt important concerns of peace

and war. Rome, Italy, and the internal provinces were fubject to

the immediate juriſdiction of the fenate. With regard to civil ob-

jects, it was the fupreme court of appeal ; with regard to criminal

matters, a tribunal,, conftituted for the trial of all offences that were

committed by men in any public ftation ,, or that affected the peace

and majefty of the Roman people. The exerciſe of the judicial

power became the most frequent and ferious occupation of the fenate ;

and the important caufes that were pleaded before them,, afforded
a laft refuge to the ſpirit of ancient eloquence. As a council of

ſtate, and as a court of juſtice, the fenate poffeffed very confiderable

prerogatives ; but in its legiſlative capacity, in which it was fup-

pofed virtually to repreſent the people, the rights of fovereignty

were acknowledged to refide in that affembly. Every power was .

derived from their authority, every law was ratified by their fane-

tion. Their regular meetings were held on three ftated days in

every month, the Calends, the Nones, and the Ides. The de-

bates were conducted with decent freedom ; and the emperors:

6 themſelves,
 OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 83

themſelves, who gloried in the name of fenators, fat, voted, and CHA
HI. P.
divided with their equals.

To refume, in a few words, the fyftem of the Imperial govern- General idea
of the Impe-
ment ; as it was inftituted by Auguſtus, and maintained by thoſe rial ſyſtem.

princes who underſtood their own intereft and that of the people,

it may be defined an abfolute monarchy diſguiſed by the forms of a

commonwealth. The mafters of the Roman world furrounded their

throne with darkneſs, concealed their irreſiſtible ſtrength, and hum-

bly profeffed themſelves the accountable minifters of the fenate, whofe

fupreme decrees they dictated and obeyed ".

The face of the court correfponded with the forms of the admini- Court of the
emperors.
ftration . The emperors, if we except thoſe
The tyrants whofe capricious

folly violated every law of nature and decency, diſdained that pomp

and ceremony which might offend their countrymen, but could

add nothing to their real power. In all the offices of life, they af-
fected to confound themfelves with their fubjects, and maintained

with them an equal intercourſe of vifits and entertainments. Their

habit, their palace, their table, were fuited only to the rank of an
opulent fenator. Their family, however
numerous or fplendid,
20
was compofed entirely of their domeftic flaves and freedmen

Auguftus or Trajan would have bluſhed at employing the meaneſt

of the Romans in thoſe menial offices, which, in the houſehold and

bedchamber of a limited monarch, are fo eagerly folicited by the

proudeft nobles of Britain.

19 Dion Caffius (1. liii . p. 703-714. ) has de lege Regia ; printed at Leyden, in the year
given a very looſe and partial ſketch of the 1731. Gravina de Imperio Romano, p. 479
Imperial fyftem. To illuftrate and often to -544 . of his Opufcula. Maffei Verona Illuf-
correct him , I have meditated Tacitus , exa- trata, p. i. p. 245, & c.
mined Suetonius, and confulted the follow- 20 A weak prince will always be governed
ing moderns : the Abbé de la Bleterie, in the by his domeftics. The power of flaves aggra-
Memoires de l'Academie des Infcriptions, vated the ſhame of the Romans ; and the fe-
tom . xix. xxi. xxiv. xxv. xxvii. Beaufort, nate paid court to a Pallas or a Narciffus.
Republique Romaine, tom. i . p . 255-275. There is a chance that a modern favourite
The Differtations of Noodt and Gronovius, may be a gentleman.

M 2 The
84 THE DECLINE AND FALL

С НА Р. 21
The deification of the emperors is the only inftance in
III.
which they departed from their accuſtomed prudence and mo-
Deification.
defty. The Afiatic Greeks were the first inventors , the fuc-

ceffors of Alexander the firft objects , of this fervile and im-

pious mode of adulation . It was eafily transferred from the kings

to the governors of Aſia ; and the Roman magiftrates very fre-

quently were adored as provincial deities , with the pomp of altars

and temples, of feftivals and facrifices " . It was natural that the

emperors fhould not refufe what the proconfuls had accepted ; and
the divine honours which both the one and the other received

from the provinces , attefted rather the defpotifm than the fer-

vitude of Rome. But the conquerors foon imitated the vanquished

nations in the arts of flattery ; and the imperious fpirit of the first

Cæfar too eafily confented to affume , during his life-time, a place

among the tutelar deities of Rome. The milder temper of his

fucceffor declined fo dangerous an ambition , which was never after-

wards revived , except by the madneſs of Caligula and Domitian .

Auguſtus permitted indeed fome of the provincial cities to erect tem-

ples to his honour , on condition that they ſhould affociate the wor-

fhip of Rome with that of the fovereign ; he tolerated private.

23
fuperftition , of which he might be the object " ; but he contented

himſelf with being revered by the fenate and people in his human

character, and wifely left to his fucceffor , the care of his public

deification . A regular cuſtom was introduced , that on the deceaſe

of every emperor who had neither lived nor died like a tyrant , the

fenate by a folemn decree fhould place him in the number of the

21 See a treatife of Vandale de Con- gault in the first volume of the Academy of
fecratione Principium . It would be eafier Infcriptions.
for me to copy, than it has been to 23 Jurandafque tuum per nomen ponimus.
verify, the quotations of that learned aras, fays Horace to the emperor himſelf,
Dutchman. and Horace was well acquainted with the
22 See a differtation of the Abbé Mon- court of Auguftus.

gods :
 OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 85

gods and the ceremonies of his Apotheofis were blended with CHA P.
III.
thoſe of his funeral. This legal, and as it ſhould ſeem , injudicious

profanation, fo abhorrent to our ſtricter principles, was received

with a very faint murmur , by the eafy nature of Polytheiſm ;

but it was received as an inftitution , not of religion but of policy.

We fhould difgrace the virtues of the Antonines, by comparing

them with the vices of Hercules or Jupiter. Even the character of

Cæfar or Auguftus were far fuperior to thoſe of the popular deities.

But it was the misfortune of the former to live in an enlightened

age, and their actions were too faithfully recorded to admit of

fuch a mixture of fable and myftery, as the devotion of the vulgar

requires. As foon as their divinity was eſtabliſhed by law, it funk

into oblivion, without contributing either to their own fame, or to

the dignity of fucceeding princes.

In the confideration of the Imperial government, we have fre- Titles of .fu

guftus and
quently mentioned the artful founder, under his well- known title Cajar.
of Auguftus, which was not however conferred upon him, till the

edifice was almoft completed. The obfcure name of Octavianus ,

he derived from a mean family, in the little town of Aricia. It

was ſtained with the blood of the proſcription ; and he was defir-

ous, had it been poffible, to erafe all memory of his former life.
The illuftrious furname of Cæfar, he had affumed, as the adopted

fon of the dictator ; but he had too much good fenfe, either to hope

to be confounded, or to wish to be compared, with that extraordi-

nary man. It was propofed in the fenate, to dignify their minifter

with a new appellation : and after a very ferious difcuffion , that

of Auguftus was chofen among feveral others, as being the moſt

expreffive of the character of peace and fanctity, which he uni-

24 Sec Cicero in Philippic. i . 6. Julian of Lucan , but it is a patriotic, rather than

in Cæfaribus. Inque Deum templis jurabit a devout indignation.
Roma per umbras, is the indignant expreffion

formly
86 THE DECLINE AND FALL

CHA P. formly affected ". Auguftus was therefore a perfonal, Cafar a

III.
family diſtinction. The former ſhould naturally have expired with

the prince on whom it was beſtowed ; and however the latter was

diffuſed by adoption and female alliance , Nero was the laſt prince

who could allege any hereditary claim to the honours of the Julian
line. But, at the time of his death, the practice of a century had

infeparably connected thofe appellations with the Imperial dignity,

and they have been preferved by a long fucceffion of emperors,

Romans, Greeks, Franks, and Germans, from the fall of the re-

public to the preſent time. A diftinction was, however, foon intro-

# duced. The facred title of Auguftus was always referved for the

monarch, whilſt the name of Cæfar was more freely communicated

to his relations ; and, from the reign of Hadrian, at leaſt, was ap-

propriated to the fecond perfon in the ſtate, who was confidered as

the prefumptive heir of the empire.

Character
and policy The tender reſpect of Auguſtus for a free conſtitution which he

of Auguftus. had deftroyed, can only be explained by an attentive confideration

of the character of that fubtle tyrant. A cool head, an unfeeling

heart, and a cowardly difpofition, prompted him, at the age of

nineteen, to affume the maſk of hypocrify, which he never after-

wards laid aſide. With the fame hand , and probably with the fame

temper, he figned the profcription of Cicero, and the pardon of

Cinna. His virtues, and even his vices, were artificial ; and

according to the various dictates of his intereft, he was at firft the

enemy, and at laft the father, of the Roman world 2. When he

framed the artful fyftem of the Imperial authority, his moderation

25 Dion Caffius, 1. liii . p. 710. with the 309. ) . This image employed by Julian, in
curious Annotations of Reymar. his ingenious fiction , is juft and elegant ; but
26 As Octavianus advanced to the banquet when he confiders this change of character as
of the Cæfars, his colour changed like that real, and afcribes it to the power of philofo-
of the Camelion ; pale at firft, then red, af- phy, he does too much honour to philofophy,
terwards black , he at laft affumed the mild and to Octavianus .
livery of Venus and the Graces ( Cæfars, p.
was
 OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 87

was inſpired by his fears. He wished to deceive the people by CHA P.

III.
an image of civil liberty, and the armies by an image of civil

government.

I. The death of Cæfar was ever before his eyes. Imagefor

He had laviſhed berty li-
of the

wealth and honours on his adherents ; but the moſt favoured friends people.

of his uncle were in the number of the confpirators. The fidelity

of the legions might defend his authority againſt open rebellion ; but
their vigilance could not fecure his perfon from the dagger of a deter-

mined republican ; and the Romans, who revered the m ' emory of
Brutus " , would applaud the imitation of his virtue. Cæfar had

·
provoked his fate, as much by the oftentation of his power, as by
his power itſelf. The conful or the tribune might have reigned in

peace. The title of king had armed the Romans againſt his life.

Auguftus was fenfible that mankind is governed by names ; nor was

he deceived in his expectation, that the fenate and people would ..

ſubmit to ſlavery, provided they were reſpectfully affured, that they

ftill enjoyed their ancient freedom. A feeble ſenate and enervated

people cheerfully acquiefced in the pleaſing illufion , as long as it

was ſupported by the virtue, or by even the prudence, of the fuc--

ceffors of Auguftus. It was a motive of felf- prefervation, not a prin-

ciple of liberty, that animated the confpirators againſt Caligula, Nero,

and Domitian. They attacked the perſon of the tyrant, without
aiming their blow at the authority of the emperor.

There appears, indeed, one memorable occafion, in which the Attempt of

the fenate
fenate, after feventy years of patience, made an ineffectual attempt after the
death of Ca-
to reaſſume its long forgotten rights. When the throne was va- ligula.
cant by the murder of Caligula, the confuls convoked that affembly

in the Capitol, condemned the memory of the Cæfars, gave the

watch-word liberty to the few cohorts who faintly adhered to their

27 Two centuries after the eſtabliſhment of recommends the character ofBrutus as a per-
monarchy, the emperor Marcus Antoninus fect model of Roman virtue.

ftandard,
88 THE DECLINE AND FALL

CHA P. ftandard, and during eight and forty hours acted as the independ-
III.
ent chiefs of a free commonwealth. But while they deliberated ,

the Prætorian guards had refolved. The ftupid Claudius, brother

of Germanicus, was already in their camp, invefted with the Im-
perial purple, and prepared to fupport his election by arms. The

dream of liberty was at an end ; and the fenate awoke to all the

horrors of inevitable fervitude. Deſerted by the people , and threat-

ened by a military force, that feeble affembly was compelled to ratify

the choice of the Prætorians, and to embrace the benefit of an

amnefty , which Claudius had the prudence to offer, and the gene-
rofity to obferve 28.
Image of go-
vernment for II. The infolence of the armies infpired Auguftus with fears of
the armies. a ftill more alarming nature. The defpair of the citizens could

only attempt, what the power of the foldiers was, at any time, able

to execute. How precarious was his own authority over men whom

he had taught to violate every focial duty ! He had heard their

feditious clamours ; he dreaded their calmer moments of reflection.

One revolution had been purchaſed by immenfe rewards ; but a

fecond revolution might double thofe rewards. The troops pro-
feffed the fondeft attachment to the houfe of Cæfar ; but the at-

tachments of the multitude are capricious and inconftant. Au-

guftus fummoned to his aid, whatever remained in thoſe fierce

minds, of Roman prejudices ; enforced the rigour of difcipline by

the fanation of law ; and interpofing the majefty of the fenate, be-

tween the emperor and the army, boldly claimed their allegiance,

as the first magiftrate of the republic 29,

28 It is much to be regretted, that we have of difcipline. After the civil wars, he drop .
loft the part of Tacitus, which treated of that ped the endearing name of Fellow- Soldiers,
tranfaction . We are forced to content our- and called them only Soldiers ( Sueton , in
felves with the popular rumours of Jofephus, Auguft c . 25. ) . See the ufe Tiberius made
and the imperfect hints of Dion and Sue- of the fenate in the mutiny of the Pannonian
tonius. legions (Tacit. Annal. i . ) .
29 Auguftus reftored the ancient ſeverity
During
 OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE.
89

During a long period of two hundred and twenty years, from CHA
III. P.
the eſtabliſhment of this artful fyftem to the death of Commodus,
Their obedi-
the dangers inherent to a military government were, in a great ence.

meaſure, fufpended . The foldiers were feldom rouſed to that

fatal fenfe of their own ftrength, and of the weakneſs of the civil

authority, which was, before and afterwards, productive of fuch

dreadful calamities. Caligula and Domitian were affaffinated in

their palace by their own domeftics : the convulfions which agitated

Rome on the death of the former, were confined to the walls of the

city. But Nero involved the whole empire in his ruin . In the

fpace of eighteen months, four princes perished by the ſword ; and

the Roman world was fhaken by the fury of the contending armies.
癫
Excepting only this fhort, though violent, eruption of military
licence, the two centuries from Auguftus to Commodus paffed away

unſtained with civil blood, and undiſturbed by revolutions. The

emperor was elected by the authority of the fenate, and the confent
of the foldiers 30. The legions refpected their oath of fidelity ; and

it requires a minute inſpection of the Roman annals to diſcover

three inconfiderable rebellions, which were all fuppreffed in a few

months, and without even the hazard of a battle ".

In elective monarchies, the vacancy " of the * throne is a moment Defignation

of a fucceffor.
big with danger and mifchief. The Roman emperors , defirous to

fpare the legions that interval of fufpenfe , and the temptation of an

irregular choice , inveſted their defigned fucceffor with fo large a fhare

of prefent power, as fhould enable him, after their deceaſe, to

30 Thefe words feem to have been the the third , Avidius Caffius , in the reign of
conftitutional language . See Tacit. Annal. M. Antoninus . The two laft reigned but a
xiii. 4.
- few months , and were cut off by their own
31 The first was Camillus Scribonianus,who adherents . We may obferve, that both Ca-
took up arms in Dalmatia againſt Claudius, millus and Caffius coloured their ambition
and was deferted by his own troops in five with the defign of restori the republi
ng c; a
days. The fecond , L. Antonius , in Ger- taſk, faid Caffius , peculia
rly referved for his
many, who rebelled againſt Domitian ; and name and family.
VOL . I. N affume
90 THE DECLINE AND FALL

CHAP. affume the remainder, without fuffering the empire to perceive the
III.
change of maſters. Thus Auguftus, after all his fairer proſpects
OfTiberius.
had been ſnatched from him by untimely deaths, refted his laft
hopes on Tiberius, obtained for his adopted fon the cenforial and
tribunitian powers, and dictated a law, by which the future prince

was inveſted with an authority equal to his own, over the provinces
Of Titus. and the armies . Thus Vefpafian fubdued the generous mind of

his eldeſt fon. Titus was adored by the eaſtern legions, which,

under his command, had recently atchieved the conqueft of Judæa.

His power was dreaded, and, as his virtues were clouded by the in-

temperance of youth, his defigns were fufpected. Instead of liften-

ing to fuch unworthy fufpicions, the prudent monarch affociated

Titus to the full powers of the Imperial dignity ; and the grateful
fon ever approved himſelf the humble and faithful minifter of fo in-
dulgent a father " .

The race of The good fenfe of Veſpaſian engaged him indeed to embrace every
the Cæfars
and the Fla- meaſure that might confirm his recent and precarious elevation.

vian family. The military oath, and the fidelity of the troops, had been confe-

crated, by the habits of an hundred years, to the name and family

of the Cæfars and although that family had been continued only by

the fictitious rite of adoption , the Romans ſtill revered, in the perſon

of Nero, the grandfon of Germanicus, and the lineal fucceffor of

Auguftus. It was not without reluctance and remorſe, that the

Prætorian guards had been perfuaded to abandon the cauſe of the

tyrant . The rapid downfal of Galba, Otho, and Vitellius, taught

the armies to confider the emperors as the creatures of their will,

and the inftruments of their licence. The birth of Veſpaſian was

mean ; his grandfather had been a private foldier, his father a

32 Velleius Paterculus , l. ii . c. 121. Sueton . 34 This idea is frequently and strongly

in Tiber. c. 20. inculcated by Tacitus. See Hift. i . 5. 16..
33 Sueton. in Tit. c. 6. Plin . in Præfat. ii . 76.
Hift. Natur.
petty
 OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 91

СНАР .
petty officer of the revenue " ; his own merit had raiſed him , in an
III .
advanced age, to the empire ; but his merit was rather ufeful than
fhining, and his virtues were diſgraced by a ſtrict and even fordid
parfimony. Such a prince confulted his true intereft by the affoci-

ation of a fon, whofe more fplendid and amiable character might

turn the public attention , from the obfcure origin , to the future
glories of the Flavian houſe. Under the mild adminiftration of
Titus, the Roman world enjoyed a tranfient felicity, and his beloved
memory ferved to protect, above fifteen years, the vices of his brother
Domitian.

Nerva had ſcarcely accepted the purple from the affaffins of Do- A. D. 96.
Adoption
mitian, before he diſcovered that his feeble age was unable to ftem and character
of Trajan,
the torrent of public diforders, which had multiplied under the long

tyranny of his predeceffor. His mild difpofition was refpected by

the good ; but the degenerate Romans required a more vigorous

character, whofe juftice fhould ftrike terror into the guilty. Though

he had feveral relations, he fixed his choice on a ftranger. He

adopted Trajan, then about forty years of age, and who com-

manded a powerful army in the Lower Germany ; and immediately,

by a decree of the fenate, declared him his colleague and fucceffor

in the empire ". It is fincerely to be lamented, that whilft we are A. D. 98,

fatigued with the difguftful relation of Nero's crimes and follies,

we are reduced to collect the actions of Trajan from the glimmer-

ings of an abridgment, or the doubtful light of a panegyric,

There remains, however, one panegyric far removed beyond the

fufpicion of flattery. Above two hundred and fifty years after the

death of Trajan, the fenate, in pouring out the cuſtomary accla-

mations on the acceffion of a new emperor, wished that he might

37
furpaſs the felicity of Auguftus, and the virtue of Trajan ”.
35 The emperor Vefpafian, with his uſual 36 Dion, 1. lxviii . p. 1121. Plin. Secund.
good fenfe, laughed at the Genealogifts , who in Panegyric .
deduced his family from Flavius,the founder of 37 Felicior Augufto, MELIOR TRAJANO .
Reate (his native country ) , and one ofthe com- Eutrop. viii. 5.
panions of Hercules. Suet . in Vefpafian . c. 12 .
N 2 We
92 THE DECLINE AND FALL

C H A P.
We may readily believe, that the father of his country heſitated
III.
whether he ought to intruſt the various and doubtful character of his
A. D. 117 .
In his last moments , the
Of Hadrian. kinfman Hadrian with fovereign power.

arts of the empreſs Plotina either fixed the irreſolution of Trajan , or

38
boldly fuppofed a fictitious adoption 3 ; the truth of which could not

be ſafely diſputed, and Hadrian was peaceably acknowledged as his

lawful fucceffor. Under his reign, as has been already mentioned,

the empire flouriſhed in peace and profperity. He encouraged the

arts, reformed the laws, afferted military difcipline , and viſited all

his provinces in perfon . His vaft and active genius was equally

fuited to the moſt enlarged views, and the minute details of civil

policy. But the ruling paffions of his foul were curiofity and

vanity. As they prevailed, and as they were attracted by different

objects, Hadrian was, by turns, an excellent prince, a ridiculous

fophift, and a jealous tyrant. The general tenor of his conduct

deſerved praiſe for its equity and moderation. Yet in the firſt days

of his reign , he put to death four confular ſenators, his perſonal

enemies, and men who had been judged worthy of empire ; and the
tediouſneſs of a painful illneſs rendered him, at laft, peevifh and
cruel. The fenate doubted whether they fhould pronounce him a

god or a tyrant ; and the honours decreed to his memory were

39
granted to the prayers of the pious Antoninus 3 .
Adoption of The caprice of Hadrian influenced his choice of a fucceffor.
the elder and
younger After revolving in his mind ſeveral men of diſtinguiſhed merit,
Verus.
whom he eſteemed and hated, he adopted Elius Verus, a gay and

voluptuous nobleman, recommended by uncommon beauty to the

lover of Antinous 40. But whilft Hadrian was delighting himſelf

with

38 Dion (1. xix . p. 1249. ) affirms the has maintained, that Hadrian was called to
whole to have been a fiction , on the authority the certain hope of the empire, during the
of his father, who being governor of the lifetime of Trajan.
province where Trajan died , had very good 39 Dion (1. lxx. p. 1171 ) . Aurel. Victor.
opportunities of fifting this myfterious tranf- 40 The deification of Antinous, his medals,
action. Yet Dodwell (Prælect . Camden . xvii .) ftatues, temples, city, oracles, and conftel-
lation,
 OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 93

with his own applaufe, and the acclamations of the foldiers, whofe CHA
ILI. P.
confent had been fecured by an immenfe donative, the new Cæfar **

was raviſhed from his embraces by an untimely death. He left

only one fon. Hadrian commended the boy to the gratitude of the

Antonines. He was adopted by Pius ; and, on the acceffion of

Marcus, was invefted with an equal fhare of fovereign power.

Among the many vices of this younger Verus, he poffeffed one

virtue ; a dutiful reverence for his wifer colleague, to whom he

willingly abandoned the ruder cares of empire. The philoſophic

emperor diffembled his follies, lamented his early death, and caft a
decent veil over his memory.

As ſoon as Hadrian's paffion was either gratified or diſappointed, Adoption of

the two An-
he refolved to deſerve the thanks of pofterity, by placing the moſt tonines.
exalted merit on the Roman throne. His difcerning eye eafily

diſcovered a fenator about fifty years of age, blameleſs in all the

offices of life, and a youth of about feventeen, whofe riper years

opened the fair profpect of every virtue : the elder of theſe was
declared the fon and fucceffor of Hadrian, on condition , however,

that he himſelf ſhould immediately adopt the younger. The two

Antonines (for it is of them that we are now ſpeaking) governed the

Roman world forty-two years, with the fame invariable ſpirit of A. D. 138-
180.
wiſdom and virtue. Although Pius had two fons " , he preferred
the welfare of Rome to the intereft of his family, gave his daughter

Fauſtina in marriage to young Marcus, obtained from the fenate

the tribunitian and proconfular powers, and with a noble diſdain ,

or rather ignorance of jealoufy, affociated him to all the labours of

lation, are well known, and ſtill diſhonour
the memory of Hadrian . Yet we may re-
mark, that of the first fifteen emperors , Clau-
dius was the only one whoſe taſte in love was
entirely correct. For the honours of Anti-
nous, fee Spanheim, Commentaire fur les
Cæfars de Julien, p . 80.
41 Hift. Auguft. p. 13. Aurelius Victor in
Epitom.
42 Without the help of medals and in-
fcriptions, we fhould be ignorant of this
fact, fo honourable to the memory of
Pius.

government.
 7

94 THE DECLINE AND FALL

СНАР. government. Marcus, on the other hand, revered the character of

III.
his benefactor, loved him as a parent, obeyed him as his fove-

reign¹³ , and, after he was no more, regulated his own adminiſtra-

tion by the example and maxims of his predeceffor. • Their united

reigns are poffibly the only period of hiſtory in which the happineſs

of a great people was the fole object of government.

Character
Titus Antoninus Pius has been juſtly denominated a fecond Numa.
and reign of
Pius. The fame love of religion , juftice, and peace, was the diftinguishing

characteriſtic of both princes. But the fituation of the latter opened

a much larger field for the exercife of thofe virtues. Numa could

only prevent a few neighbouring villages from plundering each

other's harveſts. Antoninus diffuſed order and tranquillity over the

greateft part of the earth. His reign is marked by the rare advan-

tage of furniſhing very few materials for hiſtory ; which is, indeed,

little more than the regiſter of the crimes, follies, and misfortunes

of mankind. In private life, he was an amiable, as well as a good

man. The native fimplicity of his virtue was a ftranger to vanity

or affectation. He enjoyed, with moderation, the conveniencies of

44
his fortune, and the innocent pleaſures of ſociety ** ; and the be-

nevolence of his foul difplayed itself in a cheerful ferenity of

temper.

Of Marcus. The virtue of Marcus Aurelius Antoninus was of a feverer and

more laborious kind ". It was the well- earned harveſt of many a

43 During the twenty-three years of Pius's

Verus (Hift. Aug. 6. 34. ) . This fufpicion ,
reign, Marcus was only two nights abfentunjuft as it was, may ferve to account for the
from the palace, and even thofe were at dif-
fuperior applaufe beftowed upon perfonal qua-
ferent times . Hift . Auguft. p . 25 . lifications, in preference to the focial virtues.
44 He was fond of the theatre, and not in-
Even Marcus Antoninus has been called a
fenfible to the charms of the fair fex. Marcus
hypocrite ; but the wildeft fcepticiſm never
infinuated that Cæfar might poffibly be a
Antoninus , i . 16. Hift. Auguft. p . 20, 21 .
Julian in Cæfar. coward, or Tully a fool, Wit and valour
45 The enemies of Marcus charged him are qualifications more eafily afcertained,
with hypocrify, and with a want of that than humanity or the love ofjuftice.
fimplicity which diftinguished Pius and even
learned
 OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 95

learned conference, of many a patient lecture, and many a midnight CHA

III. P.
lucubration. At the age of twelve years he embraced the rigid
fyftem of the Stoics, which taught him to fubmit his body to his

mind , his paffions to his reafon ; to confider virtue as the only

good, vice as the only evil , all things external, as things in-
different . His meditations, compoſed in the tumult of a camp,

are ftill extant ; and he even condefcended to give leffons of philo-

fophy, in a more public manner, than was perhaps confiftent with

the modefty of a fage, or the dignity of an emperor ". But his

life was the nobleſt commentary on the precepts of Zeno. He was

fevere to himſelf, indulgent to the imperfection of others, juft and

beneficent to all mankind. He regretted that Avidius Caffius, who

excited a rebellion in Syria, had diſappointed hima, by a voluntary

death, of the pleaſure of converting an enemy into a friend ; and he

juftified the fincerity of that fentiment, by moderating the zeal of

the ſenate againſt the adherents of the traitor " . War he deteſted ,

as the difgrace and calamity of human nature ; but when the necef-

fity of a juft defence called upon him to take up arms, he readily

expoſed his perfon to eight winter campaigns, on the frozen banks

of the Danube, the feverity of which was at laft fatal to the weak-
nefs of his conftitution . His memory was revered by a grateful

pofterity, and above a century after his death , many perfons pre-

ferved the image of Marcus Antoninus among thofe of their houfe-

hold gods * .

46 Tacitus has characterized, in a few
words, the principles of the portico : Doc-
tores fapientiæ fecutus eft, qui fola bona quæ
honeſta, mala tantum quæ turpia ; poten-
tiam , nobilitatem, cæteraque extra animum ,
neque bonis neque malis adnumerant. Tacit.
Hift. iv. 5 .
47 Before he went on the fecond expedition
againſt the Germans, he read lectures of phi-
lofophy to the Roman people, during three-
days . He had already done the fame in the
cities of Greece and Afia. Hift. Auguft. in
Caffio , c. 3 .
48 Dion , 1. lxxi. p. 1190. Hift. Auguſt.
in Avid . Caffio.
49 Hift. Auguft. in Marc. Antonin. c. 18.

If
 NE
96 THE DECLI AND FALL

СНАР.
III. If a man were called to fix the period in the hiſtory of the world,
during which the condition of the human race was moft happy and
Happiness of
the Romans. profperous, he would, without heſitation , name that which clapſed
from the death of Domitian to the acceffion of Commodus. The

vaft extent of the Roman empire was governed by abfolute power,

under the guidance of virtue and wifdom . The armies were

reſtrained by the firm but gentle hand of four fucceffive emperors,

whoſe characters and authority commanded involuntary reſpect. The

forms of the civil adminiſtration were carefully preſerved by Nerva,

Trajan , Hadrian , and the Antonines, who delighted in the image

of liberty, and were pleafed with confidering themſelves as the
accountable minifters of the laws. Such princes deferved the

honour of reſtoring the republic, had the Romans of their days

been capable of enjoying a rational freedom.

Its precarious The labours of theſe monarchs were over-paid by the immenfe
nature.
reward that infeparably waited on their fuccefs ; by the honeft

pride of virtue, and by the exquifite delight of beholding the

general happineſs of which they were the authors. A juft, but

melancholy reflection embitterred , however, the nobleft of hu-

man enjoyments. They must often have recollected the inftability

of a happineſs which depended on the character of a fingle man .

The fatal moment was perhaps approaching, when fome licentious

youth, or fome jealous tyrant, would abuſe, to the deftruction ,

that abfolute power, which they had exerted for the benefit
of their people. The ideal reftraints of the fenate and the laws

might ferve to difplay the virtues, but could never correct the
vices, of the emperor. The military force was a blind and irre-

fiſtible inftrument of oppreffion ; and the corruption of Roman

manners would always fupply flatterers eager to applaud, and mi-

nifters prepared to ferve, the fear or the avarice, the luft or the
cruelty, of their maſters.

3 Theſe
 OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE.
97

Thefe gloomy apprehenfions had been already juſtified by the ex- CHAP
III. .

perience of the Romans. The annals of the emperors exhibit a ſtrong

Memory of
and various picture of human nature, which we ſhould vainly feek Tiberius,

among the mixed and doubtful characters of modern hiftory. In the Caligula
Nero, and,
conduct of thoſe monarchs we may trace the utmoſt lines of vice and Domitian.

virtue ; the moſt exalted perfection , and the meaneft degeneracy of

our own fpecies. The golden age of Trajan and the Antonines had

been preceded by an age of iron. It is almoft fuperfluous to enu-

merate the unworthy fucceffors of Auguftus. Their unparalleled

vices, and the fplendid theatre on which they were acted, have ſaved
them from oblivion . The dark unrelenting Tiberius, the furious

Caligula, the feeble Claudius, the profligate and cruel Nero, the

beaftly Vitellius ", and the timid inhuman Domitian, are condemned

to everlaſting infamy. During fourſcore years (excepting only the

fhort and doubtful refpite of Vefpafian's reign ") Rome groaned

beneath an unremiting tyranny, which exterminated the ancient

families of the republic, and was fatal to almoft every virtue, and

every talent, that aroſe in that unhappy period.

Under the reign of theſe monſters, the ſlavery of the Romans Peculiar mi-
fery ofthe
was accompanied with two peculiar circumftances, the one oc- Romans un-
der their ty-
cafioned by their former liberty, the other by their extenfive con- rants.
queſts, which rendered their condition more completely wretched
than that of the victims of tyranny in any other age or country.

From theſe cauſes were derived, 1. The exquifite fenfibility of the

5° Vitellius confumed in mere eating, at " tia, futura, pari oblivione dimiferat. Atque
leaft fix millions of our money, in about ſeven " illum nemore Aricino defidem et marcen-
months. It is not eafy to exprefs his vices " tem, &c. " Tacit. Hift. iii . 36. ii . 95 .
with dignity, or even decency. Tacitus Sueton. in Vitell . c. 13. Dion Caffius , 1 .
fairly calls him a hog ; but it is by fubftitut- lxv. p. 1062.
ing to a coarſe word a very fine image. " At s¹ The execution of Helvidius Prifcus, and
" Vitellius, umbraculis hortorum abditus, of the virtuous Eponina, difgraced the reign
" ut ignava animalia, quibus fi cibum fug- of Vefpafian .
geras jacent torpentque, præterita, inftan-
VOL. I. fufferers ;
 E
LIN L
THE DEC AND FAL
98

CHA P. fufferers ; and, 2. the impoffibility of eſcaping from the hand of

III.
the oppreffor.
I. When Perfia was governed by the defcendants of Sefi , a race
Infenfibility
of the Ori- of princes, whofe wanton cruelty often ftained their divan, their
entals.
table, and their bed , with the blood of their favourites, there is a

faying recorded of a young nobleman , That he never departed from

the fultan's prefence, without fatisfying himſelf whether his head

was ftill on his fhoulders. The experience of every day might al-
moſt juſtify the ſcepticiſm of Ruftan ". Yet the fatal fword fuf-
pended above him by a fingle thread, feems not to have difturbed the

flumbers, or interrupted the tranquillity, of the Perfian. The mo-

narch's frown , he well knew, could level him with the duſt ; but

the ftroke of lightning or apoplexy might be equally fatal ; and

it was the part of a wife man, to forget the inevitable calamities
He was
of human life in the enjoyment of the fleeting hour.
dignified with the appellation of the king's flave ; had, perhaps,
been purchaſed from obfcure parents, in a country which he had

never known ; and was trained up from his infancy in the fevere

difcipline of the feraglio ". His name, his wealth, his honours , were

the gift of a mafter, who might, without injuſtice , reſume what he

had bestowed. Ruftan's knowledge, if he poffeffed any, could only

ferve to confirm his habits by prejudices. His language afforded

not words for any form of government, except abfolute monarchy..

The hiftory of the eaſt informed him , that ſuch had ever been the

condition of mankind 54
5. The Koran, and the interpreters of that
divine book, inculcated to him , that the fultan was the defcendant

52 Voyage de Chardin en Perfe, vol. iii. fupply rulers to the greateft part of the east..
54 Chardin fays, that European travel-
p. 293. lers have diffufed among the Perfians fome
53 The practice of raifing flaves to the great
freedom and mildneſs of our go-
offices of ſtate is ftill more common among ideas of the
vernme nts. They have done them a very ilk
the Turks than among the Perfians . The
miferable countries of Georgia and Circafia office .
of
 OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 99

of the prophet, and the vicegerent of heaven ; that patience was CHA P.
III.
the firſt virtue of a Muffulman, and unlimited obedience the great

duty of a ſubject.

The minds of the Romans were very differently prepared for Knowledge
and free ipi-
flavery. Oppreffed beneath the weight of their own corruptionrit of the Ro-
mans.
and of military violence, they for a long while preferved the fen-
timents, or at leaft the ideas, of their freeborn anceſtors. The

education of Helvidius and Thrafea, of Tacitus and Pliny, was the

fame as that of Cato and Cicero. From Grecian philofophy, they

had imbibed the jufteſt and moſt liberal notions of the dignity of

human nature, and the origin of civil fociety. The hiſtory of their
own country had taught them to revere a free, a virtuous, and a
victorious commonwealth ; to abhor the fuccefsful crimes of Cæfar

and Auguftus ; and inwardly to defpife thofe tyrants whom they

adored with the moſt abject flattery. As magiftrates and fenators ,

they were admitted into the great council, which had once dictated

laws to the earth, whofe name ftill gave a fanction to the acts of

the monarch, and whofe authority was fo often prostituted to the

vileft purpoſes of tyranny. Tiberius, and thoſe emperors who

adopted his maxims, attempted to diſguiſe their murders by the

formalities of juftice, and perhaps enjoyed a fecret pleaſure in ren-

dering the fenate their accomplice as well as their victim . By

this affembly, the last of the Romans were condemned for ima-
ginary crimes and real virtues. . Their infamous accufers affumed

the language of independent patriots, who arraigned a dangerous

citizen before the tribunal of his country ; and the public ſervice
was rewarded by riches and honours ". The fervile judges profeffed

55 They alleged the example of Scipio and
Cato (Tacit. Annal . iii . 66. ) . Marcellus
Epirus and Crifpus Vibius had acquired two
millions and a half under Nero. Their
wealth, which aggravated their crimes, pro-
tected them under Vefpafian. See Tacit.
02
Hift. iv. 43. Dialog. de Orator . c. 8. For
one accufation , Regulus , the juft object of
Pliny's fatire, received from the fenate the
confular ornaments, and a prefent of fixty-
thousand pounds.
to
100 THE DECLINE AND FALL

CHA P. to affert the majeſty of the commonwealth , violated in the perfon

III.
of its firſt magiſtrate ", whoſe clemency they moft applauded when

they trembled the moſt at his inexorable and impending cruelty " .

The tyrant beheld their baſeneſs with juſt contempt, and encoun-
tered their fecret ſentiments of deteftation with fincere and avowed

hatred for the whole body of the ſenate.

Extent of
their empire II. The divifion of Europe into a number of independent ſtates,

left them no connected, however, with each other, by the general refemblance
place ofre-
fuge. of religion, language, and manners, is productive of the moft bene-

ficial confequences to the liberty of mankind. A modern tyrant,

who ſhould find no refiſtance either in his own breaft, or in his

people, would foon experience a gentle reſtraint from the example

of his equals, the dread of prefent cenfure, the advice of his allies,

and the apprehenſion of his enemies. The object of his diſpleaſure,

efcaping from the narrow limits of his dominions, would eaſily

obtain, in a happier climate, a fecure refuge, a new fortune ade-

quate to his merit, the freedom of complaint, and perhaps the means

of revenge. But the empire of the Romans filled the world, and

when that empire fell into the hands of a fingle perfon, the world

became a fafe and dreary prifon for his enemies. The flave of

Imperial defpotifm, whether he was condemned to drag his gilded

chain in Rome and the fenate, or to wear out a life of exile on the

barren rock of Seriphus, or the frozen banks of the Danube, ex-

pected his fate in filent deſpair " . To refift was fatal, and it was
impoffible

The crime of majesty was formerly a
treaſonable offence againſt the Roman peo-
ple. As tribunes of the people, Auguftus
and Tiberius applied it to their own perſons,
and extended it to an infinite latitude.
57 After the virtuous and unfortunate wi-
dow of Germanicus had been put to death,
Tiberius received the thanks of the fenate for
his clemency. She had not been publicly
ftrangled ; nor was the body drawn with a
hook to the Gemonia, where thofe of com-
mon malefactors were expofed . See Tacit.
Annal . vi . 25. Sueton. in Tiberio, c . 53 .
58 Seriphus was a ſmall rocky iſland in the
Egean Sea, the inhabitants of which were
defpifed for their ignorance and obfcurity.
The
 OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. ΙΟΣ

impoffible to fly. On every fide he was encompaffed with a vaft CHA

III . P.
extent of ſea and land, which he could never hope to traverſe with-

out being diſcovered, feized, and reftored to his irritated mafter.

Beyond the frontiers, his anxious view could diſcover nothing, ex-

cept the ocean , inhofpitable deferts, hoftile tribes of barbarians, of

fierce manners and unknown language, or dependent kings, who

would gladly purchaſe the emperor's protection by the facrifice of

an obnoxious fugitive ". " Wherever you are," faid Cicero to the
exiled Marcellus, " remember that you are equally within the power
60 99
" ofthe conqueror

The place of Ovid's exile is well known, by
his juft, but unmanly lamentations . It ſhould
feem, that he only received an order to leave
Rome in fo many days, and to transport
himſelf to Tomi. Guards and gaolers were
unneceſſary.
59 Under Tiberius, a Roman knight at-
tempted to fly to the Parthians . He was ſtopt
in the Streights of Sicily ; but fo little dan-
ger did there appear in the example, that the
moft jealous of tyrants difdained to puniſh it.
Tacit. Annal. vi . 14.
60 Cicero ad Familiares, iv. 7-
102 THE DECLINE AND FALL

CHA P. IV.

The cruelty, follies, and murder of Commodus. - Election

of Pertinax- bis attempts to reform the State- his

affaffination by the Prætorian Guards .

CHAP.
HE mildneſs of Marcus, which the rigid difcipline of the
IV.
T Stoics was unable to eradicate, formed , at the fame time,
Indulgence
of Marcus, the moſt amiable, and the only defective, part of his character.

His excellent underſtanding was often deceived by the unfuſpecting

goodneſs of his heart. Artful men, who ſtudy the paffions ofprinces,

and conceal their own, approached his perfon in the difguife of

philofophic fanctity, and acquired riches and honours by affecting

to deſpiſe them ' . His exceffive indulgence to his brother, his wife,

and his fon, exceeded the bounds of private virtue, and became a

public injury, by the example and confequences of their vices.

to his wife Fauftina, the daughter of Pius and the wife of Marcus, has been
Fauftina ;
as much celebrated for her gallantries as for her beauty. The

grave fimplicity of the philofopher was ill- calculated to engage her

wanton levity, or to fix that unbounded paffion for variety, which

often diſcovered perfonal merit in the meaneſt of mankind². The

Cupid of the ancients was, in general, a very fenfual deity ; and

the amours of an empreſs, as they exact on her fide the plaineſt

advances, are feldom fufceptible of much fentimental delicacy.

See the complaints of Avidius Caffius, conditiones fibi et nauticas et gladiatorias ,

Hift. Auguft . p. 45. Thefe are, it is true, elegiffe. Hift. Auguft. p. 30. Lampridius
the complaints of faction ; but even faction explains the fort of merit which Fauftina
exaggerates, rather than invents . chofe, and the conditions which ſhe exacted.
Fauftinam fatis conftat apud Cayetam, Hift. Auguft. p . 102.
6 Marcus
 OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 103

CHA P.
Marcus was the only man in the empire who feemed ignorant or IV.
infenfible of the irregularities of Fauftina ; which, according to

the prejudices of every age, reflected fome difgrace on the injured

hufband. He promoted feveral of her lovers to pofts of honour and
profit , and during a connexion of thirty years, invariably gave

her proofs of the moſt tender confidence, and of a refpect which

ended not with her life. In his Meditations, he thanks the gods ,
who had beſtowed on him a wife, ſo faithful , fo gentle, and of

ſuch a wonderful fimplicity of manners*. The obfequious fenate,

at his earneſt requeſt, declared her a goddefs. She was repreſented

in her temples, with the attributes of Juno, Venus, and Ceres ;

and it was decreed , that, on the day of their nuptials, the youth of

either ſex ſhould pay their vows before the altar of their chafte
patronefs ".
The monftrous vices of the fon have caft a fhade on the purity to his fon
Commo dus.
of the father's virtues. It has been objected to Marcus , that he

facrificed the happineſs of millions to a fond partiality for a worth-

lefs boy ; and that he choſe a fucceffor in his own family, rather

than in the republic. Nothing, however, was neglected by the

anxious father, and by the men of virtue and learning whom he

fummoned to his affiftance, to expand the narrow mind of young

Commodus, to correct his growing vices, and to render him wor-

thy of the throne, for which he was defigned. But the power of
inftruction is feldom of much efficacy, except in thoſe happy

difpofitions where it is almoſt fuperfluous. The diſtaſteful leffon of

a grave philofopher was, in a moment, obliterated by the whiſper of

a profligate favourite ; and Marcus himſelf blafted the fruits of this

3 Hift . Auguft . p . 34 . Dion Coffius, 1. lxxi . p. 1195. Hift.

Meditat. I. i. The world has laughed at
the credulity of Marcus ; but Madam Dacier
affures us ( and we may credit a lady) , that
the husband will always be deceived, if the
wife condefcends to diffemble.
Auguft. p. 33. Commentaire de Spanheim-
fur les Cæfars de Julien , p . 289. The deifi-
cation of Fauftina is the only defect which Ju
lian's criticism is able to diſcover in the all-
accomplished character of Marcus.
laboured
104 THE DECLINE AND FALL

CHAP. laboured education, by admitting his fon, at the age of fourteen

IV .
or fifteen , to a full participation of the Imperial power. He lived

but four years afterwards ; but he lived long enough to repent a

raſh meaſure, which raiſed the impetuous youth above the reſtraint
of reafon and authority.
Acceffion of
Moſt of the crimes which diſturb the internal peace of fociety, are
the emperor
Commodus. produced by the reſtraints which the neceffary, but unequal laws

of property, have impoſed on the appetites of mankind, by confining

to a few the poffeffion of thofe objects that are coveted by many. Of

all our paffions and appetites, the love of power is of the moſt
imperious and unfociable nature, fince the pride of one man requires
the fubmiffion of the multitude. In the tumult of civil difcord,.

the laws of fociety loſe their force, and their place is feldom fup-

plied by thoſe of humanity. The ardor of contention, the pride of

victory, the defpair of fuccefs, the memory of paft injuries, and

the fear of future dangers , all contribute to inflame the mind , and to
filence the voice of pity. From fuch motives almoſt every page of

hiftory has been ſtained with civil blood ; but theſe motives will

not account for the unprovoked cruelties of Commodus, who had

A. D. 180. nothing to wish, and every thing to enjoy. The beloved ſon of
Marcus fucceeded to his father, amidst the acclamations of the fe-
nate and armies , and when he afcended the throne, the happy

youth faw round him neither competitor to remove, nor enemies to

puniſh. In this calm elevated ſtation , it was ſurely natural, that he

fhould prefer the love of mankind to their deteftation , the mild

glories of his five predeceffors, to the ignominious fate of Nero, and

Domitian.
Character of
Yet Commodus was not, as he has been repreſented , a tiger born
Commodus.
with an infatiate thirft of human blood, and capable, from his

⚫ Commodus was the first Porphyrogenetus dals date by the years of his life ; as if they
(bornfince his father's acceffion to the throne) . were fynonymous to thofe of his reign. Tille.
By a new ftrain of flattery, the Egyptian me- mont, Hift. des Empereurs, tom. ii. p. 752 .

infancy,
 OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 105

infancy, of the moſt inhuman actions . Nature had formed him CHA P.
IV.
of a weak, rather than a wicked difpofition. His fimplicity and

timidity rendered him the flave of his attendants, who gradually cor-

rupted his mind. His cruelty, which at firſt obeyed the dictates of

others, degenerated into habit, and at length became the ruling paf-
fion of his foul ".

Upon the death of his father, Commodus found himſelf embar- He returns to
Rome.
raffed with the command of a great army, and the conduct of a diffi-

cult war againſt the Quadi and Marcomanni '. The fervile and pro-

fligate youths whom Marcus had baniſhed , foon regained their ſta-
tion and influence about the new emperor. They exaggerated the

hardſhips and dangers of a campaign in the wild countries beyond

the Danube ; and they affured the indolent prince, that the terror
of his name and the arms of his lieutenants would be fufficient to

complete the conqueſt of the diſmayed barbarians ; or to impofe fuch

conditions, as were more advantageous than any conqueft. By a

dextrous application to his fenfual appetites, they compared the

tranquillity, the ſplendour, the refined pleaſures of Rome, with the

tumult of a Pannonian camp, which afforded neither leifure nor

materials for luxury " . Commodus liftened to the pleaſing advice ;

but whilst he heſitated between his own inclination, and the awe

which he ſtill retained for his father's counſellors , the ſummer in-

fenfibly elapfed, and his triumphal entry into the capital was de-
ferred till the autumn. His graceful perſon ", popular addreſs, and

imagined virtues, attracted the public favour ; the honourable peace

which he had recently granted to the barbarians, diffufed an uni-

7 Hift. Auguft. p. 46 . the Victors place his death, is better adapted

8 Dion Caffius, 1. lxxii . p. 1203 . to the operations of the war against the Mar-
9 According to Tertullian ( Apolog. c. comanni and Quadi.
25.) , he died at Sirmium . But the fitua- 10 Herodian , 1. i. p. 12.
tion of Vindobona, or Vienna, where both " Herodian, 1. i. p . 16.

VOL. I. P verfal
+ NE
106 THE DECLI AND FALL

CHAP. verfal joy " ; his impatience to revifit Rome was fondly afcribed to
IV.
the love of his country ; and his diffolute courfe of amufements was
faintly condemned in a prince of nineteen years of age.

During the three first years of his reign , the forms, and even

the fpirit of the old adminiſtration were maintained by thoſe faithful

counfellors, to whom Marcus had recommended his fon , and for

whoſe wiſdom and integrity Commodus flill entertained a reluctant

efteem . The young prince and his profligate favourites revelled in

all the licence of fovereign power ; but his hands were yet unftained

and he had even difplayed a generofity of fentiment,

with blood ;
13
which might perhaps have ripened into folid virtue "3. A fatal in-

cident decided his fluctuating character.

Is wounded
One evening as the emperor was returning to the palace through
by an affaffin .
A. D. 183 . a dark and narrow portico in the amphitheatre " , an affaffin , who

waited his paffage, rushed upon him with a drawn fword, loudly
exclaiming, " The fenatefends you this." The menace prevented the

deed ; the affaffin was feized by the guards, and immediately re-

vealed the authors of the confpiracy. It had been formed, not in

the ftate, but within the walls of the palace. Lucilla , the empe-

ror's fifter, and widow of Lucius Verus, impatient of the fecond

rank, and jealous of the reigning emprefs, had armed the mur-
derer against her brother's life. She had not ventured to commu-

nicate the black defign to her fecond huſband Claudius Pompeianus,

a fenator of diftinguished merit and unfhaken loyalty ; but among

the crowd of her lovers (for the imitated the manners of Fauftina)

the found men of defperate fortunes and wild ambition, who were
prepared to ferve her more violent, as well as her tender paffions..

12 This univerfal joy is well defcribed (from lain concealed feveral years. The emperor
the medals as well as hiftorians) by Mr. Wot- nobly relieved the public anxiety by refufing
ten, Hift. of Rome , p . 192 , 193 . to fee him, and burning his papers without
13 Manilius , the confidential fecretary of opening them. Dion Caffius, 1. lxxii . p . 1209 .
Avidus Caffius, was difcovered after he had 14 See Maffei degli Amphitheatri , p. 126 .
The
 OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 107

The confpirators experienced the rigor of juftice, and the aban- CHA P.
IV.
doned princefs was puniſhed firft with exile, and afterwards with
death ".

But the words of the affaffin funk deep into the mind of Com- Hatred and
cruelty of
modus, and left an indelible impreffion of fear and hatred againſt commodus
towards the
the whole body of the fenate. Thofe whom he had dreaded as im- fenate.

portunate minifters, he now fufpected as fecret enemies. The De-

lators, a race of men difcouraged, and almoft extinguiſhed, under

the former reigns, again became formidable, as foon as they dif-

covered that the emperor was defirous of finding difaffection and

treafon in the fenate. That affembly, whom Marcus had ever

confidered as the great council of the nation , was compofed of the

moſt diſtinguiſhed of the Romans ; and diftinction of every kind

foon became criminal. The poffeffion of wealth ftimulated the dili-

gence of the informers ; rigid virtue implied a tacit cenfure of the

irregularities of Commodus ; important fervices implied a dangerous

fuperiority of merit ; and the friendship of the father always en-

fured the averfion of the fon. Sufpicion was equivalent to proof.

Trial to condemnation. The execution of a confiderable fenator was

attended with the death of all who might lament or revenge his fate ;

and when Commodus had once tafted human blood, he became in-
capable of pity or remorse.
Of thefe innocent victims of tyranny, none died more lamented The Quinti
lian brothers.
than the two brothers of the Quintilian family, Maximus and
Condianus ; whofe fraternal love has faved their names from obli-

vion, and endeared their memory to pofterity. Their ftudies and

their occupations, their purfuits and their pleafures, were ftill the

fame. In the enjoyment of a great eftate, they never admitted the

idea of a feparate intereft ; fome fragments are now extant of a

treatiſe which they compofed in common ; and in every action of

* Dion, 1. xii . p. 1205. Herodian , 1. i . p . 16. Hift . Auguft . p . 46.

P 2
life
108 THE DECLINE AND FALL

CHA P. life it was obſerved , that their two bodies were animated by one foul.
IV.
The Antonines , who valued their virtues, and delighted in their

union, raiſed them, in the fame year, to the confulfhip : and Marcus

afterwards intruſted to their joint care, the civil adminiſtration of

Greece, and a great military command, in which they obtained a

fignal victory over the Germans. The kind cruelty of Commodus

united them in death ".
The minifter
The tyrant's rage, after having fhed the nobleft blood of the fe-
Perennis.
nate, at length recoiled on the principal inftrument of his cruelty.
Whilft Commodus was immerfed in blood and luxury, he devolved

the detail of the public buſineſs on Perennis ; a fervile and ambitious

minifter, who had obtained his poft by the murder of his predeceffor,

but who poffeffed a confiderable ſhare of vigour and ability. By

acts of extortion , and the forfeited eftates of the nobles facrificed to
his avarice, he had accumulated an immenfe treaſure. The Præ-

torian guards were under his immediate command ; and his ſon ,

who already diſcovered a military genius, was at the head of the

Illyrian legions. Perennis afpired to the empire ; or what, in the

eyes of Commodus , amounted to the fame crime, he was capable

of afpiring to it, had he not been prevented, furpriſed, and put to

A. D. 186. death. The fall of a minifter is a very trifling incident in the

general history of the empire ; but it was haftened by an extra-

ordinary circumſtance, which proved how much the nerves of dif-

cipline were already relaxed. The legions of Britain, difcontented

with the adminiſtration of Perennis, formed a deputation of fifteen

hundred felect men, with inftructions to march to Rome, and lay

their complaints before the emperor. Theſe military petitioners ,

by their own determined behaviour, by inflaming the divifions of

the guards, by exaggerating the ftrength of the Britiſh army, and

by alarming the fears of Commodus, exacted and obtained the mi-

16 In a note upon the Auguftan History, lars concerning theſe celebrated brothers. See
Cafaubon has collected a number of particu- p. 6 of his learned commentary.
nifter's
 OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 100

nifter's death, as the only redrefs of their grievances ". This CHA P.
IV.
prefumption of a diftant army, and their diſcovery of the weakneſs
of government, was a fure prefage of the moft dreadful con-
vulfions.

The negligence of the public adminiſtration was betrayed foon Revolt of

Maternus.
afterwards, by a new diforder which aroſe from the ſmalleſt begin-

nings. A fpirit of deſertion began to prevail among the troops ; and

the deferters, inftead of feeking their fafety in flight or conceal-

ment, infefted the highways. Maternus, a private foldier, of a

daring boldnefs above his ftation , collected thefe bands of robbers

into a little army, fet open the prifons, invited the flaves to affert

their freedom , and plundered with impunity the rich and defence-

leſs cities of Gaul and Spain. The governors of the provinces, who

had long been the fpectators, and perhaps the partners, of his de-

predations, were, at length, roufed from their fupine indolence by

the threatening commands of the emperor. Maternus found that

he was encompaſſed, and foreſaw that he muſt be overpowered. A

great effort of defpair was his laft refource. He ordered his fol-

lowers to difperfe, to paſs the Alps in ſmall parties and various dif-

guifes, and to affemble at Rome, during the licentious tumult of the

feſtival of Cybele ". To murder Commodus, and to afcend the vacant

throne, was the ambition of no vulgar robber. His meaſures were fo

ably concerted, that his concealed troops already filled the ſtreets of

Rome. The envy of an accomplice diſcovered and ruined this fingu-

lar enterprife, in the moment when it was ripe for execution ".

17 Dion , 1. lxxii . p. 1210. Herodian , 1. i .
p. 22. Hift. Auguft . p. 48. Dion gives a
much lefs odious character of Perennis, than
the other hiftorians. His moderation is al-
moft a pledge of his veracity.
18 During the fecond Punic war, the Ro-
mans imported from Afia the worship of the
mother of the gods. Her feftival , the Mega-
lefia, began on the fourth of April, and lafted.
fix days. The streets were crowded with mad
proceflions, the theatres with ſpecators ; and
the public tables with unbidden guefts . Order
and police were fufpended, and pleasure was-
the only ferious bufinefs of the city. See
Ovid . de Faftis, 1. iv . 189, &c .
19 Herodian, 1. i. p . 23. 28 .

3 Sufpicious.
IJO THE DECLINE AND FALL

CHA P.
Sufpicious princes often promote the laft of mankind from a vain
IV.
perfuafion , that thofe who have no dependence, except on their
The minifter
Cleander. favour, will have no attachment, except to the perfon of their

benefactor. Cleander, the fucceffor of Perennis, was a Phrygian

by birth ; of a nation , over whofe ftubborn , but fervile temper,

blows only could prevail 20. He had been fent from his native

country to Rome, in the capacity of a flave. As a flave he en-

tered the Imperial palace, rendered himſelf ufeful to his mafter's

paffions, and rapidly afcended to the most exalted ſtation which a

ſubject could enjoy. His influence over the mind of Commodus

was much greater than that of his predeceffor ; for Cleander was

devoid of any ability or virtue which could infpire the emperor

avarice
Ilis crue with envy or diftruſt. Avarice was the reigning paffion of his foul,
and lty.
and the great principle of his adminiftration . The rank of Confül,

of Patrician, of Senator, was expofed to public fale ; and it would

have been confidered as difaffection , if any one had refufed to pur-

chafe theſe empty and difgraceful honours with the greateſt part of
21
his fortune ". In the lucrative provincial employments, the mini-

fter fhaied with the governor the ſpoils of the people. The execu-

tion of the laws was venal and arbitrary. A wealthy criminal might

obtain, not only the reverfal of the fentence by which he was juftly
condemned ; but might likewife inflict whatever puniſhment he

pleafed on the accufer, the witneffes , and the judge.

By thefe means, Cleander, in the ſpace of three years, had ac-

cumulated more wealth than had ever yet been poffeffed by any

freedman ". Commodus was perfectly fatisfied with the magnifi-

cent prefents which the artful courtier laid at his feet in the moſt

20 Cicero pro Flacco, c . 27 . no freedman hadpoffeffed riches equal to thofe

21 One of thefe dear- bought promotions of Cleander. The fortune of Pallas amount-
occafioned a current bon mot, that Julius ed , however, to upwards of five and twenty
Solon was banished into the fenate . hundred thousand pounds ; Ter millies .
22 Dion (1. lxxii . p. 12, 13. ) obferves, that

feafonable
 OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. IIL

ſeaſonable moments. To divert the public envy, Cleander, under CHA P.

IV.
the emperor's name, erected baths, porticos, and places of exer-
23
cife, for the uſe of the people ". He flattered himſelf that the
Romans, dazzled and amuſed by this apparent liberality , would
be lefs affected by the bloody fcenes which were daily exhibited ;

that they would forget the death of Byrrhus , a fenator to whofe

fuperior merit the late emperor had granted one of his daughters ;
and that they would forgive the execution of Arrius Antoninus, the

laft repreſentative of the name and virtues of the Antonines. The

former, with more integrity than prudence, had attempted to
difclofe, to his brother-in-law, the true character of Cleander.
An equitable fentence pronounced by the latter, when Proconful

of Afia, againſt a worthlefs creature of the favourite, proved fatal

24
to him ²+. After the fall of Perennis, the terrors of Commodus

had, for a fhort time, affumed the appearance of a return to virtue.

He repealed the moft odious of his acts, loaded his memory with

the public execration , and afcribed to the pernicious counfels of

that wicked minifter, all the errors of his inexperienced youth.
But his repentance lafted only thirty days ; and, under Cleander's

tyranny, the adminiftration of Perennis was often regretted,

Peftilence and famine contributed to fill up the meaſure of the Sedition and.
death of Cle-
calamities of Rome " . The first could be only imputed to the ander.

juſt indignation of the gods ; but a monopoly of corn, fupported by A. D. 189--

the riches and power of the minifter, was confidered as the imme-

diate caufe of the fecond. The popular difcontent, after it had

long circulated in whiſpers, broke out in the affembled circus.

The people quitted their favourite amufements, for the more deli-

cious pleaſure of revenge, rushed in crowds towards a palace in the

23 Dion , 1. lxxii. p. 12 , 13. Herodian , 1. i . 23 Herodian, I. i. p. 28. Dion, 1. lxxii.

p. 2. Hift. Auguft . p . 52. Thefe baths were
fituated near the Porta Capena. See Nardini
Roma Antica , p . 79 .
Hid. Auguft. p. 48..
p. 1215. The latter fays, that two thouſand
perfons died every day at Rome, during a
confiderable length of time.
fuburbs
I 12 HE DECLINE AND FALL

CHA P. fuburbs, one of the emperor's retirements, and demanded, with

IV.
angry clamours, the head of the public enemy. Cleander, who

commanded the Prætorian guards 26, ordered a body of cavalry to

fally forth, and difperfe the feditious multitude. The multitude

fed with precipitation towards the city ; feveral were flain , and

many more were trampled to death : but when the cavalry entered

the streets, their purfuit was checked by a fhower of ftones and

darts from the roofs and windows of the houſes. The foot

guards " , who had been long jealous of the prerogatives and in-
folence of the Prætorian cavalry, embraced the party of the people.

The tumult became a regular engagement, and threatened a general

maffacre. The Pratorians, at length, gave way, oppreffed with

numbers ; and the tide of popular fury returned with redoubled

violence against the gates of the palace, where Commodus lay, dif-
It was
folved in luxury, and alone unconfcious of the civil war.

death to approach his perfon with the unwelcome news. He would

have perished in this fupine ſecurity, had not two women , his

eldeft fifter Fadilla, and Marcia, the moſt favoured of his concu-

bines, ventured to break into his prefence. Bathed in tears, and

with dishevelled hair, they threw themſelves at his feet ; and with

all the preffing eloquence of fear, difcovered to the affrighted em-

peror, the crimes of the minifter, the rage of the people, and the

impending ruin, which, in a few minutes, would burſt over his

palace and perfon. Commodus ftarted from his dream of pleaſure,

and commanded that the head of Cleander fhould be thrown out to

25 Tuncque primum tres præfecti prætorio
fuere : inter quos libertinus. From fome re-
mains of modesty, Cleander declined the title,
whilft he affumed the powers, of Prætorian
præfect . As the other freedmen were ſtyled,
from their feveral departments, a rationibus ,
ab epiftolis ; Cleander called himfelf a pugi-
one, as intrufted with the defence of his ma-
fter's perfon . Salmafius and Cafaubon feem
to have talked very idly upon this paffage.
27 Οι της πόλεως πέζοι τρατιῶται . Herodian ,
1. i . p. 31. It is doubtful whether he means
the Prætorian infantry, or the cohortes ur-
banæ, a body of fix thouſand men , but whoſe
rank and difcipline were not equal to their
numbers. Neither Tillemont nor Wotton
chufe to decide this queſtion .
the
 OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 113

СНАР,
the people. The defired ſpectacle inſtantly appeaſed the tumult ; IV.
and the ſon of Marcus might even yet have regained the affection
28
and confidence of his fubjects 22.•

But every ſentiment of virtue and humanity was extinct in the Diffolute
pleaſures of
mind of Commodus. Whilft he thus abandoned the reins of em- Commodus.

pire to theſe unworthy favourites, he valued nothing in fovereign

power, except the unbounded licence of indulging his fenfual appe-

tites. His hours were ſpent in a feraglio of three hundred beautiful

women, and as many boys, of every rank, and of every province ;

and, wherever the arts of feduction proved ineffectual, the brutal lover
had recourſe to violence. The ancient hiſtorians " have expatiated on
theſe abandoned ſcenes of proſtitution, which ſcorned every reftraint

of nature or modefty ; but it would not be eafy to tranflate their too

faithful defcriptions into the decency of modern language. The

intervals of luft were filled up with the baſeſt amuſements. The His igno-
rance and
influence of a polite age, and the labour of an attentive education , low sports.

had never been able to infuſe into his rude and brutiſh mind, the

leaft tincture of learning ; and he was the firft of the Roman empe-

rors totally devoid of taſte for the pleaſures of the underſtanding.

Nero himſelf excelled, or affected to excel, in the elegant arts of

mufic and poetry ; nor fhould we deſpiſe his purſuits, had he not

converted the pleafing relaxation of a leiſure hour into the ſerious

buſineſs and ambition of his life. But Commodus, from his earlieſt

infancy, diſcovered an averfion to whatever was rational or liberal,

and a fond attachment to the amuſements of the populace ; the

fports of the circus and amphitheatre , the combats of gladiators ,

and the hunting of wild beafts. The mafters in every branch of

28 Dion Caffius, 1. lxxii. p. 1215. Hero- Nec irruentium in fe juvenum carebat infa-
dian, I. i . p. 32. Hift. Auguft. p. 48 . miâ, omni parte corporis atque ore in fexum
-29 Sororibus fuis conftupratis. Ipfas con- utrumque pollutus. Hift. Aug. p. 47.
cubinas fuas fub oculis fuis ftuprari jubebat.

VOL. I. e learning,
 THE DECLINE AND FALL
114

CHAP. learning, whom Marcus provided for his fon, were heard with in-
IV.
attention and diſguſt ; whilft the Moors and Parthians, who taught

him to dart the javelin and to fhoot with the bow, found a diſciple
who delighted in his application , and foon equalled the moſt ſkilful

of his inftructors, in the fteadineſs of the eye, and the dexterity of

the hand.

Hunting of
wild beafts. The fervile crowd, whofe fortune depended on their maſter's

vices, applauded theſe ignoble purſuits. The perfidious voice of

flattery reminded him, that by exploits of the fame nature, by the

defeat of the Nemean lion , and the flaughter of the wild boar of

Erymanthus, the Grecian Hercules had acquired a place among the

gods, and an immortal memory among men. They only forgot

to obſerve, that, in the firft ages of fociety, when the fiercer animals

often difpute with man the poffeffion of an unfettled country, a

fuccefsful war againſt thoſe ſavages is one of the moſt innocent

and beneficial labours of heroiſm . In the civilized ftate of the Ro-

man empire, the wild beafts had long fince retired from the face of

man, and the neighbourhood of populous cities. To ſurpriſe them

in their folitary haunts, and to tranſport them to Rome, that they

might be flain in pomp by the hand of an emperor, was an enter-

priſe equally ridiculous for the prince, and oppreffive for the peo-

ple 30. Ignorant of theſe diſtinctions, Commodus eagerly embraced

the glorious reſemblance, and ſtiled himfelf (as we ſtill read on his
medals ") the Roman Hercules. The club and the lion's hide

were placed by the fide of the throne, amongſt the enfigns of ſo-

30 The African lions, when preffed by red a very heavy penalty. This extraordinary
hunger, infefted the open villages and culti- game-law was mitigated by Honorius, and
vated country ; and they infefted them with finally repealed by Juftinian . Codex Theodof..
impunity. The royal beaſt was referved for tom. v. p. 92 , et Comment. Gothofred.
the pleaſures of the emperor and the capital ; 31 Spanheim de Numifmat. Differt. xii..
and the unfortunate peafant, who killed one tom. ii. p. 493-
of them, though in his own defence, incur-

vereignty ;
 OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 115

vereignty ; and ftatues were erected, in which Commodus was CHAP.

IV.
reprefented in the character, and with the attributes, of the god,

whoſe valour and dexterity he endeavoured to emulate in the daily

32
courſe of his ferocious amuſements 3.

Elated with theſe praiſes, which gradually extinguiſhed the in- Commodus
nate ſenſe of ſhame, Commodus refolved to exhibit, before the eyes kill in the
of the Roman people, thofe exerciſes, which till then he had decently amphithe-
atre.
confined within the walls of his palace, and to the preſence of a
few favourites. On the appointed day, the various motives of

flattery, fear, and curiofity, attracted to the amphitheatre an innu-

merable multitude of fpectators ; and fome degree of applaufe was

deſervedly beſtowed on the uncommon fkill of the Imperial per-

former. Whether he aimed at the head or heart of the animal, the

wound was alike certain and mortal. With arrows, whoſe point

was ſhaped into the form of a crefcent, Commodus often inter-

cepted the rapid career, and cut afunder the long bony neck of the

oftrich ". A panther was let looſe ; and the archer waited till he
had leaped upon a trembling malefactor. In the fame inſtant the

fhaft flew, the beaft dropt dead, and the man remained unhurt.

The dens of the amphitheatre difgorged at once a hundred lions ;

a hundred darts from the unerring hand of Commodus laid them

dead as they ran raging round the Arena. Neither the huge bulk

of the elephant, nor the fcaly hide of the rhinoceros, could defend

them from his ftroke. Æthiopia and India yielded their moſt ex-

traordinary productions ; and ſeveral animals were flain in the am-

phitheatre, which had been feen only in the reprefentations of art,

or perhaps of fancy . In all theſe exhibitions, the ſecureft precau-

tions

32Dion, 1.lxxii. p. 1216. Hift.Auguft.p.49 .34 Commodus killed a camelopardalis or

33 The oftrich's neck is three feet long, and
Giraffe (Dion , 1. lxxii. p. 1211 ) , the talleſt,
compofed ofſeventeen vertebræ. See Buffon, the moſt gentle, and the moſt uſeleſs of the
Hift. Naturelle. large quadrupeds. This fingular animal, a
Q2 native
116 THE DECLINE AND FALL

CHAP.
IV. tions were uſed to protect the perſon of the Roman Hercules from

the deſperate ſpring of any favage ; who might poffibly diſregard

the dignity of the emperor, and the fanctity of the god ".
Acts as a But the meaneft of the populace were affected with ſhame and
gladiator.
indignation when they beheld their fovereign enter the lifts as a

gladiator, and glory in a profeffion which the laws and manners of

the Romans had branded with the juſteſt note of infamy ". He chofe

the habit and arms of the Secutor, whofe combat with the Retiarius

formed one of the moſt lively ſcenes in the bloody ſports of the

amphitheatre. The Secutor was armed with an helmet, fword, and

buckler ; his naked antagoniſt had only a large net and a trident ;

with the one he endeavoured to entangle, with the other to dif-

patch, his enemy. If he miffed the firſt throw, he was obliged to

fly from the purſuit of the Secutor, till he had prepared his net for a

fecond caft ". The emperor fought in this character feven hundred

and thirty- five ſeveral times. Theſe glorious atchievements were

carefully recorded in the public acts of the empire ; and that he

might omit no circumſtance of infamy, he received from the com-

mon fund of gladiators, a ſtipend fo exorbitant, that it became a new

and moft ignominious tax upon the Roman people ". It may be

eaſily ſuppoſed, that in theſe engagements the maſter of the world

was always fuccefsful : in the amphitheatre his victories were not

native only of the interior parts of Africa, allured them to diſhonour by threats and re-
has not been ſeen in Europe fince the revival wards. Nero once produced, in the Arena,
of letters ; and though M. de Buffon ( Hift. forty fenators and fixty knights. See Lip-
Naturelle, tom. xiii. ) has endeavoured to de- fius, Saturnalia, l, ii . c. 2. He has happily
fcribe, he has not ventured to delineate, the corrected a paffage of Suetonius, in Nerone,
Giraffe. C. 12.
35 Herodian, 1. i. p. 37. Hift. Auguft. 37 Lipfius, 1. ii. c. 7, 8. Juvenal, in the
P. 50. eighth fatire, gives a picturefque defcription
36 The virtuous and even the wiſe princes ofthis combat,
forbade the fenators and knights to embrace 38 Hift. Aug. p. 50. Dion, I. lxxii. p . 1220.
this fcandalous profeffion, under pain of in- He received, for each time, decies, about 8000l.
famy, or, what was more dreaded by thofe fterling-
profligate wretches, of exile. The tyrants
often
 OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 117

often ſanguinary ; but when he exerciſed his fkill in the fchool of CHAP.
IV .
gladiators, or his own palace, his wretched antagoniſts were fre-
quently honoured with a mortal wound from the hand of Commo-

dus, and obliged to feal their flattery with their blood ". He now and
His infamy
extrava-
difdained the appellation of Hercules. The name of Paulus, a cele- gance.
brated Secutor, was the only one which delighted his ear. It was

inſcribed on his coloffal ftatues, and repeated in the redoubled accla-

mations" of the mournful and applauding fenate " . Claudius

Pompeianus, the virtuous huſband of Lucilla, was the only fenator

who afferted the honour of his rank. ·

As a father, he permitted his
fons to confult their fafety by attending the amphitheatre. As a
Roman, he declared , that his own life was in the emperor's hands,

but that he would never behold the ſon of Marcus proftituting his

perfon and dignity. Notwithſtanding his manly reſolution , Pom-

peianus efcaped the refentment of the tyrant, and, with his honour,

had the good fortune to preſerve his life “ .

:
Commodus had now attained the fummit of vice and infamy..

Amidſt the acclamations of a flattering court, he was unable to dif-

guife, from himſelf, that he had deſerved the contempt and hatred
of every man of fenfe and virtue in his empire. His ferocious

ſpirit was irritated by the conſciouſneſs of that hatred, by the envy

of every kind of merit, by the juſt apprehenfion of danger, and

by the habit of flaughter, which he contracted in his daily amufe--

ments. Hiftory has preferved a long lift of confular fenators facri- Confpiracy of
hisdomeflics.

39 Victor tells us, that Commodus only al-
Jowed his antagoniſts a leaden weapon, dread-
ing moft probably the confequences of their
defpair.
42 They were obliged to repeat fix hun-
dred and twenty- fix times, Paulus first ofthe
Secutors, &c.
4 Dion, 1. lxxii . p. 1221 、 He fpeaks of
his own bafenefs and danger..
42 He mixed however fome prudence with
his courage, and paffed the greateſt part of
his time in a country retirement ;.alleging his
advanced age, and the weakneſs of his eyes.
" I never faw him in the fenate, fays Dion,
" except during the ſhort reign of Pertinax. "
All his infirmities had fuddenly left him , and
they returned as fuddenly upon the murder of
that excellent prince. Dion, 1. lxxiii. p. 1227.

ficed
 118 THE DECLINE AND FALL

CHAP. ficed to his wanton fufpicion, which fought out, with peculiar
IV .
anxiety, thofe unfortunate perfons connected, however remotely,
with the family of the Antonines, without ſparing even the miniſters
43
of his crimes or pleaſures +3. His cruelty proved at laſt fatal to

himſelf. He had ſhed with impunity the nobleft blood of Rome :

he periſhed as foon as he was dreaded by his own domeſtics.. Marcia ,

his favourite concubine, Eclectus his chamberlain , and Lætus his

Prætorian præfect, alarmed by the fate of their companions and

predeceffors, refolved to prevent the deftruction which every hour

hung over their heads, either from the mad caprice of the tyrant,

or the fudden indignation of the people. Marcia feized the occafion

of preſenting a draught of wine to her lover, after he had fatigued

Death of himſelf with hunting fome wild beaſts. Commodus retired to fleep ;
Commodus .
A. D. 192 .
but whilſt he was labouring with the effects of poiſon and drunken-
31st Decem-
ber. neſs, a robuſt youth, by profeffion a wreſtler, entered his chamber,
and ftrangled him without reſiſtance. The body was fecretly con-

veyed out of the palace, before the leaft fufpicion was entertained

in the city, or even in the court, of the emperor's death . Such

was the fate of the fon of Marcus, and fo eafy was it to deftroy a
hated tyrant, who, by the artificial powers of government, had op-

preffed, during thirteen years, fo many millions of ſubjects , each of

whom was equal to their maſter in perſonal ſtrength and perfonal

abilities **.

Choice of The meaſures of the confpirators were conducted with the delibe-
Pertinax for
emperor . rate coolneſs and celerity which the greatneſs of the occafion required .
They refolved inftantly to fill the vacant throne with an emperor,

whoſe character would juſtify and maintain the action that had been

committed. They fixed on Pertinax, præfect of the city, an ancient

43 The præfects were changed almoft ed chamberlains. Hift. Auguft. p. 46. 51 .

hourly or daily ; and the caprice of Com- 44 Dion, 1. lxxii . p. 1222. Herodian. 1. i.
modus was often fatal to his most favour- p. 43. Hift. Auguft . p . 52 .
6 . fenator
 OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 119

ſenator of confular rank, whoſe conſpicuous merit had broke through CHAP.
IV.
the obfcurity of his birth, and raiſed him to the firft honours of the

ſtate. He had fucceffively governed moſt of the provinces of the

empire ; and in all his great employments, military as well as civil,

he had uniformly diſtinguiſhed himſelf by the firmneſs, the prudence,

and the integrity of his conduct " . He now remained almoft alone

of the friends and miniſters of Marcus ; and when, at a late hour

of the night, he was awakened with the news, that the chamber-

lain and the præfect were at his door, he received them with intre-

pid refignation, and defired they would execute their maſter's orders.

Inſtead of death , they offered him the throne of the Roman world.

During fome moments he diftrufted their intentions and affurances.

Convinced at length of the death of Commodus, he accepted the

purple with a fincere reluctance, the natural effect of his knowledge

both of the duties and of the dangers of the fupreme rank *°.
Lætus conducted without delay his new emperor to the camp of He is ac-

the Prætorians, diffufing at the fame time through the city a feafon- knowledged
by the Prætc
able report that Commodus died fuddenly of an apoplexy ; and that rian guards,

the virtuous Pertinax had already fucceeded to the throne. The

guards were rather furpriſed than pleafed with the fufpicious death
of a prince, whofe indulgence and liberality they alone had experi-

45 Pertinax was a native of Alba Pompeia,
in Piedmont, and fon of a timber-merchant.
The order of his employments ( it is marked
by Capitolinus) well deſerves to be fet down,
as expreffive of the form of government and
manners of the age. 1. He was a centurion.
2. Præfect of a cohort in Syria, in the Par-
thian war, and in Britain. 3. He obtained
an Ala, or ſquadron of horſe, in Mafia. 4. He
was commiffary of provifions on the Emilian
way. 5. He commanded the fleet upon the
Rhine. 6. He was procurator of Dacia, with
a falary of about 1630l . a year. 7. He com-
manded the Veterans of a legion . 8. He
obtained the rank of fenator. 9. Of prætor.
10. With the command of the firft legion in
Rhætia and Noricum . 11. He was conful
about the year 175- 12. He attended Mar-
cus into the caft. 13. He commanded an army
on the Danube. 14. He was confular legate
ofMæfia. 15. Of Dacia. 16. Of Syria. 17. Of
Britain . 18. He had the care of the public
proviſions at Rome. 19. He was proconful
of Africa. 20. Præfect of the city. Herodian
(1. i. p. 48.) does juftice to his difinterested
fpirit ; but Capitolinus, who collected every
popular rumour, charges him with a great for-
tune acquired by bribery and corruption .
46 Julian, in the Cæfars, taxes him with
being acceflary tothe death of Commodus.
enced ;
120 THE DECLINE AND FALL

CHAP. enced ; but the emergency of the occafion , the authority of their præ-
IV.
fect , the reputation of Pertinax, and the clamours of the people,

obliged them to ftifle their fecret diſcontents, to accept the donative

promiſed of the new emperor, to ſwear allegiance to him, and with

joyful acclamations and laurels in their hands to conduct him to

the fenate- houſe, that the military conſent might be ratified by the
civil authority.

and by the This important night was now far fpent ; with the dawn of day,
fenate.
A. D. 193 . and the commencement of the new year, the ſenators expected a fum-
ift January.
mons to attend an ignominious ceremony. In ſpite of all remon-
ftrances, even of thofe of his creatures, who yet preferved any re-

gard for prudence or decency, Commodus had refolved to paſs the

night in the gladiators fchool, and from thence to take poffeffion of

the confulfhip, in the habit and with the attendance of that infa-
mous crew. On a fudden, before the break of day, the fenate was

called together in the temple of Concord, to meet the guards, and

to ratify the election of a new emperor. For a few minutes they

fat in filent fufpence, doubtful of their unexpected deliverance, and

fufpicious of the cruel artifices of Commodus ; but when at length

they were affured that the tyrant was no more, they refigned them-

ſelves to all the tranſports of joy and indignation. Pertinax, who

modeftly repreſented the meannefs of his extraction , and pointed out

ſeveral noble ſenators more deferving than himſelf of the empire,

was conftrained by their dutiful violence to aſcend the throne, and

received all the titles of Imperial power, confirmed by the moſt

The me mo ry fincere vows of fidelity. The memory of Commodus was branded
of Commo-
Jus declared with eternal infamy. The names of tyrant, of gladiator, of public
infamous.
enemy, refounded in every corner of the houſe. They decreed in

tumultuous votes, that his honours ſhould be reverfed , his titles

eraſed from the public monuments, his ftatues thrown down, his

body dragged with a hook into the ftripping-room of the gladiators,

to
 OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 121

to fatiate the public fury ; and they expreffed fome indignation CHA P.
IV.
against thoſe officious fervants who had already prefumed to fcreen
his remains from the justice of the fenate. J But Pertinax could

not refuſe thoſe laſt rites to the memory of Marcus, and the tears

of his first protector Claudius Pompeianus , who lamented the cruel

fate of his brother-in-law, and lamented ftill more that he had de-

ferved it *7.

Thefe effufions of impotent rage againſt a dead emperor, whom Legal jurif
diction of the
the fenate had flattered when alive with the moſt abject fervility, fenate over
the emperors.
betrayed a juſt but ungenerous fpirit of revenge. The legality of

theſe decrees was however fupported by the principles of the Impe-

rial conftitution . To cenfure, to depofe, or to punish with death,

the firft magiftrate of the republic, who had abuſed his delegated

truft, was the ancient and undoubted prerogative of the Roman

fenate ; but that feeble affembly was obliged to content itſelf with

inflicting on a fallen tyrant that public juftice, from which, during

his life and reign, he had been ſhielded by the ftrong arm of mili-

tary defpotifin.

Pertinax found a nobler way of condemning his predeceffor's me- Virtues of

Pertinax .
mory ;; by the contraft of his own virtues, with the vices of Com-

modus. On the day of his acceffion , he refigned over to his wife

and fon his whole private fortune ; that they might have no pre-

tence to folicit favours at the expence of the ſtate. He refuſed to

flatter the vanity of the former with the title of Auguſta ; or to

corrupt the inexperienced youth of the latter by the rank of Cæfar.

Accurately diftinguiſhing between the duties of a parent, and thoſe

of a ſovereign, he educated his fon with a fevere fimplicity, which,

47 Capitolinus gives us the particulars of 48 The fenate condemned Nero to

thefe tumultuary votes which were moved by be put to death more majorum . Sueton.
one fenator, and repeated, or rather chanted c. 49.
by the whole body. Hift. Auguft. p. 52.

VOL. I. R while
122 THE DECLINE AND FALL

CHAP. while it gave him no affured proſpect of the throne, might in time
IV.
have rendered him worthy of it. In public, the behaviour of Per-

tinax was grave and affable. He lived with the virtuous part of the

fenate (and in a private ſtation, he had been acquainted with the true
character of each individual) , without either pride or jealouſy ; con-

fidered them as friends and companions , with whom he had fhared

the dangers of the tyranny, and with whom he wiſhed to enjoy the

fecurity of the prefent time. He very frequently invited them to

familiar entertainments, the frugality of which was ridiculed by

thofe, who remembered and regretted the luxurious prodigality of

49
Commodus +9.

He endea- To heal, as far as it was poffible, the wounds inflicted by the hand
vours to re-
form the of tyranny, was the pleaſing, but melancholy, taſk of Pertinax. The
ftate..
innocent victims, who yet furvived, were recalled from exile, re-

leafed from prifon , and reſtored to the full poffeffion of their ho-
nours and fortunes. The unburied bodies of murdered fenators (for

the cruelty of Commodus endeavoured to extend itſelf beyond death)

were depofited in the fepulchres of their anceſtors ; their memory

was juftified ; and every confolation was beſtowed on their ruined

and afflicted families. Among theſe confolations, one of the moſt

grateful was the puniſhment of the Delators ; the common enemies

of their maſter, of virtue, and of their country. Yet even in the

inquifition of theſe legal affaffins, Pertinax proceeded with a ſteady

temper, which gave every thing to juſtice, and nothing to popular

prejudice and reſentment..

His regula- The finances of the ftate demanded the moft vigilant care of the
tions ,
emperor. Though every meaſure of injuſtice and extortion had
been adopted, which could collect the property of the ſubject into

49 Dion (1. lxxiii . p . 1223. ) fpeaks of Auguft. p. 58. ) , like a flave, who had re-
thefe entertainments, as a fenator who had ceived his intelligence from one of the fcul-
fupped withthe emperor. Capitolinus (Hift. lions.

the
 OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 123

the coffers of the prince ; the rapaciouſneſs of Commodus had been CHA P.
IV.
ſo very inadequate to his extravagance, that, upon his death, no

more than eight thouſand pounds were found in the exhauſted trea-

fury " , to defray the current expences of government, and to diſ-

charge the preffing demand of a liberal donative, which the new

emperor had been obliged to promiſe to the Prætorian guards. Yet
under theſe diftreffed circumftances, Pertinax had the generous firm-

nefs to remit all the oppreffive taxes invented by Commodus, and

to cancel all the unjuſt claims of the treaſury ; declaring in a decree

of the fenate, " that he was better fatisfied to adminifter a poor re-
" public with innocence, than to acquire riches by the ways of ty-

66 ranny and diſhonour. " Oeconomy and induſtry he confidered as

the pure and genuine fources of wealth ; and from them he foon

derived a copious ſupply for the public neceffities. The expence of

the houſehold was immediately reduced to one half. All the inftru-

ments of luxury, Pertinax expoſed to public auction " , gold and

filver plate, chariots of a fingular conftruction, a fuperfluous ward-

robe of filk and embroidery, and a great number of beautiful flaves

of both fexes ; excepting only, with attentive humanity, thoſe who

were born in a ftate of freedom, and had been raviſhed from the

arms of their weeping parents. At the fame time that he obliged

the worthlefs favourites of the tyrant to refign a part of their ill-

gotten wealth, he fatisfied the juft creditors of the ftate, and unex-

pectedly diſcharged the long arrears of honeft fervices. He removed

the oppreffive reſtrictions which had been laid upon commerce, and

granted all the uncultivated lands in Italy and the provinces, to thofe

30 Decies. The blamelefs economy of
Pius left his fucceffors a treaſure of vicies fep-
ries millies, above two and twenty millions
Aerling. Dion, 1. lxxiii . p. 1231 .
Befides the defign of converting theſe
R 2
uſeleſs ornaments into money, Dion ( 1. lxxiii.
p. 1229. ) affigns two fecret motives of Per-
tinax. He wished to expofe the vices of
Commodus, and to difcover by the purchaſers
thoſe who most reſembled him.
who
 THE DECLINE AND FALL
124

CHAP. who would improve them ; with an exemption from tribute, during
IV.
the term of ten years 52.
and popu Such an uniform conduct had already fecured to Pertinax the
larity.
nobleſt reward of a fovereign, the love and eſteem of his people.
Thoſe who remembered the virtues of Marcus were happy to con-

template in their new emperor the features of that bright original ;

and flattered themfelves, that they fhould long enjoy the benign

influence of his adminiſtration. A hafty zeal to reform the cor-

rupted ſtate, accompanied with leſs prudence than might have been

expected from the years and experience of Pertinax, proved fatal to

himſelf and to his country. His honeſt indiſcretion united againſt

him the fervile crowd, who found their private benefit in the public

diſorders, and who preferred the favour of a tyrant to the inexorable

equality of the laws ".
Difcontent of
Amidst the general joy, the fullen and angry countenance of the
the Præto-
rians.
Prætorian guards betrayed their inward diffatisfaction. They had
reluctantly ſubmitted to Pertinax ; they dreaded the ſtrictneſs of the

ancient diſcipline, which he was preparing to reſtore ; and they re-

gretted the licence of the former reign. Their difcontents were fe-

cretly fomented by Lætus their præfect , who found, when it was

too late, that his new emperor would reward a fervant, but would

not be ruled by a favourite. On the third day of his reign the fol-
diers feized on a noble fenator, with a defign to carry him to the

camp, and to inveft him with the Imperial purple. Instead of be-

ing dazzled by the dangerous honour, the affrighted victim efcaped

A confpiracy from their violence, and took refuge at the feet of Pertinax. A
prevented.
fhort time afterwards Sofius Falco , one of the confuls of the year,

52 Though Capitolinus has picked up rodian in admiring his public conduct ..

many idle tales of the private life of 53 Leges, rem furdam, inexorabilem effe.
Pertinax, he joins with Dion and He- T. Liv. ii . 3.
a rafh
 OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 125

a rafh youth ", but of an ancient and opulent family, liftened to the CHA P.
IV.
voice of ambition ; and a confpiracy was formed during a fhort
abſence of Pertinax, which was crushed by his fudden return to

Rome, and his refolute behaviour. Falco was on the point of being

justly condemned to death as a public enemy, had he not been ſaved

by the earneſt and fincere entreaties of the injured emperor ; who

conjured the fenate, that the purity of his reign might not be flained

by the blood even of a guilty ſenator.

Theſe diſappointments ferved only to irritate the rage of the Pre- Murder of
Pertinax by
torian guards. On the twenty- eighth of March, eighty-fix days the Prato-
rians.
only after the death of Commodus, a general fedition broke out in A. D. 197 .
March 28th.
the camp , which the officers wanted either power or inclination to

fupprefs. Two or three hundred of the most defperate foldiers march-

ed at noon-day, with arms in their hands and fury in their looks, to-
!
wards the Imperial palace. The gates were thrown open by their
companions upon guard ; and by the domeftics of the old court,

who had already formed a fecret conſpiracy againſt the life of the
too virtuous emperor . On the news of their approach, Pertinax,

difdaining either flight or concealment, advanced to meet his affaffins ;;

and recalled to their minds his own innocence, and the fanctity of lig
their recent oath. For a few moments they ſtood in filent fufpenfe,

afhamed of their atrocious defign, and awed by the venerable aſpect

and majeftic firmness of their fovereign, till at length the defpair-

55
of pardon reviving their fury, a barbarian of the country of Tongres

levelled the firſt blow againſt Pertinax, who was inftantly diſpatched !

54 Ifwe credit Capitolinus (which is rather
difficult) , Falco behaved with the moft petulant
indency to Pertinax, on the day of his ac-
ceffion. The wife emperor only admonished
him of his youth and inexperience. Hift.
Auguft. p. 55 .
55 The modern bishopric of Liege. This
foldier probably belonged to the Batavian
horfe-guards, who were moſtly raiſed in the
dutchy of Gueldres and the neighbourhood,
and were diſtinguiſhed by their valour, and .
by the boldneſs with which they fwam their
horfes acrofs the broadest and most rapid.
rivers. Tacit. Hift. iv. 12. Dion, I. lv.
p. 797. Lipfius de magnitudine Romanâ,.
1. i. c. 4.
with
126 THE DECLINE AND FALL

CHAP. with a multitude of wounds. His head feparated from his body,
IV .
and placed on a lance, was carried in triumph to the Prætorian camp,

in the fight of a mournful and indignant people, who lamented the

unworthy fate of that excellent prince, and the tranfient bleffings of

a reign, the memory of which could ferve only to aggravate their

approaching misfortunes ".

36 Dion, 1. lxxiii. p. 1232. Herodian , 1 . in Epitom. & in Cæfarib. Eutropius, viii.

ii. p. 60. Hift . Auguft. p. 58. Victor 16.
 OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE, 127

CHA P. V.

Public Sale of the Empire to Didius Julianus by the Præ-

torian Guards. - Clodius Albinus in Britain, Pefcennius

Niger in Syria, and Septimius Severus in Pannonia, de-

clare against the Murderers of Pertinax. - Civil Wars :

and Victory of Severus over his three Rivals.- Relaxation

of Difcipline -New Maxims of Government.

" HE power of the fword is more fenfibly felt in an exten- CHA P.

V.
TH Poweroff ,than in a comibly fey
,in an exten
five monarchy, than in a ſmall community. It has been

the militaryof
calculated by the ableft politicians, that no ftate, without being foon Proportion

exhaufted, can maintain above the hundredth part of its members in force,
number toof
the

arms and idleneſs. But although this relative proportion may be the people.

uniform , the influence of the army over the reft of the fociety will

vary according to the degree of its pofitive 1 ftrength. The advan-

tages of military fcience and . difcipline cannot be exerted, unleſs a

proper number of foldiers are united into one body, and actuated by
one foul. With a handful of men, fuch an union would be ineffec-

tual ; with an unwieldy hoft, it would be impracticable ; and the

powers of the machine would be alike.deftroyed by the extreme

minuteness , or the exceffive weight, of its fprings. To illuftrate

this obſervation we need only reflect, that there is no fuperiority of

natural ſtrength, artificial weapons, or acquired fkill, which could

enable one man to keep in conftant ſubjection one hundred of his

fellow-creatures : the tyrant of a fingle town, or a ſmall diftrict,

would foon difcover that an hundred armed followers were a weak

defence againſt ten thouſand peaſants or citizens ; but an hundred

thouſand
 128 THE DECLINE AND FALL

CHAP.
V. thousand well- difciplined foldiers will command, with deſpotic ſway,
ten millions of fubjects ; and a body of ten or fifteen thousand

guards will ſtrike terror into the moft numerous populace that ever

crowded the ſtreets of an immenfe capital.

The Preto-
The Prætorian bands, whofe licentious fury was the firſt fymptom
gian guards .
and cauſe of the decline of the Roman empire, fcarcely amounted to
Their infti-
the laſt mentioned number ' . They derived their inftitution from
tution,
Auguftus. That crafty tyrant, fenfible that laws might colour, but

that arms alone could maintain, his ufurped dominion , had gra-

dually formed this powerful body of guards in conftant readineſs to

protect his perfon , to awe the fenate, and either to prevent or to

cruſh the firſt motions of rebellion. He diftinguiſhed theſe favoured

troops by a double pay, and fuperior privileges ; but, as their for-

midable aſpect would at once have alarmed and irritated the Roman´

people, three cohorts only were ftationed in the capital ; whilft the

Their camp. remainder was difperfed in the adjacent towns of Italy '. But after
fifty years of peace and fervitude , Tiberius ventured on a decifive

meaſure , which for ever rivetted the fetters of his country. Under

the fair pretences of relieving Italy from the heavy burden of military

quarters , and of introducing a ftricter difcipline among the guards , he

affembled them at Rome , in a permanent camp³ , which was fortified

with fkilful care , and placed on a commanding fituation '.

Their Such formidable fervants are always neceffary, but often fatal to
Arength and
confidence. the throne of defpotifm . By thus introducing the Prætorian guards

1
They were originally nine or ten thou-
fand men (for Tacitus and Dion are not
agreed upon the ſubject ) , divided into as
many cohorts. Vitellius increafed them to
fixteen thouſand , and as far as we can learn
from infcriptions , they never afterwards funk
much below that number. See Lipfius de
magnitudine Romanâ, i . 4 .
2 Sueton. in Auguft. c. 49 .
3 Tacit. Annal. iv . 2. Sueton. in
6 as
Tiber. c. 37. Dion Caffius , 1. lvii. p . 867 .
4 In the civil war between Vitellius and
Vefpafian, the Prætorian camp was attacked
and defended with all the machines ufed in
the fiege of the beſt fortified cities. Tacit.
Hiſt. iii . 84.
5 Clofe to the walls of the city, on the
broad fummit of the Quirinal and Viminal
hills. See Nardini Roma Antica, p . 174.
Donatus de Roma Antiqua, p . 46 .
 OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 129

as it were, into the palace and the fenate, the emperors taught them CHA P.
V.
to perceive their own ftrength, and the weakneſs of the civil go-
vernment ; to view the vices of their maſters with familiar con-

tempt, and to lay aſide that reverential awe, which diſtance only,
and myſtery, can preferve, towards an imaginary power. In the

luxurious idleneſs of an opulent city, their pride was nouriſhed by

the ſenſe of their irreſiſtible weight ; nor was it poſſible to conceal

from them, that the perfon of the fovereign, the authority of the

fenate, the public treaſure, and the feat of empire, were all in their

hands. To divert the Prætorian bands from theſe dangerous reflec-

tions, the firmeſt and beſt eſtabliſhed princes were obliged to mix

blandifhments with commands, rewards with puniſhments, to flatter

their pride, indulge their pleaſures, connive at their irregularities,

and to purchaſe their precarious faith by a liberal donative ; which,

fince the elevation of Claudius, was exacted as a legal claim, on the

acceffion of every new emperor ".

The advocates of the guards endeavoured to juftify by arguments, Their fpe-

cious claims.
the power which they afferted by arms ; and to maintain that, ac-
cording to the pureft principles of the conftitution, their confent

was eſſentially neceffary in the appointment of an emperor. The

election of confuls, of generals, and of magiftrates, however it had

been recently ufurped by the fenate, was the ancient and undoubted

right of the Roman people '. But where was the Roman people to
be found ? Not furely amongſt the mixed multitude of flaves and

Claudius, raiſed by the foldiers to the
empire, was the firſt who gave a donative.
He gave quina dena, 120l . ( Sueton . in Claud.
c. 10. ) when Marcus, with his colleague
Lucius Verus, took quiet poffeffion of the
throne, he gave vicena, 160l . to each of the
guards. Hift. Auguft . p . 25. (Dion , 1. lxxiii.
p. 1231. ) We may form fome idea of the
amount of thefe fums, by Hadrian's com-
plaint, that the promotion of a Cæfar had
coft him ter millies, two millions and a half
fterling.
7 Cicero de Legibus, iii. 3. The first book
of Livy, and the ſecond of Dionyfius of Ha-
licarnaffus, fhew the authority of the people,
even in the election of the kings.

VOL. I. S Atrangers
130 THE DECLINE AND FALL

CHA P. ftrangers that filled the ſtreets of Rome ; a fervile populace, as de-
V.
void of ſpirit as deftitute of property. The defenders of the ſtate,
felected from the flower of the Italian youth , and trained in the

exerciſe of arms and virtue, were the genuine repreſentatives of the

people, and the beſt entitled to elect the military chief of the re-
public. Theſe affertions, however defective in reaſon, became un-
anſwerable, when the fierce Prætorians increaſed their weight, by

throwing, like the barbarian conqueror of Rome, their ſwords into

the ſcale ".

They offer The Prætorians had violated the fanctity of the throne, by the
the empire
to fale.
atrocious murder of Pertinax ; they diſhonoured the majeſty of
it, by their ſubſequent conduct. The camp was without a leader,
for even the præfect Lætus, who had excited the tempeft, prudently

declined the public indignation. Amidft the wild diforder Sulpi-

cianus, the emperor's father-in-law, and governor of the city, who

had been ſent to the camp on the firſt alarm of mutiny, was en-

deavouring to calm the fury of the multitude, when he was filenced

by the clamorous return of the murderers, bearing on a lance the

head of Pertinax. Though hiſtory has accuſtomed us to obferve

every principle and every paffion yielding to the imperious dictates

of ambition, it is ſcarcely credible that, in theſe moments of horror,

Sulpicianus ſhould have aſpired to aſcend a throne polluted with the

recent blood of fo near a relation, and fo excellent a prince. He had

already begun to uſe the only effectual argument, and to treat for

the Imperial dignity ; but the more prudent of the Prætorians, ap-
prehenſive that, in this private contract, they should not obtain a

juft price for fo valuable a commodity, ran out upon the ramparts ;

8
They were originally recruited in La- of Italia Alumni, Romana vere juventus.
tium, Etruria, and the old colonies ( Tacit. Tacit. Hift . i. 84.
Annal. iv . 5.). The emperor Otho compli- In the fiege of Rome by the Gauls. See
ments their vanity, with the. flattering titles Livy, v. 48. Plutarch. in Camill. p. 143 .
I and,
 OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE.
131

and, with a loud voice, proclaimed that the Roman world was to be CHA P.
V.
difpofed of to the beft bidder by public auction 10.
This infamous offer, the moft infolent excefs of military licence , It is purchaf
ed by Julian,
diffuſed an univerfal grief, fhame, and indignation throughout the A. D. 193 .
March 28th.
city. It reached at length the ears of Didius Julianus, a wealthy

fenator, who, regardleſs of the public calamities, was indulging him-

ſelf in the luxury of the table ". His wife and his daughter, his

freedmen and his parafites, eaſily convinced him that he deſerved

the throne, and earneftly conjured him to embrace ſo fortunate an

opportunity. The vain old man haftened to the Prætorian camp,

where Sulpicianus was ſtill in treaty with the guards ; and began to
bid againſt him from the foot of the rampart. The unworthy ne-

gociation was tranſacted by faithful emiffaries, who paffed alternately

from one candidate to the other, and acquainted each of them

with the offers of his rival. Sulpicianus had already promiſed a

donative of five thousand drachms (above one hundred and fixty

pounds) to each foldier ; when Julian , eager for the prize, roſe at
once to the fum of fix thouſand two hundred and fifty drachms, or

upwards of two hundred pounds fterling. The gates of the camp

were inſtantly thrown open to the purchaſer ; he was declared em-

peror, and received an oath of allegiance from the foldiers, who re-

tained humanity enough to ftipulate that he ſhould pardon and for-

get the competition of Sulpiciamus.

It was now incumbent on the Prætorians to fulfil the conditions Julian is ac-
knowledged
of the fale. They placed their new fovereign, whom they ſerved by the fenate.

and deſpiſed, in the centre of their ranks, furrounded him on every

fide with their fhields, and conducted him in cloſe order of battle

through the deferted ſtreets of the city. The fenate was commanded

10 Dion, 1. lxxiii . p. 1234. Herodian, was proclaimed as fuch by the foldiers.

11
1. ii. p. 63. Hift. Auguft. p. 60. Though Spartianus foftens the moft odious parts
the three hiſtorians agree that it was in fact an of the character and elevation of Julian.
auction, Herodian alone affirms, that it
S 2 to
 THE DECLINE AND FALL
132

CHA P. to affemble ; and thofe who had been the diftinguifhed friends of
V.
Pertinax , or the perſonal enemies of Julian , found it neceſſary to

affect a more than common fhare of fatisfaction at this happy revo-

lution ". After Julian had filled the fenate- houſe with armed fol-

diers, he expatiated on the freedom of his election , his own emi-

nent virtues, and his full affurance of the affections of the ſenate.

The obfequious affembly congratulated their own and the public fe-
licity ; engaged their allegiance, and conferred on him all the

Takespoffef- feveral branches of the Imperial power ". From the fenate Julian
fion of the
palace. was conducted, by the fame military proceffion , to take poffeffion of

the palace. The firſt objects that ftruck his eyes, were the aban-

doned trunk of Pertinax , and the frugal entertainment prepared for

his fupper. The one he viewed with indifference ; the other with

contempt. A magnificent feaft was prepared by his order, and he

amufed himſelf till a very late hour, with dice, and the performances

of Pylades, a celebrated dancer. Yet it was obferved, that after

the crowd of flatterers difperfed, and left him to darknefs, folitude,

and terrible reflection , he paffed a fleepless night ; revolving moſt

probably in his mind his own rafh folly, the fate of his virtuous

predeceffor, and the doubtful and dangerous tenure of an empire,

14
which had not been acquired by merit, but purchaſed by money
The public He had reafon to tremble. On the throne of the world he found
difcontent.
himfelf without a friend, and even without an adherent. The

guards themſelves were afhamed of the prince whom their avarice

had perfuaded them to accept ; nor was there a citizen who did not
confider his elevation with horror, as the laft infult on the Roman

12 Dion Caffius, at that time prætor, had was immediately aggregated to the number of
been a perfonal enemy to Julian, 1. lxxiii . Patrician families.
P. 1235. 14 Dion, 1. lxxiii. p. 1235. Hift. Auguft..
13 Hift. Auguft. p. 61. We learn from p . 61. I have endeavoured to blend into one
thence one curious circumftance, that the confiftent story the teeming contradictions of
new emperor, whatever had been his birth, the two writers.

name ,
 OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 133

name. The nobility, whofe confpicuous ftation and ample poffeffions CHA P.
V.
exacted the ftricteft caution, diffembled their fentiments, and met the

affected civility of the emperor with fmiles of complacency , and

profeffions of duty. But the people, fecure in their numbers and

obfcurity, gave a free vent to their paffions. The ſtreets and public
places of Rome refounded with clamours and imprecations. The

enraged multitude affronted the perſon of Julian, rejected his libe-

rality, and confcious of the impotence of their own refentment,

they called aloud on the legions of the frontiers to affert the violated

} majeſty of the Roman empire.

The public difcontent was foon diffuſed from the centre to the The armies
of Britain,
frontiers of the empire. The armies of Britain, of Syria, and of
Syria , and
Pannonia de-
Illyricum, lamented the death of Pertinax, in whofe company, or clare against

under whoſe command, they had ſo often fought and conquered. Julian.

They received with ſurpriſe, with indignation , and perhaps with

envy, the extraordinary intelligence, that the Prætorians had difpofed

of the empire by public auction ; and they fternly refuſed to

ratify the ignominious bargain. Their immediate and unanimous

revolt was fatal to Julian, but it was fatal at the fame time to the
public peace ; as the generals of the reſpective armies, Clodius Albi-
'

nus, Pefcennius Niger, and Septimius Severus, were ſtill more anxi-

ous to fucceed than to revenge the murdered Pertinax. Their forces

were exactly balanced . Each of them was at the head of three legi-

ons " , with a numerous train of auxiliaries ; and however different in

their characters, they were all foldiers of experience and capacity.

Clodius Albinus, governor of Britain, furpafled both his compe- Clodius Al-
titors in the nobility of his extraction, which he derived from fome binus in Bri-
tain.
of the moft illuftrious names of the old republic ". But the branch
from whence he claimed his defcent, was funk into mean circum-

15 Dion, 1. lxxiii. p. 1235 . former of whom was raifed to the conditip

16 The Pofthumian and the Cejonian ; the in the fifth year after its inftitution
2 ftonces,
 THE DECLINE AND FALL
134

CHA
V. P. ftances, and tranfplanted into a remote province. It is difficult to

form a juft idea of his true character. Under the philofophic cloak

of aufterity, he ftands accuſed of concealing moſt of the vices which

degrade human nature ". But his accufers are thofe venal writers

who adored the fortune of Severus, and trampled on the afhes of an

unfuccefsful rival. Virtue, or the appearances of virtue, recom-

mended Albinus to the confidence and good opinion of Marcus ; and

his preferving with the ſon the fame intereft which he had acquired
with the father, is a proof at leaft that he was poffeffed of a very

flexible difpofition . The favour of a tyrant does not always fup-

pofe a want of merit in the object of it ; he may, without in-

tending it, reward a man of worth and ability, or he may find fuch

a man uſeful to his own fervice. It does not appear that Albinus

ferved the ſon of Marcus , either as the minifter of his cruelties , or

even as the affociate of his pleaſures. He was employed in a dif-

tant honourable command, when he received a confidential letter

from the emperor, acquainting him of the treaſonable defigns of

fome difcontented generals, and authorizing him to declare himſelf

the guardian and fucceffor of the throne, by affuming the title and

enfigns of Cæfar ". The governor of Britain wifely declined the

dangerous honour, which would have marked him for the jealouſy,
or involved him in the approaching ruin, of Commodus. He

courted power by nobler, or, at leaſt, by more fpecious arts. On

a premature report of the death of the emperor, he affembled his

troops ; and, in an eloquent difcourfe, deplored the inevitable mif-

chiefs of defpotifm , defcribed the happineſs and glory which their

ancestors had enjoyed under the confular government, and declared

his firm refolution to reinftate the fenate and people in their legal

17 Spartianus, in his undigeſted collections, deed , are many of the characters in the Au-
mixes up all the virtues and all the vices guftan Hiſtory.
that enter into the human compofition , and 18 Hift. Auguft. p. 80. 84.
bestows them on the fame object . Such, in-

authority.
 OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 135

authority. This popular harangue was anſwered by the loud accla- CHA P..
V.
mations of the Britiſh legions, and received at Rome with a fecret

murmur of applauſe. Safe in the poffeffion of his little world, and

in the command of an army leſs diſtinguiſhed indeed for diſcipline
than for numbers and valour ", Albinus braved the menaces of

Commodus, maintained towards Pertinax a ſtately ambiguous reſerve,

and inſtantly declared againſt the ufurpation of Julian . The convul-

fions of the capital added new weight to his ſentiments, or rather to

his profeffions of patriotiſm . A regard to decency induced him to

decline the lofty titles of Auguftus and Emperor ; and he imitated

perhaps the example of Galba, who, on a fimilar occafion , had ftyled

himſelf the Lieutenant of the fenate and people 20.

Perſonal merit alone had raiſed Peſcennius Niger from an obſcure Pefcennius
Niger in.
birth and ſtation, to the government of Syria ; a lucrative and im- Syria.

portant command, which in times of civil confufion gave him a

near proſpect of the throne. Yet his parts ſeem to have been better

fuited to the fecond than to the firft rank ; he was an unequal rival,

though he might have approved himſelf an excellent lieutenant, to

Severus, who afterwards diſplayed the greatneſs of his mind by adopt-

ing feveral uſeful inftitutions from a vanquished enemy ". In his
government, Niger acquired the eſteem ofthe foldiers, and the love of

the provincials. His rigid difcipline fortified the valour and confirmed

the obedience of the former, whilft the voluptuous Syrians were lefs

delighted with the mild firmneſs of his adminiftration, than with

the affability of his manners, and the apparent pleaſure with which
22
he attended their frequent and pompous feſtivals ". As foon as the

19 Pertinax, who governed Britain a few 21 Hift. Auguft . p. 76.

years before, had been left for dead, in a 22 Herod. 1. ii. p . 68. The chronicle of
mutiny of the foldiers . Hift. Auguft . p. 54. John Malala, of Antioch, ſhews the zealous
Yet they loved and regretted him ; admiran- attachment of his countrymen to theſe feſti- -
tibus eam virtutem cui irafcebantur. vals, which at once gratified their fuperfti-
20 Sueton . in Galb. c. 10. tion, 4 and their love ofpleaſure.

intelligences
 NE
THE DECLI AND FALL
136

CHA
V. P. intelligence of the atrocious murder of Pertinax had reached Antioch ,
the wishes of Afia invited Niger to affume the Imperial purple and
revenge his death. The legions of the eaſtern frontier embraced

his caufe ; the opulent but unarmed provinces from the frontiers of
23
Æthiopia to the Hadriatic, cheerfully fubmitted to his power ; and

the kings beyond the Tigris and the Euphrates congratulated his
election , and offered him their homage and fervices. The mind of

Niger was not capable of receiving this fudden tide of fortune ; he

flattered himself that his acceffion would be undisturbed by compe-

tition, and unftained by civil blood ; and whilft he enjoyed the vain
pomp of triumph, he neglected to fecure the means of victory. In-

ftead of entering into an effectual negociation with the powerful

armies of the weft, whofe refolution might decide , or at leaſt muſt

balance, the mighty conteft ; inftead of advancing without delay

towards Rome and Italy, where his prefence was impatiently ex-

pected , Niger trifled away in the luxury of Antioch thoſe irre-

trievable moments which were diligently improved by the decifive

activity of Severus 25.
Pannonia The country of Pannonia and Dalmatia, which occupied the ſpace
and Dalma-
. tia. between the Danube and the Hadriatic, was one of the laft and
moft difficult conquefts of the Romans. In the defence of na-

tional freedom, two hundred thoufand of thefe barbarians had once

appeared in the field, alarmed the declining age of Auguftus , and

exerciſed the vigilant prudence of Tiberius at the head of the col-

lected force of the empire ". The Pannonians yielded at length to

23 A king of Thebes, in Egypt, is men-
tioned in the Auguftan Hiftory, as an ally,
and, indeed, as a perfonal friend of Niger.
If Spartianus is not, as I ftrongly fufpect,
mistaken, he has brought to light a dynafty
of tributary princes totally unknown to hif-
tory.
2+ Dion , 1. lxxiii . p . 1238. Herod . 1. ii .
p. 67. A verfe in every one's mouth at that
time, feems to exprefs the general opinion
of the three rivals ; Optimus eft Niger, bo-
nus Afer, peffimus Albus. Hift. Auguft, p.
75 .
25 Herodian , 1. ii , p . 71 .
26 See an account of that meinorable war
in Velleius Paterculus , ii . 110, &c . who ſerved
in the army of Tiberius.
the
 OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 137

the arms and inftitutions of Rome. Their recent fubjection, how- CHA
V. P.
ever, the neighbourhood, and even the mixture, of the unconquered

tribes, and perhaps the climate, adapted, as it has been obferved, to

the production of great bodies and flow minds ", all contributed to

preſerve ſome remains of their original ferocity, and under the tame

and uniform countenance of Roman provincials, the hardy features of

the natives were ftill to be diſcerned. Their warlike youth afforded

an inexhauſtible ſupply of recruits to the legions ſtationed on the

•
banks of the Danube, and which, from a perpetual warfare againſt

the Germans and Sarmatians, were defervedly eſteemed the beſt

troops in the fervice.

The Pannonian army was at this time commanded by Septimius Septimius

Severus
Severus, a native of Africa, who, in the gradual afcent of private

honours, had concealed his daring ambition, which was never di-

verted from its fteady courfe by the allurements of pleaſure, the ap-
prehenfion of danger, or the feelings of humanity ". On the firſt

news of the murder of Pertinax , he affembled his troops, painted

in the moſt lively colours the crime, the infolence, and the weakneſs
of the Prætorian guards, and animated the legions to arms and to

revenge. He concluded (and the peroration was thought extremely

eloquent) with promiſing every foldier about four hundred pounds ;

an honourable donative, double in value to the infamous bribe with

which Julian had purchaſed the empire ". The acclamations of the declared em-
army immediately faluted Severus with the names of Auguftus, Perti- Pannonian
peror by the

nax, and Emperor ; and he thus attained the lofty ftation to which legions.
A. D. 193.
April 13th.
27 Such is the reflection of Herodian, 1. ii.
py his place. Hift. Auguft. p. 8o.
P. 74. Will the modern Auftrians allow the 29 Pannonia was too poor to fupply fuch
influence ? a fum. It was probably promiſed in the
28 In the letter to Albinus , already camp, and paid at Rome, after the victory.
mentioned, Commodus accufes Severus, as In fixing the fum, I have adopted the con-
one of the ambitious generals who cen- jecture of Cafaubon. See Hift. Auguft. p.
fured his conduct, and wifhed to occu- 66. Comment. p. 315 .
VOL. I. T he
 E
LIN L
138 THE DEC AND FAL

CHAP.
V. he was invited, by conſcious merit and a long train of dreams and

omens , the fruitful offspring either of his ſuperſtition or policy " .

The new candidate for empire faw and improved the peculiar

advantage of his fituation. His province extended to the Julian

Alps, which gave an eaſy acceſs into Italy ; and he remembered the

faying of Auguftus, That a Pannonian army might in ten days ap-

Marches into pear in fight of Rome ". By a celerity proportioned to the great-
Italy.
nefs of the occafion, he might reafonably hope to revenge Pertinax,

puniſh Julian , and receive the homage of the fenate and people, as

their lawful emperor, before his competitors, feparated from Italy by

an immenfe tract of fea and land, were apprized of his fuccefs , or even

of his election. During the whole expedition, he ſcarcely allowed

himſelf any moments for ſleep or food ; marching on foot, and in.
complete armour, at the head of his columns, he infinuated him-

felf into the confidence and affection of his troops, preffed their dili-

gence, revived their fpirits, animated their hopes, and was well fatis-

fied to ſhare the hardships of the meaneft foldier, whilft he kept in

view the infinite fuperiority of his reward .

Advances to-
The wretched Julian had expected , and thought himſelf prepared ,
wards Rome.
to diſpute the empire with the governor of Syria ; but in the invin-

cible and rapid approach of the Pannonian legions, he faw his ine-

vitable ruin. The hafty arrival of every meffenger increaſed his

juft apprehenfions. He was fucceffively informed , that Severus had

paffed the Alps ; that the Italian cities, unwilling or unable to op-

pofe his progrefs , had received him with the warmeft profeffions of

30 Herodian, 1. ii . p. 78. Severus was
declared emperor on the banks of the Da-
nube, either at Carnuntum, according to
Spartianus (Hift . Auguft . p . 65. ) , or elfe at
Sabaria, according to Victor. Mr. Hume,
in fuppofing that the birth and dignity of
Severus were too much inferior to the Impe-
rial crown, and that he marched in Italy as
8
general only, has not confidered this tranf-
action with his uſual accuracy ( Effay on the
original contract).
31
a Velleius Paterculus, 1. ii. c. 3. We
must reckon the march from the neareſt verge
of Pannonia, and extend the fight of the city
as far as two hundred miles.
joy
1

OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 139

joy and duty ; that the important place of Ravenna had furrendered CHA
V. P.
without refiftance, and that the Hadriatic fleet was in the hands of

the conqueror. The enemy was now within two hundred and fifty

miles of Rome ; and every moment diminiſhed the narrow fpan of

life and empire allotted to Julian.

He attempted, however, to prevent, or at leaſt to protract, his Diftrefs of

Julian .
ruin. He implored the venal faith of the Prætorians, filled the
city with unavailing preparations for war, drew lines round the

fuburbs, and even ftrengthened the fortifications of the palace ;

1 as if thoſe laſt intrenchments could be defended without hope of

"
relief againſt a victorious invader. Fear and fhame prevented the

guards from deſerting his ſtandard ; but they trembled at the name
of the Pannonian legions, commanded by an experienced general,

and accuſtomed to vanquish the barbarians on the frozen Danube ".

They quitted, with a figh, the pleaſures of the baths and theatres,
F
to put on arms, whoſe uſe they had almoſt forgotten, and beneath
the weight of which they were oppreffed. The unpractifed elephants,

whoſe uncouth appearance, it was hoped, would ftrike terror into

the army of the north, threw their unfkilful riders ; and the awk-

ward evolutions of the marines, drawn from the fleet of Mi- `

fenum, were an object of ridicule to the populace ; whilft the fe-

nate enjoyed, with fecret pleaſure, the diftrefs and weaknefs of the
ufurper ".

Every motion of Julian betrayed his trembling perplexity. He His uncer-

tain conduct ,
infifted that Severus fhould be declared a public enemy by the fe-

He intreated that the Pannonian general might be affociated

to the empire. He fent public ambaſſadors of conſular rank to ne-

32 This is not a puerile figure of rhetoric, p. 81. There is no furer proof of the mili-
but an allufion to a real fact recorded by tary ſkill of the Romans, than their firſt ſur-
Dion, 1. lxxi . p . 1181. It probably happen- mounting the idle terror, and afterwards
ed more than once . difdaining the dangerous ufe, of elephants in
33 Dion, 1. lxxiii. p. 1233. Herodian, 1. ii. war.
T 2 gociate
140 THE DECLINE AND FALL

CHAP.
V. gociate with his rival ; he diſpatched private affaffins to take away

his life . He deſigned that the Veſtal virgins, and all the colleges

of priests, in their facerdotal habits, and bearing before them the

facred pledges of the Roman religion , ſhould advance, in folemn

proceffion, to meet the Pannonian legions ; and , at the fame time,

he vainly tried to interrogate, or to appeaſe, the fates, by magic ce-

remonies, and unlawful facrifices 34.

Is deferted Severus, who dreaded neither his arms nor his enchantments,

by the Pra-
torians, guarded himſelf from the only danger of fecret confpiracy, by the

faithful attendance of fix hundred chofen men, who never quitted

his perfon or their cuiraffes, either by night or by day, during

the whole march . Advancing with a fteady and rapid courſe,

he paſſed, without difficulty, the defiles of the Appennine, received

into his party the troops and ambaſſadors ſent to retard his progreſs,

and made a ſhort halt at Interamnia, about feventy miles from

Rome. His victory was already fecure ; but the deſpair of the

Prætorians might have rendered it bloody ; and Severus had the

laudable ambition of aſcending the throne without drawing the

35
fword ³ . His emiffaries, difperfed in the capital, affured the

guards, that provided they would abandon their worthleſs prince,

and the perpetrators of the murder of Pertinax , to the juſtice of the

conqueror, he would no longer confider that melancholy event

as the act of the whole body. The faithleſs Prætorians, whofe re-

fiſtance was ſupported only by fullen obftinacy, gladly complied

with the eafy conditions, feized the greateſt part of the affaffins,

and fignified to the fenate, that they no longer defended the cauſe

of Julian. That affembly, convoked by the conful, unanimouſly

acknowledged Severus as lawful emperor, decreed divine honours to

34 Hift. Auguft. p. 62, 63. Molle, unknown to the better and more an-
35 Victor and Eutropius, viii. 17. mention cient writers.
a combat near the Milvian bridge, the Ponte

Pertinax,
 OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 141

Pertinax, and pronounced a fentence of depofition and death against CHA

V. P.
his unfortunate fucceffor. Julian was conducted into a private apart-
and con-
ment of the baths of the palace, and beheaded as a common criminal, demned and
executed by
after having purchaſed, with an immenſe treaſure, an anxious and order of the
fenate.
precarious reign of only fixty-fix days ". The almoſt incredible A. D. 193 .
expedition of Severus, who, in fo fhort a ſpace of time, conducted June 2 .

a numerous army from the banks of the Danube to thoſe of the

Tyber, proves at once the plenty of provifions produced by agri-

culture and commerce, the goodneſs of the roads, the difcipline of

37
the legions, and the indolent fubdued temper of the provinces ".
The first cares of Severus were beftowed on two meaſures, the Disgrace of
the Prætorian.
one dictated by policy, the other by decency ; the revenge, and the guards.

honours, due to the memory of Pertinax. Before the new emperor

entered Rome, he iffued his commands to the Prætorian guards,
directing them to wait his arrival on a large plain near the city,

without arms, but in the habits of ceremony, in which they were

accuſtomed to attend their fovereign. He was obeyed by thoſe
haughty troops, whofe contrition was the effect of their just
terrors. A chofen part of the Illyrian army encompaffed them

with levelled fpears. Incapable of flight or refiftance, they ex-

pected their fate in filent confternation. Severus mounted the

tribunal, fternly reproached them with perfidy and cowardice, dii-

miffed them with ignominy from the truft which they had betrayed,

defpoiled them of their fplendid ornaments, and banished them ,

on pain of death, to the diftance of an hundred miles from the

36 Dion, I. lxxiii . p. 1240. Herodian , 1. cannot allow less than ten days after his elec-
ii. p. 83. Hift. Auguft . p. 63 . tion, to put a numerous army in motion.
37 From theſe fixty-fix days, we must firft Forty days rem in for this rapid march, and
deduct fixteen , as Pertinax was murdered on as we may compute about eight hundred
the 28th of March, and Severus moft pro- miles from Rome to the neighbourhood of Vi-
bably elected on the 13th of April (fec Hift. enna, the army of Severus marched twenty
Auguft. p. 65. and Tillemont , Hift. des Em- miles every day, without halt or intermif-
pereurs, tom. iii . p . 393. Note 7. ). We fion .
capital.
1 :2 THE DECLINE AND FALL

CHAP.
V. capital . During the tranfaction , another detachment had been fent
to feize their arms , occupy their camp, and prevent the hafty con-

fequences of their deſpair 3 .

Funeral and The funeral and confecration of Pertinax was next folemnized
apotheofis of
Pertinax. with every circumftance of fad magnificence " . The fenate, with

a melancholy pleaſure , performed the laft rites to that excellent

prince, whom they had loved, and ſtill regretted. The concern of

his fucceffor was probably lefs fincere. He efteemed the virtues of

Pertinax, but thofe virtues would for ever have confined his ambition

to a private flation. Severus pronounced his funeral oration with

ftudied eloquence, inward fatisfaction , and well -acted forrow ; and

by this pious regard to his memory, convinced the credulous mul-

titude that he alone was worthy to fupply his place. Senfible,

however, that arms, not ceremonies, muft affert his claim to the

empire, he left Rome at the end of thirty days, and, without

fuffering himſelf to be elated by this eafy victory, prepared to en-

counter his more formidable rivals.
Succefs of The uncommon abilities and fortune of Severus have induced an
Severus
elegant hiftorian to compare him with the firft and greateſt of the 1
against Ni-
ger, and
againit Al- Cæfars . The parallel is, at leaft, imperfect . Where fhall we
binus .
find, in the character of Severus, the commanding fuperiority of

foul, the generous clemency, and the various genius, which could

reconcile and unite the love of pleaſure, the thirſt of knowledge,

and the fire of ambition " ? In one inftance only, they may be com-

pared, with fome degree of propriety, in the celerity of their mo-

* Dion ( 1. lxxiv . p. 1241. ) . Herodian, intention of Lucan, to exalt the character of

1. ii. p. 84. Cæfar, yet the idea he gives of that hero,
39 Dion (1. lxxiv. p . 1244. ) , who affifted at in the tenth book of the Pharfalia, where he
defcribes him , at the fame time, making love
the ceremony as a fenator, gives a moft pomp-
ous defcription of it. to Cleopatra, fuftaining a fiege against the
4° Herodian, 1. iii . p. 112 . power ofEgypt, and converfing with the fages
of the country, is, in reality, the nobleft pa-
4 Though it is not, moft affuredly, the negyric.

tions ,

1
 OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 143

tions, and their civil victories. In less than four years ", Severus CHA
V. P.
fubdued the riches of the eaſt, and the valour of the weft. He
A. D.
vanquished two competitors of reputation and ability, and defeated 193-197

numerous armies, provided with weapons and difcipline equal to

his own . In that age, the art of fortification, and the principles of

tactics, were well underftood by all the Roman generals ; and the

conftant fuperiority of Severus was that of an artift, who ufes the

fame inftruments with more ſkill and induſtry than his rivals. I fhall

not, however, enter into a minute narrative of theſe military opera-

tions ; but as the two civil wars againſt Niger and againſt Albinus,
were almoft the fame in their conduct, event, and confequences, I

fhall collect into one point of view, the moft ftriking circumftances,

tending to develope the character of the conqueror, and the ſtate of

the empire .

Falfehood and infincerity, unfuitable as they feem to the dignity Conduct of

the two civil
of public tranfactions, offend us with a leſs degrading idea of mean- wars.
nefs, than ' when they are found in the intercourſe of private life. verus
Arts of Se-

In the latter, they diſcover a want of courage ; in the other, only a

power :: and, as it is impoffible for the moft able ſtateſmen
defect of power

to fubdue millions of followers and enemies by their own perſonal

ftrength, the world, under the name of policy, feems to have

granted them a very liberal indulgence of craft and diffimulation .

Yet the arts of Severus cannot be juftified by the moſt ample pri-

vileges of ftate reafon. He promifed only to betray, he flattered

only to ruin ; and however he might occaſionally bind himſelf by

oaths and treaties, his confcience, obfequious to his intereft, always

releafed him from the inconvenient obligation " .

If his two competitors,

reconciled by their common danger, had towards.
Niger ;
advanced upon him without delay, perhaps Severus would have

42 Reckoning from his election, April 13 , 193, to the death of Albinus, February
19, 197. See Tillemont's Chronology.. 43 Herodian, 1. ii. p. 85.

funk.
144 THE DECLINE AND FALL

CAP. funk under their united effort. Had they even attacked him, at
V.
the fame time, with feparate views and feparate armies, the conteſt
might have been long and doubtful. But they fell, fingly and fuc-
cellively, an eafy prey to the arts as well as arms of their fubtle

enemy, lulled into fecurity by the moderation of his profeffions, and

overwhelmed by the rapidity of his action. He first marched

againſt Niger, whofe reputation and power he the moft dreaded

but he declined any hoftile declarations, fuppreffed the name of his

antagoniſt, and only fignified to the fenate and people, his intention

of regulating the eaſtern provinces. In private he fpoke of Niger,

his old friend and intended fucceffor , with the moſt affectionate

regard, and highly applauded his generous defign of revenging

the murder of Pertinax. To punish the vile ufurper of the throne,

was the duty of every Roman general. To perfevere in arms , and

to refift a lawful emperor, acknowledged by the fenate , would

alone render him criminal ". The fons of Niger had fallen into
his hands among the children of the provincial governors, detained

at Rome as pledges for the loyalty of their parents ". As long

as the power of Niger infpired terror, or even reſpect, they were
educated with the moft tender care, with the children of Severus
himfelf ; but they were foon involved in their father's ruin, and
removed, firft by exile, and afterwards by death, from the eye of

public compaffion " .

towards Whilft Severus was engaged in his eaftern war, he had reaſon to
Albinus.
apprehend that the governor of Britain might pafs the fea and

44 Whilft Severus was very dangerouſly ill ,
it was induftrioufly given out, that he intend-
ed to appoint Niger and Albinus his fuccef-
fors . As he could not be fincere with refpect
to both, he might not be fo with regard to
either. Yet Severus carried his hypocrify fo
far, as to profefs that intention in the me-
moirs of his own life.
45 Hift. Auguft. p. 65 .
46 This practice, invented by Commodus,
proved very useful to Severus. He found, at
Rome, the children of many of the principal
adherents of his rivals ; and he employed them
more than once to intimidate, or feduce, the
parents.
47 Herodian, 1. iii. p . 96. Hift. Auguſt.
p. 67, 68.
the
 OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 145

the Alps, occupy the vacant feat of empire, and oppofe his return CHAP.
V.
with the authority of the fenate and the forces of the weft. The
ambiguous conduct of Albinus, in not affuming the Imperial title,

left room for negotiation. Forgetting, at once, his profeffions of

patriotiſm, and the jealouſy of fovereign power, he accepted the

precarious rank of Cæfar, as a reward for his fatal neutrality.

Till the first conteft was decided, Severus treated the man, whom

he had doomed to deftruction, with every mark of eſteem and re-

gard. Even in the letter, in which he announced his victory over

Niger, he ftyles Albinus the brother of his foul and empire, fends

him the affectionate falutations of his wife Julia , and his young

family, and intreats him to preferve the armies and the republic
faithful to their common intereſt. The meffengers charged with

this letter, were inftructed to accoft the Cæfar with refpect, to de-
fire a private audience, and to plunge their daggers into his
heart 48. The confpiracy was difcovered, and the too credulous

Albinus, at length, paſſed over to the continent, and prepared for an

unequal conteft with his rival, who rufhed upon him atthe head of a

veteran and victorious army.

The military labours of Severus feem inadequate to the import- Event of the
civil war s,
ance of his conquefts. Two engagements, the one near the Hellef-
pont, the other in the narrow defiles of Cilicia, decided the fate

of his Syrian competitor ; and the troops of Europe afferted their

ufual afcendant over the effeminate natives of Afia 49.
The battle
So
of Lyons, where one hundred and fifty thouſand Romans were

engaged, was equally fatal to Albinus. The valour of the Britiſh

army maintained, indeed, a fharp and doubtful conteft, with the

hardy diſcipline of the Illyrian legions. The fame and perſon of

45 Hift. Auguft. p. 84. Spartianus has in- and the feventy-fourth book of Dion Caf-
ferted this curious letter at full length. fius.
49 Confult the third book of Herodian, so Dion, 1. lxxv. p. 1260 .

VOL. I. U Severus
146 THE DECLINE AND FALË

CHA P. Severus appeared, during a few moments, irrecoverably loft, till that
V.
warlike prince rallied his fainting troops, and led them on to a deci-

five victory ". The war was finiſhed by that memorable day.
decided by
one or two The civil wars of modern Europe have been diſtinguiſhed , not
battles.
only by the fierce animofity, but likewife by the obftinate perfeve-

rance, of the contending factions. They have generally been juf-

tified by ſome principle, or, at leaſt, coloured by fome pretext, of

religion, freedom, or loyalty. The leaders were nobles of inde-

pendent property and hereditary influence. The troops fought like

men intereſted in the deciſion of the quarrel ; and as military ſpirit

and party zeal were ftrongly diffuſed throughout the whole com-

munity, a vanquished chief was immediately ſupplied with new

adherents, eager to fhed their blood in the fame caufe. But the

Romans, after the fall of the republic, combated only for the

choice of maſters. Under the ftandard of a popular candidate for

empire, a few enlifted from affection, fome from fear, many from

intereft, none from principle. The legions, uninflamed by party

zeal, were allured into civil war by liberal donatives, and ftill

more liberal promiſes. A defeat, by diſabling the chief from the

performance of his engagements, diffolved the mercenary allegi-

ance of his followers ; and left them to confult their own fafety, by

a timely deſertion of an unſucceſsful caufe. It was of little moment

to the provinces , under whoſe name they were oppreffed or governed ;

they were driven by the impulfion of the prefent power, and as

foon as that power yielded to a fuperior force, they haftened to

implore the clemency of the conqueror, who, as he had an im-

menfe debt to diſcharge, was obliged to facrifice the moft guilty

countries to the avarice of his foldiers. In the vaft extent of the

51 Dion, 1. lxxv. p. 1261. Herodian , 1. iii. four leagues from Lyons. See Tillemont,
P. 110 . Hift. Auguft. p . 68. The battle tom. iii. p. 406. Note 18.
was fought in the plain of Trevoux, three or

Roman
 OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 147

CHAP.
Roman empire, there were few fortified cities capable of protecting a V.
routed army ; nor was there any perſon, or family, or order of men,
whoſe natural intereft, unfupported by the powers of government,

was capable of reſtoring the cauſe of a ſinking party ".

Yet, in the conteft between Niger and Severus, a ſingle city deſerves Siege of
Byzantium.
an honourable exception. As Byzantium was one of the greateſt

paffages from Europe into Afia, it had been provided with a ſtrong

garriſon, and a fleet of five hundred veffels was anchored in the

53
harbour ". The impetuofity of Severus diſappointed this prudent
) ſcheme of defence ; he left to his generals the fiege of Byzantium,

forced the lefs guarded paffage of the Hellefpont, and, impatient of

a meaner enemy, preffed forward to encounter his rival. Byzantium,

attacked by a numerous and increaſing army, and afterwards by the

whole naval power of the empire, ſuſtained a ſiege of three years,

and remained faithful to the name and memory of Niger. The citi-

zens and foldiers (we know not from what cauſe) were animated with

equal fury ; feveral of the principal officers of Niger, who defpaired

of, or who difdained, a pardon, had thrown themſelves into this laſt

refuge : the fortifications were eſteemed impregnable, and , in the de-

fence of the place, a celebrated engineer difplayed all the mechanic

powers known to the ancients 54. Byzantium, at length, furrendered

to famine. The magiſtrates and foldiers were put to the ſword, the

walls demoliſhed, the privileges fuppreffed, and the deſtined capital

of the eaſt fubfifted only as an open village, fubject to the infulting

jurifdiction of Perinthus. The hiftorian Dion, who had admired

the flouriſhing, and lamented the defolate, ftate of Byzantium, ac-

52 Montefquieu, Confiderations far laGran- kill faved his life, and he was taken into the
deur et la Decadence des Romains , c. xii. fervice of the conqueror. For the particular
33 Moft ofthefe, as may be ſuppoſed, were facts ofthe fiege confult Dion Caffius (1. lxxv.
fmall open veffels ; fome, however, were ga!- p. 1251. ) , and Herodian ( 1. iii. p . 95. ) : for
lies of two, and a few of three ranks of the theory of it, the fanciful chevalier de
Oars. Folard may be looked into. See Polybe,
54 The engineer's name was Prifcus . His tom. i. p. 76.
U 2 cufed
148 THE DECLINE AND FALL .

CHA P. cufed the revenge of Severus, for depriving the Roman people of
V.
the ſtrongeſt bulwark againſt the barbarians of Pontus and Afia ".

The truth of this obfervation was but too well juftified in the

fucceeding age, when the Gothic fleets covered the Euxine, and

paſſed through the undefended Bofphorus into the centre of the Me-
diterranean.

Deaths of Both Niger and Albinus were diſcovered and put to death in
Niger and
Albinus. their flight from the field of battle. Their fate excited neither
Cruel confe-
quences of furpriſe nor compaffion. They had ftaked their lives againſt the
the civil
wars chance of empire, and fuffered what they would have inflicted ;

nor did Severus claim the arrogant fuperiority of ſuffering his

rivals to live in a private ſtation. But his unforgiving temper, ſtimu-

lated by avarice, indulged a fpirit of revenge, where there was

no room for apprehenfion. The moſt confiderable of the pro-

vincials, who, without any diflike to the fortunate candidate, had

obeyed the governor under whofe authority they were accidentally

placed, were puniſhed by death, exile, and efpecially by the confif-

cation of their eftates. Many cities of the eaft were ftript of their

ancient honours, and obliged to pay, into the treafury of Severus ,

four times the amount of the fums contributed by them for the ſer-
56
vice of Niger 5.

Animofity of Till the final decifion of the war, the cruelty of Severus was, in:
Severus a-
gainst the fe- fome meaſure, reſtrained by the uncertainty of the event, and his.
nate.
pretended reverence for the fenate. The head of Albinus, accom-
panied with a menacing letter, announced to the Romans, that he:

was refolved to ſpare none of the adherents of his unfortunate com-

petitors. He was irritated by the juft fufpicion, that he had never

poffeffed the affections of the fenate, and he concealed his old male-

55 Notwithstanding the authority of Spar- zantium, many years after the death of Se-
tianus and fome modern Greeks, we may be verus, lay in ruins.
affured, from Dion and Herodian , that By- 56 Dion, 1. lxxiv . p . 1250 .

volence-
 OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 149

volence under the recent diſcovery of fome treaſonable correfpond- CHA P..
V.
ences. Thirty- five fenators, however, accuſed of having favoured

the party of Albinus, he freely pardoned ; and, by his ſubſequent

behaviour, endeavoured to convince them, that he had forgotten,

as well as forgiven , their fuppofed offences. But, at the ſame time,

he condemned forty-one " other fenators, whofe names hiftory has

recorded ; their wives, children, and clients, attended them in

death, and the nobleft provincials of Spain and Gaul were in-

volved in the fame ruin. Such rigid juſtice, for fo he termed it,

was, in the opinion of Severus, the only conduct capable of enfur-

ing peace to the people, or ſtability to the prince ; and he con--

defcended flightly to lament, that, to be mild, it was neceflary that

58.
he fhould firſt be cruel

The true intereſt of an abfolute monarch generally coincides with The wisdom
and juftice of
that of his people. Their numbers, their wealth, their order, and his govern
ment.
their fecurity, are the beſt and only foundations of his real greatneſs ;

and were he totally devoid of virtue, prudence might fupply its

place, and would dictate the fame rule of conduct . Severus con-

fidered the Roman empire as his property, and had no fooner fe-

cured the poffeffion , than he beſtowed his care on the cultivation

and improvement of fo valuable an acquifition. Salutary laws,.

executed with inflexible firmneſs , foon corrected moft of the abuſes

with which, fince the death of Marcus, every part of the govern-

ment had been infected. In the adminiftration of juſtice, the judg-

ments of the emperor were characterized by attention , diſcern-

ment, and impartiality ; and whenever he deviated from the ftrict line-

of equity, it was generally in favour of the poor and oppreffed ;

not fo much indeed from any ſenſe of humanity, as from the natural

57 Dion (1. lxxv . p. 1264. ) ; only 29 fe Herodian (1. iii. p. 115. ) fpeaks in general.
nators are mentioned by him, but 41 are of the cruelties of Severus.
named in the Auguftan Hiſtory, p . 69. among 58 Aurelius Victor..
whom were fix of the name of Pefcennius.

propenſity
150 THE DECLINE AND FALL

CHA
V. P. propenſity of a defpot, to humble the pride of greatneſs, and to fink
L all his fubjects to the fame common level of abfolute depend-
ence. His expenſive taſte for building, magnificent fhows, and
above all a conftant and liberal diftribution of corn and provifions,

were the fureft means of captivating the affection of the Roman

General 59
people " • The misfortunes of civil difcord were obliterated. The
peace and
profperity. calm of peace and proſperity was once more experienced in the pro-

vinces ; and many cities, reftored by the munificence of Severus,

affumed the title of his colonies , and attefted by public monuments

their gratitude and felicity . The fame of the Roman arms was

revived by that warlike and fucceſsful emperor ", and he boaſted

1 with a juſt pride, that , having received the empire oppreffed with

foreign and domeſtic wars , he left it eſtabliſhed in profound , univer-

fal, and honourable peace ".

Relaxation
Although the wounds of civil war appeared completely healed, its
of military
diſcipline. mortal poiſon ſtill lurked in the vitals of the conftitution . Severus

poffeffed a confiderable fhare of vigour and ability ; but the daring

foul of the first Cæfar, or the deep policy of Auguftus, were fcarcely

equal to the taſk of curbing the infolence of the victorious legions.

By gratitude, by mifguided policy, by feeming neceffity, Severus

63
was induced to relax the nerves of difcipline "
3. The vanity of his
foldiers was flattered with the honour of wearing gold rings ; their

cafe was indulged in the permiffion of living with their wives in the

59 Dion, 1. lxxvi . p. 1272. Hift. Auguft. lers Spon and Wheeler, Shaw, Pocock, & c.
p. 67. Severus celebrated the fecular games who, in Africa, Greece, and Aſia, have found
with extraordinary magnificence, and he left more monuments of Severus, than of any
in the public granaries a proviſion of corn for other Roman emperor whatſoever.
ſeven years, at the rate of 75,000 modii, or 61 He carried his victorious arms to Seleu-
about 2500 quarters per day. I am perfuad- cia and Ctesiphon, the capitals of the Par-
ed, that the granaries of Severus were fup- thian monarchy. I fhall have occafion to
plied for a long term, but I am not lefs per-
mention this war in its proper place .
fuaded, that policy on one hand, and admi-
ration on the other, magnified the hoard far 62 Etiam in Britannis , was his own juſt and
beyond its true contents. emphatic expreffion. Hift . Auguft. 73 .
60 See Spanheim's treatife of ancient me. 63 Herodian, 1. iii. p. 115. Hift. Auguft.
dals, the infcriptions, and our learned travel- p. 68.
idlenefs
 OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE.
151

illeneſs of quarters. He increaſed their pay beyond the example CHA

V. P
...
of former times, and taught them to expect, and foon to claim, ex-

traordinary donatives on every public occafion of danger or fef-

tivity. Elated by ſucceſs, enervated by luxury, and raiſed above

the level of ſubjects by their dangerous privileges , they foon be-

came incapable of military fatigue, oppreffive to the country, and

impatient of a juft fubordination. Their officers afferted the fupe-

riority of rank by a more profuſe and elegant luxury. There is

ftill extant a letter of Severus, lamenting the licentious ſtate of the

army, and exhorting one of his generals to begin the neceſſary re-
formation from the tribunes themſelves ; fince, as he juſtly obſerves,

the officer who has forfeited the efteem, will never command the
obedience, of his foldiers " . Had the emperor purſued the train of

reflection, he would have diſcovered, that the primary cauſe of this

general corruption might be aſcribed, not indeed to the example,

but to the pernicious indulgence, however, of the commander in

chief.

The Prætorians, who murdered their emperor and fold the em- New efta-
bliſhment of
pire, had received the juſt puniſhment of their treafon ; but the the Prætorian
guards.
neceffary, though dangerous, inftitution of guards, was foon re-
ftored on a new model by Severus, and increaſed to four times the
•
ancient number " . Formerly theſe troops had been recruited in

Italy ; and as the adjacent provinces gradually imbibed the ſofter

manners of Rome, the levies were extended to Macedonia, Noricum ,

and Spain. In the room of theſe elegant troops, better adapted to

the pomp of courts than to the uſes of war, it was eſtabliſhed by

Severus, that from all the legions of the frontiers, the ſoldiers moſt

diſtinguiſhed for ftrength, valour, and fidelity, ſhould be occaſionally

64
Upon the infolence and privileges ofthe
foldiers, the 16th fatire, falfely afcribed to
Juvenal, may be confulted ; the style and cir-
cumftances of it would induce me to believe,
that it was compofed under the reign of Se
verus, or that of his fon.
65. Hift. Auguft . p. 73 .
66 Herodian, 1. iii . p . 131 .
draughted ;
 THE DECLINE AND FALL
152

CHA P. draughted ; and promoted, as an honour and reward, into the more
V.
eligible fervice of the guards " . By this new inftitution , the Italian

youth were diverted from the exerciſe of arms, and the capital was

terrified by the ſtrange aſpect and manners of a multitude of bar-

barians. But Severus flattered himſelf, that the legions would con-

fider theſe chofen Prætorians as the repreſentatives of the whole mi-

litary order ; and that the preſent aid of fifty thouſand men, fuperior

in arms and appointments to any force that could be brought into.

the field againſt them , would for ever cruſh the hopes of rebellion,
and fecure the empire to himſelf and his pofterity.
The office of
Prætorian The command of theſe favoured and formidable troops foon be-
Præfect .
came the firft office of the empire. As the government degene-

rated into military defpotiſm , the Prætorian Præfect , who in his origin

had been a fimple captain of the guards, was placed , not only at the

head of the army, but of the finances, and even of the law. In
every department of adminiftration, he reprefented the perfon,

and exerciſed the authority, of the emperor. The firſt Præfect who

enjoyed and abuſed this immenſe power was Plautianus, the favour-
ite miniſter of Severus. His reign lafted above ten years, till the

marriage of his daughter with the eldeſt ſon of the emperor, which

ſeemed to affure his fortune, proved the occafion of his ruin . The

animofities of the palace, by irritating the ambition and alarming

the fears of Plautianus, threatened to produce a revolution, · and

obliged the emperor, who ftill loved him , to confent with reluctance
to his death 69. After the fall of Plautianus, an eminent lawyer,

eunuchs worthy of an Eaftern queen . Dion,

67 Dion, 1. lxxiv . p. 1243.
* One of his moſt daring and wanton acts
of power, was the caftration of an hundred
free Romans, fome of them married men, and
even fathers of families ; merely that his
daughter, on her marriage with the young
emperor, might be attended by a train of
1. lxxvi . p. 1271 .
69 Dion, 1. lxxvi. p. 1274. Herodian,
1. iii . p. 122. 129. The grammarian of A-
lexandria feems, as it is not unufual, much
better acquainted with this myfterious tranf-
action, and more affured of the guilt of Plau-
tianus, than the Roman fenator ventures to be.

5 the
 OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 153

the celebrated Papinian, was appointed to execute the motley office CHA
V. P.
of Prætorian Præfect.

Till the reign of Severus, the virtue and even the good fenfe of The fenate
oppreffed by
the emperors had been diftinguished by their zeal or affected reve- military del-
potifm .
rence for the fenate, and by a tender regard to the nice frame of civil

policy inftituted by Auguftus. But the youth of Severus had been

trained in the implicit obedience of camps, and his riper years ſpent

in the defpotiſm of military command. His haughty and inflexible

fpirit could not difcover, or would not acknowledge, the advantage

of preſerving an intermediate power, however imaginary, between

the emperor and the army.
and the He disdained to profeſs himſelf the

fervant of an affembly that detefted his perfon and trembled at

his frown ; he iffued his commands, where his requeſt would have

proved as effectual ; affumed the conduct and ſtyle of a fovereign

and a conqueror, and exerciſed, without diſguiſe, the whole legiſlative

as well as the executive power.

The victory over the ſenate was eaſy and inglorious. Every eye New maxims
of the Impe-
and every paſſion were directed to the fupreme magiftrate, who pof- rial preroga-
feffed the arms and treaſure of the ftate ; whilft the fenate, neither tive.

elected by the people, nor guarded by military force, nor ani-

mated by public fpirit, refted its declining authority on the frail and

crumbling baſis of ancient opinion . The fine theory of a repub-

lic infenfibly vaniſhed, and made way for the more natural and ſub-

ftantial feelings of monarchy. As the freedom and honours of Rome

were fucceffively communicated to the provinces, in which the old

government had been either unknown , or was remembered with

abhorrence, the tradition of republican maxims was gradually obli-

terated. The Greek hiftorians of the age of the Antonines " ob-

ſerve, with a malicious pleaſure, that although the fovereign of Rome,

in compliance with an obfolete prejudice, abftained from the name

70 Appian in Proem .

VOL. I. X of
 THE DECLINE AND FALL.
154

In the reign
CHA P. of king, he poffeffed the full meaſure of regal power.
V.
of Severus, the fenate was filled with poliſhed and eloquent flaves

from the eaſtern provinces, who juftified perfonal flattery by fpe-

culative principles of fervitude. Theſe new advocates of prerogative.

were heard with pleaſure by the court, and with patience by the

people, when they inculcated the duty of paffive obedience , and

defcanted on the inevitable miſchiefs of freedom. The lawyers and

the hiſtorians concurred in teaching , that the Imperial authority was

held, not by the delegated commiffion, but by the irrevocable refig-

nation of the ſenate ; that the emperor was freed from the reſtraint

of civil laws, could command by his arbitrary will the lives and for-

tunes of his ſubjects, and might diſpoſe of the empire as of his pri-

vate patrimony ". The moſt eminent of the civil lawyers , and par-

ticularly Papinian, Paulus, and Ulpian, flouriſhed under the houſe-

of Severus ; and the Roman jurifprudence having cloſely united

itſelf with the ſyſtem of monarchy, was fuppofed to have attained its
full maturity and perfection ..
The contemporaries of Severus, in the enjoyment of the peace and

glory of his reign, forgave the cruelties by which it had been intro-

duced. Pofterity, who experienced the fatal effects of his maxims

and example, juſtly confidered him as the principal author of the

decline of the Roman empire.

" Dion Caffius feems to have written with fhew how affiduoufly the lawyers , on their
no other view, than to form thefe opinions fide, laboured in the cauſe of prerogative ,
into an hiſtorical fyftem. The Pandects will
 OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE.
155

CHAP. VI.

The Death of Severus .-Tyranny of Caracalla. - Ufurpa-

tion of Macrinus.- Follies of Elagabalus. -Virtues of

Alexander Severus. —Licentiouſneſs of the Army - Ge-

neral State ofthe Roman Finances.

HE afcent to greatnefs, however fteep and dangerous , may CHAP.

THE VI.
entertain an active ſpirit with the conſciouſneſs and exerciſe
Greatness
of its own powers ; but the poffeffion of a throne could never yet and difcon-
afford a laſting fatisfaction to an ambitious mind. This melan- tent of Seve-
rus.
choly truth was felt and acknowledged by Severus. Fortune and
merit had, from an humble ſtation , elevated him to the firſt place
among mankind. " He had been all things, as he ſaid himſelf, and
" all was of little value ' ." Diſtracted with the care, not of ac-
1
quiring, but of preferving an empire, oppreffed with age and in- D
firmities, careleſs of fame ', and fatiated with power, all his pro-

ſpects of life were cloſed. The defire of perpetuating the greatneſs

of his family, was the only remaining wiſh of his ambition and
paternal tenderneſs.

Like most of the Africans, Severus was paffionately addicted to His wife the
emprefs Ju-
the vain ſtudies of magic and divination , deeply verſed in the inter-

pretation of dreams and omens, and perfectly acquainted with the

fcience of judicial aftrology ; which, in almoft every age, except the
prefent, has maintained its dominion over the mind of man. He

Hift. Auguft. p. 71. " Omnia fui et 2 Dion Caffius, 1. lxxvi. p. 1284.
nihil expedit. "

X 2 had
 THE DECLINE AND FALL
156

CHAP. had loft his firſt wife, whilſt he was governor of the Lionneſe Gaul³.
VI.
In the choice of a fecond, he fought only to connect himſelf with

fome favourite of fortune ; and as foon as he had diſcovered that a

young lady of Emefa in Syria had a royal nativity, he folicited, and

obtained her hand . Julia Domna (for that was her name) deſerved-

all that the ſtars could promiſe her. She poffeffed , even in an ad-

vanced age, the attractions of beauty , and united to a lively ima-

gination, a firmneſs of mind, and ftrength of judgment, feldom

beſtowed on her fex. Her amiable qualities never made any deep

impreffion on the dark and jealous temper of her huſband ; but in her

fon's reign, ſhe adminiſtered the principal affairs of the empire, with

a prudence, that ſupported his authority ; and with a moderation ,

that fometimes corrected his wild extravagancies . Julia applied

herſelf to letters and philofophy, with fome fuccefs, and with the

moft fplendid reputation. She was the patronefs of every art, and

the friend of every man of genius '. The grateful flattery of the
learned has celebrated her virtues ; but, if we may credit the fcandal

of ancient hiſtory, chaſtity was very far from being the moft con-

fpicuous virtue of the emprefs JuliaⓇ.

Their two Two fons, Caracalla ' and Geta, were the fruit of this marriage,
fons, Cara-
calla and Ge- and the deftined heirs of the empire. The fond hopes of the father,
ta.
3 About the year 186 , M. de Tillemont is
miferably embarraſſed with a paffage of Dion ,
in which the emprefs Fauftina, who died in
the year 175 , is introduced as having contri-
buted to the marriage of Severus and Julia
(1. lxxiv . p . 1243. ) . The learned compiler
forgot, that Dion is relating, not a real fact,
but a dream of Severus ; and dreams are cir-
cumfcribed to no limits oftime or fpace. Did
M. de Tillemont imagine that marriages were
confummated in the temple of Venus at Rome ?
Hift . des Empereurs, tom . iii. p. 38. Note 6.
+ Hift. Auguft . p. 65.
Hift. Auguft. p. 85.
• Dion Caffius, 1. lxxvii . p. 1304. 1314.
7 See a Differtation of Menage, at the end
of his edition of Diogenes Laertius, de Fœ-
minis Philoſophis .
8
Dion, 1. lxxvi. p. 1285. Aurelius Vic-
tor.
9 Baffianus was his first name, as it had been
that of his maternal grandfather. During his
reign he affumed the appellation of Antoni-
nus, which is employed by lawyers and an-
cient hiftorians. After his death, the public
indignation loaded him with the nick-names
of Tarantus and Caracalla . The first was
borrowed from a celebrated Gladiator, the
fecond from along Gallic gown which he dif-
tributed to the people of Rome.
and
 OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 157

and of the Roman world, were foon difappointed by theſe vain CHA P.
VI.
youths, who diſplayed the indolent fecurity of hereditary princes ;

and a preſumption that fortune would fupply the place of merit and

application. Without any emulation of virtue or talents, they dif-

covered, almoſt from their infancy, a fixed and implacable antipathy

for each other. Their mutual

Their averfion , confirmed by years, and fomented averfio n to
by the arts of their intereſted favourites, broke out in childish, and each other.
gradually in more ferious, competitions ; and at length divided the

theatre, the circus, and the court, into two factions ; actuated by
the hopes and fears of their reſpective leaders. The prudent em--
peror endeavoured, by every expedient of advice and authority, to
allay this growing animofity. The unhappy difcord of his fons
|
clouded all his profpects, and threatened to overturn a throne raiſed
with fo much labour, cemented with fo much blood, and guarded
with every defence of arms and treaſure. With an impartial hand

he maintained between them an exact balance of favour, conferred

on both the rank of Auguftus, with the revered name of Antoninus ;

and for the firſt time the Roman world beheld three emperors " . Yet Three em

even this equal conduct ferved only to inflame the conteft, whilft the perors.

fierce Caracalla afferted the right of primogeniture, and the milder

Geta courted the affections of the people and the foldiers . 1

In the
anguifh of a diſappointed father, Severus foretold, that the weaker
of his fons would fall a facrifice to the ftronger ; who, in his turn , ',

would be ruined by his own vices ".

In theſe circumſtances the intelligence of a war in Britain, and of The Caledo

nian war.
an invafion of the province by the barbarians of the North, was re- A. D. 208.

ceived with pleaſure by Severus. Though the vigilance of his

lieutenants might have been fufficient to repel the diftant enemy,

10 The elevation of Caracalla is fixed by " Herodian , 1. iii. p. 130. The lives of
the accurate M. de Tillemont to the year 198 : Caracalla and Geta, in the Auguftan Hiſ-
the affociation of Geta to the year 208. tory.
he
 158 THE DECLINE AND FALL

СНАР . embrace the honourable pretext of withdrawing

he refolved to
VI.
his fons from the luxury of Rome , which enervated their minds

and irritated their paffions ; and of inuring their youth to the

toils of war and government. Notwithſtanding his advanced age

( for he was above three -fcore) , and his gout, which obliged him

to be carried in a litter, he tranfported himſelf in perfon into that

remote island, attended by his two fons, his whole court, and a

formidable army. He immediately paffed the walls of Hadrian and

Antoninus, and entered the enemy's country, with a deſign of com-

pleting the long attempted conqueft of Britain. He penetrated to

the northern extremity of the ifland, without meeting an enemy.

But the concealed ambufcades of the Caledonians, who hung unfeen

on the rear and flanks of his army, the coldnefs of the climate, and
the feverity of a winter march acrofs the hills and moraffes of Scot-

land, are reported to have coft the Romans above fifty thouſand
men. The Caledonians at length yielded to the powerful and ob-

ftinate attack, fued for peace, and furrendered a part of their arms,
and a large tract of territory. But their apparent fubmiffion lafted

no longer than the prefent terror. As foon as the Roman legions

had retired, they refumed their hoftile independence. Their reftleſs

ſpirit provoked Severus to fend a new army into Caledonia, with the

moſt bloody orders, not to fubdue but to extirpate the natives. They

were faved by the death of their haughty enemy ".

Fingal and This Caledonian war, neither marked by decifive events, nor at-
his heroes .
tended with any important confequences, would ill deferve our at-

tention ; but it is ſuppoſed, not without a confiderable degree of

probability, that the invaſion of Severus is connected with the moſt

fhining period of the Britiſh hiſtory or fable. Fingal, whofe fame,

with that of his heroes and bards, has been revived in our language

by a recent publication , is ſaid to have commanded the Caledonians in

." Dion, 1. lxxvi. p. 1280, &c. Herodian , 1. iii . p . 132 , &c.

that
 OF THE OMAN
ROMAN EMPIRE. 159

that memorable juncture, to have eluded the power of Severus, and CHA
VI. P.
to have obtained a ſignal victory on the banks of the Carun , in which

the fon of the King of the World, Caracul, fled from his arms along
13
the fields of his pride "3. Something of a doubtful mift ftill hangs

over theſe Highland traditions ; nor can it be entirely difpelled by

the moſt ingenious reſearches of modern criticiſm : but if we could, Contraft of

the Caledo-
with fafety, indulge the pleaſing fuppofition , that Fingal lived, and nians and the
Romans.
that Offian fung, the ftriking contraft of the fituation and manners

of the contending nations might amuſe a philofophic mind. The

parallel would be little to the advantage of the more civilized people,

if we compared the unrelenting revenge of Severus with the gene-

rous clemency of Fingal ; the timid and brutal cruelty of Caracalla, H

with the bravery, the tenderneſs, the elegant genius of Offian ; the
mercenary chiefs who, from motives of fear or intereft, ferved under

the Imperial ftandard, with the freeborn warriors who ſtarted to

arms at the voice of the king of Morven ; if, in a word, we con-

templated the untutored Caledonians, glowing with the warm virtues

of nature, and the degenerate Romans, polluted with the mean vices
of wealth and flavery..

The declining health and laft illneſs of Severus inflamed the wild Ambition of
Caracalla.
ambition and black paffions of Caracalla's foul. Impatient of any

delay or divifion of empire, he attempted, more than once, to

fhorten the fmall remainder of his father's days, and endeavoured,

but without fuccefs, to excite a mutiny among the troops " . The

14 Offian's Poems, vol. i . p . 175 . fcribe him by a nick-name, invented four .

14 That the Caracul of Offian is the Cara- years afterwards, fcarcely ufed by the Ro-
calla of the Roman Hiftory, is, perhaps, the mans til after the death of that emperor,
only point of British antiquity in which Mr. and feldom employed by the most ancient
Macpherſon and Mr. Whitaker are of the hiftorians See Dion, 1. lxxvii . p. 1317 .
fame opinion ; and yet the opinion is not Hift. Auguft . p. 89. Aurel . Victor. Eufeb.
without difficulty. In the Caledonian war, in Chron . ad ann . 214 .
the fon of Severus was known only by the 15 Dion, 1. lxxvi . p . 1282. Hift . Auguft.
appellation of Antoninus ; and it may ſeem P. 71. Aurel. Victor.
frange, that the Highland bard ſhould de-
old
160 THE DECLINE AND FALL

• CHAP. old emperor had often cenfured the mifguided lenity of Marcus,
VI.
who, by a fingle act of juftice, might have faved the Romans from
the tyranny of his worthlefs fon. Placed in the fame fituation , he

experienced how cafily the rigour of a judge diffolves away in the

tenderness of a parent. He deliberated , he threatened, but he could

not puniſh ; and this laft and only inftance of mercy, was more fa-

Death of Se
us , and tal to the empire than a long feries of cruelty ". The diſorder of
ver
acceffion of
his mind irritated the pains of his body ; he wished impatiently for
his two fons.
A. D. 211 . death, and haftened the inftant of it by his impatience. He ex-
4thFebruary.
pired at York in the fixty-fifth year of his life, and in the eighteenth
of a glorious and fuccefsful reign. In his laft moments he recom-
mended concord to his fons, and his fons to the army. The falu-

tary advice never reached the heart, or even the underſtanding, of

the impetuous youths ; but the more obedient troops, mindful of

their oath of allegiance, and of the authority of their deceaſed mafter,

reſiſted the folicitations of Caracalla, and proclaimed both brothers

emperors of Rome. The new princes foon left the Caledonians in

peace, returned to the capital , celebrated their father's funeral with

divine honours, and were cheerfully acknowledged as lawful fove-

reigns, by the fenate, the people, and the provinces. Some pre-

eminence of rank feems to have been allowed to the elder brother ;

but they both adminiſtered the empire with equal and independent

power ".

Jealouſy and Such a divided form of government would have proved a fource
hatred of the of difcord between the most affectionate brothers. It was impoffible
two empe-
rors.
that it could long fubfift between two implacable enemies, who
neither defired nor could truft a reconciliation. It was vifible that

one only could reign, and that the other muſt fall ; and each of them

judging of his rival's defigns by his own, guarded his life with the

16 Dion , 1. lxxvi. p. 1283. Hift. Auguft. 17 Dion, 1. lxxvi. p. 1284. Herodian , I.

p. 89. iii. p. 135 .

7 moft
 OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 161

moſt jealous vigilance from the repeated attacks of poifon or the CHA
VI. P.
fword. Their rapid journey through Gaul and Italy, during which

they never eat at the ſame table, or flept in the ſame houſe, dif-

played to the provinces the odious fpectacle of fraternal diſcord.

On their arrival at Rome, they immediately divided the vaft ex-

tent of the Imperial palace ". No communication was allowed

between their apartments ; the doors and paffages were diligently

fortified, and guards pofted and relieved with the fame ftrictneſs as

in a befieged place. The emperors met only in public, in the pre-

fence of their afflicted mother ; and each furrounded by a numerous

train of armed followers. Even on thefe occafions of ceremony,

the diffimulation of courts could ill diſguiſe the rancour of their

hearts " .

This latent civil war already diftrated the whole government, Fruitless ne-
gociation for
when a ſcheme was ſuggeſted that ſeemed of mutual benefit to the dividing the
empire be-
hoftile brothers. It was propofed, that fince it was impoffible to tween them.

reconcile their minds, they ſhould ſeparate their intereft, and divide

the empire between them. The conditions of the treaty were al-

ready drawn with fome accuracy. It was agreed, that Caracalla, as the

elder brother, ſhould remain in poffeffion of Europe and the weftern

18 Mr. Hume is juſtly ſurpriſed at a paffage inhabited the gardens of Macenas on the
of Herodian ( 1. iv. p. 139. ) , who, on this Efqueline, the rival brothers were feparated
occafion, reprefents the Imperial palace, as from each other by the distance of ſeveral
equal in extent to the rest of Rome. The miles ; and yet the intermediate fpace was
whole region of the Palatine Mount on which filled by the Imperial gardens of Salluft, of
it was built, occupied , at moft, a circum- Lucullus, of Agrippa, ofDomitian, of Caius,
ference of eleven or twelve thoufand feet &c. all ſkirting round the city, and all con-
(See the Notitia and Victor, in Nardini's nected with each other, and with the palace,
Roma Antica) . But we should recollect that by bridges thrown over the Tiber and the
the opulent fenators had almoſt furrounded streets. But this explanation of Herodian
the city with their extenfive gardens and fub- would require, though it ill deferves, a par-
urb palaces, the greatest part of which had ticular differtation , illuftrated by a map of
been gradually confifcated by the emperors. ancient Rome.
if Geta refided in the gardens that bore his 19 Herodian , 1. iv. p. 139.
name on the Janiculum ; and if Caracalla

VOL. I. Y Africa ;
 162 THE DECLINE AND FALL

CHA
VI. P. Africa ; and that he ſhould relinquish the fovereignty of Aſia and
Egypt to Geta, who might fix his refidence at Alexandria or Anti-

och, cities little inferior to Rome itſelf in wealth and greatneſs ;

that numerous armies fhould be conftantly encamped on either fide

of the Thracian Bofphorus, to guard the frontiers of the rival

monarchies ; and that the fenators of European extraction ſhould ac-

knowledge the fovereign of Rome, whilſt the natives of Afia fol-

lowed the emperor of the Eaſt. The tears of the empress Julia

interrupted the negociation , the firft idea of which had filled every

Roman breaſt with ſurpriſe and indignation. The mighty maſs of

conqueft was fo intimately united by the hand of time and policy,

that it required the moft forcible violence to rend it aſunder. The

Romans had reafon to dread, that the disjointed members would foon

be reduced by a civil war under the dominion of one mafter ; but

if the feparation was permanent, the divifion of the provinces muft-

terminate in the diffolution of an empire whofe unity had hitherto

remained inviolate 20.
Murder of Had the treaty been carried into execution , the fovereign of Europe
Geta.
A D. 212 . might foon have been the conqueror of Afia ; but Caracalla obtained
27th Febru-
ary. an eaſier though a more guilty victory. He artfully liftened to his

mother's entreaties, and confented to meet his brother in her apart-

ment, on terms of peace and reconciliation . In the midſt of their

converfation, fome centurions who had contrived to conceal them-

felves, ruſhed with drawn fwords upon the unfortunate Geta. His

diſtracted mother ftrove to protect him in her arms ; but, in the un-

availing ftruggle, fhe was wounded in the hand, and covered with.

the blood of her younger fon , while fhe faw the elder animating and

affifting " the fury of the affaffins. As foon as the deed was per-

20 Herodian , 1. iv. p . 144 . boafted, he had flain his brother Geta. Dion ,
21 Caracalla confecrated , in the temple of 1. lxxvii . p. 1307.
Serapis, the fword, with which, as he

petrated,
 OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 163

CHAP.
petrated, Caracalla, with hafty ſteps, and horror in his countenance, VI.
ran towards the Prætorian camp as his only refuge, and threw him-

felf on the ground before the ftatues of the tutelar deities ". The

foldiers attempted to raiſe and comfort him. In broken and dif-

ordered words he informed them of his imminent danger and for-

tunate eſcape ; infinuating that he had prevented the deſigns of his

enemy, and declared his refolution to live and die with his faithful

troops. Geta had been the favourite of the foldiers ; but complaint

was uſeleſs, revenge was dangerous, and they ftill reverenced the fon
of Severus. Their diſcontent died away in idle murmurs, and

Caracalla foon convinced them of the juftice of his cauſe, by diftri-

buting in one laviſh donative the accumulated treafures of his father's

reign ". The real fentiments of the foldiers alone were of import-
1
ance to his power or fafety. Their declaration in his favour,

commanded the dutiful profeffions of the fenate. The obfequious

affembly was always prepared to ratify the decifion of fortune ;

but as Caracalla wiſhed to affuage the firſt emotions of public indig-

nation, the name of Geta was mentioned with decency, and he re-
ceived the funeral honours of a Roman emperor 24. Pofterity, in

pity to his misfortune, has caſt a veil over his vices. We confider

that young prince as the innocent victim of his brother's ambition,

without recollecting that he himſelf wanted power, rather than in-

clination, to confummate the fame attempts of revenge and murder.

The crime went not unpuniſhed. Remorfe and

Neither bufinefs, nor pleaſure,
cruelty of
nor flattery, could defend Caracalla from the ftings of a guilty con- Caracalla.

22 Herodian, 1. iv. p. 147. In every Ro-
man camp there was a ſmall chapel near the
head-quarters, in which the ftatues of the tu-
telar deities were preſerved and adored ; and
we may remark, that the eagles, and other
military enfigns, were in the firſt rank of thefe
deities : an excellent inſtitution, which con-
firmed difcipline by the fanction of religion .
Y 2
See Lipfius de Militia Romana, iv. 5. v. 2 .
23 Herodian, 1. iv. p. 148. Dion , 1. lxxvii.
p. 1289.
24 Geta was placed among the gods . Sit
divus, dum non fit vivus, faid his brother.
Hift. Auguft. p . 91. Some marks of Ge-
ta's confecration are ftill found upon me-
dals.
!
fcience ;
164 THE DECLINE AND FALL

CHA
VI. P. ſcience ; and he confeffed , in the anguiſh of a tortured mind, that
his difordered fancy often beheld the angry forms of his father
25
and his brother rifing into life, to threaten and upbraid him ".
The conſciouſneſs of his crime ſhould have induced him to convince

mankind, by the virtues of his reign, that the bloody deed had been

the involuntary effect of fatal neceffity. But the repentance of Cara-

calla only prompted him to remove from the world whatever could

remind him of his guilt, or recal the memory of his murdered bro-

ther. On his return from the fenate to the palace, he found his

mother in the company of ſeveral noble matrons, weeping over the

untimely fate of her younger fon. The jealous emperor threatened

them with inſtant death ; the ſentence was executed againſt Fadilla,

the laſt remaining daughter of the emperor Marcus ; and even the

afflicted Julia was obliged to filence her lamentations, to ſuppreſs

her fighs, and to receive the affaffin with fmiles of joy and appro-

bation. It was computed that, under the vague appellation of the

friends of Geta, above twenty thouſand perſons of both ſexes fuf-

fered death. His guards and freedmen , the miniſters of his ſerious

buſineſs, and the companions of his loofer hours, thoſe who by

his intereft had been promoted to any commands in the army or

provinces, with the long- connected chain of their dependants, were

included in the profcription ; which endeavoured to reach every one

who had maintained the fmalleft correfpondence with Geta, who

lamented his death, or who even mentioned his name ". Helvius

Pertinax, fon to the prince of that name, loft his life by an unfeaſon-
able witticifm 27. It was a fufficient crime of Thrafea Prifcus, to

25 Dion , 1. lxxvii. p. 1307 . 27 Caracalla had affumed the names of

26 Dion , 1. lxxvii . p. 1290. Herodian ,
1. iv . p . 150. Dion (p. 1298. ) ſays, that the
comic poets no longer durft employ the name
of Geta in their plays, and that the eftates of
thofe who mentioned it in their teftaments,
were confifcated .
feveral conquered nations ; Pertinax ob-
ferved, that the name of Geticus (he had
obtained fome advantage of the Goths or
Geta) would be a proper addition to Par-
thicus, Alemannicus , & c. Hift . Auguft.
p . 89.
be
 OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 165

be deſcended from a family in which the love of liberty ſeemed an CHA

VI. P.
hereditary quality . The particular cauſes of calumny and ſuſpi-
cion were at length exhaufted ; and when a fenator was accuſed of .

being a fecret enemy to the government, the emperor was ſatisfied

with the general proof that he was a man of property and virtue.

From this well- grounded principle he frequently drew the moſt

bloody inferences.

The execution of fo many innocent citizens was bewailed by the Death of Pa-
pinian .
fecret tears of their friends and families. The death of Papinian,
the Prætorian præfect, was lamented as a public calamity. During

the laſt ſeven years of Severus, he had exerciſed the moſt important
offices of the ftate, and, by his falutary influence, guided the empe-

ror's ſteps in the paths of juſtice and moderation. In full affurance

of his virtue and abilities, Severus, on his death -bed, had conjured him

to watch over the profperity and union of the Imperial family ". The
honeft labours of Papinian ferved only to inflame the hatred which

Caracalla had already conceived againſt his father's miniſter. After

the murder of Geta, the Præfect was commanded to exert the powers .

of his ſkill and eloquence in a ſtudied apology for that atrocious

deed. The philofophic Seneca had condefcended to compofe a fimi-

lar epiſtle to the ſenate, in the name of the ſon and affaffin of Agrip-
30
pina " ; " That it was eaſier to commit than to juſtify a parricide,"

was the glorious reply of Papinian ", who did not heſitate between

the lofs of life and that of honour. Such intrepid virtue, which

had escaped pure and unfullied from the intrigues of courts, the

habits of buſineſs, and the arts of his profeffion , reflects more luftre
on the memory of Papinian, than all his great employments, his

28 Dion, 1. lxxvii . p. 1291. He was pro-
bably defcended from Helvidius Prifcus, and
Thrafea Pætus, thofe patriots whofe firm ,
but ufelefs and unfeaſonable virtue, has been
immortalized by Tacitus.
29 It is faid that Papinian was himſelf a
relation of the emprefs Julia.
30 Tacit. Annal. xiv. ii .
3. Hift. Auguft. p. 88..
numerous
166 THE DECLINE AND FALL

CHA
VI. P. numerous writings , and the fuperior reputation as a lawyer, which
32
he has preſerved through every age of the Roman juriſprudence ³ .
His tyranny It had hitherto been the peculiar felicity of the Romans, and in
extended
over the the worst of times their confolation, that the virtue of the empe-
whole em-
pire. rors was active , and their vice indolent. Auguftus, Trajan, Ha-

drian , and Marcus, vifited their extenfive dominions in perfon, and

their progrefs was marked by acts of wiſdom and beneficence.

The tyranny of Tiberius, Nero, and Domitian, who refided almoſt

conftantly at Rome, or in the adjacent villas, was confined to the

fenatorial and equeftrian orders ". But Caracalla was the com-
mon enemy of mankind. He left the capital (and he never returned
A. D. 213. to it) about a year after the murder of Geta. The reſt of his reign

was ſpent in the feveral provinces of the empire, particularly thoſe

of the Eaſt, and every province was by turns the ſcene of his rapine

and cruelty. The fenators, compelled by fear to attend his capricious

motions, were obliged to provide daily entertainments at an immenfe

expence, which he abandoned with contempt to his guards ; and to

erect, in every city, magnificent palaces and theatres, which he ei-

ther difdained to vifit, or ordered to be immediately thrown down.

The most wealthy families were ruined by partial fines and confif-

cations, and the great body of his fubjects oppreſſed by ingenious

34
and aggravated taxes 3+. In the midst of peace, and upon the

flighteſt provocation , he iffued his commands, at Alexandria in

Egypt, for a general maffacre. From a fecure poft in the temple

of Serapis, he viewed and directed the flaughter of many thoufand

citizens, as well as ftrangers, without diftinguishing either the num-

ber or the crime of the fufferers ; fince, as he coolly informed the

32 With regard to Papinian, fee Hei- made a fhort journey into Greece. " Et
neccius's Hiftoria Juris Romani, 1. 330, laudatorum Principum ufus ex æquo quamvis
bc. procul agentibus . Sævi proximis ingruunt. "
38 Tiberius and Domitian never moved Tacit. Hift. iv. 75.
from the neighbourhood of Rome. Nero 34 Dion, 1. lxxvii . p. 1294.
I fenate,
 OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 167

fenate, all the Alexandrians, thofe who had periſhed and thoſe who CHA P.
VI.
had escaped, were alike guilty 35.
The wife inſtructions of Severus never made any lafting impref- Relaxation of

ſion on the mind of his fon , who, although not deſtitute of imagi- difcipline.

nation and eloquence, was equally devoid of judgment and huma-

nity ". One dangerous maxim, worthy of a tyrant, was remem-

bered and abuſed by Caracalla, " To fecure the affections of the.
" 37
army, and to eſteem the reſt of his fubjects as of little moment "."

But the liberality of the father had been reſtrained by prudence, and

his indulgence to the troops was tempered by firmneſs and autho-

rity. The careleſs profuſion of the ſon was the policy of one reign,.
and the inevitable ruin both of the army and of the empire. The

vigour of the foldiers, inſtead of being confirmed by the fevere dif→

cipline of camps, melted away in the luxury of cities. The excef-

five increaſe of their pay and donatives " exhauſted the ſtate to

enrich the military order, whoſe modeſty in peace, and ſervice in

war, is beſt ſecured by an honourable poverty. The demeanor of

Caracalla was haughty and full of pride ; but with the troops he
forgot even the proper dignity of his rank, encouraged their info-

35 Dion, 1. lxxvii . p. 1307. Herodian,
1. iv. p. 158. The former reprefents it as a .
cruel maffacre, the latter as a perfidious one
too. It ſeems probable, that the Alexan-
drians had irritated the tyrant by their rail-
leries, and perhaps by their tumults.
36 Dion, 1. lxxvii. p . 1296.
37 Dion, 1. lxxvi . p. 1284. Mr. Wotton
(Hift. of Rome, p. 330. ) fufpects that this
maxim was invented by Caracalla himſelf,
and attributed to his father.
38 Dion ( 1. lxxviii . p. 1343. ) informs us ,
that the extraordinary gifts of Caracalla to
the army amounted annually to feventy mil-
lions of drachmæ (about two millions three
hundred and fifty thousand pounds) There
is another paffage in Dion, concerning the
military pay, infinitely curious ; were it not.
obfcure, imperfect, and probably corrupt.
The beft fenfe feems to be, that the Prato-
rian guards received twelve hundred and
fifty drachmæ (forty pounds) a year ( Dion,.
1. lxxvii. p. 1307. ) . Under the reign of Au-
guftus, they were paid at the rate of two
drachmæ, or denarii, per day, 720 a year
(Tacit. Annal. i . 17. ) . Domitian , who in-
creafed the foldiers pay one fourth, muft
have raifed the Prætorians to 960 drachmæ
(Gronovius de Pecuniâ Veteri, l . iii . c. 2. ) ..
Thefe fucceffive augmentations ruined the
empire, for, with the foldiers pay, their nume.
bers too were increaſed. We have feen the
Prætorians alone increaſed from 10,000 to .
50,000 men.
lent:
168 THE DECLINE AND FALL

CHA familiarity, and, neglecting the effential duties of a general, af-

VI. P. lent
fected to imitate the dreſs and manners of a common foldier.

Murder of It was impoffible that fuch a character, and fuch a conduct as

Caracalla.
A. D. 217. that of Caracalla, could infpire either love or efteem ; but as long as
Sth March .
his vices were beneficial to the armies, he was fecure from the

danger of rebellion. A fecret confpiracy, provoked by his own jea-

loufy, was fatal to the tyrant. The Prætorian præfecture was di-
vided between two minifters. The military department was in-

truſted to Adventus, an experienced rather than an able ſoldier ; and

the civil affairs were tranfacted by Opilius Macrinus, who, by his

dexterity in buſineſs, had raiſed himſelf, with a fair character, to

that high office. But his favour varied with the caprice of the em-

peror, and his life might depend on the flighteft fufpicion, or the

moft cafual circumftance. Malice or fanaticifm had ſuggeſted to an

African, deeply ſkilled in the knowledge of futurity, a very dan-

gerous prediction , that . Macrinus and his fon were deſtined to reign

over the empire. The report was foon diffuſed through the pro-

vince ; and when the man was fent in chains to Rome, he ſtill

afferted, in the prefence of the Præfect of the city, the faith of his

prophecy. That magiftrate, who had received the moſt preffing

inftructions to inform himſelf of the fucceffors of Caracalla, imme-

diately communicated the examination of the African to the Impe-

rial court, which at that time refided in Syria. But, notwithſtand-

ing the diligence of the public meffengers, a friend of Macrinus

found means to apprize him of the approaching danger. The cm-

peror received the letters from Rome ; and as he was then engaged

in the conduct of a chariot race, he delivered them unopened to the

Prætorian Præfe &, dire&ing him to dispatch the ordinary affairs,

and to report the more important bufinefs that might be contained

in them . Macrinus read his fate, and refolved to prevent it. He

inflamed the difcontents of fome inferior officers, and employed the

hand
 OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 169

hand of Martialis, a defperate foldier, who had been refufed the CHA P.
VI.
rank of centurion. The devotion of Caracalla prompted him to

make a pilgrimage from Edeffa to the celebrated temple of the

Moon at Carrhæ. He was attended by a body of cavalry ; but

having ſtopped on the road for fome neceffary occafion, his guards

preferved a reſpectful diſtance, and Martialis approaching his perfon

under a pretence of duty, ftabbed him with a dagger. The bold

affaffin was inftantly killed by a Scythian archer of the Imperial

guard. Such was the end of a monſter whoſe life difgraced human

nature, and whoſe reign accuſed the patience of the Romans ". The

grateful foldiers forgot his vices, remembered only his partial libe-

rality, and obliged the ſenate to proſtitute their own dignity and that
of religion by granting him a place among the gods. Whilft he Imitation of
Alexander.
was upon earth, Alexander the Great was the only hero whom this

god deemed worthy his admiration. He affumed the name and en-

figns of Alexander, formed a Macedonian phalanx of guards, perſe-

cuted the diſciples of Ariſtotle, and diſplayed with a puerile enthuſi-

afm the only ſentiment by which he diſcovered any regard for virtue
or glory. We can eaſily conceive, that after the battle of Narva, and

the conqueft of Poland, Charles the Twelfth (though he ſtill wanted

the more elegant accompliſhments of the fon of Philip) might boaſt of

having rivalled his valour and magnanimity : but in no one action

of his life did Caracalla exprefs the fainteft reſemblance ofthe Mace-

donian hero, except in the murder of a great number of his own and
of his father's friends'

After the extinction of the houſe of Severus, the Roman world Election and
character of
remained three days without a mafter. The choice of the army (for Macrinus.

39 Dion, 1. lxxviii . p. 1312. Herodian, heim, de Ufu Numifmatum, Differtat. xii.

1. iv. p. 168 . Herodian ( 1. iv. p. 154. ) had ſeen very ridi-
40 The fondneſs of Caracalla for the name culous pictures, in which a figure was drawn,
and enfigns of Alexander, is ftill preferved with one fide of the face like Alexander, and
on the medals of that emperor. See Span- the other like Caracalla.

VOL. I. Ꮓ the
170 THE DECLINE AND FALL

CHAP.
VI. the authority of a diſtant and feeble fenate was little regarded) hung

in anxious ſuſpenſe ; as no candidate preſented himſelf whofe diftin-

guiſhed birth and merit could engage their attachment and unite
their fuffrages. The decifive weight of the Prætorian guards ele-

vated the hopes of their præfects , and theſe powerful minifters be-
gan to affert their legal claim to fill the vacancy of the Imperial
throne. Adventus, however, the fenior præfect , conſcious of his

age and infirmities, of his fmall reputation , and his fmaller abili-

ties, refigned the dangerous honour to the crafty ambition of his

colleague Macrinus, whofe well- diffembled grief removed all fuf-

picion of his being acceffary to his mafter's death " . The troops

neither loved nor esteemed his character. They caft their eyes

around in ſearch of a competitor, and at laſt yielded with reluctance

to his promiſes of unbounded liberality and indulgence. A fhort

A. D. 217. time after his acceffion, he conferred on his fon Diadumenianus , at
March 11.
the age of only ten years, the Imperial title and the popular name

of Antoninus. The beautiful figure of the youth, affifted by an

additional donative, for which the ceremony furniſhed a pretext,

might attract, it was hoped, the favour of the army, and fecure the
doubtful throne of Macrinus.

Difcontent The authority of the new fovereign had been ratified by the cheer-
of the fenate, ful fubmiffion of the fenate and provinces . They exulted in their

unexpected deliverance from a hated tyrant, and it ſeemed of little

confequence to examine into the virtues of the fucceffor of Caracalla.

But as foon as the firſt tranſports of joy and furpriſe had ſubſided,
they began to fcrutinize the merits of Macrinus with a critical feve-

rity, and to arraign the hafty choice of the army. It had hitherto
been confidered as a fundamental maxim of the conftitution, that the

emperor muſt be always chofen in the fenate, and the fovereign

power, no longer exerciſed by the whole body , was always delegated

Herodian, 1. iv. p. 169. Hift. Auguft. p. 94.

to
 OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 171

to one of its members. But Macrinus was not a fenator . The CHA P.
VI .
ſudden elevation of the Prætorian præfects betrayed the meannefs

of their origin ; and the equeftrian order was ftill in poffeffion of

that great office, which commanded with arbitrary ſway the lives and

fortunes of the fenate. A murmur of indignation was heard, that

a man whoſe obſcure " extraction had never been illuftrated by any

fignal ſervice, ſhould dare to inveſt himſelf with the purple, inſtead
of beſtowing it on fome diftinguiſhed fenator, equal in birth and
dignity to the ſplendour of the Imperial ſtation. As foon as the

character of Macrinus was furveyed by the ſharp eye of diſcontent,

fome vices, and many defects, were eaſily diſcovered. The choice

of his minifters was in many inſtances juftly cenfured, and the dif-

fatisfied people, with their uſual candour, accuſed at once his indolent
tameneſs and his exceffive ſeverity “.
His rafh ambition had climbed a height where it was difficult to andthearmy.

ftand with firmnefs, and impoffible to fall without inftant deftruc-

tion. Trained in the arts of courts and the forms of civil buſineſs,
he trembled in the prefence of the fierce and undifciplined multitude,

over whom he had affumed the command ; his military talents were

defpifed, and his perfonal courage fufpected ; a whiſper that circu-

lated in the camp, diſcloſed the fatal fecret of the conſpiracy againſt

42 Dion, 1. lxxxviii . p. 1350. Elagabalus
reproached his predeceffor, with daring to
feat himſelf on the throne ; though, as Præ-
torian Præfect, he could not have been ad-
mitted into the fenate after the voice of the
cryer had cleared the houſe. The perfonal
favour of Plautianus and Sejanus had broke
through the eſtabliſhed rule. They rofe in-
deed from the equeftrian order ; but they
preferved the præfecture with the rank of fe-
nator, and even with the conſulfhip.
43 He was a native of Cæfarea, in Numi-
dia, and began his fortune by ferving in the
houſehold of Plautian, from whofe ruin he
Z 2
narrowly escaped. His enemies afferted, that
he was born a flave, and had exerciſed ,
among other infamous profeffions, that of
Gladiator. The fashion of afperfing the
birth and condition of an adverfary, ſeems to
have lafted from the time of the Greek orators,
to the learned grammarians of the laſt age.
44 Both Dion and Herodian fpeak of the
virtues and vices of Macrinus, with candour
and impartiality ; but the author of his life,
in the Auguftan Hiftory, feems to have im-
plicitly copied fome of the venal writers, em-
ployed by Elagabalus, to blacken the memory
ofhis predeceffor.
the
172 THE DECLINE AND FALL

CHAP.
IV. the late emperor, aggravated the guilt of murder by the baſeneſs of
hypocrify, and heightened contempt by deteftation. To alienate the

foldiers, and to provoke inevitable ruin, the character of a re-

former was only wanting : and fuch was the peculiar hardſhip of his

fate, that Macrinus was compelled to exerciſe that invidious office.

The prodigality of Caracalla had left behind it a long train of ruin

and diſorder ; and if that worthlefs tyrant had been capable of reflect→

ing on the fure confequences of his own conduct, he would perhaps

have enjoyed the dark profpect of the diftrefs and calamities which

he bequeathed to his fucceffors.

Macrinus at- In the management of this neceſſary reformation , Macrinus pro-
tempts a re-
formation of ceeded with a cautious prudence, which would have reſtored health
the army .
and vigour to the Roman army, in an eaſy and almoſt imperceptible
manner. To the foldiers already engaged in the fervice, he was

conftrained to leave the dangerous privileges and extravagant pay

given by Caracalla ; but the new recruits were received on the more

moderate though liberal eſtabliſhment of Severus, and gradually

formed to modeſty and obedience 45. One fatal error deftroyed the

falutary effects of this judicious plan . The numerous army, af-

fembled in the Eaft by the late emperor, inſtead of being imme-

diately difperfed by Macrinus through the feveral provinces, was

fuffered to remain united in Syria, during the winter that followed

his elevation . In the luxurious idleneſs of their quarters, the troops

viewed their ſtrength and numbers, communicated their complaints,

and revolved in their minds the advantages of another revolution.

The veterans, inftead of being flattered by the advantageous diftinc-

tion, were alarmed by the firft fteps of the emperor, which they
confidered as the prefage of his future intentions. The recruits ,

45 Dion, 1. lxxxiii . p . 1336. The fenfe of by underſtanding the diftinction , not of vete-
the author is as clear as the intention of the rans and recruits, but of old and new legions.
emperor ; but M. Wotton has miſtaken both, Hiftory of Rome, p . 347.

with
 OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 173

with fullen reluctance, entered on a fervice, whofe labours were in- CHA P.
VI.
creaſed while its rewards were diminiſhed by a covetous and unwar-
like fovereign. The murmurs of the army fwelled with impunity

into feditious clamours ; and the partial mutinies betrayed a ſpirit

of difcontent and difaffection, that waited only for the flighteſt oc-

cafion to break out on every ſide into a general rebellion. To minds

thus difpofed, the occafion foon prefented itſelf.
The empress Julia had experienced all the viciffitudes of fortune. Death of the
emprefsJulia .
From an humble ftation fhe had been raiſed to greatnefs, only to Education,
pretenfions, H
taſte the ſuperior bitterneſs of an exalted rank. She was doomed and revolt of
Elagabalus,
to weep over the death of one of her fons, and over the life of the called at firft
Baffianus and
other. The cruel fate of Caracalla, though her good ſenſe muſt Antoninus ..

have long taught her to expect it, awakened the feelings of a mother

and of an emprefs. Notwithſtanding the reſpectful civility ex-

preffed by the ufurper towards the widow of Severus, the defcended

with a painful ftruggle into the condition of a ſubject, and foon

withdrew herſelf by a voluntary death from the anxious and humi-
liating dependence ". Julia Mæfa, her fifter, was ordered to leave
the court and Antioch. She retired to Emefa with an immenfe for-

..
tune, the fruit of twenty years favour, accompanied by her two
daughters, Soæmias and Mamæa, each of whom was a widow, and Cro
each had an only for. Baffianus, for that was the name of the fon Senna, it
of Soæmias, was confecrated to the honourable miniſtry of high
Bares
prieſt of the Sun ; and this holy vocation , embraced either from

prudence or fuperftition, contributed to raiſe the Syrian youth to

the empire of Rome. A numerous body of troops was ftationed at

Emefa ; and, as the fevere difcipline of Macrinus had conftrained

them to paſs the winter encamped, they were eager to revenge the
cruelty of fuch unaccustomed hardfhips. The foldiers, who reforted

45 Dion , 1. lxxviii. p. 1330. The ticular, is in this place clearer than the ori
abridgment of Xiphilin , though lefs par- ginal.
ia
174 THE DECLINE AND FALL

CII A P.
VI. in crowds to the temple of the Sun, beheld with veneration and

delight the elegant drefs and figure of a young pontiff : they re-
cogniſed, or they thought that they recogniſed, the features of Ca-
racalla, whofe memory they now adored. The artful Mæfa faw and

cheriſhed their rifing partiality, and readily facrificing her daugh-

ter's reputation to the fortune of her grandſon, ſhe infinuated that

Baffianus was the natural fon of their murdered fovereign. The

fums diftributed by her emiffaries with a laviſh hand, filenced every

objection, and the profufion fufficiently proved the affinity, or at

leaſt the reſemblance, of Baffianus with the great original. The

young Antoninus (for he had affumed and polluted that refpectable

name) was declared emperor by the troops of Emefa, afferted his

May 16.
hereditary right, and called aloud on the armies to follow the ftand-

ard of a young and liberal prince, who had taken up arms to revenge

his father's death and the oppreffion of the military order *7.
Defeat and
death of Ma- Whilſt a confpiracy of women and eunuchs was concerted with
crinus.
prudence, and conducted with rapid vigour, Macrinus, who, by a

decifive motion, might have cruſhed his infant enemy, floated be-
tween the oppofite extremes of terror and fecurity, which alike fixed

him inactive at Antioch. A fpirit of rebellion diffuſed itſelf through

all the camps and garrifons of Syria, fucceffive detachments mur-

dered their officers " , and joined the party of the rebels ; and the

tardy reftitution of military pay and privileges was imputed to the

acknowledged weakneſs of Macrinus. At length he marched out

47 According to Lampridius ( Hift. Auguft. oppofite error of chronology, he lengthens

p . 135. ) , Alexander Severus lived twen- the reign of Elagabalus two years beyond its
ty-nine years, three months, and feven real duration . For the particulars ofthe con-
days. As he was killed March 19 , 235 , fpiracy, ſee Dion, 1. lxxviii . p . 1339. He-
he was born December 12 , 205 , and was rodian , l. v. p. 184.
confequently about this time thirteen years. 4 By a most dangerous proclamation of
old, as his lder coufin might be about fe- the pretended Antoninus, every foldier who
venteen . This computation fuits much bet- brought in his officer's head, became entitled
ter the history of the young princes, than that to his private eftate, as well as to his military
of Herodian ( 1. v. p. 181. ), who reprefents commiffion.
them as three years younger ; whilſt, by an
of
 OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 175

СНАР.
of Antioch, to meet the increafing and zealous army of the young VI.
pretender. His own troops feemed to take the field with faintneſs

and reluctance ; but, in the heat of the battle ", the Prætorian guards, A. D. 218.
almoſt by an involuntary impulfe, afferted the fuperiority of their 7th June.

valour and difcipline. The rebel ranks were broken ; when the

mother and grandmother of the Syrian prince, who, according to

their eaſtern cuſtom, had attended the army, threw themſelves from

their covered chariots, and, by exciting the compaffion of the foldiers,

endeavoured to animate their drooping courage. Antoninus himſelf,

who, in the rest of his life, never acted like a man, in this important

criſis of his fate approved himſelf a hero, mounted his horfe, and,

at the head of his rallied troops , charged fword in hand among the

thickeſt of the enemy ; whilft the eunuch Gannys, whoſe occupa-

tions had been confined to female cares and the foft luxury of Afia,

diſplayed the talents of an able and experienced general. The

battle ftill raged with doubtful violence, and Macrinus might have

obtained the victory, had he not betrayed his own cauſe by a ſhame-

ful and precipitate flight. His cowardice ferved only to protract

his life a few days, and to ftamp deferved ignominy on his mif-

fortunes. It is fcarcely neceffary to add, that his fon Diadume-

nianus was involved in the fame fate. As foon as the ftubborn

Prætorians could be convinced that they fought for a prince who had

bafely deſerted them , they furrendered to the conqueror ; the con-

tending parties of the Roman army mingling tears of joy and ten-
derneſs, united under the banners of the imagined ſon of Caracalla,

and the Eaft acknowledged with pleaſure the first emperor of Afiatic
extraction.

The letters of Macrinus had condefcended to inform the fenate of Elagabalus

writes to the
the flight diſturbance occafioned by an impoftor in Syria, and a de- fenate.

49 Dion, 1. lxxviii. p. 1345. Herodian, the village of Imme, about two and twenty
1. v. p. 186. The battle was fought near miles from Antioch.
8 cree
 · 176
THE DECLINE AND FALL

CHA P. cree immediately paffed, declaring the rebel and his family public
VI.
enemies ; with a promiſe of pardon, however, to fuch of his deluded

adherents as ſhould merit it by an immediate return to their duty.

During the twenty days that elapfed from the declaration to the vic-

tory of Antoninus (for in ſo ſhort an interval was the fate of the Ro-

man world decided ) , the capital and the provinces, more eſpecially

thofe of the Eaft, were diftracted with hopes and fears, agitated with

tumult, and ſtained with a uſeleſs effuſion of civil blood , fince who-

foever of the rivals prevailed in Syria, muft reign over the empire.

The ſpecious letters in which the young conqueror announced his

victory to the obedient fenate, were filled with profeffions of virtue

and moderation ; the fhining examples of Marcus and Auguſtus, he

ſhould ever confider as the great rule of his adminiſtration ; and

he affected to dwell with pride on the ftriking reſemblance of

his own age and fortunes with thoſe of Auguftus, who in the

earlieſt youth had revenged by a fucceſsful war the murder of his

father. By adopting the ftyle of Marcus Aurelius Antoninus, fon

of Antoninus and grandfon of Severus, he tacitly afferted his here-

ditary claim to the empire ; but, by affuming the tribunitian and pro-

confular powers before they had been conferred on him by a decree

of the fenate, he offended the delicacy of Roman prejudice. This

new and injudicious violation of the conftitution was probably dic-

tated either by the ignorance of his Syrian courtiers, or the fierce

difdain of his military followers " .
Picture of As the attention of the new emperor was diverted by the moſt tri-
Elagabalus.
A.D. 219. fling amuſements, he wafted many months in his luxurious progreſs

from Syria to Italy, paffed at Nicomedia his firſt winter after his vic-

tory, and deferred till the enſuing ſummer his triumphal entry into

the capital. A faithful picture, however, which preceded his arrival,

and was placed by his immediate order over the altar of Victory in
so Dion, 1. lxxix. p . 1353.
the
1
 OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 177

the fenate-houſe, conveyed to the Romans the juſt but unworthy CHA
VI. P.
reſemblance of his perfon and manners. He was drawn in his

facerdotal robes of filk and gold, after the loofe flowing fafhion of

the Medes and Phoenicians ; his head was covered with a lofty tiara,

his numerous collars and bracelets were adorned with gems of an

ineftimable value. His eyebrows were tinged with black, and his

cheeks painted with an artificial red and white ". The grave fena-

tors confeffed with a figh, that, after having long experienced the

ftern tyranny of their own countrymen , Rome was at length hum-

bled beneath the effeminate luxury of Oriental defpotifm .

The Sun was worshipped at Emefa, under the name of Elaga- His fuperfti-
tion.
balus , and under the form of a black conical ftone, which, as it

was univerfally believed, had fallen from heaven on that facred

place. To this protecting deity, Antoninus, not without fome

reaſon, afcribed his elevation to the throne. The diſplay of ſuper-

ftitious gratitude, was the only ſerious buſineſs of his reign. The

triumph of the god of Emefa over all the religions of the earth,

was the great object of his zeal and vanity : and the appellation of

Elagabalus (for he prefumed as pontiff and favourite to adopt that

facred name) was dearer to him than all the titles of Imperial great-

nefs. In a folemn proceffion through the streets of Rome, the way

was ftrewed with gold duft ; the black ftone, fet in precious gems ,

was placed on a chariot drawn by fix milk-white horfes richly ca-

parifoned. The pious emperor held the reins, and, fupported by his

minifters, moved flowly backwards, that he might perpetually enjoy

the felicity of the divine preſence. In a magnificent temple raiſed

on the Palatine Mount, the facrifices of the god Elagabalus were celc-
brated with every circumftance of coft and folemnity. The richeſt

51 Dion, 1. lxxix. p. 1363. Herodian,
1. v . p . 189.
52 This name is derived by the learned from
two Syriac words , Ela a God, and Gabal to
VOL. I. A a
form, the forming, or plaftic God, a pro-
per, and even happy epithet for the Sun.
Wotton's Hiftory of Rome, p. 378 .
wines,
178 THE DECLINE AND FALL

CHAP. wines, the moſt extraordinary victims, and the rareft aromatics, were
VI.
profufely confumed on his altar. Around the altar a chorus of

Syrian damfels performed their lafcivious dances to the found of bar-

barian mufic, whilſt the graveſt perfonages of the ſtate and army,.

clothed in long Phoenician tunics, officiated in the meaneſt functions,

with affected zeal and fecret indignation ".

To this temple, as to the common centre of religious worſhip,

the Imperial fanatic attempted to remove the Ancilia, the Palladium " ,

and all the facred pledges of the faith of Numa. A crowd of in-

ferior deities attended in various ftations the majeſty of the god of

Emefa ; but his court was ftill imperfect, till a female of diftin-

guiſhed rank was admitted to his bed. Pallas had been firſt choſen

for his confort ; but as it was dreaded left her warlike terrors might

affright the foft delicacy of a Syrian deity, the Moon , adored by

the Africans under the name of Aftarte, was deemed a more fuitable

companion for the Sun. Her image, with the rich offerings of her

temple as a marriage portion, was tranfported with folemn pomp

from Carthage to Rome, and the day of theſe myftic nuptials was a

general feſtival in the capital and throughout the empire ".

His profli- A rational voluptuary adheres with invariable reſpect to the tem-
gate and
effeminate perate dictates of nature, and improves the gratifications of ſenſe by
luxury.
focial intercourſe, endearing connections, and the ſoft colouring of
taſte and the imagination . But Elagabalus (I fpeak of the emperor

of that name) , corrupted by his youth, his country, and his fortune,
abandoned himſelf to the groffeft pleafures with ungoverned fury,

and foon found diſguſt and fatiety in the midſt of his enjoyments.

53 Herodian, 1. v. p. 190 55 Dion, 1. lxxix. p . 1360. Herodian, 1. v.

54 He broke into the fanctuary of Veſta, p. 193. The fubjects of the empire were ob--
and carried away a ftatue, which he fuppofed liged to make liberal preſents to the new-mar-
to be the Palladium ; but the veſtals boafted, ried couple ; , and whatever they had promiſed
that, by a pious fraud, they had impofed a during the life of Elagabalus, was carefully.
counterfeit image on the profane intruder. exacted under the administration of Ma-
Hift. Auguft. p. 103. mæa.
The
 OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 179

The inflammatory powers of art were fummoned to his aid : the CHAP.
VI.
confufed multitude of women, of wines, and of dishes, and the

ſtudied variety of attitudes and fauces, ſerved to revive his languid

appetites. New terms and new inventions in thefe fciences, the

only ones cultivated and patroniſed by the monarch ", ſignalized his

reign, and tranfmitted his infamy to fucceeding times. A capricious

prodigality fupplied the want of tafte and elegance ; and whilft Ela-

gabalus laviſhed away the treaſures of his people in the wildeſt ex-

travagance, his own voice and that of his flatterers applauded a

fpirit and magnificence unknown to the tameneſs of his predeceffors .

To confound the order of feafons and climates ", to ſport with the

paffions and prejudices of his fubjects, and to fubvert every law of

nature and decency, were in the number of his moft delicious amufe-
ments. A long train of concubines, and a rapid fucceffion of wives,

among whom was a veſtal virgin, raviſhed by force from her facred

afylum " , were infufficient to fatisfy the impotence of his paffions.

The mafter of the Roman world affected to copy the dreſs and

manners of the female fex, preferred the diftaff to the fceptre, and

diſhonoured the principal dignities of the empire by diſtributing

them among his numerous lovers ; one of whom was publicly in-

veſted with the title and authority of the emperor's, or, as he more

properly ſtyled himſelf, of the empreſs's huſhand ".

56 The invention of a new fauce was libe-
rally rewarded ; but if it was not relifhed,
the inventor was confined to eat of nothing
elfe, till he had diſcovered another more
agreeable to the Imperial palate. Hift . Au-
guft . p . 111.
57 He never would eat ſea- fiſh except at a
great diſtance from the fea ; he then would
diftribute vaft quantities of the rareft forts,
brought at an immenfe expence, to the pea-
fants ofthe inland country. Hift. Aug. p. 109 .
58 Dion , 1. lxxix. p. 1358. Herodian, 1. v.
P. 192.
59 Hierocles enjoyed that honour ; but he
would have been fupplanted by one Zoticus,
had he not contrived, by a potion, to ener-
vate the powers of his rival, who being found
on trial unequal to his reputation, was driven
with ignominy from the palace. Dion, 1.
lxxix . p . 1363 , 1364. A dancer was made
præfect of the city, a charioteer præfect of the
watch, a barber præfect of the provifions.
Theſe three miniſters, with many inferior
officers, were all recommended, enormitate
membrorum. Hift . Auguft. p. 105.

A a 2 It
180 THE DECLINE AND FALL

СНАР .
It may feem probable, the vices and follies of Elagabalus have been
VI.
adorned by fancy, and blackened by prejudice . Yet confining
Contempt of
decency ourfelves to the public fcenes difplayed before the Roman people,
which diftiin-
guished the and attefted by grave and contemporary hiftorians, their inexpref-
Roman ty-
rants . fible infamy furpaffes that of any other age or country. The licence
of an eaſtern monarch is fecluded from the eye of curiofity by the

inacceffible walls of his feraglio. The fentiments of honour and

gallantry have introduced a refinement of pleaſure, a regard for de-

cency, and a refpect for the public opinion , into the modern courts

of Europe ; but the corrupt and opulent nobles of Rome gratified

every vice that could be collected from the mighty conflux of nations
and manners . Secure of impunity, careleſs of cenfure, they lived

without reſtraint in the patient and humble fociety of their flaves

and parafites. The emperor, in his turn , viewing every rank of his

fubjects with the fame contemptuous indifference, afferted without

control his fovereign privilege of luft and luxury.

Difcontents The moft worthlefs of mankind are not afraid to condemn in

of the army. others the fame diforders which they allow in themſelves ; and can

readily diſcover ſome nice difference of age, character, or ſtation , to

juſtify the partial diftinction . The licentious foldiers, who had

raiſed to the throne the diffolute fon of Caracalla, blufhed at their

ignominious choice, and turned with difguft from that monster, to

contemplate with pleafure the opening virtues of his coufin Alex-

ander the ſon of Mamaa. The crafty Mæfa , fenfible that her grand-

fon Elagabalus muſt inevitably deſtroy himſelf by his own vices ,

had provided another and furer fupport of her family. Embracing

a favourable moment of fondneſs and devotion , ſhe had perfuaded the

Alexander young emperor to adopt Alexander, and to inveft him with the
Severus de-
clared Cæfar. title of Cæfar, that his own divine occupations might be no longer
A. D. 221 .
6º Even the credulous compiler of his life, to fufpect that his vices may have been exag-
in the Auguftan History (p. 111. ) , is inclined gerated.
interrupted
 OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 181

interrupted by the care of the earth. In the fecond rank that ami- CHA P.
VI.
able prince foon acquired the affections of the public, and excited -————

the tyrant's jealoufy, who refolved to terminate the dangerous com-

petition, either by corrupting the manners, or by taking away the

life, of his rival. His arts proved unfucceſsful ; his vain defigns were

conftantly discovered by his own loquacious folly, and diſappointed

by thofe virtuous and faithful fervants whom the prudence of Mamaa

had placed about the perſon of her fon. In a hafty fally of paffion ,
Elagabalus refolved to execute by force what he had been unable to

compaſs by fraud, and by a defpotic fentence degraded his coufin

from the rank and honours of Cæfar. The meffage was received in

the fenate with filence , and in the camp with fury. The Prætorian

guards fwore to protect Alexander, and to revenge the diſhonoured

majefty of the throne. The tears and promifes of the trembling

Elagabalus, who only begged them to fpare his life, and to leave

him in the poffeffion of his beloved Hierocles, diverted their juſt

indignation ; and they contented themſelves with empowering their

præfects to watch over the fafety of Alexander, and the conduct of

the emperor "¹.

It was impoffible that fuch a reconciliation fhould laft , or that Sedition of

the guards ,
even the mean foul of Elagabalus could hold an empire on fuch and murder

humiliating terms of dependence. of Elagaba-

He foon attempted, by a dan- lus.

gerous experiment, to try the temper of the foldiers. The report A. D. 222 .
10th March ,
of the death of Alexander, and the natural fufpicion that he had
been murdered, inflamed their paffions into fury, and the tempeft of

the camp could only be appeafed by the prefence and authority of

the popular youth. Provoked at this new inftance of their affection

for his coufin, and their contempt for his perſon, the emperor

ventured to puniſh fome of the leaders of the mutiny. His unfea-

* Dion, 1. lxxix . p . 1365. Herodian, I. v. lowed the beft authors in his account of the
p. 195-201 . Hift. Auguft. p. 105. The revolution .
laft of the three hiftorians feems to have fol-
fonable

i
182 THE DECLINE AND FALL

CHAP.
VI. fonable ſeverity proved inſtantly fatal to his minions, his mother,

and himſelf. Elagabalus was maffacred by the indignant Præto-

rians, his mutilated corpfe dragged through the streets of the city,

and thrown into the Tyber. His memory was branded with eternal

infamy by the fenate ; the juftice of whofe decree has been ratified

by pofterity 62.
Acceffion of In the room of Elagabalus, his coufin Alexander was raiſed to
Alexander
Severus. the throne by the Prætorian guards. His relation to the family of

Severus, whoſe name he affumed, was the fame as that of his pre-

deceffor ; his virtue and his danger had already endeared him to

the Romans, and the eager liberality of the fenate conferred upon

him, in one day, the various titles and powers of the Imperial

dignity . But as Alexander was a modeft and dutiful youth, of

only ſeventeen years of age, the reins of government were in the

hands of two women, of his mother Mamæa, and of Mæfa, his

grandmother. After the death of the latter, who furvived but a

hort time the elevation of Alexander, Mamæa remained the fole

regent of her fon and of the empire.

Power of his In every age and country, the wifer, or at leaſt the ſtronger, of
mother
Mamxa. the two fexes, has ufurped the powers of the ſtate, and confined the

other to the cares and pleaſures of domeſtic life. In hereditary mo-

narchies, however, and eſpecially in thoſe of modern Europe, the

62 The æra ofthe death of Elagabalus , and
of the acceffion of Alexander, has employed
the learning and ingenuity of Pagi, Tille-
mont, Valfecchi, Vignoli, and Torre biſhop
of Adria. The queſtion is moſt affuredly in-
tricate ; but I ftill adhere to the authority of
Dion ; the truth of whofe calculations is un-
deniable, and the purity of whofe text is juf-
tified by the agreement of Xiphilin , Zonaras,
and Cedrenus. Elagabalus reigned three
years, nine months, and four days, from his
victory over Macrinus, and was killed March
JO, 222. But what ſhall we reply to the
medals , undoubtedly genuine, which reckon
the fifth year of his tribunitian power? We
fhall reply with the learned Valfecchi, that
the ufurpation of Macrinus was annihilated,
and that the fon of Caracalla dated his reign
from his father's death. After refolving this
great difficulty, the fmaller knots of this
queftion may be eafily untied, or cut afun-
der .
63 Hift. Auguft . p. 114. By this unuſual
precipitation, the fenate meant to confound
the hopes of pretenders, and prevent the fac-
tions of the armies.
gallant
 OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 183

gallant ſpirit of chivalry, and the law of fucceffion, have accuſtomed CHAP.
VI.
us to allow a fingular exception ; and a woman is often acknow-

ledged the abſolute ſovereign of a great kingdom , in which ſhe

would be deemed incapable of exerciſing the ſmalleſt employment,

civil or military. But as the Roman emperors were ftill confidered

as the generals and magiftrates of the republic, their wives and

mothers, although diſtinguiſhed by the name of Augufta, were never

afſociated to their perſonal honours ; and a female reign would have

appeared an inexpiable prodigy in the eyes of thoſe primitive Ro-

mans, who married without love, or loved without delicacy and re-

ſpect . The haughty Agrippina aſpired, indeed, to ſhare the ho-

nours of the empire, which ſhe had conferred on her fon ; but her

mad ambition, detefted by every citizen who felt for the dignity of
Rome, was diſappointed by the artful firmneſs of Seneca and Bur- ·

rhus . The good fenfe, or the indifference , of fucceeding princes,

reſtrained them from offending the prejudices of their fubjects ; and

it was reſerved for the profligate Elagabalus, to diſcharge the acts of

the fenate, with the name of his mother Soxmias, who was placed

by the fide of the confuls, and fubfcribed, as a regular member,

the decrees of the legislative affembly. Her more prudent fifter,

Mamæa, declined the uſeleſs and odious prerogative , and a folemn

law was enacted, excluding women for ever from the fenate, and

devoting to the infernal gods, the head of the wretch by whom this
fanction fhould be violated " . The fubftance , not the pageantry,

of power was the object of Mamæa's manly ambition. She main-

tained an abfolute and laſting empire over the mind of her fon , and
in his affection the mother could not brook a rival. Alexander,

64 Metellus Numidicus, the cenfor, ac- panion ; and he could recommend matrimony,
knowledged to the Roman people, in a pub- only as the facrifice of private pleaſure to pub
lic oration, that had kind Nature allowed us lic duty. Aulus Gellius, i. 6.
to exift without the help ofwomen, we ſhould 65 Tacit. Annal. xiii . 5 .
be delivered from a very trouble fome com- " Hift. Auguft. p. 102. 107.
with
5
184 THE DECLIN AND FALL
E

CHAP. with her confent, married the daughter of a Patrician ; but his
VI.
refpect for his father-in-law, and love for the emprefs, were incon-

fiftent with the tenderneſs or intereft of Mamaa. The Patrician was

executed on the ready accufation of treaſon , and the wife of Alex-

ander driven with ignominy from the palace, and banished into
67
Africa "7

Wife and Notwithſtanding this act of jealous cruelty, as well as fome

moderate ad-
miniflration. inftances of avarice, with which Mamaa is charged ; the ge-

neral tenour of her adminiſtration was equally for the benefit of

her fon and of the empire. With the approbation of the fenate,
fhe chofe fixteen of the wifeft and moſt virtuous fenators , as a per-

petual council of ftate , before whom every public bufinefs of mo-

ment was debated and determined . The celebrated Ulpian , equally

diſtinguiſhed by his knowledge of, and his refpect for, the laws of
Rome, was at their head ; and the prudent firmnefs of this arifto-

cracy reſtored order and authority to the government. As foon as

they had purged the city from foreign fuperftition and luxury, the

remains of the capricious tyranny of Elagabalus, they applied them-

felves to remove his worthlefs creatures from every department of

public adminiſtration, and to fupply their places with men of virtue

and ability. Learning, and the love of juſtice, became the only re-
commendations for civil offices. Valour, and the love of difcipline,

the only qualifications for military employments " .

Education But the moſt important care of Mamaa and her wife counſellors,
and virtuous
temper of was to form the character of the young emperor, on whoſe perſonal
Alexander.
67 Dion , 1. lxxx . p . 1369. Herodian. 1. vi. emprefs , whofe hard fate Alexander lamented ,
p . 206. Hift. Auguft. p . 131. Herodian re- but durft not oppoſe.
prefents the Patricians as innocent. The 68 Herodian , 1. vi . p. 203. Hift. Auguft.
Auguftan Hiftory, on the authority of Dex- p . 119. The latter infinuates, that when any
ippus, condemns him, as guilty of a confpi- law was to be paffed, the council was affifted
racy against the life of Alexander. It is im- by a number of able lawyers and experienced
poffible to pronounce between them : but fenators,whofe opinions were feparately given,
Dion is an irreproachable witnefs of the jea- and taken down in writing.
Joufy and cruelty of Mamaa toward the young
qualities
 OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE.
185

qualities the happineſs or mifery of the Roman world muft ulti-

CHA P.
mately depend. The fortunate foil affifted , and even prevented , the VI.
hand of cultivation. An excellent underſtanding foon convinced ar

Alexander of the advantages of virtue, the pleaſure of knowledge ,

and the neceffity of labour. A natural mildneſs and moderation of

temper preſerved him from the affaults of paffion and the allure-
ments of vice . His unalterable regard for his mother, and his eſteem

for the wife Ulpian, guarded his unexperienced youth from the poi-
ſon of flattery.

The fimple journal of his ordinary occupations exhibits a pleaſing

Journal of his
picture of an accompliſhed emperor ", and with fome allowance ordinary life.

for the difference of mar.ners, might well deſerve the imitation of

modern princes. Alexander roſe early : the firſt moments of the day

were confecrated to private devotion , and his domeſtic chapel was

filled with the images of thoſe heroes, who , by improving or reform-

ing human life, had deſerved the grateful reverence of poſterity.

But, as he deemed the fervice of mankind the moft acceptable

worship of the gods, the greateſt part of his morning hours was

employed in his council, where he difcuffed public affairs, and

determined private caufes, with a patience and difcretion above his

years. The dryneſs of buſineſs was relieved by the charms of

literature and a portion of time was always fet apart for his fa-

vourite ſtudies of poetry, hiſtory, and philofophy. The works of

Virgil and Horace, the republics of Plato and Cicero , formed his

tafte, enlarged his underſtanding, and gave him the nobleſt ideas of

man and government. The exerciſes of the body fucceeded to

thofe of the mind ; and Alexander, who was tall, active, and ro-

buft, furpaffed moft of his equals in the gymnaſtic arts. Refreſhed

by the uſe of the bath and a flight dinner, he reſumed , with new

69 See his life in the Auguftan Hiſtory. theſe intereſting anecdotes under a load of
The undiftinguishing compiler has buried trivial and unmeaning circumstances.
VOL. I. Bb
vigour,
 186 THE DECLINE AND FALL

CHA
VI. P. vigour, the buſineſs of the day ; and, till the hour of fupper, the
principal meal of the Romans, he was attended by his fecretaries,

with whom he read and anfwered the multitude of letters , memo-

rials, and petitions, that muft have been addreffed to the mafter of

the greateſt part of the world. His table was ferved with the moſt

frugal fimplicity ; and whenever he was at liberty to confult his

own inclination, the company confifted of a few felect friends, men

of learning and virtue, amongſt whom Ulpian was conftantly in-

vited. Their converfation was familiar and inſtructive ; and the

paufes were occafionally enlivened by the recital of fome pleafing

compofition, which fupplied the place of the dancers, comedians ,

and even gladiators, fo frequently fummoned to the tables of the rich

and luxurious Romans . The drefs of Alexander was plain and

modeſt, his demeanor courteous and affable : at the proper hours his

palace was open to all his fubjects, but the voice of a crier was heard,.

as in the Eleufinian myſteries, pronouncing the fame falutary admo-

nition ; " Let none enter thoſe holy walls, unleſs he is conſcious of a
pure and innocent mind "·"
General hap-
pinefs ofthe Such an uniform tenour of life, which left not a moment for vice
Roman
world . or folly, is a better proof of the wiſdom and juſtice of Alexander's

A. D. 222 - government, than all the trifling details preferved in the compila-
235
tion of Lampridius. Since the acceffion of Commodus, the Roman

world had experienced, during a term of forty years, the fucceffive

and various vices of four tyrants. From the death of Elagabalus,

it enjoyed an aufpicious calm of thirteen years. The provinces ,

relieved from the oppreffive taxes invented by Caracalla and his

pretended fon, flouriſhed in peace and profperity, under the ad-

miniſtration of magiftrates, who were convinced by experience, that

to deſerve the love of the ſubjects, was their best and only method
of obtaining the favour of their fovereign . While fome gentle

70 See the 13th Satire of Juvenal. " Hift. Auguft. p. 119.

reftraints
 OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 187

reſtraints were impoſed on the innocent luxury of the Roman peo- CHA
VI. P.
ple, the price of provifions, and the intereft of money, were re-

duced, by the paternal care of Alexander, whofe prudent liberality,

without diftreffing the induftrious, fupplied the wants and amuſe-

ments of the populace. The dignity, the freedom, the authority

of the fenate was reſtored ; and every virtuous fenator might ap-
proach the perfon of the emperor, without a fear, and without a
blufh.

The name of Antoninus, ennobled by the virtues of Pius and Alexander

refuſes the
Marcus, had been communicated by adoption to the diffolute Ve- name of An-
rus, and by defcent to the cruel Commodus. It became the ho- toninus.

nourable appellation of the fons of Severus, was beſtowed on young

Diadumenianus, and at length proſtituted to the infamy of the

high priest of Emefa. Alexander, though preffed by the ftudied,

and perhaps, fincere importunity of the fenate, nobly refuſed the

borrowed luftre of a name ; whilſt in his whole conduct he laboured

to reſtore the glories and felicity of the age of the genuine Anto-
72
nines 22.

In the civil adminiftration of Alexander, wifdom was enforced He attempts

to reform the
by power, and the people, fenfible of the public felicity, repaid their army.

benefactor with their love and gratitude. There ſtill remained a

greater, a more neceffary, but a more difficult enterpriſe ; the reform-

ation of the military order, whoſe intereſt and temper, confirmed by

long impunity, rendered them impatient of the reftraints of dif-

cipline, and careless of the bleffings of public tranquillity. In the

execution of his defign the emperor affected to difplay his love,

and to conceal his fear, of the army. The moft rigid œconomy

72 See in the Hift. Auguft. p. 116, 117,
the whole conteft between Alexander and the
fenate, extracted from the journals of that
affembly. It happened on the fixth of March,
probably of the year 223 , when the Romans
Bb 2
had enjoyed , almoft a twelvemonth, the bleſſ-
ings of his reign. Before the appellation of
Antoninus was offered him as a title of ho-
nour, the fenate waited to fee whether Alex-
ander would not affume it, as a family name .
in 1
 188 THE DECLINE AND FALL

CHA
VI. P. in every other branch of the adminiſtration, ſupplied a fund of gold
and filver for the ordinary pay and the extraordinary rewards of

the troops. In their marches he relaxed the fevere obligation of

carrying ſeventeen days proviſion on their fhoulders. Ample

magazines were formed along the public roads, and as ſoon as they

entered the enemy's country, a numerous train of mules and camels

waited on their haughty lazineſs. As Alexander deſpaired of

correcting the luxury of his foldiers, he attempted , at leaſt, to di-

rect it to objects of martial pomp and ornament, fine horſes, fplen-

did armour, and fhield enriched with filver and gold. He fhared

whatever fatigues he was obliged to impofe, vifited , in perſon, the

fick and wounded, preferved an exact regiſter of their fervices

and his own gratitude, and expreffed, on every occafion , the

warmeft regard for a body of men, whoſe welfare, as he affected

73
to declare, was fo clofely connected with that of the ftate "3. By

the moſt gentle arts he laboured to infpire the fierce multitude

with a ſenſe of duty, and to reſtore at leaſt a faint image of that
diſcipline to which the Romans owed their empire over fo many

other nations, as warlike and more powerful than themſelves. But

his prudence was vain, his courage fatal, and the attempt towards a
reformation ſerved only to inflame the ills it was meant to cure.
Seditions of
The Prætorian guards were attached to the youth of Alexander.
the Prætorian
guards, and They loved him as a tender pupil, whom they had ſaved from
murder of
Ulpian . a tyrant's fury, and placed on the Imperial throne. That amiable

prince was fenfible of the obligation ; but as his gratitude was re-

ftrained within the limits of reafon and juftice, they foon were
more diffatisfied with the virtues of Alexander, than they had

ever been with the vices of Elagabalus. Their præfect, the wife

Ulpian , was the friend of the laws and of the people ; he was

confidered as the enemy of the foldiers, and to his pernicious

73 It was a favourite faying ofthe emperor's, falus publica in his effet. Hift. Auguft.
Se milites magis fervare, quam feipfum ; quod p. 130 .
7 councils
 OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 189

councils every ſcheme of reformation was imputed. Some trifling CHA P.

VI.
accident blew up their diſcontent into a furious mutiny ; and a

civil war raged , during three days, in Rome, whilft the life of that
excellent miniſter was defended by the grateful people. Terrified ,

at length, by the fight of ſome houfes in flames, and by the threats

of a general conflagration , the people yielded with a ſigh , and left

the virtuous, but unfortunate, Ulpian to his fate. He was purſued

into the Imperial palace, and maffacred at the feet of his mafter,

who vainly ftrove to cover him with the purple, and to obtain his

pardon from the inexorable foldiers. Such was the deplorable

weakneſs of government , that the emperor was unable to revenge

his murdered friend and his infulted dignity, without ſtooping to

the arts of patience and diffimulation. Epagathus, the principal

leader of the mutiny, was removed from Rome, by the honourable

employment of præfect of Egypt ; from that high rank he was

gently degraded to the government of Crete ; and when, at length,

his popularity among the guards was effaced by time and ab-
1
fence, Alexander ventured to inflict the tardy, but deſerved punish-
1
ment of his crimes . Under the reign of a juſt and virtuous

prince, the tyranny of the army threatened with inftant death

•
his moſt faithful miniſters, who were fufpected of an intention to
correct their intolerable diforders. The hiftorian Dion Caffius had Danger of
Dion Caffius-
commanded the Pannonian legions with the ſpirit of ancient dif-

cipline. Their brethren of Rome, embracing the common cauſe of

military licence, demanded the head of the reformer. Alexander,

however, inſtead of yielding to their feditious clamours, fhewed a

juft fenfe of his merit and fervices, by appointing him his colleague

74 Though the author of the life of Alex- cover a weakneſs in the adminiſtration of his
ander (Hift. Auguft. p. 132. ) mentions the hero. From this defigned omiffion , we may
fedition raiſed againſt Ulpian by the foldiers , judge of the weight and candour of that
he conceals the catastrophe, as it might dif- author.
in
 190 THE DECLINE AND FALL

VI . P. in the confulfhip , and defraying from his own treaſury the expence
CHA

of that vain dignity : but as it was juftly apprehended, that if the

foldiers beheld him with the enfigns of his office, they would re-

venge the infult in his blood, the nominal firft magiftrate of the

flate retired, by the emperor's advice, from the city, and ſpent the

greateft part of his confulfhip at his villas in Campania " .

Tumults of
the legions. The lenity of the emperor confirmed the infolence of the troops ;
! the legions imitated the example of the guards, and defended their

prerogative of licentioufneſs with the fame furious obftinacy. The

adminiſtration of Alexander was an unavailing ſtruggle againſt the

corruption of his age. In Illyricum, in Mauritania, in Armenia, in

Mefopotamia, in Germany, freſh mutinies perpetually broke out ;

his officers were murdered, his authority was infulted, and his life
Firmness of at laſt facrificed to the fierce difcontents of the army 76. One parti-

the emperor. eular fact well deferves to be recorded, as it illuftrates the manners of

the troops, and exhibits a fingular inftance of their return to a ſenſe

of duty and obedience. Whilft the emperor lay at Antioch , in his

Perfian expedition , the particulars of which we ſhall hereafter relate,

the punishment of fome foldiers, who had been diſcovered in the baths

of women, excited a fedition in the legion to which they belonged.

Alexander afcended his tribunal, and with a modeft firmnefs repre-

fented to the armed multitude, the abfolute neceffity as well as his in-
flexible refolution of correcting the vices introduced by his impure

predeceffor, and of maintaining the diſcipline, which could not be

relaxed without the ruin of the Roman name and empire. Their
" Referve your
clamours interrupted his mild expoftulation .

" fhouts," faid the undaunted emperor, " till you take the field

" againſt the Perfians, the Germans, and the Sarmatians. Be filent

75 For an account of Ulpian's fate and his 76 Annot . Reimar. ad Dion Caffius,
own danger, fee the mutilated conclufion of 1. lxxx. p. 1369.
Dion's Hiftory, 1. lxxx. p . 1371 .
" in
 OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 191

" in the preſence of your fovereign and benefactor, who beftows CHA P.
VI.
upon you the corn , the clothing, and the money of the provinces.

" Be filent, or I ſhall no longer ftyle you foldiers , but citizens ”, if

" thofe indeed who difclaim the laws of Rome deſerve to be ranked
66
among the meaneft of the people. " His menaces inflamed the

fury of the legion , and their brandiſhed arms already threatened his

perfon. " Your courage," reſumed the intrepid Alexander, " would

" be more nobly diſplayed in the field of battle ; me you may de-
<
ftroy, you cannot intimidate ; and the fevere juſtice of the republic

“ would puniſh your crime, and revenge my death. " The legion ſtill

perſiſted in clamorous fedition , when the emperor pronounced , with

a loud voice, the decifive fentence, " Citizens ! lay down your arms,
99
" and depart in peace to your refpective habitations. ' The tempeft

was inftantly appeafed ; the foldiers, filled with grief and fhame,
filently confeffed the juftice of their puniſhment and the power of

difcipline, yielded up their arms and military enfigns, and retired

în confuſion, not to their camp, but to the ſeveral inns of the city.

Alexander enjoyed, during thirty days, the edifying ſpectacle of

their repentance ; nor did he reſtore them to their former rank in

the army, till he had puniſhed with death thofe tribunes whofe con-

nivance had occafioned the mutiny. The grateful legion ſerved the
78
emperor, whilft living, and revenged him when dead "8...
The refolutions of the multitude generally depend on a moment ; Defects of his
reign and
and the caprice of paffion might equally determine the feditious legion character..

to lay down their arms at the emperor's feet, or to plunge them into

his breaft . Perhaps, if the fingular tranſaction had been inveſtigated

by the penetration of a philoſopher, we ſhould diſcover the fecret

caufes which on that occafion authorized the boldneſs of the prince,.

77 Julius Cæfar had appeafed a fedition honourable condition ofmere citizens . Tacit.
with the fame word Quirites ; which thus op- Annal. i . 43 . 1
pofed to Soldiers, was uſed in a ſenſe of con- 78 Hift. Auguft . p. 132 .
tempt, and reduced the offenders to the lefs
and
5
*192 THE DECLINE AND FALL

CHA P. and commanded the obedience of the troops ; and perhaps, if it had
VI.
been related by a judicious hiſtorian , we ſhould find this action , worthy

of Cæfar himſelf, reduced nearer to the level of probability and the

common ftandard of the character of Alexander Severus. The abi-

lities of that amiable prince, feem to have been inadequate to the

difficulties of his fituation, the firmneſs of his conduct inferior to

the purity of his intentions. His virtues, as well as the vices of

Elagabalus, contracted a tincture of weakneſs and effeminacy from

the foft climate of Syria, of which he was a native ; though he

bluſhed at his foreign origin , and liftened with a vain complacency

to the flattering genealogifts, who derived his race from the ancient

ſtock of Roman nobility ". The pride and avarice of his mother

caſt a ſhade on the glories of his reign ; and by exacting from his

riper years the fame dutiful obedience which ſhe had juftly claimed

from his unexperienced youth, Mamæa expoſed to public ridicule

both her fon's character and her own " . The fatigues of the Perfian

war irritated the military difcontent ; the unfuccefsful event de-

graded the reputation of the emperor as a general, and even as a

foldier. Every cauſe prepared, and every circumftance haftened, a

revolution, which diſtracted the Roman empire with a long ſeries of

inteftine calamities.

Digreffion on The diffolute tyranny of Commodus, the civil wars occafioned

the finances
of the em- by his death, and the new maxims of policy introduced by the houſe
pire.
29 From the Metelli. Hift. Auguft. p. 119.
The choice was judicious . In one fhort pe-
riod of twelve years, the Metelli could reckon
feven confulfhips and five triumphs . See
Velleius Paterculus , ii . 11. and the Fafti.
80 The life of Alexander, in the Auguftan
Hiſtory, is the mere idea of a perfect prince,
an awkward imitation of the Cyropædia . The
account of his reign , as given by 'Herodian,
is rational and moderate, confiftent with the
general hiftory of the age ; and, in fome of
the moft invidious particulars, confirmed by
the decifive fragments of Dion . Yet from
a very paltry prejudice, the greater number of
our modern writers abuſe Herodian , and copy
the Auguftan Hiftory . See Meff. de Tille-
mont and Wotton. From the oppofite pre-
judice, the emperorJulian (in Cæfarib. p.315 .)
dwells with a viſible ſatisfaction on the effe
minate weakneſs of the Syrian, and the ridi-
culous avarice of his mother,

of
 OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 193

of Severus , had all contributed to increaſe the dangerous power of CHA P.

VI.
the army, and to obliterate the faint image of laws and liberty that

was ftill impreffed on the minds of the Romans. This internal

change, which undermined the foundations of the empire, we have

endeavoured to explain with fome degree of order and perfpicuity

The perſonal characters of the emperors, their victories, laws, follies,

and fortunes, can intereft us no farther than as they are connected

with the general hiſtory of the Decline and Fall of the monarchy.
Our conftant attention to that great object, will not fuffer us to over-

look a moſt important edict of Antoninus Caracalla, which communi-

cated to all the free inhabitants of the empire the name and privileges

of Roman citizens. His unbounded liberality flowed not, however,

from the ſentiments of a generous mind ; it was the fordid refult of

avarice, and will naturally be illuftrated by ſome obſervations on the

finances of that ſtate, from the victorious ages of the commonwealth

*to the reign of Alexander Severus.

The ſiege of Veii in Tuſcany, the firſt confiderable enterpriſe of Eſtabliſh-

ment
the Romans, was protracted to the tenth year, much lefs by the

ftrength of the place than by the unſkilfulneſs of the befiegers.

The unaccustomed hardships of fo many winter campaigns, at the

diſtance of near twenty miles from home " , required more than

common encouragements ; and the fenate wifely prevented the cla-

mours of the people, by the inftitution of a regular pay for the

foldiers, which was levied by a general tribute, affeffed according to
an equitable proportion on the property of the citizens ". During
more than two hundred years after the conqueft of Veii, the victo-

81 According to the more accurate Diony- has removed Veii from Civita Caftellana, to
fius, the city itself was only an hundred fta- a little fpot called Ifola, in the midway be-
dia, or twelve miles and a half from Rome ; tween Rome and the lake Bracciano .
though fome out-pofts might be advanced * See the 4th and 5th books of Livy.
farther on the fide of Etruria. Nardini, in a In the Roman Cenfus, property, power,
profeffed treatiſe, has combated the popular and taxation, were commenfurate with each
opinion and the authority of two popes, and other.
VOL. I. Сс ries
194 THE DECLINE AND FALL

CHAP. ries of the republic added lefs to the wealth than to the. power of
VI.
Rome. The ftates of Italy paid their tribute in military ſervice

only, and the vaft force both by fea and land, which was exerted in

the Punic wars, was maintained at the expence of the Romans them-
felves. That high-ſpirited people (fuch is often the generous en-

thuſiaſm of freedom) cheerfully fubmitted to the moſt exceffive but

voluntary burdens, in the juſt confidence that they ſhould ſpeedily

enjoy the rich harveſt of their labours. Their expectations were

not diſappointed. In the courſe of a few years, the riches of Syra-

cufe, of Carthage, of Macedonia, and of Afia, were brought in tri-

and abolition umph to Rome. The treaſures of Perfeus alone amounted to near
of the tribute
on Roman two millions fterling, and the Roman people, the fovereign of fo
citizens . 83
many nations, was for ever delivered from the weight of taxes

The increafing revenue of the provinces was found fufficient to

defray the ordinary eſtabliſhment of war and government, and the

fuperfluous maſs of gold and filver was depofited in the temple of

Saturn, and referved for any unforeſeen emergency of the ſtate 4.
Tributes of
Hiftory has never perhaps fuffered a greater or more irreparable
the pro-
vinces injury, than in the lofs of the curious regifter bequeathed by Au-

guftus to the fenate, in which that experienced prince fo accurately-

balanced the revenues and expences of the Roman empire ". De-

prived of this clear and comprehenſive eſtimate, we are reduced to

collect a few imperfect hints from ſuch of the ancients as have acci-

dentally turned afide from the fplendid to the more uſeful parts of

hiſtory. We are informed that, by the conquefts of Pompey, the

of Afia, tributes of Afia were raifed from fifty to one hundred and thirty-
five millions of drachms ; or about four millions and a half fter-
of Egypt, ling ". Under the laſt and moſt indolent of the Ptolemies , the re-

83 Plin. Hift. Natur, 1. xxxiii . c. 3. Cicero
de Offic. ii . 22. Plutarch , in P. Æmil. p . 275 .
4 See a fine defcription of this accumulated
wealthofages, in Lucan'sPharf.l.iii.v.155 , & c .
$5 Tacit. inAnnal . i. 11. It feems to have
exifted in the time of Appian.
$6 Plutarch . in Pompeio, p. 642 .
venue
 OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 195

venue of Egypt is faid to have amounted to twelve thoufand five CHA P.

VI.
hundred talents ; a fum equivalent to more than two millions and

a half of our money, but which was afterwards confiderably im-

proved by the more exact œconomy of the Romans, and the increaſe

of the trade of Ethiopia and India ³7. Gaul was enriched by rapine, of Gaul,

as Egypt was by commerce, and the tributes of thoſe two great pro-
88
vinces have been compared as nearly equal to each other in value
The ten thouſand Euboic or Phoenician talents, about four millions of Africa,

fterling " , which vanquiſhed Carthage was condemned to pay within

the term of fifty years, were a flight acknowledgment of the fuperio-

rity of Rome , and cannot bear the leaft proportion with the taxes

afterwards raiſed both on the lands and on the perfons of the inhabit-

ants, when the fertile coaſt of Africa was reduced into a province ".
Spain, by a very fingular fatality, was the Peru and Mexico of of Spain ,
the old world. The diſcovery of the rich weſtern continent by the

Phoenicians, and the oppreffion of the fimple nacives, who were

compelled to labour in their own mines for the benefit of ftrangers,

form an exact type of the more recent hiſtory of Spaniſh America ".

The Phoenicans were acquainted only with the fea-coaſt of Spain ;

avarice, as well as ambition, carried the arms of Rome and Carthage

into the heart of the country, and almoſt every part of the foil was
found pregnant with copper, filver, and gold. Mention is made of a

mine near Carthagena which yielded every day twenty-five thouſand

drachms of filver, or about three hundred thouſand pounds a

93
year "3. Twenty thousand pound weight of gold was annu-

#7 Strabo, 1. xvii. p. 798. the fame talent was carried from Tyre to
* Velleius Paterculus, 1. ii. c. 39. he feems Carthage.
to give the preference to the revenue of ° Polyb. 1. xv. c. 2.
Gaul. 91 Appian in Punicis, p. 84.
89 The Euboic, the Phoenician, and Alex- 92 Diodorus Siculus, 1. v. Cadiz was built
andrian talents, were double in weight to the by the Phoenicians a little more than a thou-
Attic. See Hooper of ancient weights and fand years before Chriſt. See Vell . Paterc. i. 2.
meaſures, p. iv. c. 5. It is very probable, that 93 Strabo, 1. iii. p. 148.

Cc 2 ally
196 THE DECLINE AND FALL

CHA
VI. P. ally received from the provinces of Afturia , Gallicia, and Lufita-
nia 94.

of the iſle of We want both leiſure and materials to purſue this curious inquiry
Gyarus.
through the many potent ftates that were annihilated in the Roman

empire. Some notion , however, may be formed of the revenue of

the provinces where confiderable wealth had been depofited by na-

ture, or collected by man , if we obſerve the fevere attention that

was directed to the abodes of folitude and fterility. Auguftus once

received a petition from the inhabitants of Gyarus, humbly praying

that they might be relieved from one-third of their exceffive impo-

fitions. Their whole tax amounted indeed to no more than one

hundred and fifty drachms, or about five pounds : but Gyarus was

a little iſland, or rather a rock, of the Egean fea, deſtitute of freſh

water and every neceffary of life, and inhabited only by a few

.
wretched fishermen " .

Amount of From the faint glimmerings of fuch doubtful and fcattered lights,.
the revenue .
we ſhould be inclined to believe, Ift , That (with every fair allowance

for the difference of times and circumftances) the general income of

the Roman provinces could feldom amount to lefs than fifteen or

twenty millions of our money " ; and, 2dly, That fo ample a revenue
muft have been fully adequate to all the expences of the moderate go-

vernment inftituted by Auguftus, whofe court was the modeft family-

of a private fenator, and whofe military eſtabliſhment was calculated

for the defence of the frontiers , without any afpiring views of con-

queft, or any ſerious apprehenfion of a foreign invafion.

Taxes on Notwithstanding the feeming probability of both theſe conclufions,.

Roman citi-
zens infti- the latter of them at leaft is pofitively difowned by the language
tuted by
Auguftus. 9+ Plin. Hift. Natur. 1. xxxiii . c . 3. He
mentions likewiſe a filver mine in Dalmatia ,
that yielded every day fifty pounds to the ftate.
95 Strabo, 1. x. p. 485. Tacit . Annal . iii.
69. and iv. 30. See in Tournefort ( Voyages
au Levant, Lettre viii . ) a very lively pic
ture of the actual mifery of Gyarus.
96 Lipfius de magnitudine Romanâ ( 1. ii.
c. 3. ) computes the revenue at one hundred
and fifty millions of gold crowns ; but his
whole book, though learned and ingenious ,
betrays a very heated imagination .
and
 OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 197

and conduct of Auguftus. It is not eafy to determine whether, on CHA

VI. P.
this occafion, he acted as the common father of the Roman world,

or as the oppreffor of liberty ; whether he wished to relieve the pro-

vinces, or to impoverish the fenate and the equeftrian order. But

no fooner had he affumed the reins of government, than he frc-

quently intimated the infufficiency of the tributes, and the neceffity

of throwing an equitable proportion of the public burden upon

Rome and Italy. In the proſecution of this unpopular deſign , he

advanced, however, by cautious and well-weighed ſteps . The in-

troduction of cuſtoms was followed by the eſtabliſhment of an ex-

cife, and the ſcheme of taxation was completed by an artful affefſinent

on the real and perfonal property of the Roman citizens, who had been
exempted from any kind of contribution above a century and a half.

I. In a great empire like that of Rome, a natural balance of money The customs.

muft have gradually eſtabliſhed itſelf. It has been already obſerved,

that as the wealth of the provinces was attracted to the capital by

the ſtrong hand of conqueft and power ; ſo a confiderable part of it was

reſtored to the induſtrious provinces by the gentle influence of com-

merce and arts. In the reign of Auguftus and his fucceffors, duties

were impoſed on every kind of merchandiſe, which through a thou-

fand channels flowed to the great centre of opulence and luxury ;

and in whatſoever manner the law was expreffed , it was the Roman
97
purchafer, and not the provincial merchant, who paid the tax "7.

The rate of the cuſtoms varied from the eighth to the fortieth part

of the value of the commodity ; and we have a right to ſuppoſe

that the variation was directed by the unalterable maxims of policy :

that a higher duty was fixed on the articles of luxury than on thoſe

of neceffity, and that the productions raifed or manufactured by the

labour of the fubjects of the empire, were treated with more in-

dulgence than was fhewn to the pernicious, or at leaſt the unpopular

97 Tacit. Annal . xiii . 31 .

commerce
198 THE DECLINE AND FALL

CHAP. commerce of Arabia and India ". There is ftill extant a long but
VI.
imperfect catalogue of eaftern , commodities, which about the time

of Alexander Severus were ſubject to the payment of duties ; cinna-

mon, myrrh, pepper, ginger, and the whole tribe of aromatics, a

great variety of precious ftones , among which the diamond was the

moſt remarkable for its price, and the emerald for its beauty " :
Parthian and Babylonian leather, cottons , filks , both raw and manu-
factured, ebony, ivory, and eunuchs 100. We may obferve that the

uſe and value of thoſe effeminate flaves gradually rofe with the de-
cline of the empire.
The excife. II. The excife, introduced by Auguftus after the civil wars, was

extremely moderate, but it was general. It feldom exceeded one

per cent.; but it comprehended whatever was fold in the markets

or by public auction, from the moſt confiderable purchaſes of lands

and houſes, to thoſe minute objects which can only derive a value
from their infinite multitude and daily confumption. Such a tax,

as it affects the body of the people, has ever been the occafion of

clamour and diſcontent. An emperor well acquainted with the

wants and refources of the ftate, was obliged to declare by a public

edict, that the ſupport of the army depended in a great meaſure on

101
the produce of the exciſe ¹º¹.

Tax on lega- III. When Auguftus refolved to eſtabliſh a permanent military

cies and in-
beritances. force for the defence of his government againſt foreign and domeſtic

enemies, he inftituted a peculiar treaſury for the pay of the foldiers,

98 See Pliny ( Hift. Natur. 1. vi. c. 23 . 100 M. Bouchaud, in his treatiſe de l'Impot
1. xii. c. 18. ) . His obfervation, that the In- chez les Romains, has tranfcribed this cata-
dian commodities were fold at Rome at a logue, from the Digeft, and attempts to il
hundred times their original price, may give luftrate it by a very prolix commentary.
us fome notion of the produce of the customs, 101 Tacit. Annal. i . 78. Two years after-
fince that original price amounted to more wards , the reduction of the poor kingdom of
than eight hundred thoufand pounds. Cappadocia gave Tiberius a pretence for
99 The ancients were unacquainted with diminishing the excife to one half ; but the
the art of cutting diamonds. relief was of very fhort duration.
2 the
 OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 199

the rewards of the veterans, and the extraordinary expences of CHA

VI. P.
war. The ample revenue of the excife, though peculiarly appro-

priated to thoſe uſes, was found inadequate. To fupply the defi-

ciency, the emperor ſuggeſted a new tax of five per cent. on all

legacies and inheritances. But the nobles of Rome were more tena-

cious of property than of freedom. Their indignant murmurs were

received by Auguſtus with his ufual temper. He candidly referred

the whole buſineſs to the ſenate, and exhorted them to provide for

the public fervice by fome other expedient of a lefs odious nature.

They were divided and perplexed. He infinuated to them, that

their obftinacy would oblige him to propose a general land-tax and

102
capitation. They acquiefced in filence *°2.• The new impofition on

legacies and inheritances was however mitigated by fome reſtric

tions. It did not take place unleſs the object was of a certain value,

moft probably of fifty or an hundred pieces of gold 103 ; nor could it

104
be exacted from the neareſt of kin on the father's fide • When

the rights of nature and poverty were thus fecured, it ſeemed

reaſonable, that a ftranger, or a diftant relation, who acquired an

unexpected acceffion of fortune, ſhould cheerfully reſign a twentieth

part of it, for the benefit of the ftate 105.
Such
a tax , plentiful as it muſt prove in every wealthy commu- Suited to the
laws and
nity, was moſt happily fuited to the fituation of the Romans, who manners.

could frame their arbitrary wills , according to the dictates of reafon

or caprice, without any reſtraint from the modern fetters of entails

and fettlements . From various cauſes the partiality of paternal af-

fection often loft its influence over the ftern patriots of the com-

monwealth , and the diffolute nobles of the empire ; and if the father

bequeathed to his fon the fourth part of his eftate , he removed all'

102 Dion Caffius, lv. p. 794. 1. lvi . p . 825 . fide, were not called to the fucceffion . This
103 The fum is only fixed by conjecture. harſh inftitution was gradually undermined by
104 As the Roman law fubfifted for many humanity, and finally aboliſhed by Juftinian.
ages, the Cognati, or relations on the mother's 105 Plin. Panegyric . c. 37 .

ground
200 THE DECLINE AND FALL

CHAP. ground of legal complaint 106. But a rich childlefs old man was a
VI.
domeſtic tyrant, and his power increaſed with his years and in-
firmities. A fervile crowd, in which he frequently reckoned

prætors and confuls, courted his fmiles, pampered his avarice, ap-

plauded his follies, ferved his paffions, and waited with impatience
for his death. The arts of attendance and flattery were formed into

a moſt lucrative fcience ; thoſe who profeffed it acquired a peculiar

appellation ; and the whole city, according to the lively defcrip-

tions of fatire, was divided between two parties, the hunters and
their game 107. Yet, while fo many unjuſt and extravagant wills

were every day dictated by cunning, and ſubſcribed by folly, a few

were the refult of rational eſteem and virtuous gratitude. Cicero,

who had fo often defended the lives and fortunes of his fellow-

citizens, was rewarded with legacies to the amount of an hundred

108
and ſeventy thousand pounds ; nor do the friends of the younger
109
Pliny feem to have been lefs generous to that amiable orator
Whatever was the motive of the teftator, the treaſury claimed, with-

out diftinction, the twentieth part of his eftate ; and in the courſe

of two or three generations, the whole property of the ſubject muſt

have gradually paffed through the coffers of the ſtate.
Regulations In the first and golden years of the reign of Nero, that prince,
of the em-
perors. from a defire of popularity, and perhaps from a blind impulſe

of benevolence, conceived a wiſh of aboliſhing the oppreffion of the

cuſtoms and exciſe. The wifeft fenators applauded his magnanimity ;

but they diverted him from the execution of a defign, which would
110
have diſſolved the ſtrength and reſources of the republic " °. Had

it indeed been poffible to realize this dream of fancy, fuch princes

106
See Heineccius in the Antiquit. Juris him an occafion of diſplaying his reverence
Romani, 1. ii. to the dead, and his juftice to the living. He
107 Horat. 1. ii. Sat. v. Petron . c. 116, reconciled both, in his behaviour to a fon
&c. Plin. 1. ii. Epiſt. 20 . who had been difinherited by his mother(v.1.).
108 Cicero in Philipp . ii . c . 16. 11 Tacit. Annal. xiii . 50. Efprit des
109 See his epiftles. Every fuch will gave Loix, 1. xii . c. 19.
as
 OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 201

as Trajan and the Antonines would furely have embraced with CHA P.
VI.
ardour the glorious opportunity of conferring fo fignal an obli-

gation on mankind. Satisfied , however, with alleviating the pub--

lic burden, they attempted not to remove it. The mildnefs and

preciſion of their laws afcertained the rule and meaſure of taxation,

and protected the ſubject of every rank againſt arbitrary interpret-

ations, antiquated claims, and the infolent vexation of the farmers
of the revenue " • For it is fomewhat fingular, that, in every age,

the beſt and wifeft of the Roman governors perfevered in this per-

nicious method of collecting the principal branches at leaſt of the

112
excife and cuſtoms " .

The fentiments, and, indeed, the fituation of Caracalla, were very Edict of
Caracalla..
different from thofe of the Antonines. Inattentive, or rather.

averſe to the welfare of his people, he found himſelf under the

neceffity of gratifying the infatiate avarice , which he had excited

in the army. Of the feveral impofitions introduced by Auguftus,
the twentieth on inheritances and legacies was the moſt fruitful ,

as well as the most comprehenfive. As its influence was not con-

fined to Rome or Italy, the produce continually increaſed with the

gradual extenfion of the ROMAN CITY. The new citizens, though

113
charged, on equal terms " 3, with the payment of new taxes, which
had not affected them as fubjects, derived an ample compenfation
.

from the rank they obtained, the privileges they acquired, and the

fair profpect of honours and fortune that was thrown open to their

ambition. But the favour, which implied a diftinction, was loft The freedom
of the city
in the prodigality of Caracalla, and the reluctant provincials given to all
the provin
were compelled to affume the vain title, and the real obliga- cials , for the
purpose of
" See Pliny's Panegyric, the Auguftan Is The fituation of the new citizens is taxation .
Hiftory, and Burman . de Vectigal . paflim . minutely defcribed by Pliny ( Panegyric, c. 37,
112 The tributes (properly fo called ) were 38 , 39 ) . Trajan publiſhed a law very much
not farmed ; fince the good princes often re- in their favour..
mitted many millions of arrears.
VOL. I. D d tions,
202 THE DECLINE AND FALL

CHAP. tions , of Roman citizens. Nor was the rapacious fon of Severus
VI.
contented with fuch a meafure of taxation, as had appeared

fufficient to his moderate predeceffors. Inftead of a twentieth, he

exacted a tenth of all legacies and inheritances ; and during his

reign (for the ancient proportion was reſtored after his death) he

cruſhed alike every part of the empire under the weight of his iron
114
ſceptre "*.

Temporary When all the provincials became liable to the peculiar impofitions
reduction of
the tribute. of Roman citizens, they ſeemed to acquire a legal exemption from the

tributes which they had paid in their former condition of fubjects.

Such were not the maxims of government adopted by Caracalla and

his pretended fon. The old as well as the new taxes were, at the fame

time, levied in the provinces. It was referved for the virtue of Alexan-

der to relieve them in a great meaſure from this intolerable grievance,

by reducing the tributes to a thirtieth part of the fum exacted at the

time of his acceffion " . It is impoffible to conjecture the motive that

engaged him to ſpare fo trifling a remnant of the public evil ; but

the noxious weed, which had not been totally eradicated, again fprang

up with the moft luxuriant growth, and in the fucceeding age

darkened the Roman world with its deadly ſhade. In the courfe of

this hiſtory, we ſhall be too often fummoned to explain the land-tax,

the capitation, and the heavy contributions of corn , wine, oil , and

meat, which were exacted from the provinces for the ufe of the

court, the army, and the capital.

'Confequen- As long as Rome and Italy were reſpected as the centre of govern-
ces ofthe
univerfal ment, a national ſpirit was preſerved by the ancient, and infenfibly

freedom of
Rome. imbibed by the adopted, citizens. The principal commands of the

army were filled by men who had received a liberal education , were

114 Dion, 1. lxxvii. p. 1295. pieces of gold were coined by Alexander's

He who paid ten aurei, the ufual tri- order. Hift. Auguft. p. 127. with the com-
bute, was charged with no more than the mentary of Salmafius.
third part of an aureus, and proportional
well
 OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 203

well inftructed in the advantages of laws and letters, and who had CHA P.
VI.
rifen, by equal ſteps, through the regular fucceffion of civil and mi-

litary honours " . To their influence and example we may partly

aſcribe the modeft obedience of the legions during the two firft cen-

turies of the Imperial hiftory.

But when the laft encloſure of the Roman conftitution was tram-

pled down by Caracalla, the feparation of profeffions gradually

fucceeded to the diſtinction of ranks. The more poliſhed citizens of

the internal provinces were alone qualified to act as lawyers and ma-

giſtrates. The rougher trade of arms was abandoned to the peaſants

and barbarians of the frontiers, who knew no country but their

camp, no ſcience but that of war, no civil laws, and ſcarcely

thoſe of military difcipline. With bloody hands, favage manners,

and defperate refolutions, they fometimes guarded, but much oftener

fubverted, the throne ofthe emperors.

116 See the lives of Agricola, Vefpafian, and indeed of all the eminent men ofthofe
Trajan, Severus, and his three competitors ; times.

Dd 2-
204 THE DECLINE AND FALL

CHA P. VII .

The Elevation and Tyranny of Maximin . - Rebellion in

Africa and Italy, under the Authority of the Senate.

-Civil Wars and Seditions.-Violent Deaths of Max-

imin and his Son, of Maximus and Balbinus, and of

the three Gordians. - Ufurpation and fecular Games of

Philip .

CHA P. F the various forms of government, which have prevailed in the

VII . OF
world, an hereditary monarchy feems to preſent the faireſt
The appa-
rent ridicule fcope for ridicule. Is it poffible to relate, without an indignant
fmile, that, on the father's deceafe, the property of a nation ,
like that of a drove of oxen, defcends to his infant fon, as yet

unknown to mankind and to himfelf ; and that the braveft war-

riors and the wifeft ftatefmen , relinquishing their natural right to

empire, approach the royal cradle with bended knees and pro-
teftations of inviolable fidelity ? Satire and declamation may

paint theſe obvious topics in the moſt dazzling colours, but our

more ferious thoughts will refpect a uſeful prejudice, that efta-

bliſhes a rule of fucceffion, independent of the paffions of man-

kind ; and we ſhall cheerfully acquiefce in any expedient which

deprives the multitude of the dangerous, and indeed the ideal ,

power of giving themfelves a maſter.
and folid ad- In the cool fhade of retirement, we may eaſily deviſe imaginary
vantages of
hereditary forms of government, in which the fceptre fhall be conftantly be-
fucceffion .
ftowed on the moft worthy, by the free and incorrupt fuffrage of

the whole community. Experience overturns theſe airy fabrics,

and
 OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 205

and teaches us, that, in a large fociety, the election of a monarch CHAP.
VII.
can never devolve to the wifeft, or to the moft numerous, part of

the people. The army is the only order of men fufficiently united

to concur in the ſame ſentiments, and powerful enough to impofe

them on the reft of their fellow-citizens : but the temper of foldiers,

habituated at once to violence and to flavery, renders them very

unfit guardians of a legal, or even a civil conftitution . Juftice,

humanity, or political wiſdom, are qualities they are too little

acquainted with in themſelves, to appreciate them in others. Va-

lour will acquire their eſteem, and liberality will purchaſe their
fuffrage ; but the firſt of theſe merits is often lodged in the moſt

favage breafts ; the latter can only exert itself at the expence of the

public ; and both may be turned againſt the poffeffor of the throne,

by the ambition of a daring rival.

The ſuperior prerogative of birth, when it has obtained the fanc- Want of it in
the Roman
tion of time and popular opinion, is the plaineft and leaft invidious empire pro-
ductive of the
of all diftinctions among mankind. The acknowledged right greatest cala-

extinguiſhes the hopes of faction, and the confcious fecurity dif- mities.
arms the cruelty of the monarch. To the firm eftablishment of this

idea, we owe the peaceful fucceffion , and mild adminiſtration, of

European monarchies. To the defect of it, we muſt attribute the

frequent civil wars, through which an Afiatic Defpot is cbliged to

cut his way to the throne of his fathers. Yet, even in the Eaft,

the ſphere of contention is uſually limited to the princes of the

reigning houſe, and as foon as the more fortunate competitor has

removed his brethren, by the fword and the bow-ftring, he no longer

entertains any jealoufy of his meaner fubjects. But the Roman em-

pire, after the authority of the fenate had funk into contempt, was

a vaſt ſcene of confufion. The royal, and even noble, families of

the provinces, had long fince been led in triumph before the car of
the haughty republicans . The ancient families of Rome had

fucceffively fallen beneath the tyranny of the Cæfars ; and whilſt

thofe
206 THE DECLINE AND FALL

CHAP. thofe princes were fhackled by the forms of a commonwealth, and

VII.
diſappointed by the repeated failure of their pofterity ' , it was im-

poffible that any idea of hereditary fucceffion fhould have taken

root in the minds of their fubjects. The right to the throne, which

none could claim from birth, every one affumed from merit. The

daring hopes of ambition were fet looſe from the falutary reftraints

of law and prejudice ; and the meaneft of mankind might, without

folly, entertain a hope of being raiſed by valour and fortune to a

rank in the army, in which a fingle crime would enable him to

wreft the fceptre of the world from his feeble and unpopular mafter.

After the murder of Alexander Severus, and the elevation of Maxi-

min, no emperor could think himſelf fafe upon the throne, and
every barbarian peafant of the frontier might afpire to that auguſt,
but dangerous ftation.
Birth and
fortunes of About thirty-two years before that event, the emperor Severus,
Maximin..
returning from an eaftern expedition, halted in Thrace, to cele-

brate, with military games, the birth-day of his younger fon, Geta.

The country flocked in crowds to behold their fovereign, and a

young barbarian of gigantic ftature earneftly folicited, in his rude

dialect, that he might be allowed to contend for the prize of wreft-

ling. As the pride of difcipline would have been difgraced in the

overthrow of a Roman foldier by a Thracian peafant, he was

matched with the ftouteft followers of the camp, fixteen of whom

he fucceffively laid on the ground. His victory was rewarded by

fome trifling gifts, and a permiffion to inlift in the troops. The

next day, the happy barbarian was diſtinguiſhed above a crowd of

recruits, dancing and exulting after the fashion of his country..

As foon as he perceived that he had attracted the emperor's notice,

he inſtantly ran up to his horſe, and followed him on foot, without

There had been no example of three fuc- The marriages of the Cæfars ( notwithſtand-
ceffive generations on the throne ; only three ing the permiffion, and the frequent practice
instances of fons who fucceeded their fathers . of divorces) were generally unfruitful.
the
 OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE.
207

the leaft appearance of fatigue, in a long and rapid career. " Thra- CHAP.
VII.
" cian," ſaid Severus, with aſtoniſhment, " art thou diſpoſed to
wreſtle after thy race ?" Moft willingly, Sir, replied the un-

wearied youth, and, almoft in a breath, overthrew feven of the

ftrongeſt foldiers in the army. A gold collar was the prize of

his matchlefs vigour and activity, and he was immediately ap-

pointed to ferve in the horſe-guards who always attended on the

perfon of the fovereign².

Maximin, for that was his name, though born on the territories His military
fervice and
of the empire, defcended from a mixed race of barbarians. His honours.
father was a Goth, and his mother, of the nation of the Alani.

He difplayed, on every occafion, a valour equal to his ftrength ;

and his native fiercenefs was foon tempered or difguifed by the
knowledge of the world. Under the reign of Severus and his fon,

he obtained the rank of centurion, with the favour and efteem

of both thoſe princes, the former of whom was an excellent judge

of merit. Gratitude forbade Maximin to ſerve under the affaffin of

Caracalla. Honour taught him to decline the effeminate infults of

Elagabalus. On the acceffion of Alexander he returned to court,

and was placed by that prince in a ftation uſeful to the fervice,

and honourable to himſelf. The fourth legion , to which he was

appointed tribune, foon became, under his care, the beſt difciplined

of the whole army. With the general applaufe of the foldiers,

who bestowed on their favourite hero the names of Ajax and

Hercules, he was fucceffively promoted to the firſt military com-
mand³ ; and had not he ſtill retained too much of his ſavage origin,

the emperor might perhaps have given his own ſiſter in marriage to
the fon of Maximin *.
Hift. Auguft. p. 138 . plining the recruits of the whole army. His
3 Hift. Auguft . p. 140. Herodian , 1. vi. Biographer ought to have marked, with more
p. 223. Aurelius Victor. By comparing care, his exploits, and the fucceffive ſteps of
thefe authors , it should feem, that Maximin his military promotions.
had the particular command of the Triballian 4 See the original letter of Alexander Se-
horſe, with the general commiffion of difci- verus, Hiſt. Auguſt. p. 149.
Inftead
208 THE DECLINE AND FALL

CHAP.
VII . Inſtead of fecuring his fidelity, theſe favours ſerved only to in-

flame the ambition of the Thracian peafant, who deemed his

Conspiracy
of Maximin . fortune inadequate to his merit, as long as he was conſtrained to

acknowledge a fuperior. Though a stranger to real wifdom, he

was not devoid of a felfifh cunning, which fhewed him, that the

emperor had loft the affection of the army, and taught him to
improve their difcontent to his own advantage. It is eafy for faction

and calumny to ſhed their poifon on the adminiſtration of the beſt

of princes , and to accufe even their virtues, by artfully confounding

them with thoſe vices to which they bear the neareſt affinity. The

troops liftened with pleaſure to the emiffaries of Maximin. They

bluſhed at their own ignominious patience, which , during thirteen

years, had fupported the vexatious difcipline impofed by an effemi-

nate Syrian, the timid flave of his mother and of the fenate . It

was time, they cried, to caft away that ufelefs phantom of the civil

power, and to elect for their prince and general a real foldier, edu-
cated in camps, exercifed in war, who would affert the glory, and

diftribute among his companions the treaſures of the empire. A

great army was at that time affembled on the banks of the Rhine,

under the command of the emperor himſelf, who , almoſt immediately

after his return from the Perfian war, had been obliged to march

againſt the barbarians of Germany. The important care of training

and reviewing the new levies was intrufted to Maximin. One day
as he entered the field of exerciſe , the troops , either from a ſudden

impulfe or a formed confpiracy, faluted him emperor , filenced by

A. D. 235. their loud acclamations his obftinate refufal, and haftened to con-
March 19.
fummate their rebellion by the murder of Alexander Severus.
Murder of The circumftances of his death are variouſly related. The wri-
Alexander
Severus. ters, who fuppofe that he died in ignorance of the ingratitude and
ambition of Maximin , affirm , that, after taking a frugal repaft in

the fight of the army, he retired to fleep, and that, about the fe-
venth hour of the day, a part of his own guards broke into the
8
Imperial
 OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 209

Imperial tent, and, with many wounds, affaffinated their virtuous CHA P.
VII.
and unfufpecting prince '. If we credit another, and indeed a more

probable account, Maximin was inveſted with the purple by a nu-

merous detachment, at the diftance of feveral miles from the head-

quarters ; and he trufted for fuccefs rather to the fecret wiſhes than

to the public declarations of the great army. Alexander had ſuffi-

cient time to awaken a faint ſenſe of loyalty among his troops ; but

their reluctant profeffions of fidelity quickly vanished on the appear-

ance of Maximin , who declared himſelf the friend and advocate of

the military order, and was unanimouſly acknowledged emperor of

the Romans by the applauding legions. The fon of Mamæa, be-

trayed and deferted, withdrew into his tent, defirous at leaſt to con-

ceal his approaching fate from the infults of the multitude. He was

foon followed by a tribune and fome centurions, the minifters of

death ; but, inſtead of receiving with manly reſolution the inevitable

ftroke, his unavailing cries and entreaties difgraced the laſt moments
of his life, and converted into contempt fome portion of the juſt pity

which his innocence and misfortunes muft infpire. His mother

Mamaa, whoſe pride and avarice he loudly accufed as the cauſe of

his ruin, periſhed with her fon. The moſt faithful of his friends
were facrificed to the firſt fury of the foldiers. Others were reſerved

for the more deliberate cruelty of the ufurper ; and thoſe who expe-

rienced the mildeſt treatment, were ſtripped of their employments,

and ignominiouſly driven from the court and army .

The former tyrants, Caligula and Nero, Commodus and Caracalla, Tyranny of
Maximin.
were all diffolute and unexperienced youths ', educated in the pur-

5 Hift. Auguft. p. 135. I have foftened
fome ofthe most improbable circumſtances of
this wretched biographer. From this ill-
worded narration, it should feem , that the
prince's buffoon having accidentally entered
the tent, and awakened the flumbering mo-
narch, the fear of punishment urged him to
VOL. I. Ee
perfuade the difaffected foldiers to commit
the murder.
•6 Herodian, 1. vi . p. 223-227.
7 Caligula, the eldeft of the four, was only
twenty-five years of age when he afcended the
throne ; Caracalla was twenty-three, Commo-
dus nineteen, andNero no more than feventeen .
ple,
210 THE DECLINE AND FALL

CHA P. ple, and corrupted by the pride of empire, the luxury of Rome,
VII.
and the perfidious voice of flattery. The cruelty of Maximin was
derived from a different fource, the fear of contempt. Though he

depended on the attachment of the foldiers, who loved him for vir-

tues like their own, he was confcious that his mean and barbarian

origin, his favage appearance, and his total ignorance of the arts

and inftitutions of civil life , formed a very unfavourable contraſt

with the amiable manners of the unhappy Alexander. He remem-

bered, that, in his humbler fortune, he had often waited before the

door of the haughty nobles of Rome, and had been denied admittance

by the infolence of their flaves. He recollected too the friendſhip

of a few who had relieved his poverty, and affifted his rifing hopes..

But thoſe who had fpurned, and thofe who had protected the Thra-

cian, were guilty of the fame crime, the knowledge of his original

obfcurity. For this crime many were put to death ; and by the exe-

cution of ſeveral of his benefactors, Maximin publiſhed , in charac-

ters of blood , the indelible hiſtory of his bafeneſs and ingratitude '.
The dark and fanguinary foul of the tyrant, was open to every

fufpicion against thofe among his fubjects who were the moſt dif-

tinguiſhed by their birth or merit. Whenever he was alarmed withe

the found of treafon, his cruelty was unbounded and unrelenting.

A confpiracy againſt his life was either diſcovered or imagined , and

Magnus, a confular fenator, was named as the principal author of

it. Without a witnefs, without a trial, and without an opportunity

of defence, Magnus, with four thoufand of his fuppofed accom--

plices, were put to death ; Italy and the whole empire were infefted

with innumerable fpies and informers. On the flighteſt accuſation ,,

the firſt of the Roman nobles, who had governed provinces, com-

8
It appears that he was totally ignorant of Hift. Auguft. p. 141. Herodian , 1. vii .
the Greek language ; which , from its uni- p. 237. The latter of thefe hiftorians has
verfal ufe in converſation and letters, was an been moft unjustly cenfured for fparing the
effential part of every liberal education . vices of Maximin .

5 manded
 OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 211

randed armies, and been adorned with the confular and triumphal CHA P.
VII.
ornaments, were chained on the public carriages, and hurried away

to the emperor's prefence. Confifcation, exile, or fimple death,

were eſteemed uncommon inftances of his lenity. Some of the un-
fortunate fufferers he ordered to be fewed up in the hides of flaugh-

tered animals, others to be expofed to wild beafts, others again to

be beaten to death with clubs. During the three years of his reign ,
he difdained to vifit either Rome or Italy. His camp, occafionally,
removed from the banks of the Rhine to thofe of the Danube, was

the ſeat of his ſtern defpotiſm, which trampled on every principle

of law and juſtice, and was fupported by the avowed power of the

fword " . No man of noble birth, elegant accompliſhments, or know-

ledge of civil bufinefs, was fuffered near his perfon ; and the court of
a Roman emperor revived the idea of thofe ancient chiefs of flaves
1
and gladiators, whoſe favage power had left a deep impreffion of ter-
ror and deteſtation ".

As long as the cruelty of Maximin was confined to the illuftrious Oppreffion

of the pro-
fenators, or even to the bold adventurers, who in the court or army vinces.

expoſe themſelves to the caprice of fortune, the body of the people

viewed their fufferings with indifference, or perhaps with pleaſure.

But the tyrant's avarice, ftimulated by the infatiate defires of the

foldiers, at length attacked the public property. Every city of the

empire was poffeffed of an independent revenue, deſtined to pur-

chaſe corn for the multitude, and to fupply the expences of the

games and entertainments. By a fingle act of authority, the whole

maſs of wealth was at once confifcated for the uſe of the Imperial

10 The wife of Maximin, by infinuating
wife counfels with female gentleness, fome-
times brought back the tyrant to the way of
truth and humanity. See Ammianus Mar-
cellinus, 1. xiv. c. 1. where he alludes to the
fact which he had more fully related under
the reign of the Gordians. We may collect
E e 2
from the medals, that Paullina was the name
of this benevolent emprefs ; and from the title
of Diva, that he died before Maximin.
(Valefius ad loc. cit. Ammian . ) Spanheim de
U. et P. N. tom. ii . p. 300 .
" He was compared to Spartacus and Athe-
nio. Hift. Auguft. p. 141 .
treaſury.
 212 THE DECLINE AND FALL

CHA
VII. P. treaſury. The temples were ftripped of their moſt valuable offer

ings of gold and filver, and the ftatues of gods, heroes, and empe-
rors were melted down and coined into money. Theſe impious or-

ders could not be executed without tumults and maffacres, as in many

places the people choſe rather to die in the defence of their altars,

than to behold in the midſt of peace their cities expoſed to the ra-
pine and cruelty of war. The foldiers themſelves, among whom

this facrilegious plunder was diſtributed, received it with a bluſh ;

and, hardened as they were in acts of violence , they dreaded the juft
reproaches of their friends and relations. Throughout the Roman

world a general cry of indignation was heard, imploring vengeance

on the common enemy of human kind ; and at length, by an act of

private oppreffion, a peaceful and unarmed. province was driven into

rebellion againſt him ".

Revolt in The procurator of Africa was a fervant worthy of fuch a maſter,

Africa.
A. D. 237. who confidered the fines and confifcations of the rich as one of
April. the moſt fruitful branches of the Imperial revenue. An iniquitous

fentence had been pronounced againſt fome opulent youths of that

country, the execution of which would have ftripped them of far

the greater part of their patrimony. In this extremity, a reſolution

that muſt either complete or prevent their ruin , was dictated by

deſpair. A reſpite of three days, obtained with difficulty from the

rapacious treaſurer, was employed in collecting from their eftates a

great number of flaves and peaſants, blindly devoted to the com-

mands of their lords, and armed with the ruftic weapons of clubs
and axes .
The leaders of the confpiracy, as they were admitted

to the audience of the procurator, ftabbed him with the daggers :

concealed under their garments,, and, by the affiftance of their tu-

13 .
multuary train, feized on the little town of Thyfdrus " , and erected

12 Herodian, 1. vii. p . 238. Zofim. l . i. p. 15 .
13 In the fertile territory of Byzacium , one
hundred and fifty miles to the fouth of Car-
thage. This city was decorated, probably
by the Gordians, with the title of colony,
and with a fine amphitheatre, which is ftill in
a very perfect fate. See Itinerar. Weffeling,.
p.59 . and Shaw's Travels, p . 117 .
the
 OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 213

the ſtandard of rebellion againſt the fovereign of the Roman em- CHA P.
VII.
pire. They refted their hopes on the hatred of mankind againſt

Maximin, and they judiciouſly refolved to oppofe to that de-

teſted tyrant, an emperor whofe mild virtues had already ac-

quired the love and efteem of the Romans, and whofe authority

over the province would give weight and ſtability to the enterpriſe.

Gordianus, their proconful, and the object of their choice, re-

fuſed, with unfeigned reluctance, the dangerous honour, and begged

with tears that they would ſuffer him to terminate in peace a long

and innocent life, without ftaining his feeble age with civil blood.

Their menaces compelled him to accept the Imperial purple, his

only refuge indeed againſt the jealous cruelty of Maximin ; fince,

according to the reaſoning of tyrants, thofe who have been eſteemed

worthy of the throne deſerve death, and thoſe who deliberate have
14
already rebelled "*.

The family of Gordianus was one of the moft illuftrious of the Character
and elevation:
Roman ſenate. On the father's fide, he was defcended from the ofthe two
Gordians.
Gracchi ; on his mother's, from the emperor Trajan. A great eſtate

enabled him to ſupport the dignity of his birth, and, in the enjoy-

ment of it, he diſplayed an elegant taſte and beneficent diſpoſition .

The palace in Rome, formerly inhabited by the great Pompey, had

been, during ſeveral generations, in the poffeffion of Gordian's fa-

mily ". It was diſtinguiſhed by ancient trophies of naval victories,

and decorated with the works of modern painting. His villa on the

road to Prænefte, was celebrated for baths of fingular beauty and extent,

for three ſtately rooms of an hundred feet in length, and for a magni-

ficent portico, fupported by two hundred columns of the four moſt

14 Herodian, 1. vii . p. 239. Hift. Auguft. and even encouraged the rich fenators to
P. 153- purchaſe thoſe magnificent and uſeleſs places
15 Hift. Auguft. p. 152. The celebrated (Plin. Panegyric . c . 50. ) : and it may feem
house of Pompey in carinis, was ufurped by probable, that, on this occafion , Pompey's
Marc Antony, and confequently became, af- houfe came into the poffeffion of Gordian's
ter the Triumvir's death , a part of the Im- great grandfather.
perial domain. The emperor Trajan allowed
curious
214
. THE DECLINE AND FALL

CHA
VII. P. curious and coftly forts of marble ". The public fhows exhibited at

his expence, and in which the people were entertained with many hun-

dreds of wild beaſts and gladiators ", ſeem to furpaſs the fortune of a

fubject ; and whilst the liberality of other magiftrates was confined to

a few folemn feftivals in Rome, the magnificence of Gordian was re-

peated, when he was ædile, every month in the year, and extended ,

during his confulfhip , to the principal cities of Italy. He was twice

elevated to the laſt mentioned dignity, by Caracalla and by Alexander ;

for he poffeffed the uncommon talent of acquiring the efteem of

virtuous princes, without alarming the jealouſy of tyrants. His

long life was innocently ſpent in the ftudy of letters and the peace-
ful honours of Rome ; and, till he was named proconful of Africa

by the voice of the ſenate and the approbation of Alexander ", he

appears prudently to have declined the command of armies and the

government of provinces. As long as that emperor lived , Africa

was happy under the adminiſtration of his worthy repreſentative ;

after the barbarous Maximin had ufurped the throne, Gordianus

alleviated the miferies which he was unable to prevent. When he

reluctantly accepted the purple, he was above fourſcore years old ;

a laft and valuable remains of the happy age of the Antonines,

whoſe virtues he revived in his own conduct, and celebrated in an

elegant poem of thirty books. With the venerable proconful, his

fon, who had accompanied him into Africa as his lieutenant, was

16 The Claudian , the Numidian , the Ca-
ryftian, and the Synnadian . The colours of
Roman marbles have been faintly defcribed
and imperfectly distinguished . It appears,
however, that the Caryftian was a ſea green ,
and that the marble of Synnada was white
mixed with oval fpots of purple . See Sal-
mafius ad Hift. Auguft. p. 164.
17 Hift. Auguft. p . 151 , 152. He fome .
times gave five hundred pair of Gladiators,
never lefs than one hundred and fifty. He
once gave for the uſe of the Circus one hun-
dred Sicilian, and as many Cappadocian
horfes. The animals defigned for hunting,
were chiefly bears, boars, bulls, ftags, elks ,
wild affes, & c. Elephants and lions feem to
have been appropriated to Imperial magnifi-
cence.
18 See the original letter, in the Auguftan
Hiftory, p. 152 , which at once thews Alex-
ander's reſpect for the authority of the fenate,
and his esteem for the proconful appointed by
that affembly.
likewife
 OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 215

likewife declared emperor. His manners were lefs pure, but his CHA P.
VII.
character was equally amiable with that of his father. Twenty- two

acknowledged concubines, and a library of fixty-two thouſand vo-

lumes, atteſted the variety of his inclinations ; and from the pro-

ductions which he left behind him , it appears that the former as well
as the latter were defigned for uſe rather than for oftentation " . The

Roman people acknowledged in the features of the younger Gordian

the refemblance of Scipio Africanus, recollected with pleaſure that

his mother was the grand- daughter of Antoninus Pius, and refted the

public hope on thoſe latent virtues which had hitherto, as they fondly

imagined , lain concealed in the luxurious indolence of a private life.

They folicit
As foon as the Gordians had appeaſed the firſt tumult of a popu-
the confirma-
lar election , they removed their court to Carthage.They were re- tion of their
authority..
ceived with the acclamations of Lthe Africans, who honoured their

virtues, and who, fince the vifit of Hadrian, had never beheld the

majeſty of a Roman emperor. But theſe vain acclamations neither

ftrengthened nor confirmed the title of the Gordians. They were

induced by principle, as well as intereft, to folicit the approbation

of the ſenate ; and a deputation of the nobleſt provincials was fent,

without delay, to Rome, to relate and juftify the conduct of their

countrymen, who, having long ſuffered with patience, were at length:

refolved to act with vigour. The letters of the new princes were

modeſt and reſpectful, excufing the neceffity which had obliged

them to accept the Imperial title ; but fubmitting their election and

their fate to the fupreme judgment of the fenate 20.

The inclinations of the fenate were neither doubtful nor divided.
The fenate
ratifies their
The birth and noble alliances of the Gordians had intimately election of
the Gordi-
connected them with the moft illuftrious houfes of Rome. Their
ans ;
fortune had created many dependants in that affembly, their merit

19 By each of his concubines, the younger rous, were by no means contemptible.

Gordian left three or four children . His 20 Herodian, 1. vii. p. 243. Hift. Auguft.
literary productions, though lefs nume- p. 144.
had
216 THE DECLINE AND FALL

CHAP. had acquired many friends. Their mild adminiftration opened the
VII.
flattering proſpect of the reſtoration , not only of the civil but even
of the republican government. The terror of military vio-

lence, which had firft obliged the fenate to forget the murder of

Alexander, and to ratify the election of a barbarian peaſant ", now

produced a contrary effect , and provoked them to affert the injured

rights of freedom and humanity. The hatred of Maximin towards

the fenate was declared and implacable ; the tameft fubmiffion had

not appeaſed his fury, the moſt cautious innocence would not re-

move his fufpicions ; and even the care of their own fafety urged
them to fhare the fortune of an enterprife , of which ( if unfucceſsful )

they were fure to be the first victims. Thefe confiderations , and

perhaps others of a more private nature , were debated in a previous

conference of the confuls and the magiftrates . As foon as their

refolution was decided , they convoked in the temple of Caftor the

whole body of the fenate, according to an ancient form of fecrecy 22,

calculated to awaken their attention , and to conceal their decrees.

" Confcript fathers," faid the conful Syllanus , " the two Gordians ,
" both of confular dignity, the one your proconful , the other your

" lieutenant, have been declared emperors by the general confent

" of Africa. Let us return thanks," he boldly continued , " to the
66
youth of Thyfdrus ; let us return thanks to the faithful people
" of Carthage , our generous deliverers from an horrid monfter-
" Why do you hear me thus coolly, thus timidly ? Why do you caft

" thofe anxious looks on each other ? why hefiate ? Maximin

" is a public enemy ! may his enmity foon expire with him , and
(6
may we long enjoy the prudence and felicity of Gordian the fa-
23
" ther, the valour and conftancy of Gordian the fon " !" The

21 Quod tamen patres dum periculofum
exiftimant ; inermes armato refiftere appro-
baverunt. Aurelius Victor.
22 Even the fervants of the houſe , the
fcribes, &c. were excluded, and their office
was filled by the fenators themfelves. We
are obliged to the Auguftan Hiftory, p. 159,
for preferving this curious example of the old
difcipline of the commonwealth.
23 This fpirited ſpeech, tranflated from the
Auguftan hiftorian, p. 156, feems tranfcribed.
byhim from the original regiſters of the fenate.

noble
 OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 217

noble ardour of the conful revived the languid fpirit of the fenate. CHA
VII. P.
By an unanimous decree the election of the Gordians was ratified , and declares

Maximin, his fon, and his adherents, were pronounced enemies of Maximin a
their country, and liberal rewards were offered to whofoever had the public ene-
my.
courage and good fortune to deſtroy them .

During the emperor's a detachment of the Prætorian Affumes the

abfence,
command of
guards remained at Rome, to protect, or rather to command the Rome and
Italy,
capital. The Præfect Vitalianus had fignalized his fidelity to Maxi-
min, by the alacrity with which he had obeyed, and even prevented.

the cruel mandates of the tyrant. His death alone could reſcue the

authority of the fenate and the lives of the fenators, from a ſtate of

danger and fufpence. Before their refolves had tranſpired, a quæſtor

and fome tribunes were commiffioned to take his devoted life.

They executed the order with equal boldneſs and ſucceſs ; and, with

their bloody daggers in their hands, ran through the streets, pro-

claiming to the people and the foldiers, the news of the happy re-

volution. The enthuſiaſm of liberty was feconded by the promiſe

of a large donative, in lands and money ; the ftatues of Maximin

were thrown down ; the capital of the empire acknowledged, with
tranſport, the authority of the two Gordians and the fenate " ; and

the example of Rome was followed by the reſt of Italy.

A new ſpirit had ariſen in that aſſembly, whofe long patience had and prepares
for a civil
been infulted by wanton defpotifm and military licence. The war.

fenate affumed the reins of government, and, with a calm intre-

pidity, prepared to vindicate by arms the cauſe of freedom . Among

the confular fenators recommended by their merit and ſervices to the

favour of the emperor Alexander, it was eaſy to ſelect twenty,

not unequal to the command of an army, and the conduct of a
war.
To theſe was the defence of Italy intrufted . Each was ap-

pointed to act in his reſpective department, authorized to enrol and

24 Herodian, 1. vii. p. 244.

VOL. I. Ff difcipline
218 THE DECLINE AND FALL

CHAP.
VII. difcipline the Italian youth ; and inftructed to fortify the ports and
highways, againſt the impending invafion of Maximin. A number

of deputies , chofen from the moft illuftrious of the fenatorian and

equeſtrian orders , were diſpatched at the ſame time to the governors,

of the feveral provinces , earneſtly conjuring them to fly to the

affiſtance of their country, and to remind the nations of their
ancient ties of friendſhip with the Roman fenate and people. The
general reſpect with which theſe deputies were received , and the zeal

of Italy and the provinces in favour of the fenate, fufficiently prove

that the ſubjects of Maximin were reduced to that uncommon dif-

treſs , in which the body of the people has more to fear from oppref-
efs
fion than from refiftance. The confcioufn of that melancholy

truth , inſpires a degree of perfevering fury, feldom to be found in

thoſe civil wars which are artificially fupported for the benefit of a
few factious and defigning leaders " .
Defeat and For while the cauſe of the Gordians was embraced with fuch
death of the
two Gordi- diffuſive ardour, the Gordians themſelves were no more. The
ans.
A. D. 237. feeble court of Carthage was alarmed with 1 the rapid approach of
3d July. Capelianus, governor of Mauritania, who, with a ſmall band of

veterans, and a fierce hoft of barbarians, attacked a faithful, but

unwarlike province. The younger Gordian fallied out to meet the

enemy at the head of a few guards, and a numerous undiſciplined

multitude, educated in the peaceful luxury of Carthage. His ufe-

leſs valour ferved only to procure him an honourable death, in the

field of battle . His aged father, whofe reign had not exceeded
thirty-fix days, put an end to his life on the firſt news of the de-

feat. Carthage, deftitute of defence, opened her gates to the con-

queror, and Africa was expofed to the rapacious cruelty of a ſlave,

obliged to fatisfy his unrelenting mafter with a large account of blood.

26
and treaſure 2.
The

( as Herodian, 1. vii. p. 247. 1. viii..p. 277. 26 Herodian, I. vii. p. 254. Hift. Auguft..
Hift. Auguft. p. 156-158. P. 150-160. We may obferve, that one
month
 OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 279

The fate of the Gordians filled Rome with juft, but unexpected CHAP.
VII.
terror. The fenate convoked in the temple of Concord, affected to Election of

tranſact the common buſineſs of the day ; and feemed to decline, Maximusand
Balbinus by
with trembling anxiety, the confideration of their own, and the the fenate.

public danger. A filent confternation prevailed on the affembly, 9th July.

till a fenator, of the name and family of Trajan, awakened his
brethren from their fatal lethargy. He reprefented to them, that

the choice of cautious dilatory meaſures had been long fince out of
their power ; that Maximin, implacable by nature, and exafperated

by injuries, was advancing towards Italy, at the head of the military

force of the empire ; and that their only remaining alternatives

was either to meet him bravely in the field, or tamely to expect

the tortures and ignominious death reſerved for unſucceſsful re-
bellion. " We have loft, continued he, two excellent princes ; but

" unleſs we deſert ourſelves, the hopes of the republic have not
66
periſhed with the Gordians. Many are the ſenators, whofe virtues
" have deſerved, and whoſe abilities would fuftain, the Imperial

" dignity. Let us elect two emperors, one of whom may con-

" duct the war againſt the public enemy, whilft his colleague

" remains at Rome to direct the civil adminiſtration. I cheerfully

66
expoſe myſelf to the danger and envy of the nomination , and

" give my vote in favour of Maximus and Balbinus. Ratify my

" choice, confcript fathers, or appoint in their place, others more
66
worthy of the empire." The general apprehenſion filenced the

whiſpers of jealoufy ; the merit of the candidates was univerfally

acknowledged ; and the houſe reſounded with the fincere ac-

clamations, of " long life and victory to the emperors Max-

#imus and Balbinus. You are happy in the judgment of the

month and fix days, for the reign of Gor- p. 193. Zofimus relates , 1. i. p. 17. that
dian, is a juſt correction of Cafaubon and the two Gordians periſhed by a tempeft in the
Panvinius, instead of the abfurd reading of midft oftheir navigation. A ftrange ignorance
one year and fix months. See Commentar. of hiſtory, or a ftrange abuſe of metaphors !
Ff2 " fenate
206 THE DECLINE AND FALL

CHAP. thofe princes were fhackled by the forms of a commonwealth, and

VII.
diſappointed by the repeated failure of their pofterity ' , it was im-
poffible that any idea of hereditary fucceffion fhould have taken

root in the minds of their fubjects. The right to the throne, which

none could claim from birth, every one affumed from merit. The

daring hopes of ambition were fet looſe from the falutary reſtraints

of law and prejudice ; and the meaneſt of mankind might, without

folly, entertain a hope of being raiſed by valour and fortune to a

rank in the army, in which a fingle crime would enable him to

wreft the fceptre of the world from his feeble and unpopular mafter.

After the murder of Alexander Severus, and the elevation of Maxi-

min, no emperor could think himſelf fafe upon the throne, and

every barbarian peafant of the frontier might afpire to that auguft,

but dangerous ftation.
Birth and
About thirty-two years before that event, the emperor Severus,
fortunes of
Maximin. returning from an eaſtern expedition , halted in Thrace, to cele-

brate, with military games, the birth-day of his younger fon, Geta.

The country flocked in crowds to behold their fovereign, and a

young barbarian of gigantic ftature earneftly folicited, in his rude

dialect, that he might be allowed to contend for the prize of wreft-

ling. As the pride of difcipline would have been difgraced in the

overthrow of a Roman foldier by a Thracian peafant, he was

matched with the ftouteft followers of the camp, fixteen of whom

he fucceffively laid on the ground. His victory was rewarded by

fome trifling gifts, and a permiffion to inlift in the troops. The

next day, the happy barbarian was diftinguiſhed above a crowd of

recruits, dancing and exulting after the faſhion of his country..

As foon as he perceived that he had attracted the emperor's notice,

he inftantly ran up to his horfe, and followed him on foot, without

There had been no example of three fuc- The marriages of the Cæfars (notwithstand-
ceffive generations on the throne ; only three ing the permiffion, and the frequent practice
instances of fons who fucceeded their fathers. of divorces) were generally unfruitful.
the
 OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 207

the leaft appearance of fatigue, in a long and rapid career. " Thra- CHAP.
VII.
66
" cian," faid Severus, with aſtoniſhment, art thou diſpoſed to

wreſtle after thy race ?" Moft willingly, Sir, replied the un-

wearied youth, and, almoſt in a breath, overthrew feven of the

ſtrongeſt foldiers in the army. A gold collar was the prize of
his matchlefs vigour and activity, and he was immediately ap-

pointed to ferve in the horſe-guards who always attended on the

perfon of the fovereign .

Maximin, for that was his name, though born on the territories His military
fervice and
of the empire, defcended from a mixed race of barbarians. His honours.
father was a Goth, and his mother, of the nation of the Alani.

He difplayed, on every occafion, a valour equal to his ftrength ;

and his native fiercenefs was foon tempered or diſguiſed by the

knowledge of the world. Under the reign of Severus and his ſon,
he obtained the rank of centurion, with the favour and eſteem

of both thoſe princes, the former of whom was an excellent judge

of merit. Gratitude forbade Maximin to ſerve under the affaffin of

Caracalla. Honour taught him to decline the effeminate infults of

Elagabalus. On the acceffion of Alexander he returned to court,

and was placed by that prince in a ſtation uſeful to the fervice,

and honourable to himſelf. The fourth legion, to which he was

appointed tribune, foon became, under his care, the beft difciplined

of the whole army. With the general applaufe of the foldiers,

who bestowed on their favourite hero the names of Ajax and

Hercules, he was fucceffively promoted to the firſt military com-

mand³ ; and had not he ſtill retained too much of his favage origin,

the emperor might perhaps have given his own fifter in marriage to
the fon of Maximin *.
2 Hift. Auguft. p. 138. plining the recruits of the whole army. His
3 Hift. Auguft . p. 140. Herodian , 1. vi. Biographer ought to have marked, with more
p. 223. Aurelius Victor . By comparing care, his exploits, and the fucceffive fteps of
theſe authors, it ſhould feem, that Maximin his military promotions.
had the particular command of the Triballian 4 See the original letter of Alexander Se-
horfe, with the general commiffion of difci- verus, Hift. Auguft. p . 149 .
Inftead
208 THE DECLINE AND FALL

CHAP.
Inftead of fecuring his fidelity, thefe favours ferved only to in-
VII.
flame the ambition of the Thracian peafant, who deemed his
Conspiracy
of Maximin . fortune inadequate to his merit, as long as he was conſtrained to

acknowledge a fuperior. Though a ftranger to real wifdom, he

was not devoid of a felfifh cunning, which fhewed him, that the

emperor had loft the affection of the army, and taught him to
improve their difcontent to his own advantage. It is eafy for faction
and calumny to fhed their poifon on the adminiſtration of the beſt

of princes, and to accufe even their virtues, by artfully confounding

them with thofe vices to which they bear the neareſt affinity. The
troops liftened with pleaſure to the emiffaries of Maximin. They

bluſhed at their own ignominious patience, which, during thirteen

years, had fupported the vexatious difcipline impofed by an effemi-
nate Syrian, the timid flave of his mother and of the fenate. It

was time, they cried, to caft away that uſeleſs phantom of the civil

power, and to elect for their prince and general a real foldier, edu-

cated in camps, exerciſed in war, who would affert the glory, and
A
diftribute among his companions the treafures of the empire.
great army was at that time affembled on the banks of the Rhine,

under the command of the emperor himſelf, who, almoft immediately

after his return from the Perfian war, had been obliged to march

againſt the barbarians of Germany. The important care of training

and reviewing the new levies was intrufted to Maximin. One day

as he entered the field of exercife, the troops, either from a fudden

impulfe or a formed confpiracy, faluted him emperor, filenced by

A. D. 235 . their loud acclamations his obftinate refufal, and haftened to con-
March 19.
fummate their rebellion by the murder of Alexander Severus.
Murder of 1
The circumſtances of his death are variouſly related . The wri-
Alexander
Severus. ters, who fuppofe that he died in ignorance of the ingratitude and

ambition of Maximin , affirm, that, after taking a frugal repaft in

the fight of the army, he retired to fleep, and that, about the fe-
venth hour of the day, a part of his own guards broke into the
8
Imperial
 OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 209

Imperial tent, and, with many wounds, affaffinated their virtuous CHA P.
VII.
and unſuſpecting prince '. If we credit another, and indeed a more

probable account, Maximin was inveſted with the purple by a nu-

merous detachment, at the diftance of feveral miles from the head-
quarters ; and he trufted for fuccefs rather to the fecret wiſhes than

to the public declarations of the great army. Alexander had fuffi-

cient time to awaken a faint ſenſe of loyalty among his troops ; but

their reluctant profeffions of fidelity quickly vaniſhed on the appear-

ance of Maximin , who declared himſelf the friend and advocate of

the military order, and was unanimoufly acknowledged emperor of

the Romans by the applauding legions. The fon of Mamæa, be-

trayed and deferted, withdrew into his tent, defirous at leaſt to con-

ceal his approaching fate from the inſults of the multitude. He was

foon followed by a tribune and fome centurions, the minifters of

death ; but, inſtead of receiving with manly reſolution the inevitable

ftroke, his unavailing cries and entreaties difgraced the laſt moments
of his life, and converted into contempt fome portion of the juft pity
which his innocence and misfortunes muft infpire. His mother

Mamxa, whoſe pride and avarice he loudly accuſed as the cauſe of

his ruin, periſhed with her fon. The moſt faithful of his friends
were facrificed to the firſt fury of the foldiers. Others were reſerved

for the more deliberate cruelty of the ufurper ; and thoſe who expe-
rienced the mildeſt treatment, were ftripped of their employments,

and ignominiouſly driven from the court and army .

The former tyrants, Caligula and Nero , Commodus and Caracalla, Tyranny of
Maximin.
were all diffolute and unexperienced youths ', educated in the pur-

5 Hift. Auguft. p. 135. I have foftened
fome ofthe moſt improbable circumſtances of
this wretched biographer. From this ill-
worded narration, it fhould feem , that the
prince's buffoon having accidentally entered
the tent, and awakened the flumbering mo-
narch, the fear of punishment urged him to
VOL. I. E e
perfuade the difaffected foldiers to commit.
the murder.
• Herodian, 1. vi. p. 223—227.
7 Caligula , the eldeft of the four, was only
twenty-five years of age when he afcended the
throne ; Caracalla was twenty-three, Commo-
dus nineteen , and Nero no more than ſeventeen .
ple,
210 THE DECLINE AND FALL

CHA
VII. P. ple, and corrupted by the pride of empire, the luxury of Rome,
and the perfidious voice of flattery. The cruelty of Maximin was
derived from a different fource, the fear of contempt. Though he
depended on the attachment of the foldiers, who loved him for vir-

tues like their own, he was confcious that his mean and barbarian

origin, his favage appearance, and his total ignorance of the arts

and inftitutions of civil life , formed a very unfavourable contraſt.

with the amiable manners of the unhappy Alexander. He remem-

bered, that, in his humbler fortune, he had often waited before the

door of the haughty nobles of Rome, and had been denied admittance

by the infolence of their flaves. He recollected too the friendſhip

of a few who had relieved his poverty, and affifted his riſing hopes..

But thoſe who had fpurned, and thoſe who had protected the Thra-

cian, were guilty of the fame crime, the knowledge of his original

obfcurity. For this crime many were put to death ; and by the exe-

cution of ſeveral of his benefactors, Maximin publiſhed, in charac-

ters of blood, the indelible hiſtory of his baſeneſs and ingratitude ³.
The dark and fanguinary foul of the tyrant, was open to every

fufpicion against thofe among his fubjects who were the moſt dif-

tinguiſhed by their birth or merit. Whenever he was alarmed with

the found of treafon, his cruelty was unbounded and unrelenting.

A confpiracy againſt his life was either diſcovered or imagined , and

Magnus, a confular fenator, was named as the principal author of

it. Without a witneſs , without a trial, and without an opportunity

of defence, Magnus, with four thousand of his fuppofed accom--

plices, were put to death ; Italy and the whole empire were infeſted

with innumerable ſpies and informers. On the flighteſt accuſation,

the first of the Roman nobles, who had governed provinces, com-

8
* It appears that he was totally ignorant of Hift. Auguft. p. 141. Herodian , 1. vii.
the Greek language ; which, from its uni- p. 237. The latter of thefe hiftorians has
verfal ufe in converfation and letters, was an been moft unjustly cenfured for fparing the
effential part of every liberal education. vices of Maximin .

5 manded
 OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 211

manded armies, and been adorned with the confular and triumphal CHA
VII. P.
ornaments, were chained on the public carriages, and hurried away

to the emperor's prefence. Confifcation , exile, or fimple death,

were eſteemed uncommon inftances of his lenity. Some of the un-
fortunate fufferers he ordered to be fewed up in the hides of flaugh-

tered animals, others to be expofed to wild beafts, others again to

be beaten to death with clubs. During the three years of his reign,
he difdained to vifit either Rome or Italy. His camp, occafionally,
removed from the banks of the Rhine to thofe of the Danube, was

the feat of his ftern defpotiſm, which trampled on every principle

of law and juftice, and was fupported by the avowed power of the

ſword ". No man of noble birth, elegant accompliſhments, or know-

ledge of civil buſineſs, was fuffered near his perfon ; and the court of
a Roman emperor revived the idea of thofe ancient chiefs of flaves

and gladiators, whoſe favage power had left a deep impreſſion of ter-
ror and deteftation ".

As long as the cruelty of Maximin was confined to the illuftrious Oppreffion

of the pro-
fenators, or even to the bold adventurers, who in the court or army vinces.

expoſe themſelves to the caprice of fortune, the body of the people

viewed their fufferings with indifference, or perhaps with pleaſure.

But the tyrant's avarice, ftimulated by the infatiate defires of the

foldiers, at length attacked the public property. Every city of the

empire was poffeffed of an independent revenue, deſtined to pur-

chafe corn for the multitude, and to fupply the expences of the

games and entertainments. By a fingle act of authority, the whole

maſs of wealth was at once confifcated for the uſe of the Imperial

10 The wife of Maximin, by infinuating from the medals , that Paullina was the name
wife counſels with female gentleness, fome- ofthis benevolent emprefs ; and from the title
times brought back the tyrant to the way of of Dive, that he died before Maximin .
truth and humanity. See Ammianus Mar- (Valefius ad loc. cit. Ammian . ) Spanheim de
cellinus, 1. xiv . c. 1. where he alludes to the U. et P. N. tom . ii. p . 300.
fact which he had more fully related under " He was compared to Spartacus and Athe-
the reign of the Gordians. We may collect nio. Hift. Auguft. p. 141 .
E e 2 treafury.
 212 THE DECLINE AND FALL

CHA
VII. P. treaſury. The temples were ſtripped of their moſt valuable offer

ings of gold and filver, and the ftatues of gods, heroes, and empe

rors were melted down and coined into money. Theſe impious or-
ders could not be executed without tumults and maffacres, as in many

places the people choſe rather to die in the defence of their altars,

than to behold in the midſt of peace their cities expoſed to the ra-
pine and cruelty of war. The foldiers themſelves, among whom
this facrilegious plunder was diſtributed, received it with a bluſh ;
and, hardened as they were in acts of violence, they dreaded the juſt
reproaches of their friends and relations. Throughout the Roman
world a general cry of indignation was heard, imploring vengeance

on the common enemy of human kind ; and at length, by an act of

private oppreffion, a peaceful and unarmed . province was driven into

rebellion againſt him " .

Revolt in
The procurator of Africa was a fervant worthy of ſuch a maſter,
Africa.
A. D. 237. who confidered the fines and confifcations of the rich as one of
April. the most fruitful branches of the Imperial revenue. An iniquitous

fentence had been pronounced againſt fome opulent youths of that

country, the execution of which would have ſtripped them of far

the greater part of their patrimony. In this extremity, a refolution

that muſt either complete or prevent their ruin, was dictated by

deſpair. A reſpite of three days, obtained with difficulty from the

rapacious treaſurer, was employed in collecting from their eftates a

great number of flaves and peaſants, blindly devoted to the com-

mands of their lords, and armed with the ruftic weapons of clubs
and axes.
The leaders of the confpiracy, as they were admitted

to the audience of the procurator, ftabbed him with the daggers :

concealed under their garments , and, by the affiſtance of their tu-

13 .
multuary train, feized on the little town of Thyfdrus " , and erected

12 Herodian, 1. vii. p . 238. Zofim . l . i . p. 15 .
13 In the fertile territory of Byzacium , one
hundred and fifty miles to the fouth of Car-
thage. This city was decorated, probably
by the Gordians, with the title of colony,
and with a fine amphitheatre, which is ftill in
a very perfect fate. See Itinerar. Weffeling,.
p-53 . and Shaw's Travels, p . 117 .
the
 OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 213

the ſtandard of rebellion againſt the fovereign of the Roman em- CHA P.
VII.
pire. They reſted their hopes on the hatred of mankind againſt

Maximin, and they judiciouſly refolved to oppofe to that de-

teſted tyrant, an emperor whoſe mild virtues had already ac-

quired the love and eſteem of the Romans, and whofe authority

over the province would give weight and ſtability to the enterpriſe.

Gordianus, their proconful, and the object of their choice, re-

fuſed, with unfeigned reluctance, the dangerous honour, and begged

with tears that they would fuffer him to terminate in peace a long

and innocent life, without ftaining his feeble age with civil blood.

Their menaces compelled him to accept the Imperial purple, his

only refuge indeed againſt the jealous cruelty of Maximin ; fince,

according to the reaſoning of tyrants, thoſe who have been eſteemed

worthy of the throne deferve death, and thofe who deliberate have

already rebelled " .

The family of Gordianus was one of the moſt illuftrious of the Character
and elevation
Roman fenate. On the father's fide, he was defcended from the of the two
Gordians.
Gracchi ; on his mother's, from the emperor Trajan. A great eftate

enabled him to ſupport the dignity of his birth, and, in the enjoy-

ment of it, he diſplayed an elegant taſte and beneficent diſpoſition.

The palace in Rome, formerly inhabited by the great Pompey, had

been, during feveral generations, in the poffeffion of Gordian's fa-

mily ". It was diftinguiſhed by ancient trophies of naval victories,

and decorated with the works of modern painting. His villa on the
road to Prænefte, was celebrated for baths of fingular beauty and extent, »

for three ſtately rooms of an hundred feet in length, and for a magni-

ficent portico, fupported by two hundred columns of the four moſt

14 Herodian, 1. vii . p. 239. Hift. Auguft. and even encouraged the rich fenators to
p. 153 purchaſe thofe magnificent and uſeleſs places
5 Hift. Auguft. p. 152. The celebrated (Plin. Panegyric. c. 50. ) : and it may ſeem
house of Pompey in carinis, was ufurped by probable, that, on this occafion, Pompey's
Marc Antony, and confequently became, af- houfe came into the poffeffion of Gordian's
ter the Triumvir's death, a part of the Im- great grandfather.
perial domain. The emperor Trajan allowed
curious
214. THE DECLINE AND FALL

CHAP. curious and coftly forts of marble ". The public fhows exhibited at
VII.
his expence, and in which the people were entertained with many hun-

dreds of wild beaſts and gladiators ", ſeem to furpaſs the fortune of a

fubje& ; and whilft the liberality of other magiftrates was confined to

a few folemn feftivals in Rome, the magnificence of Gordian was re-

peated, when he was ædile, every month in the year, and extended ,

during his confulfhip , to the principal cities of Italy. He was twice

elevated to the laſt mentioned dignity, by Caracalla and by Alexander ;

for he poffeffed the uncommon talent of acquiring the efteem of

virtuous princes, without alarming the jealoufy of tyrants. His

long life was innocently ſpent in the ſtudy of letters and the peace-

ful honours of Rome ; and, till he was named proconful of Africa

by the voice of the ſenate and the approbation of Alexander ", he

appears prudently to have declined the command of armies and the

government of provinces. As long as that emperor lived, Africa

was happy under the adminiſtration of his worthy reprefentative ;

after the barbarous Maximin had ufurped the throne, Gordianus

alleviated the miferies which he was unable to prevent. When he

reluctantly accepted the purple, he was above fourſcore years old

a laft and valuable remains of the happy age of the Antonines,

whoſe virtues he revived in his own conduct, and celebrated in an

elegant poem of thirty books. With the venerable proconful, his

fon, who had accompanied him into Africa as his lieutenant, was

16 The Claudian , the Numidian , the Ca-
ryftian, and the Synnadian . The colours of
Roman marbles have been faintly defcribed
and imperfectly diftinguished . It appears,
however, that the Caryftian was a ſea green,
and that the marble of Synnada was white
mixed with oval fpots of purple. See Sal-
mafius ad Hift. Auguft. p. 164.
17 Hift. Auguſt. p. 151 , 152. He fome .
times gave five hundred pair of Gladiators,
never lefs than one hundred and fifty. He
once gave for the ufe of the Circus one hun-
dred Sicilian , and as many Cappadocian
horfes. The animals defigned for hunting,
were chiefly bears, boars, bulls, ftags, elks,
wild affes, & c. Elephants and lions feem to
have been appropriated to Imperial magnifi-
cence.
18 See the original letter, in the Auguftan
Hiftory, p. 152 , which at once fhews Alex-
ander's refpect for the authority of the fenate,
and his efteem for the proconful appointed by
that affembly.
likewife
 OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 235

likewife declared emperor. His manners were lefs pure, but his CHA P.
VII.
character was equally amiable with that of his father. Twenty-two
acknowledged concubines, and a library of fixty-two thouſand vo-

lumes, attefted the variety of his inclinations ; and from the pro-

ductions which he left behind him, it appears that the former as well
as the latter were defigned for uſe rather than for oftentation ". The
Roman people acknowledged in the features of the younger Gordian

the refemblance of Scipio Africanus, recollected with pleaſure that

his mother was the grand- daughter of Antoninus Pius, and reſted the

public hope on thoſe latent virtues which had hitherto, as they fondly
imagined, lain concealed in the luxurious indolence of a private life.

As foon as the Gordians had appeaſed the firſt tumult of a popu- They folicit
the confirma-
lar election, they removed their court to Carthage. They were re- tion oftheir
authority..
ceived with the acclamations of Lthe Africans, who honoured their

virtues, and who, fince the vifit of Hadrian, had never beheld the

majefty of a Roman emperor. But theſe vain acclamations neither

ſtrengthened nor confirmed the title of the Gordians. They were

induced by principle, as well as intereft, to folicit the approbation

of the ſenate ; and a deputation of the nobleſt provincials was fent,

without delay, to Rome, to relate and juftify the conduct of their

countrymen, who, having long fuffered with patience, were at length:

refolved to act with vigour. The letters of the new princes were

modeſt and reſpectful, excufing the neceffity which had obliged

them to accept the Imperial title ; but fubmitting their election and
20
their fate to the fupreme judgment of the fenate
The inclinations of the fenate were neither doubtful nor divided .
The fenate
ratifies their
The birth and noble alliances of the Gordians had intimately election of
the Gordi-
connected them with the moft illuftrious houſes of Rome. Their ans
;
fortune had created many dependants in that affembly, their merit

19 By each of his concubines, the younger rous, were by no means contemptible.

Gordian left three or four children . His 20 Herodian, 1. vii. p. 243. Hift . Auguft.
literary productions, though lefs nume- p . 144 .
had
216 THE DECLINE AND FALL

CHA
VII. P. had acquired many friends. Their mild adminiftration opened the

flattering profpect of the reſtoration, not only of the civil but even
of the republican government. The terror of military vio-

lence, which had firft obliged the fenate to forget the murder of

Alexander, and to ratify the election of a barbarian peaſant ", now

produced a contrary effect, and provoked them to affert the injured

rights of freedom and humanity. The hatred of Maximin towards

the fenate was declared and implacable ; the tameſt ſubmiſſion had

not appeaſed his fury, the moſt cautious innocence would not re-

move his fufpicions ; and even the care of their own fafety urged

them to ſhare the fortune of an enterpriſe, of which ( if unſucceſsful )

they were fure to be the first victims. Theſe confiderations, and

perhaps others of a more private nature, were debated in a previous

conference of the confuls and the magiſtrates. As foon as their

refolution was decided , they convoked in the temple of Caftor the

22
whole body of the fenate, according to an ancient form of ſecrecy ",
calculated to awaken their attention, and to conceal their decrees.

" Conſcript fathers," faid the conful Syllanus, " the two Gordians,
" both of confular dignity, the one your proconful, the other your

" lieutenant, have been declared emperors by the general confent

" of Africa. Let us return thanks," he boldly continued, " to the

66
youth of Thyfdrus ; let us return thanks to the faithful people

" of Carthage, our generous deliverers from an horrid monſter-

cc
Why do you hear me thus coolly, thus timidly ? Why do you caft

" thofe anxious looks on each other ? why hefiate ? Maximin

" is a public enemy ! may his enmity foon expire with him, and
may we long enjoy the prudence and felicity of Gordian the fa-

" ther, the valour and conftancy of Gordian the fon " !" The

21 Quod tamen patres dum periculofum
exiftimant ; inermes armato refiftere appro-
baverunt. Aurelius Victor.
22 Even the fervants of the houſe, the
fcribes, & c. were excluded, and their office
was filled by the fenators themfelves. We
are obliged to the Auguftan Hiftory, p. 159 ,
for preferving this curious example of the old
difcipline of the commonwealth.
23 This fpirited ſpeech, tranflated from the
Auguftan hiftorian, p. 156, feems tranfcribed.
byhim from the original regiſters of the fenate .

noble
 OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 217

noble ardour of the conful revived the languid fpirit of the fenate. CHA
VII. P.
By an unanimous decree the election of the Gordians was ratified, ←
and declares
Maximin, his fon , and his adherents , were pronounced enemies of Maximin a
their country, and liberal rewards were offered to whofoever had the public ene-
my.
courage and good fortune to deſtroy them.

During the emperor's a detachment of the Prætorian Affumes the

abfence,
command of
guards remained at Rome, to protect, or rather to command the Rome and
Italy,
capital. The Præfect Vitalianus had fignalized his fidelity to Maxi-

min, by the alacrity with which he had obeyed, and even prevented.

the cruel mandates of the tyrant. His death alone could reſcue the

authority of the fenate and the lives of the fenators, from a ſtate of

danger and fufpence. Before their reſolves had tranſpired, a quæſtor

and fome tribunes were commiffioned to take his devoted life.

They executed the order with equal boldneſs and fuccefs ; and, with

their bloody daggers in their hands , ran through the ſtreets, pro-

claiming to the people and the foldiers, the news of the happy re-

volution. The enthuſiaſm of liberty was feconded by the promiſe

of a large donative, in lands and money ; the ftatues of Maximin

were thrown down ; the capital of the empire acknowledged, with

24 ; and
tranſport, the authority of the two Gordians and the fenate

the example of Rome was followed by the reſt of Italy.

A new ſpirit had ariſen in that aſſembly, whoſe long patience had and prepares
for a civil
been infulted by wanton defpotiſm and military licence. The war.

ſenate affumed the reins of government, and, with a calm intre-

pidity, prepared to vindicate by arms the cauſe of freedom . Among

the confular ſenators recommended by their merit and fervices to the

favour of the emperor Alexander, it was eaſy to ſelect twenty,

not unequal to the command of an army, and the conduct of a

war. To theſe was the defence of Italy intrufted . Each was ap-

pointed to act in his reſpective department, authorized to enrol and

24 Herodian, 1. vii. p . 244.

VOL. I. Ff difcipline
 !
NE
218 THE DECLI AND FALL

s d
CHA
VII. P. and inftructed to fortify the port an
difcipline the Italian youth ;

highways, againſt the impending invafion of Maximin. A number

of deputies , chofen from the moft illuftrious of the ſenatorian and

equeſtrian orders , were diſpatched at the fame time to the governors,

of the feveral provinces , earneſtly conjuring them to fly to the

affiſtance of their country, and to remind the nations of their

ancient ties of friendſhip with the Roman fenate and people. The

general reſpect with which thefe deputies were received , and the zeal

of Italy and the provinces in favour of the fenate, fufficiently prove

that the fubjects of Maximin were reduced to that uncommon dif-

treſs , in which the body of the people has more to fear from oppref-
s
fion than from refiftance. The conſciouſnef of that melancholy

truth , inſpires a degree of perfevering fury, feldom to be found in

thoſe civil wars which are artificially fupported for the benefit of a
few factious and defigning leaders " .
Defeat and For while the cauſe of the Gordians was embraced with fuch
death of the
two Gordi- diffuſive ardour, the Gordians themſelves were no more. The
ans.
A. D. 237. feeble court of Carthage was alarmed with the rapid approach of
3d July. Capelianus, governor of Mauritania, who, with a ſmall band of

veterans, and a fierce hoft of barbarians, attacked a faithful, but

unwarlike province. The younger Gordian fallied out to meet the

enemy at the head of a few guards, and a numerous undifciplined.

multitude, educated in the peaceful luxury of Carthage. His uſe-

lefs valour ferved only to procure him an honourable death, in the

field of battle. His aged father, whofe reign had not exceeded
thirty-fix days, put an end to his life on the firft news of the de-

feat. Carthage, deftitute of defence, opened her gates to the con-

queror, and Africa was expofed to the rapacious cruelty of a flave,

obliged to fatisfy his unrelenting mafter with a large account of blood.

and treaſure ".
The

as Herodian, I. vii. p. 247. I. viii..p. 277. 26 Herodian, I. vii. p. 254. Hift. Auguft..
Hift. Auguft. p. 156-158. P. 150-160. We may obferve, that one
month
 OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 219

ཨཱཏྭཱ ཨཱུ།ཎཱ། The fate of the Gordians filled Rome with juft, but unexpected CHA VII. P.
terror. The fenate convoked in the temple of Concord, affected to Election of

tranſact the common buſineſs of the day ; and feemed to decline, Maximusand
Balbinus by
with trembling anxiety, the confideration of their own, and the the fenate.
public danger. A filent confternation prevailed on the affembly, 9th July.

till a ſenator, of the name and family of Trajan, awakened his

brethren from their fatal lethargy. He reprefented to them, that

the choice of cautious dilatory meaſures had been long fince out of

their power ; that Maximin, implacable by nature, and exaſperated

by injuries, was advancing towards Italy, at the head of the military

force of the empire ; and that their only remaining alternative,

was either to meet him bravely in the field, or tamely to expect

the tortures and ignominious death reſerved for unſucceſsful re-

bellion. " We have loft, continued he, two excellent princes ; but

" unleſs we defert ourſelves, the hopes of the republic have not

" periſhed with the Gordians. Many are the fenators, whofe virtues
" have deſerved, and whofe abilities would fuftain, the Imperial

" dignity. Let us elect two emperors, one of whom may con-

“ duct the war againſt the public enemy, whilft his colleague
" remains at Rome to direct the civil adminiſtration. I cheerfully
" expoſe myſelf to the danger and envy of the nomination, and

" give my vote in favour of Maximus and Balbinus. Ratify my

" choice, confcript fathers, or appoint in their place, others more

" worthy of the empire." The general apprehenfion filenced the

whiſpers of jealouſy ; the merit of the candidates was univerſally

acknowledged ; and the houſe refounded with the fincere ac-
clamations,
of " long life and victory to the emperors Max-
#imus and Balbinus.
You are happy in the judgment of the

month and fix days, for the reign of Gor-
dian, is a juſt correction of Cafaubon and
Panvinius, instead of the abfurd reading of
one year and fix months. See Commentar.
Ff2
p. 193. Zofimus relates, 1. i. p. 17. that
the two Gordians periſhed by a tempeſt in the
midft oftheir navigation . A ftrange ignorance
of hiſtory, or a ftrange abuſe of metaphors !
" fenate ;
 (

220 THE DECLINE AND FALL

CHA
VII. P. " fenate ; may the republic be happy under your adminiftra
" tion ""!"
Their cha-
The virtues and the reputation of the new emperors juftified the
racters.
moſt fanguine hopes of the Romans. The various nature of their

talents feemed to appropriate to each his peculiar department

of peace and war, without leaving room for jealous emulation. Bal-

binus was an admired orator, a poet of diſtinguiſhed fame, and a

wiſe magiſtrate, who had exerciſed with innocence and applaufe

the civil jurifdiction in almoſt all the interior provinces of the
28
empire. His birth was noble 2 , his fortune affluent, his manners

liberal and affable. In him, the love of pleaſure was corrected by a

fenſe of dignity, nor had the habits of eaſe deprived him of a

capacity for buſineſs. The mind of Maximus was formed in a

rougher mould
. By his valour and abilities he had raiſed himſelf

from the meaneft origin to the first employments of the ſtate and

army. His victories over the Sarmatians and the Germans, the
aufterity of his life, and the rigid impartiality of his juftice, whilſt

he was Præfect of the city, commanded the eſteem of a people,

whofe affections were engaged in favour of the more amiable Bal-

binus. The two colleagues had both been confuls ( Balbinus haď

twice enjoyed that honourable office), both had been named among

the twenty lieutenants of the ſenate ; and fince the one was fixty and

the other feventy-four years old ", they had both attained the full'

maturity of age and experience..

After

* See the Auguftan Hiftory, p. 166, from the moſt important fecret fervices in the civil'
the regiſters of the fenate ; the date is con- war) raiſed him to the confulfhip and the pon-.
feffedly faulty, but the coincidence of the tificate, honours never yet poffeffed by a ſtran--
Apollinarian games enables us to correct it. ger. The nephew of this Balbus triumphed.
23 He was defcended from Cornelius Bal- over the Garamantes. See Dictionnaire de
bus, a noble Spaniard, and the adopted fon Bayle, au mot Balbus, where he diftinguiſhes
of Theophanes the Greek hiſtorian. Balbus the feveral perſons of that name, and rectifies,
obtained the freedom of Rome by the favour with his ufual accuracy, the miſtakes of for-.
of Poinpey, and preferved it by the eloquence mer writers concerning them.
ofCicero (fee Orat. pro Cornel . Balbo ) . The 29 Zonaras, 1. xii. p . 622. But little- de-
friendship of Cæfar (to whom he rendered pendence is to be had on the authority of a
moderate
 OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 221

After the fenate had conferred on Maximus and Balbinus an

VII.
equal portion of the confular and tribunitian powers, the title of Fa-
Tumult at
thers of their country, and the joint office of Supreme Pontiff, they Rome. The

aſcended to the Capitol, to return thanks to the gods, protectors of younger

Gordian is
Rome ". The folemn rites of facrifice were diſturbed by a fedi- declared.
Cæfar.
"
tion of the people. The licentious multitude neither loved the rigid
Maximus, nor did they fufficiently fear the mild and humane Balbinus..

Their increaſing numbers ſurrounded the temple of Jupiter ; with ob-

ftinate clamours they afferted their inherent right of confenting: to
the election of their fovereign ; and demanded, with an apparent

moderation, that, befides the two emperors chofen by the ſenate, a

third ſhould be added of the family of the Gordians, as a juft re-

turn of gratitude to thoſe princes who had facrificed their lives for

the republic. At the head of the city-guards, and the youth of the.

equeſtrian order,, Maximus and Balbinus attempted to cut their way

through the feditious multitude. The multitude, armed with fticks

and ſtones, drove them back into the Capitol. It is prudent to yield

when the conteſt, whatever may be the iffue of it, muſt be fatal

to both parties. A boy, only thirteen years of age, the grandfon

of the elder, and nephew of the younger, Gordian, was produced to

the people, inveſted with the ornaments and title of Cæfar. The

tumult was appeafed by this eafy condefcenfion ; and the two

emperors, as foon as they had been peaceably acknowledged in Rome,

prepared to defend Italy againſt the common enemy..
Whilft in Rome and Africa revolutions fucceeded each other with Maximin
prepares to
fuch amazing rapidity, the mind of Maximin was agitated by the attack the
fenate and
moft furious paffions. He is faid to have received the news of the their empe
rors.

moderate Greek, fo großly ignorant of the the fenate was at firft convoked in the Capi-
hiftory of the third century, that he creates tol , and is very eloquent on the occafion . The
feveral imaginary emperors, and confounds Auguftan Hiftory, p. 116, feems much more
thoſe who really exiſted .. authentic.
19 Herodian, 1. vii. p. 256, fuppofes that
rebellion
222 THE DECLINE AND FALL

CHA P. rebellion of the Gordians, and of the decree of the fenate againſt
VII.
him, not with the temper of a man, but the rage of a wild beaft ;

which, as it could not diſcharge itſelf on the diſtant ſenate, threat-

ened the life of his fon, of his friends, and of all who ventured

to approach his perfon. The grateful intelligence of the death

of the Gordians, was quickly followed by the affurance that the

fenate, laying afide all hopes of pardon or accommodation , had

fubftituted in their room two emperors, with whofe merit he could

not be unacquainted. Revenge was the only confolation left to

Maximin, and revenge could only be obtained by arms. The

ftrength of the legions had been affembled by Alexander from all

parts of the empire. Three fuccefsful campaigns against the

Germans and the Sarmatians, had raiſed their fame, confirmed their

difcipline, and even increaſed their numbers, by filling the ranks

with the flower of the barbarian youth. The life of Maximin had

been ſpent in war, and the candid ſeverity of hiſtory cannot refuſe

him the valour of a foldier, or even the abilities of an experienced

general ". It might naturally be expected, that a prince of ſuch a cha-

racter, inſtead of ſuffering the rebellion to gain ſtability by delay, ſhould

immediately have marched from the banks of the Danube to thoſe of

the Tyber, and that his victorious army, inftigated by contempt for

the fenate, and eager to gather the ſpoils of Italy, fhould have burned

with impatience to finish the eaſy and lucrative conqueft. Yet as far
32
as we can truſt to the obfcure chronology of that period 2, it appears
that

31 In Herodian, l. vi . p . 249, and in the during the Capitoline games. Herodian,

Auguftan Hiſtory, we have three feveral ora- 1. viii. p. 285. The authority of Cenforinus
tions of Maximin to his army, on the rebel- (de Die Natali, c. 18. ) enables us to fix thoſe
lion of Africa and Rome : M. de Tillemont games with certainty to the year 238, but
has very justly obferved, that they neither leaves us in ignorance of the month or day.
agree with each other, nor with truth. Hif 2. The election of Gordian by the fenate, is
toire des Empereurs, tom. iii. p. 799. fixed, with equal certainty, to the 27th of
32 The carelefinefs of the writers of that May ; but we are at a lofs to diſcover, whe-
age leaves us in a fingular perplexity. 1. We ther it was in the fame or the preceding year.
know that Maximus and Balbinus were killed Tillemont and Muratori, who maintain the
two
 OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 223

СНАР.
that the operations of fome foreign war deferred the Italian expe- VII.
dition till the enfuing fpring. From the prudent conduct of Maximin ,

we may learn that the favage features of his character have been ex-

aggerated by the pencil of party, that his paffions, however impetu-

ous, ſubmitted to the force of reaſon, and that the barbarian poffeffed

fomething of the generous fpirit of Sylla, who fubdued the enemies

of Rome, before he ſuffered himſelf to revenge his private injuries ".

When the troops advancing in excellent order, Marches into

of Maximin,
Italy.
arrived at the foot of the Julian Alps, they were terrified by the A. D. 238.
February.
filence and deſolation that reigned on the frontiers of Italy. The

villages and open towns had been abandoned on their approach by

the inhabitants, the cattle was driven away, the provifions removed,

or deſtroyed, the bridges broke down, nor was any thing left
which could afford either ſhelter or fubfiftence to an invader. Such

had been the wife orders of the generals of the fenate ; whofe de-
ſign was to protract the war, to ruin the army of Maximin by

the flow operation of famine, and to confume his ſtrength in the

fieges of the principal cities of Italy, which they had plentifully

ftored with men and provifions from the deferted country. Aquileia Siege of
Aquileia.
received and withſtood the firft fhock of the invafion. The ftreams

that iffue from the head of the Hadriatic gulf, fwelled by the melting

of the winter fnows ", oppofed an unexpected obftacle to the arms

of

two oppofite opinions, bring into the field a
defultory troop of authorities, conjectures
and probabilities. The one feems to draw out,
the other to contract the ſeries of events, be-
tween thoſe periods, more than can be well
reconciled to reason and hiftory. Yet it is ne-
ceffary to chufe between them.
33 Velleius Paterculus, 1. ii, c. 24. The
prefident de Montefquieu (in his dialogue be
tween Sylla and Eucrates) expreffes the fen-
timents ofthe dictator, in a ſpirited and even,
a fublime manner.
34 Muratori (Annali d'Italia,. tom. ii. p.
294.) thinks the melting of the fnows fuits
better with the months of June or July, than
with thofe of February. The opinion of a
man who paſſed his life between the Alps and
theAppennines,is undoubtedlyofgreatweight;
yet I obferve, L. That the long winter, of
which Muratori takes advantage, is to be
found only in the Latin verfion, and not in
the Greek text of Herodian. 2. That the
viciffitude of funs and rains, to which the
foldiers of Maximin were expofed ( Hero..
dian

i
 224 THE DECLINE AND FALL

CHA P.
VII. of Maximin. At length, on a fingular bridge, conftructed with

art and difficulty, of large hogfheads, he tranſported his army to

the oppoſite bank, rooted up the beautiful vineyards in the neigh-

bourhood of Aquileia , demoliſhed the ſuburbs, and employed the

timber of the buildings in the engines and towers, with which on

every fide he attacked the city. The walls, fallen to decay during

the fecurity of a long peace, had been haftily repaired on this fud-
den emergency ; but the firmeft defence of Aquileia confifted in the

conftancy of the citizens ; all ranks of whom, inſtead of being

difimayed, were animated by the extreme danger, and their know-

ledge of the tyrant's unrelenting temper. Their courage was

fupported and directed by Crifpinus and Menophilus , two of the

twenty lieutenants of the fenate, who, with a ſmall body of regular

troops, had thrown themſelves into the befieged place. The army

of Maximin was repulfed in repeated attacks , his machines de-

ftroyed by ſhowers of artificial fire ; and the generous enthuſiaſm of

the Aquileians was exalted into a confidence of fuccefs, by the

opinion , that Belenus, their tutelar deity, combated in perſon in

33
the defence of his diftreffed worshippers

Conduct of The emperor Maximus, who had advanced as far as Ravenna ,

Maximus.
to fecure that important place, and to haften the military prepa-

rations, beheld the event of the war in the more faithful mirror of

reaſon and policy. He was too fenfible, that a ſingle town could

not reſiſt the perſevering efforts of a great army ; and he dreaded ,

left the enemy, tired with the obftinate reſiſtance of Aquileia,

dian, 1. viii. p. 277. ) , denotes the ſpring ra- 5 Herodian, 1. viii. p. 272. The Celtic
ther than the fummer. We may obſerve like deity was ſuppoſed to be Apollo, and received
wife, that theſe ſeveral ftreams, as they melt- under that name the thanks of the fenate. A
ed into one, compofed the Timavus, fo po- temple was likewife built to Venus the bald,
etically (in every fenfe of the word) de- in honour of the women of Aquileia, who
fcribed by Virgil, They are about twelve had given up their hair to make ropes for the
miles to the east of Aquileia. See Cluver. military engines.
Italia Antiqua, tom. i. p. 189, &c.
fhould

.
 OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 225

fhould on a fudden relinquish the fruitless fiege, and march directly CHA
VII. P.
towards Rome. The fate of the empire and the caufe of freedom

must then be committed to the chance of a battle ; and what arms

could he oppoſe to the veteran legions of the Rhine and Danube ?

Some troops newly levied among the generous but enervated youth

of Italy ; and a body of German auxiliaries, on whoſe firmneſs, in

the hour of trial, it was dangerous to depend. In the midſt of theſe

juft alarms, the ſtroke of domeftic confpiracy puniſhed the crimes of

Maximin, and delivered Rome and the fenate from the calamities that

would furely have attended the victory of an enraged barbarian.

The people of Aquileia had fcarcely experienced any of the com- Murder of
Maximin and
mon miſeries of a ſiege, their magazines were plentifully ſupplied, his fon.
A. D. 238.
and feveral fountains within the walls affured them of an inex- April.

hauftible reſource of freſh water. The foldiers of Maximin were, on

the contrary, expoſed to the inclemency of the ſeaſon, the contagion

of difeafe, and the horrors of famine. The open country was ruined,

the rivers filled with the flain, and polluted with blood. A ſpirit of

defpair and difaffection began to diffuſe itſelf among the troops ;

and as they were cut off from all intelligence, they eafily believed

that the whole empire had embraced the cauſe of the ſenate, and that

they were left as devoted victims to perish under the impregnable

walls of Aquileia. The fierce temper of the tyrant was exaſperated

by diſappointments, which he imputed to the cowardice of his

army ; and his wanton and ill -timed cruelty, inftead of ftriking
terror, infpired hatred and a juft defire of revenge. A party of

Prætorian guards, who trembled for their wives and children in the
camp of Alba, near Rome, executed the fentence of the fenate. Maxi-

min, abandoned by his guards, was flain in his tent, with his fon

(whom he had affociated to the honours of the purple) , Anulinus the

præfect, and the principal miniſters of his tyranny ". The fight of their

36 Herodian, 1. viii. p. 279. Hift. Au- three years and a few days ( 1. ix. 1. ) ; we
guft. p. 146. The duration of Maximin's may depend on the integrity of the text, as
reign has not been defined with much accu- the Latin original is checked by the Greek
racy, except by Eutropius, who allows him verfion of Pæanius.
VOL. I. heads,
G g
226 THE DECLINE AND FALL

CHA P. heads, borne on the point of fpears, convinced the citizens of Aquí
VII.
leia, that the ſiege was at an end ; the gates of the city were thrown

open, a liberal market was provided for the hungry troops of Maxi-

min, and the whole army joined in folemn proteftations of fidelity

to the fenate and the people of Rome, and to their lawful emperors
His portrait. Maximus and Balbinus. Such was the deferved fate of a brutal

ſavage, deſtitute, as he has generally been repreſented , of every

ſentiment that diſtinguiſhes a civilized , or even a human being. The

body was fuited to the foul. The ftature of Maximin exceeded the

meaſure of eight feet, and circumſtances almoſt incredible are related

of his matchlefs ftrength and appetite ". Had he lived in a lefs en--

lightened age, tradition and poetry might well have deſcribed him as

one of thoſe monftrous giants , whoſe fupernatural power was conſtantly

exerted for the deftruction of mankind..

Joy of the It is eaſier to conceive than to deſcribe the univerſal joy of the Ro-
Roman
world. man world on the fall of the tyrant, the news of which is faid to

have been carried in four days from Aquileia to Rome. The return

of Maximus was a triumphal proceffion , his colleague and young Gor-

dian went out to meet him, and the three princes made their entry

into the capital, attended by the ambaffadors of almoſt all the cities of

Italy, faluted with the fplendid offerings of gratitude and ſuperſtition ,,

and received with the unfeigned acclamations of the fenate and people,

who perfuaded themſelves that a golden age would fucceed to an age

of iron 38.· The conduct of the two emperors correſponded with theſe

expectations. They adininiftered juftice in perfon ; and the rigour

of the one was tempered by the other's clemency. The oppreffive :

37 Eight Roman feet and one third , which
are equal to above eight English feet, as the
two meaſures are to each other in the pro-
portion of 967 to 1000 .. See Graves's dif-
courfe on the Roman foot. We are told that
Maximin could drink in a day an amphora
(or about feven gallons of wine) , and eat
thirty or forty pounds of meat. He could
move a loaded waggon, break a horfe's leg
with his fift, crumble ftones in his hand, and
tear up fmall trees by the roots . See his life
in the Auguftan Hiftory.
38 See the congratulatory letter of Clau--
dius Julianusthe conful, to the two emperors,
in the Auguftan Hiftory.
taxes
 OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE 227

taxes with which Maximin had loaded the rights of inheritance and CHA P.
VII.
fucceffion, were repealed, or at least moderated . Difcipline was

revived, and with the advice of the fenate many wife laws were en-

acted by their imperial minifters, who endeavoured to reſtore a civil

conftitution on the ruins of military tyranny. " What reward may

we expect for delivering Rome from a monfter?" was the queſtion

afked by Maximus, in a moment of freedom and confidence. Bal-

binus anſwered it without heſitation , " The love of the fenate, of

" the people, and of all mankind. " " Alas !" replied his more

penetrating colleague, " Alas ! I dread the hatred of the foldiers, and
39 99
" the fatal effects of their refentment · His apprehenfions were

but too well juftified by the event.

Whilſt Maximus was preparing to defend Italy againſt the com- Sedition at
Rome.
mon foe, Balbinus, who remained at Rome, had been engaged in
fcenes of blood and inteftine difcord . Diftruft and jealouſy reigned

in the fenate ; and even in the temples where they affembled, every
fenator carried either open or concealed arms. In the midſt of their

deliberations , two veterans of the guards, actuated either by curioſity

or a ſiniſter motive, audaciouſly thruſt themſelves into the houſe,

and advanced by degrees beyond the altar of Victory. Gallicanus,

a confular, and Mæcenas, a Prætorian fenator, viewed with indig-

nation their infolent intrufion : drawing their daggers, they laid the

fpies, for fuch they deemed them , dead at the foot of the altar, and

then advancing to the door of the fenate, imprudently exhorted the

multitude to maffacre the Prætorians, as the fecret adherents of the

tyrant. Thoſe who efcaped the firft fury of the tumult took refuge

in the camp, which they defended with fuperior advantage againſt

the reiterated attacks of the people, affifted by the numerous bands

of gladiators, the property of opulent nobles. The civil war laſted

many days, with infinite lofs and confufion on both fides. When

Hift . Auguft . p. 171 .

Gg 2 the
228 THE DECLINE AND FALL

CHAP. the pipes were broken that ſupplied the camp with water, the Præ-
VII.
torians were reduced to intolerable diftrefs ; but in their turn they

made defperate fallies into the city, fet fire to a great number of
houſes, and filled the ſtreets with the blood of the inhabitants . The

emperor Balbinus attempted, by ineffectual edicts and precarious

truces, to reconcile the factions at Rome. But their animofity,

though finothered for a while, burnt with redoubled violence. The

foldiers, detefting the fenate and the people, deſpiſed the weakneſs of

a prince who wanted either the ſpirit or the power to command the
40
obedience of his fubjects 4°.
Difcontent of
the Prætorian After the tyrant's death, his formidable army had acknowledged ,,
guards. from neceffity rather than from choice, the authority of Maximus, who

tranfported himſelf without delay to the camp before Aquileia. As

2 foon as he had received their oath of fidelity, he addreſſed them ir
terms full of mildnefs and moderation ; lamented, rather than

arraigned, the wild diforders of the times, and affured the foldiers,

that of all their paft conduct, the fenate would remember only their.

generous deſertion of the tyrant, and their voluntary return to their

duty. Maximus enforced his exhortations by a liberal donative,

purified the camp by a folemn facrifice of expiation, and then diſ-

miffed the legions to their feveral provinces, impreffed, as he hoped,.
3
with a lively ſenſe of gratitude and obedience ". But nothing could

reconcile the haughty fpirit of the Prætorians. They attended the

emperors on the memorable day of their public entry into Rome ;

but amidſt the general acclamations, the fullen dejected countenance

of the guards, fufficiently declared that they confidered themſelves

as the object, rather than the partners, of the triumph. When the
whole body was united in their camp, thoſe who had ferved under
Maximin, and thoſe who had remained at Rome, infenfibly commu-

40 Herodian , 1. viii . p . 258 . Herodian, 1. viii . p. 213.

5
nicated
 OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE.. 229

CHA P.
nicated to each other their complaints and apprehenfions. The empe- VII.

rors chofen by the army had periſhed with ignominy ; thofe elected
by the fenate were feated on the throne . The long diſcord between

the civil and military powers was decided by a war, in which the

former had obtained a complete victory. The foldiers muſt now learn

a new doctrine of fubmiffion to the fenate ; and whatever clemency

was affected by that politic affembly, they dreaded a flow revenge,

coloured by the name of difcipline, and juſtified by fair pretences

of the public good. But their fate was ftill in their own hands ;

and if they had courage to deſpiſe the vain terrors of an impotent

republic, it was eaſy to convince the world, that thoſe who were

maſters of the arms, were mafters of the authority, of the ſtate.

When the fenate elected two princes, it is probable that, befides Maffacre of 1
Maximus and
the declared reafon of providing for the various emergencies of Balbinus.
peace and war, they were actuated by the fecret defire of weaken-

ing by divifion the defpotifm of the fupreme magiftrate. Their

policy was effectual, but it proved fatal both to their emperors and 1

to themſelves. The jealoufy of power was foon exafperated by the

difference of character. Maximus defpifed Balbinus as a luxurious

noble, and was in his turn diſdained by his colleague as an obſcure

43
foldier. Their filent difcord was underſtood rather than ſeen ;

but the mutual confcioufnefs prevented them from uniting in any

vigorous meaſures of defence againſt their common enemies of the

Prætorian camp. The whole city was employed in the Capitoline

games, and the emperors were left almoft alone in the palace. On A. D. 238..
July 15.
a fudden they were alarmed by the approach of a troop of defperate

affaffins. Ignorant of each other's fituation or deſigns, for they al-

ready occupied very diftant apartments, afraid to give or to receive

42 The obfervation had been made impru- 43 Difcordiæ tacitæ, et quæ intelligerentur
dently enough in the acclamations of the fe- potius quam viderentur. Hift. Auguft. p. 170.
nate, and with regard to the foldiers it car- This well -chofen expreffion is probably ſtolen
ried the appearance ofa wanton infult. Hift. from fore better writer.
Auguft. p. 170.
affiftance,
 THE DECLINE AND FALL
230

CHA
VII. P. affiftance, they wafted the important moments in idle debates and
fruitless recriminations. The arrival of the guards put an end to

the vain ftrife. They feized on theſe emperors of the ſenate, for

fuch they called them with malicious contempt, ftripped them of

their garments, and dragged them in infolent triumph through the

ftreets of Rome, with a defign of inflicting a flow and cruel death

on theſe unfortunate princes. The fear of a refcue from the faith-

ful Germans of the Imperial guards, fhortened their tortures ; and

their bodies, mangled with a thouſand wounds, were left expofed to

44
the infults or to the pity of the populace ·
The third
Gordian re- In the ſpace of a few months, fix princes had been cut off by
mains fole the fword. Gordian , who had already received the title of Cæfar,
emperor.
was the only perſon that occurred to the foldiers as proper to fill

the vacant throne ". They carried him to the camp, and unani-

mouſly faluted him Auguftus and Emperor. His name was dear to

the fenate and people ; his tender age promiſed a long impunity of

military licence ; and the fubmiſſion of Rome and the provinces to

the choice of the Prætorian guards, faved the republic, at the ex-

pence indeed of its freedom and dignity, from the horrors of a new
46
civil war in the heart of the capital
Innocence As the third Gordian was only nineteen years of age at the time
and virtues
of Gordian. of his death, the hiftory of his life, were it known to us with

greater accuracy than it really is, would contain little more than the

account of his education, and the conduct of the miniſters, who by

turns abuſed or guided the fimplicity of his unexperienced youth.

44 Herodian, 1. viii . p. 287, 288. attention every word of the paffage, I am of

45 Quia non alius erat in præfenti, is the
expreffion ofthe Auguftan Hiſtory.
46 Quintus Curtius ( 1. x. c. 9. ) pays an
elegant compliment to the emperor of the
day, for having, by his happy acceffion, ex-
tinguished fo many firebrands, fheathed fo
many fwords, and put an end to the evils of
a divided government. After weighing with
opinion , that it fuits better with the elevation
of Gordian, than with any other period of
the Roman Hiftory. In that cafe, it may
ferve to decide the age of Quintus Curtius.
Thofe who place him under the firft Cæfars ,
argue from the purity of his ftyle, but are
embarraffed by the filence of Quintilian, in
his accurate liſt of Roman hiſtorians .
Immediately
 OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 231

Immediately after his acceffion , he fell into the hands of his mo- CHA
VII. P.
ther's eunuchs, that pernicious vermin of the Eaft, who, fince the

days of Elagabalus, had infeſted the Roman palace. By the artful

confpiracy of theſe wretches, an impenetrable veil was drawn be-

tween an innocent prince and his oppreffed fubjects, the virtuous

difpofition of Gordian was deceived, and the honours of the empire

fold without his knowledge, though in a very public manner, to

the moſt worthlefs of mankind. We are ignorant by what fortu-

nate accident the emperor eſcaped from this ignominious ſlavery,

and devolved his confidence on a minifter, whofe wife councils had

no object except the glory of his fovereign , and the happineſs of

the people. It ſhould ſeem that love and learning introduced Mifi A. D. 240.
Adminiftra-
theus to the favour of Gordian. The young prince married the tion ofMifi-
theus.
daughter of his maſter of rhetoric, and promoted his father-in-law

to the firſt offices of the empire. Two admirable letters that paffed
between them, are ftill extant. The minifter, with the confcious
dignity of virtue, congratulates Gordian that he is delivered from
47
the tyranny of the eunuchs " , and ftill more that he is fenfible of

his deliverance. The emperor acknowledges, with an amiable con-

fufion, the errors of his paft conduct ; and laments, with fingular

propriety, the misfortune of a monarch, from whom a venal tribe of

48
courtiers perpetually labour to conceal the truth +8.
The life of Mifitheus had been fpent in the profeffion of letters, The Perfian
war.
not of arms ; yet fuch was the verfatile genius of that great man, A. D. 242..

that, when he was appointed Prætorian Præfect, he diſcharged the

military duties of his place with vigour and ability. The Perfians
had invaded Meſopotamia, and threatened Antioch. By the per-

47 Hift. Auguft. p. 161. From fome hints 48 Duxit uxorem filiam Mifithei, quem
in the two letters, I fhould expect that the causâ eloquentiæ dignum parentela fuâ puta-
eunuchs were not expelled the palace, with vit ; et præfectum ftatim fecit ; poft quod,
out fome degree of gentle violence, and that non puerile jam et contemptibile videbatur.
young Gordian rather approved of, than con- imperium .
fented to, their difgrace .
fuafion .
 THE DECLINE AND FALL
232

CHA P. fuafion of his father-in-law, the young emperor quitted the luxury
VII.
of Rome, opened, for the laſt time recorded in hiſtory, the temple of

Janus, and marched in perfon into the Eaft. On his approach with

a great army, the Perfians withdrew their garrifons from the cities

which they had already taken, and retired from the Euphrates to

the Tigris. Gordian enjoyed the pleaſure of announcing to the

fenate the firſt fuccefs of his arms, which he afcribed with a becom-

ing modefty and gratitude to the wifdom of his father and Præfect.

During the whole expedition, Mifitheus watched over the ſafety

and diſcipline of the army ; whilft he prevented their dangerous

murmurs by maintaining a regular plenty in the camp , and by eſta-

bliſhing ample magazines of vinegar, bacon, ftraw, barley, and

wheat, in all the cities of the frontier ". But the proſperity of

Gordian expired with Mifitheus , who died of a flux, not without

A. D. 243 . very ftrong fufpicions of poifon. Philip, his fucceffor in the præ-
Arts of
Philip. fecture, was an Arab by birth , and confequently, in the earlier part
of his life , a robber by profeffion. His rife from fo obfcure a fta-

tion to the firſt dignities of the empire, ſeems to prove that he was

a bold and able leader. But his boldnefs prompted him to aſpire

to the throne, and his abilities were employed to fupplant, not to

ferve, his indulgent mafter. The minds of the foldiers were irri-

tated by an artificial fcarcity, created by his contrivance in the

camp ; and the diftrefs of the army was attributed to the youth and

incapacity of the prince. It is not in our power to trace the fuc-

ceffive fteps of the fecret confpiracy and open fedition , which were
Murder of A fepulchral monument was erected
at length fatal to Gordian.
Gordian.
A. D. 244. to his memory on the fpot " where he was killed, near the conflux
March.

49 Hift. Auguft. p. 162. Aurelius Victor.
Porphyrius in Vit . Plotin . ap . Fabricium
Biblioth. Græc. 1. iv. c. 36. The philofo-
pher Plotinus accompanied the army, prompt-
ed by the love of knowledge, and by the
hope of penetrating as far as India.
50About twentymiles from the little town of
Circefium, on the frontier of the two empires.
of
 OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 233

of the Euphrates with the little river Aboras ". The fortunate Philip, CHA P.
VII.
raiſed to the empire by the votes of the foldiers , found a ready obedi-
dience from the fenate and the provinces ".

We cannot forbear tranſcribing the ingenious, though fomewhat Form of a

military re-
fanciful deſcription, which a celebrated writer of our own times has public.
traced of the military government of the Roman empire. " What in

" that age was called the Roman empire, was only an irregular re-

public, not unlike the Ariſtocracy " of Algiers ", where the militia,

poffeffed of the fovereignty, creates and depoſes a magiftrate, who is

" ſtyled a Dey. Perhaps, indeed, it may be laid down as a general rule,

" that a military government is, in ſome reſpects, more republican than
" monarchical. Nor can it be ſaid that the foldiers only partook of

" the government by their diſobedience and rebellions. The ſpeeches

" made to them by the emperors, were they not at length of the ſame

nature as thoſe formerly pronounced to the people by the confuls

" and the tribunes ? And although the armies had no regular place

or forms of aſſembly ; though their debates were ſhort, their action

" fudden, and their refolves feldom the refult of cool reflection , did
<c
they not difpofe, with abſolute ſway, of the public fortune ? What

" was the emperor, except the minifter of a violent government

" elected for the private benefit of the foldiers ?

" When the army had elected Philip, who was Prætorian præfect

to the third Gordian ; the latter demanded, that he might remain

51 The infcription (which contained a very
fingular pun) was erafed by the order of Lici-
nius, who claimed fome degree of relation-
fhip to Philip ( Hift. Auguft. p. 165. ) ; but
the tumulus or mound of earth which formed
the fepulchre, ftill fubfifted in the time of Ju-
lian . See Ammian . Marcellin. xxiii . 5 .
52 Aurelius Victor. Eutrop. ix. z. Orofius,
vii. 20. Ammianus Marcellinus, xxiii. 5.
Zofimus, i. p. 19. Philip, who was a
native of Boftra, was about forty years of age.
53 Can the epithet of Aristocracy be applied,
with any propriety, to the government of Al-
giers ? Every military government floats be-
tween the extremes of abfolute monarchy and
wild democracy.
54 The military republic of the Mamalukes
in Egypt, would have afforded M. de Mon-
tefquieu (fee Confiderations fur la Grandeur
et la Decadence des Romains , c. 16. ) a juter
and more noble parallel.

VOL. I. H h " fole

 THE DECLINE AND FALL
234

CHA
VII. P. " fole emperor ; he was unable to obtain it. He requeſted, that the
66 power might be equally divided between them ; the army would
66
not liſten to his fpeech. He confented to be degraded to the rank
" of Cæfar ; the favour was refufed him. He defired, at leaft, he
66
might be appointed Prætorian præfect ; his prayer was rejected.

Finally, he pleaded for his life. The army, in theſe ſeveral

66
judgments, exercifed the fupreme magiftracy." According to

the hiſtorian, whoſe doubtful narrative the preſident De Montef-

quieu has adopted, Philip , who, during the whole tranfaction,

had preferved a fullen filence, was inclined to ſpare the innocent

life of his benefactor ; till, recollecting that his innocence might ex-

cite a dangerous compaffion in the Roman world ; he commanded ,

without regard to his fuppliant cries, that he ſhould be ſeized, ſtript,

and led away to inftant death. After a moment's pauſe the inhuman
fentence was executed ".
Reign of
Philip. On his return from the eaft to Rome, Philip, defirous of oblite-

rating the memory of his crimes, and of captivating the affections

of the people, folemnized the fecular games with infinite pomp

and magnificence . Since their inftitution or revival by Au-

guſtus ", they had been celebrated by Claudius, by Domitian , and

by Severus, and were now renewed the fifth time, on the ac-

compliſhment of the full period of a thouſand years from the foun-

Secular dation of Rome. Every circumftance
games.
A. D. 248.
April 21 . 59 The Auguftan Hiſtory (p . 163 , 164. )
cannot, in this inftance, be reconciled with
itfelf or with probability. How could Philip
condemn his predeceffor, and yet confecrate
his memory ? How could he order his public
execution, and yet, in his letters to the fe-
nate, exculpate himfelf from the guilt of his
death ? Philip, though an ambitious ufurper,
was by no means a mad tyrant. Same chro-
nological difficulties have likewife been dif-
covered by the nice eyes of Tillemont and
of the fecular games was
Muratori , in this ſuppoſed aſſociation of Philip
to the empire.
56 The account of the laſt ſuppoſed celebra-
tion , though in an enlightened period of hif
tory, was fo very doubtful and obfcure, that
the alternative feems not doubtful. When the
popish jubilees, the copy of the fecular games,
were invented by Boniface VIII . the crafty
pope pretended, that he only revived an an-
cient inftitution . See M. le Chais Lettres
fur les Jubilès.

3 ſkilfully
 OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 235

fkilfully adapted to infpire the fuperftitious mind with deep and CHA P.
VII.
folemn reverence. The long interval between them " exceeded the

term of human life ; and as none of the ſpectators had already ſeen

them , none could flatter themſelves with the expectation of be-

holding them a fecond time. The myftic facrifices were performed,

during three nights, on the banks of the Tyber ; and the Campus
Martius refounded with mufic and dances, and was illuminated

with innumerable lamps and torches. Slaves and ftrangers were

excluded from any participation in theſe national ceremonies. A

chorus of twenty-feven youths, and as many virgins, of noble fa-

milies, and whofe parents were both alive, implored the propitious

gods in favour of the preſent, and for the hope of the riſing gene-

ration ; requeſting, in religious hymns, that, according to the faith

of their ancient oracles, they would ftill maintain the virtue, the

felicity, and the empire of the Roman people ".• The magnificence
of Philip's ſhows and entertainments dazzled the eyes of the mul-

titude. The devout were employed in the rites of ſuperſtition ,

!
whilft the reflecting few revolved in their anxious minds the paſt

hiſtory and the future fate of the empire.

Since Romulus, with a finall band of ſhepherds and outlaws, for- Decline of
the Roman
tified himſelf on the hills near the Tiber, ten centuries had already empire.

elapfed ". During the four firſt ages, the Romans, in the laborious
ſchool of poverty, had acquired the virtues of war and government :

By the vigorous exertion of thofe virtues, and by the affiftance of

fortune, they had obtained, in the courſe of the three fucceeding

57 Either of a hundred , or a hundred and the defcription of Zofimus, 1. ii. p. 167,

ten years . Varro and Livy adopted the for-
mer opinion, but the infallible authority of
the Sibyl confecrated the latter (Cenforinus
de Die Natal. c. 17. ) . The emperors Clau-
dius and Philip, however, did not treat the
oracle with implicit reſpect.
* The idea of the fecular games is beft
underſtood from the poem of Horace, and
Hh 2
& c.
59 The received calculation of Varro af-
figns to the foundation of Rome, an æra that
correfponds with the 754th year before Chrift.
But fo little is the chronology of Rome to be
depended on, in the more early ages, that Sir
Ifaac Newton has brought the fame event as
low as the year 627.
centuries,

1
236 THE DECLINE AND FALL

CHA P. centuries, an abfolute empire over many countries of Europe, Afia,

VII.
and Africa. The last three hundred years had been confumed in
apparent profperity and internal decline. The nation of foldiers,

magiſtrates, and legiſlators , who compoſed the thirty-five tribes of the

Roman people, was diffolved into the common maſs of mankind , and

confounded with the millions of fervile provincials, who had received

the name, without adopting the fpirit of Romans. A mercenary

army, levied among the ſubjects and barbarians of the frontier, was

the only order of men who preferved and abuſed their independence.

By their tumultuary election, a Syrian, a Goth, or an Arab, was

exalted to the throne of Rome, and inveſted with defpotic power over

the conquefts and over the country of the Scipios.

The limits of the Roman empire ſtill extended from the Weſtern

Ocean to the Tigris, and from Mount Atlas to the Rhine and the
Danube. To the undiſcerning eye of the vulgar, Philip appeared

a monarch no leſs powerful than Hadrian or Auguſtus had formerly

been. The form was ftill the fame, but the animating health and

vigour were fled. The induſtry of the people was diſcouraged and
exhauſted by a long ſeries of oppreffion . The diſcipline of the legions,
which alone, after the extinction of every other virtue, had propped

the greatneſs of the ſtate, was corrupted by the ambition , or relaxed

by the weakneſs, of the emperors. The ftrength of the frontiers,

which had always confifted in arms rather than in fortifications, was

infenfibly undermined ; and the faireſt provinces were left expoſed

to the rapaciouſneſs or ambition of the barbarians , who foon difco-

vered the decline of the Roman empire.

 OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 237

CHAP. VIII.

Of the State of Perfia after the Reftoration of the Mo-

narchy by Artaxerxes.

HENEVER Tacitus indulges himfelf in thofe beautiful CHAP

VIII.
WH
epifodes, in which he relates fome domeftic tranfaction of
The barba-
the Germans or of the Parthians, his principal object is to relieve the rians of the
Eaft and of
attention of the reader from a uniform ſcene of vice and mifery. the North .

From the reign of Auguftus to the time of Alexander Severus, the

enemies of Rome were in her bofom ; the tyrants, and the foldiers ;

and her profperity had a very diftant and feeble intereſt in the revo-

lutions that might happen beyond the Rhine and the Euphrates.
But when the military order had levelled , in wild anarchy, the power

of the prince, the laws of the fenate, and even the difcipline of the

camp, the barbarians of the north and of the eaſt, who had long

hovered on the frontier, boldly attacked the provinces of a declin-

ing monarchy. Their vexatious inroads were changed into formidable

irruptions, and, after a long viciffitude of mutual calamities, many

tribes of the victorious invaders eftabliſhed themfelves in the pro-

vinces of the Roman empire. To obtain a clearer knowledge of

theſe great events, we ſhall endeavour to form a previous idea of the

character, forces, and defigns of thofe nations who avenged the

cauſe of Hannibal and Mithridates.

In the more early ages of the world, whilft the foreft that covered Revolutions
of Afia.
Europe afforded a retreat to a few wandering favages, the inha-
bitants of Afia were already collected into populous cities, and re-

duced under extenfive empires, the feat of the arts, of luxury, and .
of
 238 THE DECLINE AND FALL

CHA of defpotifm. The Affyrians reigned over the Eaft ' , till the ſceptre
VIII. P.
of Ninus and Semiramis dropt from the hands of their enervated
fucceffors. The Medes and the Babylonians divided their power

and were themſelves ſwallowed up in the monarchy of the Perfians,

whofe arms could not be confined within the narrow limits of Aſia.

Followed, as it is faid , by two millions of men, Xerxes, the deſcendant

of Cyrus, invaded Greece. Thirty thouſand foldiers, under the

command of Alexander, the fon of Philip, who was intrufted by

the Greeks with their glory and revenge, were fufficient to fubdue

Perfia. The princes of the houſe of Seleucus ufurped and loft the

Macedonian command over the Eaft. About the fame time, that,

by an ignominious treaty, they reſigned to the Romans the country

on this fide Mount Taurus, they were driven by the Parthians, an

obfcure horde of Scythian origin, from all the provinces of Upper

Aſia. The formidable power of the Parthians, which ſpread from

India to the frontiers of Syria, was in its turn fubverted by Ardſhir,

or Artaxerxes ; the founder of a new dynaſty, which, under the

name of Saffanides, governed Perfia till the invaſion of the Arabs.

This great revolution , whofe fatal influence was foon experienced by

the Romans, happened in the fourth year of Alexander Severus,

two hundred and twenty-fix years after the Chriſtian æra².

The Perfian Artaxerxes had ferved with great reputation in the armies of
monarchy
reflored by Artaban , the laft king of the Parthians , and it appears that he was
Artaxerxes.

An ancient chronologift quoted by Vel- 2 In the five hundred and thirty- eighth
leius Paterculus (1. i . c . 6. ) obferves, that year of the æra of Seleucus. See Agathias ,
the Affyrians, the Medes , the Perfians, and 1. ii . p . 63. This great event (fuch is the
the Macedonians , reigned over Afia one thou- carelefinefs of the Orientals) is placed by Eu-
fand nine hundred and ninety- five years, from tychius, as high as the tenth year of Com-
the acceffion of Ninus to the defeat of Anti- modus, and by Mofes of Chorene , as low as
ochus by the Romans . As the latter of theſe the reign of Philip . Ammianus Marcellinus
great events happened 289 years before Chrift, has fo fervilely copied (xxiii . 6. ) his ancient
the former may be placed 218+ years before materials , which are indeed very good , that
the fame æra. The Aftronomical Obferva- he defcribes the family of the Arfacides, as
tions, found at Babylon by Alexander, went ftill feated on the Perfian throne in the middle
fifty years higher. of the fourth century .

driven
 OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 239

driven into exile and rebellion by royal ingratitude , the cuſtomary CHA P.
VIII.
reward for fuperior merit. His birth was obſcure, and the obſcurity
equally gave room to the afperfions of his enemies, and the flattery

of his adherents. If we credit the fcandal of the former, Arta-

xerxes fprang from the illegitimate commerce of a tanner's wife

with a common foldier³. The latter repreſent him , as deſcended

from a branch of the ancient kings of Perfia, though time and

misfortune had gradually reduced his anceſtors to the humble ftation

of private citizens *. As the lineal heir of the monarchy, he

afferted his right to the throne, and challenged the noble taſk of

delivering the Perfians from the oppreffion under which they

groaned above five centuries fince the death of Darius. The Par-

thians were defeated in three great battles. In the laſt of theſe

their king Artaban was flain, and the ſpirit of the nation was for

ever broken '. The authority of Artaxerxes was folemnly acknow-

ledged in a great affembly held at Balch in Khorafan. Two

younger branches of the royal houfe of Arfaces were confounded

among the proftrate fatreps. A third, more mindful of ancient

grandeur than of preſent neceffity, attempted to retire, with a

numerous train of vaffals, towards their kinfman, the king of

Armenia ; but this little army of deferters was intercepted, and cut

off, by the vigilance of the conqueror , who boldly affumed the

double diadem , and the title of King of Kings, which had been

enjoyed by his predeceffor. But theſe pompous titles, inftead of

gratifying the vanity of the Perfian, ferved only to admonish him

of his duty, and to inflame in his foul the ambition of reftoring, in

their full ſplendour, the religion and empire of Cyrus.

3 The tanner's name was Babec ; the fol- 4 D'Herbelot. Bibliotheque Orientale.
dier's, Saffan : from the former Artaxerxes Ardhir.
obtained the furname of Babegan ; from the s Dion Caffius, 1. lxxx. Herodian, 1. vi.
latter all his defcendants have been ftyled p. 207. Abulpharagius Dynaft. p. 80 .
Saffanides. See Mofes Chorenenfis, 1. ii . c. 65-71.

I, During
240 THE DECLINE AND FALL

CHA P.
VIII. 1. During the long fervitude of Perfia under the Macedonian

and the Parthian yoke, the nations of Europe and Afia had mu→
Reformation
ofthe Ma- tually adopted and corrupted each other's fuperftitions. The
gianreligion.
Arfacides, indeed , practifed the worship of the Magi ; but they

difgraced and polluted it with a various mixture of foreign idolatry.

The memory of Zoroafter, the ancient prophet and philofopher of the

Perfians ' , was ſtill revered in the Eaft ; but the obſolete and myſterious

language, in which the Zendavafta was compofed , opened a field of

diſpute to ſeventy fects, who variouſly explained the fundamental doc-

trines of their religion , and were all indifferently derided by a crowd

of infidels, who rejected the divine miffion and miracles of the pro-
phet. To fupprefs the idolaters, reunite the fchifmatics, and confute

the unbelievers, by the infallible decifion of a general council, the

pious Artaxerxes fummoned the Magi from all parts of his dominions.
Theſe prieſts, who had fo long fighed in contempt and obſcurity,

obeyed the welcome fummons ; and on the appointed day appeared,

to the number of about eighty thouſand . But as the debates of fo

tumultuous an affembly could not have been directed by the authority

of reaſon, or influenced by the art of policy, the Perſian fynod was re-

duced, by fucceffive operations, to forty thouſand, to four thouſand , to

four hundred, to forty, and at laſt to ſeven Magi, the moſt reſpected
for their learning and piety. One of thefe, Erdaviraph , a young but
holy prelate, received from the hands of his brethren three cups of

ſoporiferous wine. He drank them off, and inſtantly fell into a long

7 Hyde and Prideaux, working up the uncle Dr. Prideaux, the antiquity of the Per-
Perfian legends and their own conjectures into fian prophet. See his work, vol . ii.
a very agreeable ſtory, repreſent Zoroafter as 8 That ancient idiom was called the Zend.
a contemporary of Darius Hyftafpes . But it The language ofthe commentary, the Pehlvi,
is fufficient to obferve, that the Greek wri- though much more modern, has ceafed many
ters, who lived almoft in the age of Darius, ages ago to be a living tongue. This fact
agree in placing the era of Zoroafter many alone ( if it is allowed as authentic) fufficient-
hundred, or even thouſand, years before their ly warrants the antiquity of thofe writings,
own time. The judicious criticifm of Mr. which M. d'Anquetil has brought into Eu-
Moyle perceived, and maintained againft his rope, and tranflated into French.

7 and
 OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 241

and profound fleep. As foon as he waked, he related to the king and to CHAP.
VIII.
the believing multitude, his journey to Heaven, and his intimate con-

ferences with the Deity. Every doubt was filenced by this fupernatural
evidence ; and the articles of the faith of Zoroafter were fixed with

equal authority and precifion . A fhort delineation of that celebrated

ſyſtem will be found uſeful, not only to diſplay the character of the
Perfian nation , but to illuftrate many of their moſt important tranf-

actions, both in peace and war, with the Roman empire 10.

The great and fundamental article of the fyftem, was the ce- Perfian theo-
logy; two
lebrated doctrine of the two principles ; a bold and injudicious principles.

attempt of Eaſtern . philofophy to reconcile the exiſtence of moral

and phyſical evil, with the attributes of a beneficent Creator and

Governor of the world. The firft and original Being, in whom, or

by whom, the univerfe exifts, is denominated in the writings

of Zoroafter, Time without bounds ; but it muſt be confeffed, that

this infinite ſubſtance ſeems rather a metaphyſical abſtraction of the

mind, than a real object endowed with felf-conſciouſneſs, or poffeffed

of moral perfections. From either the blind, or the intelligent

operation of this infinite Time, which bears but too near an affinity

with the chaos of the Greeks, the two fecondary but active prin-

ciples of the univerſe, were from all eternity produced , Ormuſd and

Ahriman, each of them poffeffed of the powers of creation, but

each diſpoſed, by his invariable nature, to exerciſe them with dif-

ferent defigns. The principle of good is eternally abforbed in light ;

the principle of evil eternally buried in darkneſs. The wife benevo-
lence of Ormufd formed man capable of virtue, and abundantly pro-

vided his fair habitation with the materials of happineſs. By his

⁹ Hyde de Religione veterum Perf. c. 21 . died obfcurity of a prophet, the figurative

10 I- have principally drawn this account ftyle of the Eaft, and the deceitful medium
from the Zendavefta of M. d'Anquetil , and of a French or Latin verſion, may have be-
the Sadder, fubjoined to Dr. Hyde's treatife. trayed us into error and herefy, in this
It muft, however, be confeffed, that the ftu- abridgement of Perfian theology.
VOL. I. I i vigilant
 THE DECLINE AND FALL
242
CHA P. vigilant providence, the motion of the planets, the order of the

VIII. feaſons , and the temperate mixture of the elements , are preferved .

But the malice of Ahriman has long fince pierced Ormufd's egg ;
or, in other words, has violated the harmony of his works. Since

that fatal irruption , the moſt minute articles of good and evil

are intimately intermingled and agitated together ; the rankeft

poifons fpring up amidſt the moſt falutary plants ; deluges , earth-

quakes, and conflagrations , atteft the conflict of Nature, and the

little world of man is perpetually fhaken by vice and misfortune .

Whilſt the reſt of human kind are led away captives in the chains .
of their infernal enemy, the faithful Perfian alone referves his.

religious adoration for his friend and protector Crmufd , and fights.

under his banner of light , in the full confidence that he fhall , in

At that decifive
the laſt day, ſhare the glory of his triumph .
period , the enlightened wifdom of goodneſs will render the power

of Ormufd fuperior to the furious malice of his rival . Ahriman and

his followers , difarmed and fubdued , will fink into their native

darkneſs and virtue will maintain the eternal peace and harmony of

the univerſe ".

The theology of Zoroafter was darkly comprehended by foreigners,
Religious and even by the far greater number of his difciples ; but the moſt
worship .
careleſs obfervers were ftruck with the philofophic fimplicity of the
12
Perfian worship . " That people, fays Herodotus rejects the

" ufe of temples , of altars, and of ftatues , and fimiles at the folly of

" thoſe nations , who imagine that the gods are fprung from,

The tops of the

" or bear any affinity with , the human nature.
higheſt mountains are the places chofen for facrifices. Hymns
66.

contributed to refine their theological fyftem .

" The modern Perfees (and in fome degree
the Sadder ) exalt Ormufd into the first and
omnipotent caufe , whilft they degrade Ahri-
man into an inferior but rebellious fpirit.Their
defire of pleafing the Mahometans may have
5
12 Herodotus , 1. i . c. 131. But Dr. Pri-
deaux thinks , with reafon , that the uſe of
temples was afterwards permitted in the Ma-
gian religion ..
" and
 OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 243

" and prayers are the principal worſhip ; the Supreme God who CHA P.
VIII.
" fills the wide circle of Heaven, is the object to whom they are

" addreffed." Yet, at the fame time, in the true ſpirit of a polytheiſt,

he accufes them of adoring Earth, Water, Fire, the Winds, and

the Sun and Moon. But the Perfians of every age have denied the

charge, and explained the equivocal conduct, which might appear

to give a colour to it. The elements, and more particularly Fire,

Light, and the Sun, whom they called Mithra, were the objects of

their religious reverence, becauſe they confidered them as the pureſt

fymbols, the nobleſt productions , and the moſt powerful agents of
13
the Divine Power and Nature "3.

Every mode of religion, to make a deep and laſting impreffion on Ceremonies

and moral
the human mind, muft exerciſe our obedience, by enjoining practices precepts.

of devotion, for which we can affign no reafon ; and muft acquire

our eſteem, by inculcating moral duties analogous to the dictates of

our own hearts. The religion of Zoroafter was abundantly provided

with the former, and poffeffed a fufficient portion of the latter. At

the age of puberty, the faithful Perfian was invefted with a myf-

terious girdle, the badge of the divine protection ; and from that
moment, all the actions of his life, even the moſt indifferent, or the

moſt neceffary, were fanctified by their peculiar prayers, ejaculations,

or genuflexions ; the omiffion of which, under any circumſtances ,

was a grievous fin , not inferior in guilt to the violation of the moral

duties. The moral duties, however, of juftice, mercy, liberality, & c.

were in their turn required of the difciple of Zoroafter, who wiſhed

to eſcape the perſecution of Ahriman, and to live with Ormuſd in a

blifsful eternity, where the degree of felicity will be exactly propor-

tioned to the degree of virtue and piety ".

But

13 Hyde de Relig. Perf. c. 8. Notwith- natifed them, as idolatrous worshippers of

ftanding all their diſtinctions and protefta- the Fire.
tions, which feem fincere enough, their ty- 14 See the Sadder, the fmalleft part of
rants, the Mahometans, have conftantly ftig- which confifts of moral precepts . The cere-
I i2 monies
244 THE DECLINE AND FALL

CHAP .
VIII . But there are ſome remarkable inftances, in which Zoroafter lays

Encourage- afide the prophet, affumes the legiſlator, and diſcovers a liberal

ment of agri- concern for private and public happineſs , feldom to be found among
culture .
the groveling or viſionary ſchemes of fuperftition . Fafting and
celibacy, the common means of purchafing the Divine favour,

he condemns with abhorrence, as a criminal rejection of the beſt

gifts of Providence. The faint, in the Magian religion , is obliged

to beget children, to plant uſeful trees, to deftroy noxious animals,

to convey water to the dry lands of Perfia, and to work out his

falvation by purſuing all the labours of agriculture. We may quote

from the Zendavefta a wife and benevolent maxim, which com-

penſates for many an abfurdity. " He who fows the ground with
66
care and diligence, acquires a greater ſtock of religious merit, than

" he could gain by the repetition of ten thouſand prayers 15 .

In the ſpring of every year a feſtival was celebrated , deſtined to re-

preſent the primitive equality, and the preſent connexion, of man-

kind . The ſtately kings of Perfia, exchanging their vain pomp

for more genuine greatnefs, freely mingled with the humbleft but

moſt uſeful of their fubjects. On that day the huſbandmen were

admitted , without diſtinction, to the table of the king and his

fatraps. The monarch accepted their petitions, inquired into their

grievances, and converfed with them on the moſt equal terms.

" From your labours, was he accuſtomed to ſay (and to ſay with

“ truth , if not with fincerity) , from your labours, we receive our

" fubfiftence ; you derive your tranquillity from our vigilance ; fince;
" therefore, we are mutually neceffary to each other, let us live
16
" together like brothers in concord and love " ." Such a feftival

muſt indeed have degenerated , in a wealthy and defpotic empire,,

monies enjoined are infinite and trifling. the facred girdle. Sadder, Art. 14. 50. 60.
Fifteen genuflexions, prayers, &c. were re- Is Zendavefta , tom . i . p . 224. and Precis
quired whenever the devout Perfian cut his du Syfteme de Zoroaftre, tom. iii .
nails or made water ; or as often as he put on 16 Hyde de Religione Perfarum, c. 19.

2 into,
 OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 245

into a theatrical repreſentation ; but it was at leaſt a comedy well CHA P.

VIII.
worthy of a royal audience, and which might ſometimes imprint a

falutary leffon on the mind of a young prince.

Had Zoroaſter, in all his inſtitutions, invariably ſupported this ex- Power of the
Magi.
alted character, his name would deferve a place with thoſe of Numa

and Confucius, and his ſyſtem would be juſtly entitled to all the

applauſe, which it has pleaſed ſome of our Divines, and even ſome

of our philofophers, to beſtow on it. But in that motley compofi-

tion, dictated by reafon and paffion, by enthuſiaſm and by ſelfiſh

motives, ſome uſeful and fublime truths were diſgraced by a mix-

ture of the moſt abject and dangerous fuperftition. The Magi, or

facerdotal order, were extremely numerous, fince, as we have already

ſeen, fourſcore thouſand of them were convened in a general council.

Their forces were multiplied by difcipline. A regular hierarchy was

diffuſed through all the provinces of Perfia ; and the Archimagus ,

who refided at Balch, was reſpected as the viſible head of the

church, and the lawful fucceffor of Zoroafter ". The property of

the Magi was very confiderable. Befides the lefs invidious poffef-
1
fion of a large tract of the moſt fertile lands of Media " , they levied
19
a general tax on the fortunes and the induſtry of the Perfians " .

" Though your good works," fays the intereſted prophet, " exceed
" in number the leaves of the trees, the drops of rain, the ſtars in

" the heaven, or the fands on the fea-fhore, they will all be un-
(6
profitable to you, unlefs they are accepted by the deftour, or prieſt.

" To obtain the acceptation of this guide to falvation , you muſt

17 Hyde de Religione Perfarum , c. 28 . were a tribe or family, as well as order.

Both Hyde and Prideaux affect to apply to 19 The divine inftitution of tythes exhibits
the Magian, the terms confecrated to the a fingular inftance of conformity between the .
Chriſtian hierarchy . law of Zoroafter and that of Moſes . Thoſe
18 Ammian . Marcellin . xxiii. 6. He in- who cannot otherwiſe account for it, may fup-
forms us ( as far as we may credit him) of two pole, if they pleaſe, that the Magi of the
curious particulars ; 1. that the Magi de- latter times inſerted ſo uſeful an interpolation
rived fome of their moft fecret doctrines from into the writings of their prophet.
the Indian Brachmans ; and, 2. that they
" faithfully

!
246 THE DECLINE AND FALL

CHAP.
VII. " faithfully pay him tythes of all you poffefs, of your goods, of

“ your lands, and of your money. If the deftour be fatisfied, your

" foul will eſcape hell tortures ; you will fecure praiſe in this world,
" and happineſs in the next. For the deftours are the teachers of
66 20.99
religion ; they know all things, and they deliver all men
Theſe convenient maxims of reverence and implicit faith were

doubtlefs imprinted with care on the tender minds of youth ; fince

the Magi were the mafters of education in Perfia, and to their hands

the children even of the royal family were intrufted ". The Perfian

prieſts, who were of a ſpeculative genius, preferved and inveſtigated

the ſecrets of Oriental philofophy ; and acquired, either by fuperior

knowledge or fuperior art, the reputation of being well verfed in

fome occult ſciences, which have derived their appellation from the
22
Magi ". Thoſe of more active difpofitions mixed with the world
in courts and cities ; and it is obferved, that the adminiftration

of Artaxerxes was in a great meaſure directed by the counfels

of the facerdotal order, whoſe dignity, either from policy or devo-

23
tion, that prince reftored to its ancient ſplendour "3.
Spirit of The first counſel of the Magi was agreeable to the unfociable ge-
perfecution.
nius of their faith ", to the practice of ancient kings ", and even

to the example of their legiflator, who had fallen a victim to a re-

ligious war, excited by his own intolerant zeal . By an edict of

Artaxerxes, the exercife of every worship, except that of Zoroafter,

was feverely prohibited. The temples of the Parthians, and the fta-

20 Sadder, Art. 8. refined and philofophic fects are conftantlythe

21 Plato in Alcibiad.
22 Pliny (Hift. Natur. 1. xxx. c. 1. ) ob-
ferves, that magic held mankind by the
triple chain of religion , of phyſic, and of
aftronomy.
23 Agathias, 1. iv. p. 134.
24 Mr. Hume, in the Natural Hiftory of
Religion, fagaciously remarks, that the most
moft intolerant.
25 Cicero de Legibus, ii . 10. Xerxes, by
the advice of the Magi, deſtroyed the temples
of Greece.
26
Hyde de Rel . Perfar. c. 23 , 24. D'Her-
belot Bibliothéque Orientale Zerdubt. Life
of Zoroafter in tom. ii. ofthe Zendaveſta .

tues
 OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE.
247

tues of their deified monarchs, were thrown down with ignominy ". CHA
VIII. P.
The fword of Ariftotle (fuch was the name given by the Orientals to

the polytheiſm and philofophy of the Greeks) was eaſily broken 28 ;

the flames of perſecution foon reached the more ſtubborn Jews and

Chriſtians " ; nor did they fpare the heretics of their own nation

and religion. The majefty of Ormufd, who was jealous of a rival,

was feconded by the defpotifin of Artaxerxes, who could not fuffer

a rebel ; and the fchifmatics within his vaft empire were foon re-

duced to the inconfiderable number of eighty thouſand ". This

fpirit of perfecution reflects difhonour on the religion of Zoroafter ;

but as it was not productive of any civil commotion , it ferved to

ftrengthen the new monarchy, by uniting all the various inhabitants
of Perfia in the bands of religious zeal.

II. Artaxerxes, by his valour and conduct, had wrefted the fcep- Eſtabliſh-
ment of the
tre of the Eaſt from the ancient royal family of Parthia. There royal autho-
rity in the
ftill remained the more difficult task of eſtabliſhing, throughout the provinces.
inte

vaſt extent of Perfia, a uniform and vigorous adminiſtration . The

weak indulgence of the Arfacides, had refigned to their fons and

brothers the principal provinces, and the greateſt offices of the king-

dom , in the nature of hereditary poffeffions. The vitaxa, or eigh-

teen moft powerful fatraps, were permitted to affume the regal title ;
and the vain pride of the monarch was delighted with a nominal
dominion over fo many vaffal kings. Even tribes of barbarians in

their mountains, and the Greek cities of Upper Afia ", within their

27 Compare Mofes of Chorene, 1. ii . c . 74. 32 Theſe colonies were extremely nume-

with Ammian. Marcellin . xxiii . 6. Here-
after I fhall make ufe of thefe paffages.
Rabbi Abraham in the Tarikh Schick-
ard, p . 108 , 109.
29 Bafnage Hiftoire des Juifs, 1. viii. c. 3.
Sozomen , 1. ii . c . 1. Manes, who fuffered
an ignominious death, may be deemed a Ma-
gian, as well as a Chriftian heretic.
30 Hyde de Religione Perfar. c. 21 .
rous . Seleucus Nicator founded thirty- nine
cities, all named from himſelf, or ſome of
his relations ( fee Appian in Syriac. p. 124.).
The era of Seleucus ( ftill in ufe among the
Eaftern Chriftians ) appears as late as the year
508 , of Chriſt 196, on the medals of the
Greek cities within the Parthian empire . See
Moyle's works, vol . i . p. 273 , &c. and M.
Freret, Mem. de l'Academie , tom . xix.

walls,
+248 THE DECLINE AND FALL

CHAP.
VIII. walls, fcarcely acknowledged, or ſeldom obeyed, any fuperior ; and

the Parthian empire exhibited, under other names, a lively image of

the feudal ſyſtem " which has fince prevailed in Europe. But the
active victor, at the head of a numerous and diſciplined army, vifited

in perfon every province of Perfia. The defeat of the boldeft rebels,

and the reduction of the ſtrongeſt fortifications ", diffuſed the terror

of his arms, and prepared the way for the peaceful reception of his
authority. An obftinate reſiſtance was fatal to the chiefs ; but their
34
followers were treated with lenity • A cheerful fubmiffion was

rewarded with honours and riches ; but the prudent Artaxerxes ,

ſuffering no perfon except himſelf to affume the title of king, abo-

liſhed every intermediate power between the throne and the people.
Extent and
His kingdom, nearly equal in extent to modern Perfia, was, on every
population of
Perfia.
fide, bounded by the fea or by great rivers ; by the Euphrates , the

Tigris, the Araxes, the Oxus, and the Indus, by the Cafpian Sea,
and the Gulph of Perfia ". That country was computed to contain , in

the last century, five hundred and fifty-four cities, fixty thouſand
36
villages, and about forty millions of fouls 3. If we compare the

32 The modern Perfians diftinguish that pe- bably many ages afterwards, it was thinly in-
riod as the dynaſty of the kings ofthe nations. habited by a favage people of Icthyophagi,
See Plin. Hift. Nat. vi. 25. or Fiſhermen, who knew no arts, who ac-
33 Eutychius (tom. i . p. 367. 371. 375. ) knowledged no mafter, and who were divided
relates the fiege of the iſland of Mefene in by inhoſpitable deſerts from the rest of the
the Tigris, with fome circumstances not un- world. (See Arrian de Reb. Indicis . ) In
like the ftory of Nifus and Scylla. the twelfth century, the little town of Taiz
34 Agathias, ii. 164. The princes of Se- (fuppofed by M. d'Anville to be the Teſa of
geftan defended their independence during Ptolemy) was peopled and enriched by the
many years. As romances generally tranſport refort of the Arabian merchants. (See Geo-
to an ancient period the events of their own graphie Nubiens, p . 58, and d'Anville Geo-
time, it is not impoffible, that the fabulous graphie Ancienne, tom. ii. p . 283. ) In the
exploits of Ruftan prince of Segeftan may laft age the whole country was divided be-
have been grafted on this real hiſtory. tween three princes , one Mahometan and two
35 We can ſcarcely attribute to the Perfian Idolaters, who maintained their independ-
monarchythe fea coast of Gedrofia or Macran , ence againſt the fucceffors of Shaw Abbas.
which extends along the Indian Ocean from (Voyages de Tavernier, parti . 1. v. p. 635.)
Cape Jafk (the promontory Capella) to Cape 36 Chardin , tom. iii. c. 1 , 2, 3 .
Goadel . In the time of Alexander , and pro-

admi
 OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 249

adminiſtration of the houſe of Saffan with that of the houſe of Sefi , CHA P.
VIII.
the political influence of the Magian with that of the Mahometan

religion , we ſhall probably infer , that the kingdom of Artaxerxes

contained at leaſt as great a number of cities, villages, and inhabit-

ants. But it muſt likewife be confeffed, that in every age the want

of harbours on the fea-coaft, and the fcarcity of freſh water in the

inland provinces , have been very unfavourable to the commerce and

agriculture of the Perfians ; who, in the calculation of their numbers,

feem to have indulged one of the meaneft, though moſt common ,

artifices of national vanity.

As foon as the ambitious mind of Artaxerxes had triumphed over Recapitula-

tion of the
the refiftance of his vaffals, he began to threaten. the neighbouring war between
the Parthian
ftates, who, during the long flumber of his predeceffors, had infulted and Roman
Perfia with impunity. He obtained fome eafy victories over the empire.

wild Scythians and the effeminate Indians ; but the Romans were

an enemy, who, by their paſt injuries and prefent power, deſerved

the utmoſt efforts of his arms. A forty years tranquillity, the

fruit of valour and moderation, had fucceeded the victories of Trajan.

During the period that elapfed from the acceffion of Marcus to the

reign of Alexander, the Roman and the Parthian empires were twice
engaged in war ; and although the whole ftrength of the Arfacides

contended with a part only of the forces of Rome, the event was

moft commonly in favour of the latter. Macrinus, indeed , prompted

by his precarious fituation, and pufillanimous temper, purchaſed a

peace at the expence of near two millions of our money " ; but the

generals of Marcus, the emperor Severus, and his fon, erected many

trophies in Armenia, Mefopotamia, and Affyria. Among their ex-

ploits, the imperfect relation of which would have unſeaſonably in-

terrupted the more important ſeries of domeſtic revolutions, we ſhall

only mention the repeated calamities of the two great cities of Seleucia
and Ctefiphon.
37 Dion, 1. xxviii. p . 1335 .
VOL. I. K k Seleucia,
250 THE DECLINE AND FALL

С НА Р.
VIII. Seleucia, on the weſtern bank of the Tigris, about forty-five

miles to the north of ancient Babylon , was the capital of the Mace-
Cities of Se- 38
leucia and donian conqueſts in Upper Afia 3. Many ages after the fall of their
Ctefiphon.
empire, Seleucia retained the genuine characters of a Grecian colony,

arts, military virtue, and the love of freedom. The independent

republic was governed by a fenate of three hundred nobles ; the

people confifted of fix hundred thouſand citizens ; the walls were

ſtrong, and as long as concord prevailed among the ſeveral orders of

the ſtate, they viewed with contempt the power of the Parthian : but

the madneſs of faction was fometimes provoked to implore the dan-

gerous aid of the common enemy, who was pofted almoſt at the gates-

of the colony ". The Parthian monarchs, like the Mogul fovereigns

of Hindoftan , delighted in the paſtoral life of their Scythian ancef-

tors ; and the Imperial camp was frequently pitched in the plain of

Ctefiphon, on the eaſtern bank of the Tigris, at the diſtance of only

40
three miles from Seleucia 4°. The innumerable attendants on luxury

and defpotifm reforted to the court, and the little village of Ctefi-

phon infenfibly fwelled into a great city ". Under the reign of

Marcus, the Roman generals penetrated as far as Ctefiphon and Se-

A. D. 165. leucia. They were received as friends by the Greek colony ; they

attacked as enemies the feat of the Parthian kings ; yet both cities
experienced the fame treatment. The fack and conflagration of

Seleucia, with the maffacre of three hundred thoufand of the inha-

38 For the precife fituation of Babylon, Se- followed the camp of Aurengzebe from Dehli
leucia, Ctefiphon , Modain, and Bagdad , ci- to Caſhmir, deſcribes with great accuracy the
ties often confounded with each other ; fee an immenfe moving city. The guard of ca--
excellent Geographical Tract of M. d'An- valry confifted of 35,000 men, that of in-
ville, in Mem. de l'Academie, tom . xxx . fantry of 10,000 . It was computed that the
39 Tacit. Annal . xi . 42. Plin. Hift . Nat.
camp contained 150,000 horſes, mules, and
vi. 26. elephants ; 50,000 camels ; 50,000 oxen , and
40 This may be inferred from Strabo, 1 . between 300,000 and 400,000 perfons . Al-
xvi. p. 743. most all Dehli followed the court, whofe
4 That most curious traveller Bernier, who magnificence fupported its induſtry.

5 bitants,
 OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 251

42
bitants, tarniſhed the glory of the Roman triumph ". Seleucia, CHA
VIII. P.
already exhauſted by the neighbourhood of a too powerful rival,
funk under the fatal blow ; but Ctefiphon, in about thirty-three A. D. 1,8 .
years, had fufficiently recovered its ftrength to maintain an obſti-

nate fiege againſt the emperor Severus. The city was, however,
taken by affault ; the king, who defended it in perfon, efcaped with

precipitation ; an hundred thouſand captives, and a rich booty, re-

warded the fatigues of the Roman foldiers "3. Notwithſtanding theſe

misfortunes, Ctefiphon fucceeded to Babylon and to Seleucia, as one

of the great capitals of the East. In fummer, the monarch of Perſia

enjoyed at Ecbatana the cool breezes of the mountains of Media ;

but the mildneſs of the climate engaged him to prefer Ctefiphion for
his winter-refidence.

From theſe fuccefsful inroads, the Romans derived no real or Conqueft of

Offhoene by
lafting benefit ; nor did they attempt to preſerve ſuch diſtant con- the Romans.

queſts, feparated from the provinces of the empire by a large tract of

intermediate defert. The reduction of the kingdom of Ofrhoene,

was an acquifition of leſs ſplendour indeed, but of a far more folid

advantage. That little ftate occupied the northern and moft fertile
1
part of Mefopotamia, between the Euphrates and the Tigris. Edeffa,

its capital, was fituated about twenty miles beyond the former of
thoſe rivers ; and the inhabitants, fince the time of Alexander, were
44
a mixed race of Greeks, Arabs , Syrians, and Armenians **. The

feeble fovereigns of Ofrhoene, placed on the dangerous verge of

two contending empires, were attached from inclination to the Par-

42 Dion, 1. lxxi. p. 1178. Hift. Auguft.
p. 38. Eutrop. viii . 10. Eufeb. in Chronic.
Quadratus (quoted in the Auguftan Hiftory)
attempted to vindicate the Romans, by al-
leging, that the citizens of Seleucia had firft
violated their faith.
43 Dion, 1. lxxv . p. 1263. Herodian, 1.
iii. p. 120. Hift. Auguft . p. 70.
44 The polished citizens of Antioch, called
thofe of Edeffa mixed barbarians. It was,
however, fome praife, that of the three dia-
lects of the Syriac, the purest and moſt ele-
gant ( the Aramæan) was fpoke at Edeffa .
This remark M. Bayer (Hift. Edeff. p. 5. )
has borrowed from George of Malatia, a Sy-
rian writer.

Kk 2 thian
252 THE DECLINE AND FALL

CHA
VIII. P. thian caufe ; but the fuperior power of Rome exacted from them a
reluctant homage, which is ftill attefted by their medals. After the
conclufion of the Parthian war under Marcus, it was judged pru-

dent to fecure fome fubftantial pledges of their doubtful fidelity.

Forts were conftructed in ſeveral parts of the country, and a Roman

garrifon was fixed in the ftrong town of Nifibis. During the troubles

that followed the death of Commodus, the princes of Ofrhoene

attempted to ſhake off the yoke : but the ftern of policy of Severus

confirmed their dependance " , and the perfidy of Caracalla com-

A. D. 216. pleted the eafy conqueft. Abgarus , the laſt king of Edeffa, was fent
in chains to Rome, his dominions reduced into a province, and his

capital dignified with the rank of colony ; and thus the Romans,

about ten years before the fall of the Parthian monarchy, obtained a

firm and permanent eſtabliſhment beyond the Euphrates **.

Artaxerxes
claims the Prudence as well as glory might have juftified a war on the ſide of
provinces of Artaxerxes, had his views been confined to the defence or the acqui-
Afia, and de-
clares war
fition of a uſeful frontier. But the ambitious Perfian openly avowed a
against the
Romans. far more extenfive defign of conqueft ; and he thought himſelf able
A. D. 230.
to fupport his lofty pretenfions by the arms of reafon as well as by
thofe of power. Cyrus, he alleged, had firft fubdued, and his fuc-

ceffors had for a long time poffeffed, the whole extent of Aſia, as

far as the Propontis and the Ægæan Sea ; the provinces of Caria

and Ionia, under their empire, had been governed by Perfian fatraps,

and all Egypt, to the confines of Æthiopia, had acknowledged their

fovereignty . Their rights had been fufpended , but not deſtroyed ,

by a long ufurpation ; and as foon as he received the Perfian dia-

45 Dion, 1. lxxv. p. 1248, 1249, 1250. 47 Xenophon , in the preface to the Cyro-
M. Bayer has neglected to use this moft im- pædia, gives a clear and magnificent idea of
portant paffage . the extent of the empire of Cyrus . Hero-
46 This kingdom , from Ofrhoes, who gave a dotus (1. iii. c . 79, & c. ) enters into a curious
new name to the country, to the laft Abgarus, and particular defcription of the twenty great
had lafted 353 years . See the learned work Satrapies into which the Perfian empire was
of M. Bayer, Hiftoria Ofrhoena et Edeffena . divided by Darius Hyftafpes .

dem ,
 OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 253

dem, which birth and fucceſsful valour had placed upon his head, CHA
VIII . P.
the firſt great duty of his ſtation called upon him to reſtore the an-

cient limits and ſplendour of the monarchy. The Great King, there-
fore (fuch was the haughty ftyle of his embaffies to the emperor

Alexander), commanded the Romans inftantly to depart from all

the provinces of his anceſtors, and, yielding to the Perfians the em-
pire of Afia, to content themſelves with the undisturbed poffeffion
of Europe. This haughty mandate was delivered by four hundred

of the talleſt and moſt beautiful of the Perfians ; who, by their fine

horfes, fplendid arms,

and rich apparel, difplayed the pride and
48
greatneſs of their mafter " . Such an embaffy was much lefs an offer
of negociation than a declaration of war. Both Alexander Severus

and Artaxerxes, collecting the military force of the Roman and

Perſian monarchies, refolved in this important conteft to lead their

armies in perfon.

If we credit what fhould feem the most authentic of all records, Pretended
victory of
an oration, ftill extant, and delivered by the emperor himſelf to the Alexander
Severus.
fenate, we muſt allow that the victory of Alexander Severus was A. D. 233-
not inferior to any of thoſe formerly obtained over the Perfians by

the fon of Philip. The army of the Great King confifted of one

hundred and twenty thousand horſe, clothed in complete armour

of feel ; of feven hundred elephants, with towers filled with ar-

chers on their backs, and of eighteen hundred chariots, armed with

feythes. This formidable hoſt, the like of which is not to be found in

491
caſtern hiſtory, and has ſcarcely been imagined in eaſtern romance * ;
was

4 Herodian , vi . 209. 212.
49 There were two hundred fcythed cha-
riots at the battle of Arbela, in the hoft
of Darius. In the vaft army of Tigranes,
which was vanquished by Lucullus , feventeen
thoufand horfe only were completely arin-
ed. Antiochus brought fifty-four elephants
into the field againſt the Romans : by his fre-
quent wars and negociations with the princes.
of India, he had once collected an hundred
and fifty of thoſe great animals ; but it may
be queſtioned , whether the most powerful mo-
narch of Hindostan ever formed a line of
battle of feven hundred elephants . In tead
ofthree or four thousand elephants, which the
Great Mogul was fuppofed to poffefs, Taver-
nier
254 THE DECLINE AND FALL

CHAP.
VIII. was diſcomfited in a great battle, in which the Roman Alexander ap-

proved himſelf an intrepid foldier and a ſkilful general. The Great

King fled before his valour ; an immenfe booty, and the conqueft of

Mefopotamia, were the immediate fruits of this ſignal victory. Such

are the circumftances of this oftentatious and improbable relation ,

dictated, as it too plainly appears , by the vanity of the monarch,

adorned by the unbluſhing fervility of his flatterers, and received

without contradiction by a diſtant and obfequious fenate " . Far

from being inclined to believe that the arms of Alexander obtained

any memorable advantage over the Perfians, we are induced to ſuſpect,

that all this blaze of imaginary glory was defigned to conceal fome
real difgracc.

More proba- Our fufpicions are confirmed by the authority of a contemporary

ble account
of the war. hiftorian, who mentions the virtues of Alexander with reſpect, and

his faults with candour. He defcribes the judicious plan which had
been formed for the conduct of the war. Three Roman armies

were deftined to invade Perfia at the fame time, and by different

roads. But the operations of the campaign, though wifely con-

certed, were not executed either with ability or fuccefs. The firſt

of theſe armies, as foon as it had entered the marshy plains of Ba-

bylon, towards the artificial conflux of the Euphrates and the

SI
Tigris was encompaffed by the fuperior numbers, and deftroyed

by the arrows, of the enemy. The alliance of Chofroes king of

nier (Voyages, part ii. 1. i. p. 198. ) difco-
vered, by a more accurate inquiry, that he
had only five hundred for his baggage, and
eighty or ninety for the ſervice of war. The
Greeks have varied with regard to the num-
ber which Porus brought into the field : but
Quintus Curtius (viii. 13. ) , in this inftance
judicious and moderate, is contented with
eighty-five elephants, diftinguiſhed by their
fize and ſtrength. In Siam, where theſe ani.
nals are the most numerous and the most
efteemed , eighteen elephants are allowed as
a fufficient proportion for each of the nine.
brigades into which a juft army is divided.
The whole number, of one hundred and fixty-
two elephants of war, may fometimes be
doubled . Hift. des Voyages , tom . ix. P. 260.
50 Hift. Auguft . p. 133.
51 M. de Tillemont has already obferved,
that Herodian's geography is fomewhat con-
fuſed .

Armenia,
 OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 255

52
Armenia ", and the long tract of mountainous country, in which CHA P.
VIII.
the Perfian cavalry was of little fervice, opened a fecure entrance
into the heart of Media, to the fecond of the Roman armies. Thefe

brave troops laid waste the adjacent provinces, and by feveral fucceff-

ful actions againſt Artaxerxes, gave a faint colour to the emperor's

vanity. But the retreat of this victorious army was imprudent,

or at leaſt unfortunate. In repaffing the mountains, great numbers

of foldiers periſhed by the badneſs of the roads and the feverity

of the winter feafon.. It had been refolved , that whilft theſe two

great detachments penetrated into the oppofite extremes of the Per-

fian dominions, the main body, under the command of Alexander

himfelf, fhould fupport their attack, by invading the centre of the

kingdom. But the unexperienced youth, influenced by his mother's

counfels, and perhaps by his own fears, deferted the braveſt troops

and the fairest profpect of victory ; and after confuming in Mefo-

potamia an inactive and inglorious fummer, he led back to Antioch

an army diminiſhed by ſickneſs, and provoked by diſappointment.

The behaviour of Artaxerxes had been very different. Flying with

rapidity from the hills of Media to the marshes of the Euphrates,

he had every where oppofed the invaders in perfon ; and in either

fortune, had united with the ableft conduct the moſt undaunted

refolution. But in feveral obftinate engagements against the vete-

ran legions of Rome, the Perfian monarch had loft the flower of his
troops. Even his victories had weakened his power. The favour-

able opportunities of the abfence of Alexander, and of the confu-

fions that followed that emperor's death, prefented themſelves in

vain to his ambition. Inftead of expelling the Romans, as

he pretended, from the continent of Afia, he found himfelf

52 Moſes of Chorene (Hift . Armen. 1. ii . confines of India. The exploits of Chofroes

c. 71. ) , illustrates this invafion of Media, by have been magnified ; and he acted as a de-
afferting that Chofroes, king of Armenia, pendant ally to the Romans.
defeated Artaxerxes, and purfued him to the
unable
256 THE DECLINE AND FALL

CHAP. unable to wreft from their hands the little province of Mefopo-
VIII.
tamia 53.
Character
and maxims The reign of Artaxerxes, which from the laſt defeat of the Par-
of Arta- thians lafted only fourteen years, forms a memorable æra in the
xerxes.
A. D. 240. hiftory of the Eaft, and even in that of Rome. His character ſeems

to have been marked by thofe bold and commanding features , that

generally diftinguish the princes who conquer, from thofe who

inherit, an empire. Till the laft period of the Perfian monarchy,

his code of laws was refpected as the ground-work of their civil and
$4
religious policy ". Several of his fayings are preferved. One of
them in particular difcovers a deep infight into the conftitution of

government. " The authority of the prince," faid Artaxerxes, " muſt

" be defended by a military force ; that force can only be main-

“ tained by taxes ; all taxes muft, at laſt, fall upon agriculture ; and

agriculture cannever flourish except under the protection of

55
" juftice and moderation "." Artaxerxes bequeathed his new em-

pire, and his ambitious deſigns againſt the Romans, to Sapor, a fon

not unworthy of his great father ; but thofe deſigns were too

extenſive for the power of Perfia , and ferved only to involve both

nations in a long ſeries of deftructive wars and reciprocal calamities.

Military The Perfians, long fince civilized and corrupted, were very far
power ofthe
Perfians .
from poffeffing the martial independence, and the intrepid hardi-

nefs , both of mind and body, which have rendered the northern

barbarians mafters of the world. The fcience of war, that con-

ftituted the more rational force of Greece and Rome, as it now does

of Europe, never made any confiderable progreſs in the Eaft. Thoſe

53 For the account of this war, fee Hero- as the invariable rule of their conduct.
dian, 1. vi . p. 209. 212. The old abbrevi- 55 D'Herbelot Bibliotheque Orientale, au
ators and modern compilers have blindly fol- mot Ardhir. We may obſerve, that after
lowed the Auguftan Hiftory. an ancient period of fables, and a long inter-
34 Eutychius, tom. ii . p. 180. verf. Po- val of darkneſs, the modern hiftories of Per-
cock. The great Chofroes Noufhirwan fent fia begin to affume an air of truth with the
the Code of Artaxerxes to all his Satraps, dynafty of the Saffanides.
3 diſciplined
 OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 257

difciplined evolutions which harmonize and animate a confuſed CHAP.

VIII.
multitude, were unknown to the Perfians. They were equally un-

ſkilled in the arts of conftructing, befieging, or defending regular

fortifications. They trufted more to their numbers than to their

courage ; more to their courage than to their difcipline.

The infantry Their infan-
try con-
was a half-armed fpiritlefs crowd of peaſants, levied in hafte by the temptible.

allurements of plunder, and as eaſily diſperſed by a victory as by a

defeat. The monarch and his nobles tranſported into the camp the

pride and luxury of the feraglio. Their military operations were im;

peded by a uſeleſs train of women, eunuchs, horfes, and camels, and

in the midst of a fuccefsful campaign , the Perfian hoft was often fe-

parated or deſtroyed by an unexpected famine ".

But the nobles of Perfia, in the bofom of luxury and defpotifin , Their caval-
ry excellent .
preferved a ſtrong ſenſe of perſonal gallantry and national honour.

From the age of feven years they were taught to fpeak truth, to

ſhoot with the bow, and to ride ; and it was univerfally confeffed ,

that in the two laft of thefe arts, they had made a more than com-

mon proficiency ". The moſt diſtinguiſhed youth were educated

under the monarch's eye, practiſed their exerciſes in the gate of his
palace, and were feverely trained up to the habits of temperance and

in their long and laborious parties of hunting. In

obedience,

every province, the fatrap maintained a like fchool of military

virtue. The Perſian nobles (fo natural is the idea of feudal tenures )

received from the king's bounty lands and houfes, on the condition

of their fervice in war. They were ready on the firft fummons to

mount on horſeback, with a martial and fplendid train of follow-

ers, and to join the numerous bodies of guards, who were care-

fully felected from among the moſt robuft flaves, and the braveft ad-

5 Herodian, 1. vi. p. 214. Ammia- produced by a century and a half.

nus Marcellinus, 1. xxiii . c . 6. Some dif- 57 The Perfians are ftill the most skilful
ferences may be obferved between the two horsemen, and their horfes the fineft, in the
hiftorians, the natural effects of the changes Eaft.
VOL. I. LI venturers
258 THE DECLINE AND FALL

CHAP. venturers of Afia. Theſe armies, both of light and of heavy cavalry,
VIII.
equally formidable by the impetuofity of their charge, and the rapi-

dity of their motions, threatened, as an impending cloud, the eaftern

provinces of the declining empire of Rome ".

* From Herodotus, Xenophon, Herodian, as feem either common to every age, or par-
Ammianus, Chardin , &c . I have extracted ticular to that of the Saffinides.
fuch probable accounts of the Perfian nobility,
 OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE.
259

CHA P. IX.

The State of Germany till the Invafion of the Barbarians,

in the Time of the Emperor Decius.

HE government and religion of Perfia have deſerved fome CHA P.

THE IX.
notice from their connexion with the decline and fall of the

Roman empire. We fhall occafionally mention the Scythian , or

Sarmatian tribes, which, with their arms and horfes, their flocks and

herds, their wives and families, wandered over the immenſe plains

which ſpread themſelves from the Cafpian Sea to the Viſtula, from

the confines of Perfia to thoſe of Germany. But the warlike Ger-

mans, who firſt refifted, then invaded, and at length overturned,

the weſtern monarchy of Rome, will occupy a much more im-

portant place in this hiftory, and poſſeſs a ſtronger, and, if we may

uſe the expreſſion, a more domeftic, claim to our attention and

regard. The moſt civilized nations of modern Europe iffued from

the woods of Germany, and in the rude inftitutions of thofe barba-

rians we may ftill diſtinguiſh the original principles of our pre-

fent laws and manners. In their primitive ftate of fimplicity and

independence, the Germans were furveyed by the difcerning eye,

and delineated by the maſterly pencil, of Tacitus, the firſt of hif-

torians who applied the fcience of philofophy to the ftudy of facts.

The expreffive conciſeneſs of his defcriptions has deferved to exer-

cife the diligence of innumerable antiquarians, and to excite the ge-

nius and penetration of the philofophic hiftorians of our own times.

The fubject, however various and important, has already been fo

frequently, fo ably, and fo fuccefsfully difcuffed, that it is now
L12
grown
260 THE DECLINE AND FALL

СНАР.
grown familiar to the reader, and difficult to the writer. We ſhall
IX .
therefore content ourſelves with obferving, and indeed with repeat-

ing, fome of the moſt important circumſtances of climate, of man-

ners, and of inftitutions, which rendered the wild barbarians of Ger-

many fuch formidable enemies to the Roman power.

Extent of Ancient Germany, excluding from its independent limits the pro-
Germany.
vince weftward of the Rhine, which had fubmitted to the Roman

yoke, extended itſelf over a third part of Europe. Almoſt the whole

of modern Germany, Denmark, Norway, Sweden , Finland, Livonia,

Pruffia, and the greater part of Poland, were peopled by the various

tribes of one great nation , whoſe complexion , manners, and language,

denoted a common origin, and preferved a ſtriking reſemblance. On

the weſt, ancient Germany was divided by the Rhine from the Gallic,

and on the fouth, by the Danube, from the Illyrian, provinces of

the empire. A ridge of hills , rifing from the Danube, and called

the Carpathian Mountains, covered Germany on the fide of Dacia .

or Hungary. The eaſtern frontier was faintly marked by the mu-

tual fears of the Germans and the Sarmatians, and was often con-

founded by the mixture of warring and confederating tribes of the.

two nations. In the remote darkneſs of the north, the ancients' im-

perfectly defcried a frozen ocean that lay beyond the Baltic Sea, and .
beyond the Peninfula, or iflands ' of Scandinavia.
2
Climate. Some ingenious writers have fuſpected that Europe was much

colder formerly than it is at prefent ; and the moſt ancient defcrip-

tions of the climate of Germany tend exceedingly to confirm

The modern philofophers of Sweden the notion given us by Mela, Pliny, and Ta-
feem agreed that the waters of the Baltic gra- citus , of the vaft countries round the Baltie.
dually fink in a regular proportion , which See in the Bibliotheque Raisonnée, tom . xl .
they have ventured to eſtimate at half an inch and xlv. a large abſtract of Dalin's Hiftory of
every year. Twenty centuries ago, the flat Sweden, compofed in the Swedish language.
country of Scandinavia muſt have been cover- 2 In particular, Mr. Hume, the Abbé du
ed by the fea ; while the high lands rofe Bos, and M. Pelloutier, Hift. des Celtes,
above the waters, as fo many islands of va- tom . i.
rious forms and dimenfions. Such indeed is
their
 OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 261

their theory. The general complaints of intenfe froft, and eter- CHA
IX . P.
nal winter, are perhaps little to be regarded, fince we have no me-

thod of reducing to the accurate ftandard of the thermometer, the

feelings, or the expreffions of an orator, born in the happier regions

of Greece or Afia. But I fhall felect two remarkable circumftances

of a lefs equivocal nature . 1. The great rivers which covered the

Roman provinces , the Rhine and the Danube, were frequently frozen

over, and capable of ſupporting the moſt enormous weights. The

barbarians, who often chofe that ſevere feafon for their inroads,

tranſported, without apprehenſion or danger, their numerous armies,

their cavalry, and their heavy waggons, over a vaſt and ſolid bridge
of ice '. Modern ages have not preſented an inſtance of a like phæ- ·

nomenon . 2. The rein deer, that uſeful animal, from whom the

favage of the North derives the beſt comforts of his dreary life, is
of a conftitution that fupports, and even requires, the moſt intenſe
cold. He is found on the rock of Spitzberg, within ten degrees of

the Pole ; he ſeems to delight in the fnows of Lapland and Siberia ; .

but at preſent he cannot fubfift, much leſs multiply, in any country

to the ſouth of the Baltic . In the time of Cæfar, the rein deer, as

well as the elk, and the wild bull, was a native of the Hercynian

foreſt, which then overshadowed a great part of Germany and Po-

land '. The modern improvements fufficiently explain the cauſes

of the diminution of the cold. Theſe immenfe woods have been -

gradually cleared, which intercepted from the earth the rays .

3 Diodorus Siculus, 1. v. p . 340. Edit. Xenophon, Anabafis , I. vii . p . 560. Edit..

Weffel. Herodian , 1. vi . p . 221. Jornandes,
c. 55. On the banks of the Danube , the
wine, when brought to table, was frequently
frozen into great lumps , frufta vini. Ovid..
Epift ex Ponto, 1. iv . 7. 9 , 10. Virgil.
Georgic. 1. iii . 355. The fact is confirmed
by a foldier and a philofopher, who had ex-
perienced the intenfe cold of Thrace. See
Hutchinſon .
4 Buffon Histoire Naturelle, tom . xii. p. 79. -
116.
Cæfar de Bell . Gallic . vi . 23 , & c. The
moft inquifitive of the Germans were igno-
rant of its utmoft limits, although fome of
them had travelled in it more than fixty days ,
journey.

of
262 THE DECLINE AND FALL

CHAP. of the fun ". The moraffes have been drained, and, in propor-
IX .
tion as the foil has been cultivated , the air has become more tem-

perate. Canada, at this day, is an exact picture of ancient Ger-

many. Although fituated in the fame parallel with the fineſt pro-
vinces of France and England , that country experiences the moſt

rigorous cold. The rein deer are very numerous, the ground is

covered with deep and lafting fnow, and the great river of St. Law-

rence is regularly frozen , in a ſeaſon when the waters of the Seine

and the Thames are uſually free from ice '.

Its effects on It is difficult to aſcertain, and eaſy to exaggerate, the influence of

the natives.
the climate of ancient Germany over the minds and bodies of the
natives. Many writers have fuppofed, and moſt have allowed ,

though , as it ſhould feem, without any adequate proof, that the

rigorous cold of the North was favourable to long life and genera-

tive vigour, that the women were more fruitful, and the human

fpecies more prolific, than in warmer or more temperate climates ' .

We may affert, with greater confidence, that the keen air of Ger-

many formed the large and mafculine limbs of the natives, who

were, in general, of a more lofty ftature than the people of the

South ' , gave them a kind of ftrength better adapted to violent

exertions than to patient labour, and inſpired them with conftitu-

tional bravery, which is the refult of nerves and ſpirits. The

feverity of a winter campaign, that chilled the courage of the

Roman troops, was fcarcely felt by theſe hardy children of the

North " , who, in their turn , were unable to refift the fummer heats,

• Cluverius (Germania Antiqua, 1. iii. c. authority of Rudbeck is much to be ſuſpected .

47.) inveftigates the fmall and fcattered re- In hos artus, in hæc corpora, quæ mira-
mains ofthe Hercynian wood . mur, excrefcunt. Tacit. Germania, 3. 20 .
7 Charlevoix Hiftoire du Canada. Cluver. 1. i . c. 14.
8 Olaus Rudbeck aflerts that the Swedish 10 Plutarch . in Mario . The Cimbri , by
women often bear ten or twelve children, and way of amuſement, often flid down moun-
not uncommonly twenty or thirty ; but the tains of fnow on their broad ſhields.

3 and
 OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 263

СНАР.
and diffolved away in languor and ficknefs under the beams of an IX .
Italian fun ".

There is not any where upon the globe, a large tract of country, Origin of the
Germans.
which we have diſcovered deftitute of inhabitants, or whofe firſt

population can be fixed with any degree of hiftorical certainty.

And yet, as the moſt philofophic minds can feldom refrain from in-

veſtigating the infancy of great nations, our curiofity confumes itſelf

in toilſome and diſappointed efforts. When Tacitus confidered the

purity ofthe German blood, and the forbidding afpect of the country, .

he was difpofed to pronounce thofe barbarians Indigena, or natives 1

of the foil. We may allow with ſafety, and perhaps with truth ,
that ancient Germany was not originally peopled by any foreign

colonies, already formed into a political fociety " ; but that the name

and nation received their exiſtence from the gradual union of fome
wandering favages of the Hercynian woods. To affert thofe fa-

vages to have been the ſpontaneous production of the earth which

they inhabited, would be a rafh inference, condemned by religion,

and unwarranted by reaſon.

Such rational doubt is but ill-fuited with the genius of popular Fables and
conjectures.
vanity. Among the nations who have adopted the Moſaic hiſtory of

the world, the ark of Noah has been of the fame ufe, as was formerly

to the Greeks and Romans the fiege of Troy. On a narrow bafis

of acknowledged truth, an immenfe but rude fuperftructure of fable ·

has been erected ; and the wild Irishman " , as well as the wild

Tartar,

" The Romans made war in all climates, of the Gauls followed the courfe of the Da-
and by their excellent diſcipline were in a nube, and diſcharged itſelf on Greece and
great meaſure preſerved in health and vigour. Afia. Tacitus could difcover only oneincon-
It may be remarked, that man is the only fiderable tribe that retained any traces of a
animal which can live and multiply in every Gallic origin.
country from the equator to the poles. The 13 According to Dr. Keating (History of
hog feems to approach the nearest to our fpe- Ireland, p. 13, 14. ) , the giant Partholanus ,
cies in that privilege. who was the fon of Seara, the ſon of Efra,
12 Tacit. German. c. 3. The emigration the fon of Sru, the fon of Framant, the fon
of
264 THE DECLINE AND FALL

CHAP.
IX. Tartar , could point out the individual fon of Japhet, from whoſe
The last century
loins his anceſtors were lineally defcended .

abounded with antiquarians of profound learning and eaſy faith,

who, by the dim light of legends and traditions, of conjectures

and etymologies, conducted the great grandchildren of Noah from the

Tower of Babel to the extremities of the globe. Of thefe judicious

critics, one of the moſt entertaining was Olaus Rudbeck, profeffor

in the univerſity of Upfal ". Whatever is celebrated either in hif

tory or fable, this zealous patriot afcribes to his country. From

Sweden (which formed ſo confiderable a part of ancient Germany)

the Greeks themſelves derived their alphabetical characters, their

aftronomy, and their religion. Of that delightful region (for fuch

it appeared to the eyes of a native) the Atlantis of Plato, the coun-

try of the Hyperboreans, the gardens of the Hefperides, the For-

tunate Iſlands, and even the Elyſian Fields, were all but faint and

imperfect tranfcripts. A clime fo profufely favoured by Nature,

could not long remain defert after the flood. The learned Rudbeck

allows the family of Noah a few years to multiply from eight to

about twenty thouſand perfons. He then diſperſes them into ſmall

colonies to repleniſh the earth, and to propagate the human ſpecies.

The German or Swedish detachment (which marched , if I am not

miftaken, under the command of Afkenaz the fon of Gomer, the

fon of Japhet) diftinguiſhed itſelf by a more than common dili-

gence in the profecution of this great work. The northern hive

caft its fwarms over the greateſt part of Europe, Africa , and Afia ;

of Fathaclan, the fon of Magog, the fon of the learned hiftorian very properly obſerves,
Japhet, the fon of Noah, landed on the coaſt was the first inftance of female falfehood and
of Munfter, the 14th day of May, in the year infidelity ever known in Ireland .
of the world one thouſand nine hundred and 14 Genealogical Hiftory of the Tartars by
feventy-eight. Though he fucceeded in his Abulghazi Bahadur Khan .
great enterprife, the loofe behaviour of his 15 His work, entitled Atlantica, is uncom-
wife rendered his domeftic life very unhappy, monly fcarce. Bayle has given two moft cu-
and provoked him to fuch a degree, that he rious extracts from it. Republique des Lettres
killed -her favourite greyhound. This, as Janvier et Fevrier, 1685 .
8 and
 OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE.
265

and (to uſe the author's metaphor) the blood circulated from the ex- CHA P.
IX .
tremities to the heart.

But all this well-laboured ſyſtem of German antiquities is anni- The Ger-
mans igno-
hilated by a ſingle fact, too well atteſted to admit of any doubt, rant of let-
ters ;
and of too decifive a nature to leave room for any reply. The Ger-

mans, in the age of Tacitus, were unacquainted with the uſe of let-
16
ters " ; and the uſe of letters is the principal circumftance that diſtin-

guiſhes a civilized people from a herd of favages incapable of know-

ledge or reflection. Without that artificial help, the human me-

mory foon diffipates or corrupts the ideas intruſted to her charge ;

and the nobler faculties of the mind, no longer fupplied with mo-

dels or with materials, gradually forget their powers ; the judge-

ment becomes feeble and lethargic, the imagination languid or irre-

gular. Fully to apprehend this important truth, let us attempt, in

an improved fociety, to calculate the immenfe diſtance between the

man of learning and the illiterate peafant. The former, by reading

and reflection, multiplies his own experience, and lives in diftant

ages and remote countries ; whilſt the latter, rooted to a ſingle ſpot,
and confined to a few years of exiftence, furpaffes, but very little,
his fellow-labourer the ox in the exercife of his mental faculties.

The fame, and even a greater, difference will be found between

nations than between individuals ; and we may fafely pronounce ,

that without fome fpecies of writing, no people has ever preferved

the faithful annals of their hiftory, ever made any confiderable pro-

16 Tacit. Germ. ii. 19. Literarum fecreta tier, Hiftoire des Celtes, 1. ii. c. 11. Dic-
viri pariter ac fœminæ ignorant. We may tionnaire Diplomatique, tom. i. p. 223. We
reft contented with this decifive authority, may add, that the oldeft Runic infcriptions
without entering into the obfcure difputes are fuppofed to be of the third century, and
concerning the antiquity of the Runic cha- the most ancient writer who mentions the
racters. The learned Celfius , a Swede, a Runic characters , is Venantius Fortunatus
ſcholar, and a philoſopher, was of opinion, (Carm. vii. 18. ) , who lived towards the end
that they were nothing more than the Roman of the ſixth century,
letters, with the curves changed into ſtraight Barbarafraxineis pingatur RUNA tabellis.
lines for the eaſe of engraving. See Pellou-
VOL. I. M m
grefs
266 THE DECLINE AND FALL

CHA tolerable degree

IX. P. grefs in the abstract fciences, or ever poffeffed , in any
of perfection , the uſeful and agreeable arts of life.
of arts and
Of theſe arts, the ancient Germans were wretchedly deſtitute.
agriculture ;
They paffed their lives in a ſtate of ignorance and poverty, which it

has pleaſed fome declaimers to dignify with the appellation of vir-

tuous fimplicity. Modern Germany is faid to contain about two

thouſand three hundred walled towns ". In a much wider extent

of country, the geographer Ptolemy could diſcover no more than

ninety places, which he decorates with the name of cities " ; though,

according to our ideas, they would but ill deferve that ſplendid

title. We can only ſuppoſe them to have been rude fortifications,

conftructed in the centre of the woods, and defigned to fecure the

women, children , and cattle, whilft the warriors of the tribe marched

out to repel a fudden invafion ".But Tacitus afferts, as a well-

20
known fact, that the Germans, in his time, had no cities 2° ; and
that they affected to deſpiſe the works of Roman induſtry, as

places of confinement rather than of fecurity ". Their edifices were

not even contiguous, or formed into regular villas " ; each bar-

barian fixed his independent dwelling on the fpot to which a plain,

a wood, or a ſtream of freſh water, had induced him to give the pre-

ference. Neither ſtone, nor brick, nor tiles, were employed in thefe
flight habitations ". They were indeed no more than low huts of

" Recherches Philofophiques fur les Ame- ancient manners, they infifted on the imme-
ricains, tom. iii. p. 228. The author of that diate demolition of the walls of the colony.
very curious work is, if I am not misinformed, " Poftulamus a vobis, muros coloniæ, mu-
a German by birth. " nimenta fervitii detrahatis ; etiam fera ani-
18 The Alexandrian Geographer is often " malia, fi claufa teneas, virtutis oblivif-
criticiſed by the accurate Cluverius. " cuntur." Tacit. Hift. iv. 64.
19 See Cæfar, and the learned Mr. Whi- 22 The straggling villages of Silefia are fe
taker in his Hiſtory of Mancheſter, vol. i . veral miles in length . See Cluver. I. i. c. 13 .
20 Tacit. Germ . 15.. 23. One hundred and forty years after Ta
21 When the Germans commanded the citus, a few more regular ſtructures were erect-
Ubii of Cologne to caft off the Roman yoke, ed near the Rhine and Danube. Herodian ,
and with their new freedom to refume their 1. vii. p. 234.

a circular
 OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE.
267

a circular figure, built of rough timber, thatched with ftraw, and CHA P.
IX.
pierced at the top to leave a free paffage for the fmoke. In the
moſt inclement winter, the hardy German was fatisfied with a fcanty

garment made of the fkin of ſome animal. The nations who dwelt
towards the North, clothed themſelves in furs ; and the women ma-
nufactured for their own ufe a coarfe kind of linen 24. The game

of various forts , with which the forefts of Germany were plenti-

25
fully ftocked, fupplied its inhabitants with food and exercife ".

Their monftrous herds of cattle , lefs remarkable indeed for their

beauty than for their utility ", formed the principal object of their
wealth. A fmall quantity of corn was the only produce exacted

from the earth : the uſe of orchards or artificial meadows was un-

known to the Germans ; nor can we expect any improvements in

agriculture from a people, whofe property every year experienced a

general change by a new divifion of the arable lands, and who, in

that ſtrange operation, avoided difputes, by fuffering a great part of

their territory to lie waſte and without tillage ",

Gold, filver, and iron, were extremely fcarce in Germany. Its and of the ufe
of metals.
barbarous inhabitants wanted both ſkill and patience to inveſtigate

thoſe rich veins of filver, which have fo liberally rewarded the at-

tention of the princes of Brunſwick and Saxony. Sweden, which

D
now fupplies Europe with iron, was equally ignorant of its own
riches ; and the appearance of the arms of the Germans furniſhed
จ
a fufficient proof how little irc they were able to beftow on what

they muſt have deemed the nobleſt uſe of that metal. The various

tranfactions of peace and war had introduced fome Roman coins.

(chiefly filver) among the borderers of the Rhine and Danube ;

but the more diftant tribes were abfolutely unacquainted with the
ufe of money, carried on their confined traffic by the exchange of

commodities, and prized their rude earthen veffels as of equal value

24 Tacit. Germ . 17 . 26 Cæfar de Bell. Gall . vi. 21 .
25 Id. 5 . 27 Tacit. Germ . 26. Cæfar, vi. 22.
M m 2 with
268 THE DECLINE AND FALL

CHAP. with the filver vafes, the prefents of Rome to their princes and am-
IX.
baffadors ". To a mind capable of reflection, ſuch leading facts
convey more inftruction , than a tedious detail of fubordinate circum-

ſtances. The value of money has been fettled by general conſent

to expreſs our wants and our property ; as letters were invented to

expreſs our ideas ; and both theſe inſtitutions, by giving a more

active energy to the powers and paffions of human nature, have

contributed to multiply the objects they were defigned to repreſent.

The uſe of gold and filver is in a great meaſure factitious ; but it

would be impoffible to enumerate the important and various fervices

which agriculture, and all the arts, have received from iron, when

tempered and faſhioned by the operation of fire, and the dexterous.

hand of man. Money, in a word, is the moſt univerſal incitement,

iron the most powerful inftrument, of human induſtry ; and it is

very difficult to conceive by what means a people, neither actuated by

the one, nor feconded by the other, could emerge from the groffeft
barbarifm 29.
Their indo-
lence. If we contemplate a favage nation in any part of the globe, a

fupine indolence and a careleffneſs of futurity will be found to con-

ftitute their general character. In a civilized ftate, every faculty

of man is expanded and exerciſed ; and the great chain of mutual

dependence connects and embraces the ſeveral members of ſociety.

The moſt numerous portion of it is employed in conftant and uſeful
labour. The felect few, placed by fortune above that neceffity,

can, however, fill up their time by the purſuits of intereſt or glory,.

by the improvement of their eftate or of their underſtanding, by

the duties, the pleaſures, and even the follies of focial life. The

Germans were not poffeffed of theſe varied reſources. The care of

28 Tacit. Germ. 6 . arts. Thofe arts, and the monuments they

29 It is faid that the Mexicans and Peru- produced, have been strangely magnified.
vians, without the uſe of either money or See Recherches fur les Americains , tom. ii.
iron, had made a very great progrefs in the p. 153 , &c.
8 the
 OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 269

the houſe and family, the management of the land and cattle, were CHA P.
IX.
delegated to the old and the infirm , to women and flaves. The:
lazy warrior, deftitute of every art that might employ his leifure

hours, confumed his days and nights in the animal gratifications of

fleep and food. And yet, by a wonderful diverfity of Nature (ac-

cording to the remark of a writer who had pierced into its darkeſt-

receffes) , the fame barbarians are by turns the moſt indolent and the

moſt reſtleſs of mankind.. They delight in floth, they deteft tran-

quillity ". The languid foul, . oppreffed with its own weight, anxi-
oufly required fome new and powerful fenfation ; and war and dan--

ger were the only amuſements adequate to its fierce temper. The
found that fummoned the German to arms was grateful to his ear.

It rouſed him from his uncomfortable lethargy, gave him an active

purſuit, and, by ftrong exerciſe of the body, and violent emotions of

the mind, reſtored him to a more lively fenfe of his exiſtence. In

the dull intervals of peace, theſe barbarians were immoderately ad- ·

dicted to deep gaming and exceffive drinking ; both of which, by

different means, the one by inflaming their paffions; the other by

extinguiſhing their reafon, alike relieved them from the pain of.
thinking. They gloried in paffing whole days and nights at table ;,
and the blood of friends and relations often ftained their numerous

and drunken affemblies ". Their debts of honour (for in that light
they have tranfmitted to us thofe of play) they difcharged with .

the moſt romantic fidelity. The defperate gamefter, who had ſtaked
his perſon and liberty on a laſt throw of the dice, patiently ſubmitted .
to the decifion of fortune, and fuffered himſelf to be bound, chaf--

tifed, • and fold into remote ſlavery, by his weaker but more lucky
32
antagoniſt 3.

Strong beer, a liquor extracted with very little art from wheat or Their tafte
for strong
barley, and corrupted (as it is ſtrongly expreffed by Tacitus ) into a liquors.
20 Tacit . Germ . 15. the arts of play from the Romans, but the
31 Id. 22 , 23 . paffion is wonderfully inherent in the human-
32 Id. 24. The Germans might borrow fpecies.
certain .
270 THE DECLINE AND FALL

CHA P. certain femblance of wine, was fufficient for the grofs purpoſes of
IX .
German debauchery. But thoſe who had tafted the rich wines of

Italy, and afterwards of Gaul, fighed for that more delicious fpecies

of intoxication. They attempted not, however ( as has fince been

executed with ſo much ſucceſs) , to naturalize the vine on the banks

of the Rhine and Danube ; nor did they endeavour to procure
by induſtry the materials of an advantageous commerce. To

folicit by labour what might be raviſhed by arms, was eſteemed un-

worthy of the German fpirit ". The intemperate thirſt of ſtrong

liquors often urged the barbarians to invade the provinces on which

art or nature had beftowed thofe much envied prefents. The

Tuſcan who betrayed his country to the Celtic nations, attracted

them into Italy by the profpect of the rich fruits and delicious
34
wines, the productions of a happier climate .. And in the ſame

manner the German auxiliaries, invited into France during the

civil wars of the fixteenth century, were allured by the promiſe of

plenteous quarters in the provinces of Champaigne and Burgundy ".

Drunkenneſs, the moſt illiberal, but not the moſt dangerous of our

vices, was fometimes capable in a lefs civilized ſtate of mankind of

occafioning a battle, a war, or a revolution.

State of po-
The climate of ancient Germany has been mollified , and the foil
pulation .
fertilized, by the labour of ten centuries from the time of Charle-

magne. The fame extent of ground which at preſent maintains, in

eafe and plenty, a million of huſbandmen and artificers, was un-

able to fupply an hundred thouſand lazy warriors with the fimple

36
neceffaries of life The Germans abandoned their immenſe forefts

to the exerciſe of hunting, employed in pafturage the moſt confider-

33 Tacit. Germ. 14. de Bell . Gall . i. 29. ) . At prefent, the num-

34 Plutarch . in Camillo. T. Liv. v. 33 . ber of people in the Pays de Vaud ( a ſmall
35 Dubos . Hift. de la Monarchie Fran- t on the banks of the Leman Lake,
diftri&
çoife, tom. i. p. 193 . much more diftinguished for politeness than
36 The Helvetian nation, which iffued from for induſtry) amounts to 112,591 . See an
the country called Switzerland, contained , of excellent Tract of M. Muret, in the Me-
every age and ſex, 368,000 perſons ( Cæfar moires de la Societé de Bern.
4 able
 OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE.
271

able part of their lands, beftowed on the fmall remainder a rude CHA P.
IX.
and careleſs cultivation, and then accuſed the ſcantineſs and ſterility
of a country that refuſed to maintain the multitude of its inhabit-

ants. When the return of famine feverely admonished them of the

importance of the arts, the national diftrefs was fometimes allevi-

ated by the emigration of a third, perhaps, or a fourth part of their

youth ". The poffeffion and the enjoyment of property are the
pledges which bind a civilized people to an improved country. But

the Germans, who carried with them what they moſt valued, their
arms, their cattle, and their women, cheerfully abandoned the vaſt

filence of their woods for the unbounded hopes of plunder and con-

queſt. The innumerable ſwarms that iffued, or feemed to iffue,

from the great ftorehouſe of nations, were multiplied by the fears

of the vanquished, and by the credulity of fucceeding ages. And

from facts thus exaggerated, an opinion was gradually eſtabliſhed,

and has been fupported by writers of diſtinguiſhed reputation , that, 1
in the age of Cæfar and Tacitus , the inhabitants of the North were
38
far more numerous than they are in our days 35. A more ſerious

inquiry into the cauſes of population, feems to have convinced mo-

dern philofophers of the falfehood , and indeed the impoffibility, of

39
the fuppofition. To the names of Mariana and of Machiavel " , we
can oppofe the equal names of Robertfon and Hume **.

A warlike nation like the Germans, without either cities, letters, German
freedom,
arts, or money, found fome compenfation for this favage ftate in

the enjoyment of liberty. Their poverty ſecured their freedom ,

fince our defires and our poffeffions are the ſtrongeſt fetters of de-

fpotifm . " Among the Suiones (fays Tacitus) , riches are held in ho-

97 Paul Diaconus, c. 1 , 2 , 3. Machiavel, have indulged, on this fubject, the ufual

Davila, and the rest of Paul's followers, re- liveliness of their fancy .
prefent thefe emigrations too much as regular 39 Machiavel Hift. di Firenze, 1. i . Ma-
and concerted meaſures . riana Hift. Hifpan. 1. v. c. 1 .
38 Sir William Temple and Montefquieu. 49 Robertfon's Cha. V. Hume's Politic. Ef
66
nour
272 THE DECLINE AND FALL

С
CHA
IX. P. " nour. They are therefore ſubject to an abfolute monarch, who,
" inſtead of intruſting his people with the free uſe of arms, as is
.cc
practifed in the reft of Germany, commits them to the fafe cuf-
.cc
tody not of a citizen, or even of a freedman, but of a flave.

" The neighbours of the Suiones, the Sitones, are funk even below
41 99
" fervitude ; they obey a woman " •." In the mention of thefe ex-

ceptions, the great hiftorian fufficiently acknowledges the general

theory of government. We are only at a lofs to conceive by what

means riches and defpotifm could penetrate into a remote corner of

the North, and extinguiſh the generous flame that blazed with fuch

fierceneſs on the frontier of the Roman provinces : or how the an-

ceſtors of thoſe Danes and Norwegians, fo diftinguiſhed in latter

ages by their unconquered ſpirit, could thus tamely reſign the great
character of German liberty ". Some tribes, however, on the coaſt

of the Baltic, acknowledged the authority of kings, though without

relinquishing the rights of men " ; but in the far greater part of

Germany, the form of government was a democracy, tempered, in-

deed and controlled, not fo much by general and poſitive laws, as

by the occafional aſcendant of birth or valour, of eloquence or fu-
44
perftition **.
Affemblies of
Civil governments, in their firſt inſtitutions, are voluntary affo-
the people .
ciations for mutual defence. To obtain the defired end, it is abfo-

lutely neceffary, that each individual ſhould conceive himſelf obliged

to fubmit his private opinion and actions, to the judgment of the

41 Tacit. Germ . 44 , 45 . Frenshemius
(who dedicated his fupplement to Livy, to
Chriftina of Sweden ) thinks proper to be very
angry with the Roman who expreffed fo very
little reverence for Northern queens.
42 May we not fufpect that fuperftition was
the parent of defpotifm ? The defcendants of
Odin (whofe race was not extin&t till the year
1060) are faid to have reigned in Sweden
above a thousand years. The temple of
Upfal was the ancient feat of religion and
empire. In the year 1153 I find a fingular
law, prohibiting the uſe and profeffion of
arms to any except the king's guards. Is it
not probable that it was coloured by the pre-
tence ofreviving an old inflitution ? See Da-
lin's Hiftory of Sweden in the Bibliothéque
Raiſonnée, tom. xl. and xlv.
43 Tacit. Germ. c. 43.
44 Id. c. 11 , 12, 13, &C.

greater
 OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE.
273

greater number of his affociates . The German tribes were contented CHA P.
IX.
with this rude but liberal outline of political fociety. As foon as a

youth, born of free parents, had attained the age of manhood, he

was introduced into the general council of his countrymen , folemnly

invefted with a fhield and fpear, and adopted as an equal and worthy

member of the military commonwealth. The affembly of the war-

riors of the tribe was convened at ftated feafons, or on fudden emer-

gencies. The trial of public offences , the election of magiſtrates, and

the great buſineſs of peace and war, were determined by its inde-

pendent voice. Sometimes, indeed , theſe important queſtions were

previously confidered, and prepared in a more felect council of the

45
principal chieftains " . The magiftrates might deliberate and per-

fuade, the people only could reſolve and execute ; and the refo-

lutions of the Germans were for the moſt part hafty and violent.

Barbarians accuſtomed to place their freedom in gratifying the

prefent paffion, and their courage in overlooking all future confe-

quences, turned away with indignant contempt from the remon-

ftrances of juftice and policy, and it was the practice to fignify by a

hollow murmur, their diflike of ſuch timid councils. But whenever

a more popular orator propoſed to vindicate the meanest citizen from

either foreign or domeftic injury, whenever he called upon his fel-

low-countrymen to affert the national honour, or to purſue fome

enterpriſe full of danger and glory, a loud claſhing of fhields and

fpears expreffed the eager applauſe of the affembly. For the Ger-
mans always met in arms, and it was conftantly to be dreaded,

left an irregular multitude, inflamed with faction and strong

liquors, fhould ufe thofe arms to enforce , as well as to declare,

their furious refolves. We may recollect how often the diets

of Poland have been polluted with blood, and the more nume-

45 Grotius changes an expreflion of Tacitus, pertractantur into prætradantur. The

correction is equally juſt and ingenious .
VOL. I. Nn rous

1
274 THE DECLINE AND FALL

С НА
CHAP.
IX . rous party has been compelled to yield to the more violent and fe-
ditious 46.

Authority of A general of the tribe was elected on occafions of danger ; and, if

the princes
and magi- the danger was preffing and extenfive, feveral tribes concurred in
ftrates
the choice of the fame general. The braveft warrior was named

to lead his countrymen into the field, by his example rather than by

his commands. But this power, however limited, was ſtill invi-

dious. It expired with the war, and in time of peace the German

tribes acknowledged not any fupreme chief " . Princes were, how-

ever, appointed, in the general affembly, to adminifter juftice,

or rather to compofe differences " , in their refpective diftricts.

In the choice of theſe magiftrates, as much regard was fhewn to

birth as to merit 49. To each was affigned, by the public, a guard,

and a council of an hundred perfons ; and the firft of the princes

appears to have enjoyed a pre-eminence of rank and honour which

ſometimes tempted the Romans to compliment him with the regal

title 50.

more abfo-
The comparative view of the powers of the magiftrates, in two
lute over the
property than remarkable inftances, is alone fufficient to reprefent the whole
over per- fyftem of German manners.
thethe
fons of The difpofal of the landed property
Germans.
within their diſtrict, was abfolutely veſted in their hands, and they
diftributed it every year according to a new divifion ". At the fame

time they were not authorized to puniſh with death, to impriſon,

52
or even to ſtrike, a private citizen "2. A people thus jealous of their

perfons, and careleſs of their poffeffions, muſt have been totally de-

ſtitute of induſtry and the arts, but animated with a high ſenſe of "
honour and independence.

46 Even in our ancient parliament, the ba- expreffion of Cæfar's.

rons often carried a queftion, not so much 49 Reges ex nobilitate, duces ex virtute fu-
by the number of votes , as by that of their munt. Tacit. Germ . 7.
armed followers. 50 Cluver. Germ. Ant . 1. i . c . 38.
47 Cæfar de Bell. Gall . vi. 23. 51 Cæfar, vi . 22. Tacit. Germ. 26.
48 Minuunt controverfias, is a very happy 52 Tacit. Germ . 7 .
5 The
 OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 275

The Germans refpected only thofe duties which they impofed on CHA IX. P.
themfelves. The moft obfcure foldier refifted with difdain the
Voluntary
authority of the magiftrates.. " The nobleft youths bluſhed not engage-
ments.
" to be numbered among the faithful companions of fome renowned
" chief, to whom they devoted their arms and fervice. A noble

" emulation prevailed among the companions to obtain the firſt.

" place in the eſteem of their chief; amongſt the chiefs to acquire
" the greateſt number of valiant companions. To be ever fur-
" rounded by a band of felect youths, was the pride and ſtrength

" of the chiefs, their ornament in peace, their defence in war.

" The glory of ſuch diſtinguiſhed heroes diffuſed itſelf beyond the
" narrow limits of their own tribe. Prefents and embaffies folicited 1
" their friendship, and the fame of their arms often enfured
66
victory to the party which they eſpouſed . In the hour of danger

" it was fhameful for the chief to be furpaffed in valour by his B

" companions ; fhameful for the companions not to equal the

" valour of their chief. To furvive his fall in battle, was indelible.
<6
infamy. To protect his perfon, and to adorn his glory with the

trophies of their own exploits, were the moſt facred of their

" duties .
The chiefs combated for victory, the companions for the
" chief. The nobleſt warriors, whenever their native country was

“ funk in the lazineſs of peace, maintained their numerous bands

" in fome diſtant ſcene of action, to exerciſe their reſtleſs ſpirit, and +
66
to acquire renown by voluntary dangers. Gifts worthy of

" foldiers, the warlike fteed, the bloody and ever victorious lance,

were the rewards which the companions claimed from the

66
liberality of their chief. The rude plenty of his hofpitable board

was the only pay that he could beftow, or they would accept..
" War, rapine, and the free-will offerings of his friends, fupplied.
" the materials of this munificence " :" This inftitution , however

53 Tacit . Germ . 13 , 14.-

Nn 2 it
276 THE DECLINE AND FALL

CHAP.
IX. it might accidentally weaken the feveral republics, invigorated the

general character of the Germans, and even ripened amongſt them

all the virtues of which barbarians are ſuſceptible ; the faith and
valour, the hofpitality and the courteſy, ſo confpicuous long after-

wards in the ages of chivalry. The honourable gifts, beſtowed by

the chief on his brave companions, have been fuppofed, by an in-

genious writer, to contain the firſt rudiments of the fiefs , diſtributed,

after the conqueft of the Roman provinces, by the barbarian lords

among their vaffals, with a ſimilar duty of homage and military

fervices. Thefe conditions are, however, very repugnant to the

maxims of the ancient Germans, who delighted in mutual pre-

fents ; but without either impofing, or accepting, the weight of

obligations ".
German
" In the days of chivalry, or more properly of romance, all the
chaſtity. CC
men were brave, and all the women were chafte ;" and notwith-

ftanding the latter of thefe virtues is acquired and preferved with

much more difficulty than the former, it is afcribed, almoft without

exception, to the wives of the ancient Germans. Polygamy was not

in ufe, except among the princes, and among them only for the

fake of multiplying their alliances. Divorces were prohibited by

manners rather than by laws. Adulteries were puniſhed as rare

and inexpiable crimes ; nor was feduction juftified by example and

faſhion ". We may eaſily diſcover, that Tacitus indulges an honeſt

pleaſure in the contraft of barbarian virtue, with the diffolute con-

duct of the Roman ladies : yet there are ſome ſtriking circumſtances

that give an air of truth, or at leaſt of probability, to the conjugal

faith and chaſtity of the Germans.

54 Efprit des Loix , 1. xxx . c. 3. The bril- putant, nec acceptis obligantur. Tacit .
liant imagination of Montefquieu is corrected, Germ. c. 21 .
however, by the dry cold reafon of the Abbé 55 The adulterefs was whipped through the
de Mably. Obfervations fur l'Hiftoire de village. Neither wealth nor beauty could in-
France , tom. i . p. 356. fpire compaffion , or procure her a fecond huf-
55 Gaudent muneribus, fed nec data im- band, 18, 19.
3 Although
 OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 277

Although the progreſs of civilization has undoubtedly contributed CHA

IX .
P.

to affuage the fiercer paffions of human nature, it ſeems to have Its probable

been leſs favourable to the virtue of chaſtity, whoſe moſt dangerous caufes.
enemy is the ſoftneſs of the mind. The refinements of life cor-

rupt while they polish the intercourfe of the fexes. The grofs ap-

petite of love becomes moft dangerous when it is elevated, or

rather, indeed, diſguiſed by fentimental paffion. The elegance of

dreſs, of motion , and of manners , gives a luftre to beauty, and in-

flames the fenfes through the imagination. Luxurious entertain-

ments, midnight dances, and licentious fpectacles, prefent at once

.

temptation and opportunity to female frailty ". From fuch dangers

the unpoliſhed wives of the barbarians were fecured, by poverty,

folitude, and the painful cares of a domeftic life. The German huts,

open, on every fide, to the eye of indiſcretion or jealouſy, were a

better fafe-guard of conjugal fidelity, than the walls, the bolts, and
the eunuchs of a Perfian haram. To this reafon, another may be

added of a more honourable nature. The Germans treated their

women with eſteem and confidence, confulted them on every occa-

ſion of importance, and fondly believed , that in their breafts re-

fided a fanctity and wiſdom, more than human. Some of theſe

interpreters of fate, ſuch as Velleda, in the Batavian war, governed,

in the name of the deity, the fierceft nations of Germany ". The
reft of the ſex, without being adored as goddeffes, were refpected as

the free and equal companions of foldiers ; affociated even by the

marriage ceremony to a life of toil, of danger, and of glory ". In

their great invafions, the camps of the barbarians were filled with
I
a multitude of women, who remained firm and undaunted amidſt

57 Ovid employs two hundred lines in the 58 Tacit. Hift. iv. 61. 65.
reſearch of places the most favourable to love. 59 The marriage prefent was a yoke of ox-
Above all , he confiders the theatre as the en, horfes, and arms. See Germ. c. 18.
beft adapted to collect the beauties of Rome, Tacitus is fomewhat too florid on the fub-
and to melt them into tenderneſs and fenfu- ject.
ality.
the
278 THE DECLINE AND FALL

CHAP. the found of arms, the various forms of deftruction , and the ho-
IX .
nourable wounds of their fons and huſbands 6. Fainting armies of
Germans have more than once been driven back upon the enemy,

by the generous defpair of the women, who dreaded death much

lefs than fervitude. If the day was irrecoverably loft, they well
knew how to deliver themſelves and their children, with their own

hands, from an infulting victor ". Heroines of fuch a caft may

claim our admiration ; but they were moft affuredly, neither lovely,
nor very ſuſceptible of love. Whilft they affected to emulate the :

ftern virtues of man, they muſt have refigned that attractive foftneſs

in which principally conſiſt the charm and weakneſs of woman..

Conſcious pride taught the German females to fupprefs every tender

emotion that ſtood in competition with honour, and the firſt honour

of the ſex has ever been that of chaſtity. The fentiments and

conduct of theſe high-fpirited matrons may, at once, be confidered

as a cauſe, as an effect, and as a proof of the general character of

the nation. Female courage, however it may be raiſed by fanaticiſm,

or confirmed by habit, can be only a faint and imperfect imitation

of the manly valour that diſtinguiſhes the age or country in which

it may be found.

Religion. The religious fyftem of the Germans (if the wild opinions of fa-

vages can deſerve that name) was dictated by their wants , their fears,

and their ignorance " . They adored the great vifible objects and

agents of Nature, the Sun and the Moon, the Fire and the Earth ;

together with thoſe imaginary deities, who were ſuppoſed to pre-

fide over the moſt important occupations of human life. They were.

The change of exigere into exugere is a 62 Tacitus has employed a few lines, and
moft excellent correction . Cluverius one hundred andtwenty-four pages,
61 Tacit . Germ . c . 7. Plutarch in Mario. on this obfcure fubject. The former difco-
Before the wives of the Teutones deftroyed vers in Germany the gods of Greece and
themſelves and their children, they had of Rome. The latter is pofitive , that, under
fered to furrender, on condition that they the emblems of the fun, the moon, and the
fhould be received as the flaves of the veftal fire, his pious ancestors worshipped the Trinity.
virgins. in unity.

perfuaded,,
 OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 279

perfuaded, that, by fome ridiculous arts of divination, they could CHA P.

IX.
diſcover the will of the fuperior beings, and that human facrifices

were the moſt precious and acceptable offering to their altars. Some

applauſe has been haftily beſtowed on the fublime notion , enter-

tained by that people, of the Deity, whom they neither confined

within the walls of a temple, nor reprefented by any human figure ;

but when we recollect, that the Germans were unſkilled in archi-

tecture, and totally unacquainted with the art of ſculpture, we ſhall

readily affign the true reaſon of a ſcruple, which aroſe not ſo much

from a fuperiority of reaſon, as from a want of ingenuity. The

only temples in Germany were dark and ancient groves, confe-

crated by the reverence of fucceeding generations. Their fecret

gloom, the imagined reſidence of an inviſible power, by preſenting

no diſtinct object of fear or worſhip, impreſſed the mind with a ſtill

deeper fenfe of religious horror " ; and the prieſts, rude and illiterate

as they were, had been taught by experience the ufe of every

artifice that could preſerve and fortify impreffions fo well fuited to

their own intereſt.

The fame ignorance, which renders barbarians incapable of con- Its effects in
peace,
ceiving or embracing the uſeful reſtraints of laws, expoſes them naked
and unarmed to the blind terrors of ſuperſtition. The German prieſts,

improving this favourable temper of their countrymen, had affumed

a juriſdiction , even in temporal concerns, which the magiftrate

could not venture to exerciſe ; and the haughty warrior patiently

fubmitted to the lafh of correction, when it was inflicted, not by

any human power, but by the immediate order of the god of

war . The defects of civil policy were fometimes fupplied by

the interpofition of ecclefiaftical authority. The latter was con-

ftantly exerted to maintain filence and decency in the popular

63 The facred wood, defcribed with fuch many of the fame kind in Germany.
fublime horror by Lucan, was in the neigh- 64 Tacit. Germania , c, 7 .
bourhood of Marſeilles ; but there were

affemblies ;
280 THE DECLINE AND FALL

CHA P. affemblies ; and was fometimes extended to a more enlarged concern

IX.
for the national welfare. A folemn proceffion was occaſionally ce-

lebrated in the prefent countries of Mecklenburg and Pomerania.

The unknown fymbol of the Earth, covered with a thick veil, was

placed on a carriage drawn by cows ; and in this manner the

goddeſs , whoſe common refidence was in the ifle of Rugen , viſited

ſeveral adjacent tribes of her worſhippers. During her progreſs, the

found of war was hufhed, quarrels were fufpended , arms laid afide,
and the reſtleſs Germans had an opportunity of taſting the bleffings

of peace and harmony ". The truce of God, fo often and fo in-

effectually proclaimed by the clergy of the eleventh century, was an

66
obvious imitation of this ancient cufton'
in war. But the influence of religion was far more powerful to inflame,

than to moderate, the fierce paffions of the Germans. Intereft and

fanaticiſm often prompted its minifters to fanctify the moſt daring

and the moſt unjuft enterpriſes, by the approbation of Heaven , and

full affurances of fuccefs . The confecrated ſtandards , long revered

in the groves of fuperftition , were placed in the front of the
67
battle ; and the hoftile army was devoted with dire execrations

to the gods of war and of thunder 68. In the faith of foldiers (and-

fuch were the Germans) cowardice is the most unpardonable of

fins. A brave man was the worthy favourite of their martial

deities ; the wretch, who had loft his fhield, was alike baniſhed from

the religious and the civil affemblies of his countrymen. Some tribes
69
of the north feem to have embraced the doctrine of tranfmigration

others imagined a grofs paradife of immortal drunkenneſs " . All

6 Tacit. Germania , c . 40. afcribe this doctrine to the Gauls, but M.

66 See Dr. Robertfon's Hiftory of Charles Pelloutier ( Hiftoire des Celtes , l . iii . c. 18. )
V. vol . i . note 10. labours to reduce their expreffions to a more
67 Tacit. Germ . c . 7. Thefe ftandards orthodox fenfe .
were only the heads of wild beats. 70 Concerning this grofs but alluring doc-
65 See an instance of this custom , Tacit. trine of the Edda, fee Fable xx. in the curious
Annal . xiii . 57. verfion ofthat book, publiſhed by M. Mallet,
69 Cæfar, Diodorus, and Lucan , feem to in his Introduction to the Hiftory of Denmark.

agreed,
 OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 281

agreed, that a life fpent in arms, and a glorious death in battle, CHA
IX. P.
were the beſt preparations for a happy futurity, either in this or in
another world.

The immortality fo vainly promiſed by the prieſts, was, in fome The bards.
degree, conferred by the bards. That fingular order of men has

moſt deſervedly attracted the notice of all who have attempted

to inveſtigate the antiquities of the Celts, the Scandinavians, and

the Germans. Their genius and character, as well as the reverence

paid to that important office, have been fufficiently illuftrated .

But we cannot ſo eaſily expreſs , or even conceive, the enthuſiafın

of arms and glory, which they kindled in the breaft of their au-

dience. Among a poliſhed people, a tafte for poetry is rather an

amuſement of the fancy, than a paffion of the foul. And yet, when

in calm retirement we peruſe the combats defcribed by Homer or

Taſſo, we are inſenſibly ſeduced by the fiction , and feel a momentary

glow of martial ardour. But how faint, how cold is the fenfation

which a peaceful mind can receive from ſolitary ſtudy ! It was in the

hour of battle, or in the feaſt of victory, that the bards celebrated

the glory of heroes of ancient days, the ancestors of thofe warlike

chieftains, who liftened with tranfport to their artlefs but ani-

mated ſtrains. The view of arms and of danger heightened the effect

of the military fong ; and the paffions which it tended to excite, the
defire of fame, and the contempt of death, were the habitual fenti-..
ments of a German mind ".

Such was the fituation, and fuch were the manners, ofthe ancient Caufes which
checked the
Germans. Their climate, their want of learning, of arts, and of progress of
the Germans...
laws, their notions of honour, of gallantry, and of religion , their

7 See Tacit. Germ . c. 3. Diodor . Sicul . and the Germans were the fame people.
1. v. Strabo, 1. iv . p. 197. The claffical Much learned trifling might be ſpared, if
reader may remember the rank of Demodo- our antiquarians would condefcend to reflect,
cus in the Phracian court , and the ardour in that fimilar manners will naturally be pro-
fufed by Tyrtæus into the fainting Spartans. duced by fimilar fituations .
Yet there is little probability that the Greeks
VOL. I. fenfe
282 THE DECLINE AND FALL

CHAP. fenfe of freedom, impatience of peace, and thirft of enterprife, all

IX .
contributed to form a people of military heroes. And yet we find ,
that, during more than two hundred and fifty years that elapfed
from the defeat of Varus to the reign of Decius, theſe formidable

barbarians made few confiderable attempts, and not any material

impreffion on the luxurious and enflaved provinces of the empire.

Their progrefs was checked by their want of arms and difcipline,

and their fury was diverted by the inteſtine divifions of ancient Ger-

many.

Want of I. It has been obferved, with ingenuity, and not without truth ,
arins
that the command of iron foon gives a nation the command of gold.

But the rude tribes of Germany, alike deftitute of both thoſe

valuable metals , were reduced flowly to acquire, by their unaffiſted

Atrength, the poffeffion of the one as well as the other. The face

of a German army diſplayed their poverty of iron. Swords, and the

longer kind of lances, they could ſeldom uſe. Their frame (as

.they called them in their own language) were long fpears headed

with a sharp but narrow iron point, and which, as occafion re-

quired, they either darted from a diſtance or puſhed in cloſe onſet.

With this ſpear, and with a ſhield, their cavalry was contented . A
multitude of darts, fcattered " with incredible force, were an addi-

tional refource of the infantry. Their military drefs , when they

wore any, was nothing more than a looſe mantle. A variety of

colours was the only ornament of their wooden or ofier fhields.

Few of the chiefs were diſtinguiſhed by cuiraffes, ſcarce any by

helmets. Though the horſes of Germany were neither beautiful,

fwift, nor practifed in the fkilful evolutions of the Roman manage,

feveral of the nations obtained renown by their cavalry ; but, in

general, the principal ftrength of the Germans confifted in their in-

72 Mililia fpargunt, Tacit. Germ . c. 6. or he meant that they were thrown at ran-
Either that hiftorian ufed a vague expreffion , dom.

fantry,
 OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE.
283.

fantry", which was drawn up in feveral deep columns, according CHAP.

IX.
to the diſtinction of tribes and families. Impatient of fatigue or and of difci-

delay, theſe half-armed warriors rushed to battle with diffonant pline.

fhouts and diſordered ranks ; and fometimes , by the effort of native

valour, prevailed over the conftrained and more artificial bravery of

the Roman mercenaries. But as the barbarians poured forth their

whole fouls on the firſt onſet, they knew not how to rally or to

retire. A repulfe was a fure defeat ; and a defeat was moſt com--
monly total deftruction . When we recollect the complete armour

of the Roman foldiers, their difcipline , exerciſes, evolutions, fortified

camps, and military engines , it appears a juft matter of furpriſe

how the naked and unaffifted valour of the barbarians could dare to

encounter in the field , the ftrength of the legions, and the various

troops of the auxiliaries, which feconded their operations . The

conteſt was too unequal, till the introduction of luxury had encr-

vated the vigour, and a fpirit of difobedience and fedition had

relaxed the difcipline , of the Roman armies. The introduction of
barbarian auxiliaries into thofe armies, was a meaſure attended
with very obvious dangers , as it might gradually inftruct the Ger-

mans in the arts of war and of policy . Although they were ad-
mitted in ſmall numbers and with the ftricteft precaution , the ex-

ample of Civilis was proper to convince the Romans , that the danger

was not imaginary , and that their precautions were not always fuf-

ficient . During the civil wars that followed the death of Nero ,

that artful and intrepid Batavian , whom his enemies condefcended

to compare with Hannibal and Sertorius ", formed a great defign of

freedom and ambition . Eight Batavian cohorts , renowned in the

wars of Britain and Italy, repaired to his ſtandard . He introduced

73 It was their principal diſtinction from the Hiſtory of Tacitus , and is more remark-
the Sarmatians, who generally fought on
able for its eloquence than perfpicuity . Sir
horseback . Hen. Saville has obferved ſeveral inaccuracies .
14 The relation of this enterprife occupies
75 Tacit . Hift. iv. 13. Like them, he had . .
a great part of the fourth and fifth books of loft an eye.
0.02 .
an
 284 THE DECLINE AND FALL

CHAP.
an army of Germans into Gaul, prevailed on the powerful cities of
IX .
Treves and Langres to embrace his caufe, defeated the legions,

deftroyed their fortified camps, and employed againſt the Romans

the military knowledge which he had acquired in their fervice.

When at length, after an obftinate ftruggle, he yielded to the power

of the empire, Civilis fecured himſelf and his country by an honour-

able treaty. The Batavians ftill continued to occupy the iſlands of the

Rhine " , the allies not the fervants of the Roman monarchy.

Civil diffen- II. The ſtrength of ancient Germany appears formidable, when we
tions of Ger-
many, confider the effects that might have been produced by its united

effort. The wide extent of country might very poffibly contain a

million of warriors, as all who were of age to bear arms were

of a temper to uſe them. But this fierce multitude, incapable of

concerting or executing any plan of national greatneſs, was agi-

tated by various and often hoftile intentions. Germany was divided

5 into more than forty independent ſtates ; and even in each ſtate the
union of the feveral tribes was extremely loofe and precarious.

The barbarians were eafily provoked ; they knew not how to for-

give an injury, much leſs an infult ; their refentments were bloody

and implacable. The cafual diſputes that fo frequently happened

in their tumultuous parties of hunting or drinking, were fufficient

to inflame the minds of whole nations ; the private feud of any

confiderable chieftains diffuſed itſelf among their followers and al-

lies. To chaftife the infolent, or to plunder the defenceless , were

alike caufes of war. The moſt formidable ſtates of Germany affected

to encompaſs their territories with a wide frontier of folitude and de-

vaftation. The awful diſtance preferved by their neighbours, atteſted

the terror of their arms, and in fome meaſure defended them from the

danger of unexpected incurfions ".

76 It was contained between the two branches nature. See Cluver. German. Antiq. 1. iii.
of the old Rhine , as they fubfifted before the c. 30. 37.
face of the country was changed by art and 77 Cæfar de Bell . Gall. 1. vi . 23 .
The
 OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 285

CHAP.
" The Bructcri (it is Tacitus who now fpeaks) were totally ex-
IX .
" terminated by the neighbouring tribes " , provoked by their info-
fomented by
lence, allured by the hopes of fpoil, and perhaps infpired by the the policy of
Rome.
" tutelar deities of the empire. Above fixty thouſand barbarians

" were deftroyed ; not by the Roman arms, but in our fight, and

" for our entertainment. May the nations, enemies of Rome, ever
" preferve this enmity to each other ! We have now attained the

" utmoſt verge of profperity ", and have nothing left to demand
80 99
" of Fortune except the difcord of the barbarians Theſe fen-

timents, lefs worthy of the humanity than of the patriotifm of

Tacitus, exprefs the invariable maxims of the policy of his coun-
trymen. They deemed it a much fafer expedient to divide than to

combat the barbarians, from whofe defeat they could derive nei-
ther honour nor advantage. The money and negociations of Rome
infinuated themſelves into the heart of Germany ; and every art of

feduction was uſed with dignity, to conciliate thoſe nations whom

their proximity to the Rhine or Danube might render the moſt uſeful
friends, as well as the moft troubleſome enemies. Chiefs of renown

and power were flattered by the moſt trifling prefents, which they
received either as marks of diftinction , or as the inftruments of
luxury. In civil diffenfions, the weaker faction endeavoured to

ftrengthen its intereft by entering into fecret connexions with the

governors of the frontier provinces. Every quarrel among the Ger-

mans was fomented by the intrigues of Rome ; and every plan of

union and public good was defeated by the ſtronger bias of private

jealouſy and intereſt " .

78 They are mentioned however in the ivth Abbé de la Bleterie is very angry with Taci-
and vth centuries by Nazarius, Ammianus, tus, talks of the devil who was a murderer
Claudian , &c. as a tribe of Franks . See from the beginning, & c. & c.
Cluver. Germ. Antiq . 1. iii. c. xiii. 81
Many traces of this policy may be dif
79 Urgentibus is the common reading, but covered in Tacitus and Dion ; and many
good fenfe, Lipfius, and fome MSS . declare more may be inferred from the principles of
for Vergentibus. human nature .
80 Tacit. Germania, c. 33. The pious
I The
 286 THE DECLINE AND FALL

CHAP.
IX. The general confpiracy which terrified the Romans under the

reign of Marcus Antoninus, comprehended almoſt all the nations of

Tranfient
union against Germany, and even Sarmatia, from the mouth of the Rhine to that
Marcus An-
toninus. of the Danube" . It is impoffible for us to determine whether

this hafty confederation was formed by neceffity, by reaſon, or by

paffion ; but we may reft affured, that the barbarians were neither

allured by the indolence , or provoked by the ambition , of the Roman

monarch, This dangerous invafion required all the firmneſs and

vigilance of Marcus. He fixed generals of ability in the ſeveral

ftations of attack, and affumed in perfon the conduct of the moſt

important province on the Upper Danube. After a long and doubt-

ful conflict, the ſpirit of the barbarians was fubdued. The Quadi
and the Marcomanni " , who had taken the lead in the war , were

the moſt ſeverely puniſhed in its cataſtrophe. They were com-

84
manded to retire five miles from their own banks of the Danube,

and to deliver up the flower of the youth, who were immediately

ſent into Britain , a remote iſland , where they might be fecure as

85
hoftages, and ufeful as foldiers $5. On the frequent rebellions of

the Quadi and Marcomanni , the irritated emperor reſolved to reduce

their country into the form of a province. His defigns were dif-
appointed by death. This formidable league, however, the only one
1
that appears in the two firft centuries of the Imperial hiſtory, was

entirely diffipated , without leaving any traces behind in Germany.

Distinction of In the courfe of this introductory chapter, we have confined our-
the German
tribes. felves to the general outlines of the manners of Germany,, without

82 Hiſt . Auguſt. p . 31. Ammian . Mar- boduus. See Strabo, 1. vii . Vell . Pat. 11 .
cellin. 1. xxxi . c. 5. Aurel. Victor. The 105. Tacit. Annal. ii . 63 .
emperor Marcus was reduced to fell the rich 84 Mr. Wotton (Hiftory of Rome , p . 166. )
furniture of the palace, and to inlift flaves and increafes the prohibition to ten times the dif
robbers. tance. His reafoning is fpecious, but not
83 The Marcomanni, a colony, who, from conclufive . Five miles were fufficient for a
the banks of the Rhine, occupied Bohemia fortified barrier.
and Moravia , had once erected a great and 85 Dion, 1. lxxi. and Ixxii.
formidable monarchy under their king Maro--
attempting
 OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 287

attempting to deſcribe or to diftinguiſh the various tribes which CHAP.

IX.
filled that great country in the time of Cæfar, of Tacitus, or of
Ptolemy. As the ancient, or as new tribes fucceffively prefent them-

felves in the ſeries of this hiftory, we ſhall conciſely mention their

origin, their ſituation, and their particular character. Modern na-

tions are fixed and permanent focieties, connected among themſelves

by laws and government, bound to their native foil by arts and

agriculture. The German tribes were voluntary and fluctuating

affociations of foldiers, almoft of favages. The fame territory often

changed its inhabitants in the tide of conqueft and emigration . The

fame communities, uniting in a plan of defence or invafion , be-

ftowed a new title on their new confederacy. The diffolution of an

ancient confederacy reſtored to the independent tribes their pecu-
1
liar but long forgotten appellation . A victorious ftate often commu-

nicated its own name to a vanquished people. Sometimes crowds

1
of volunteers flocked from all parts to the ftandard of a favourite
leader ; his camp became their country, and fome circumftance of

the enterpriſe foon gave a common denomination to the mixed mul-

1
titude. The diftinctions of the ferocious invaders were perpetually

varied by themſelves, and confounded by the aftonished fubjects of

the Roman empire ".
Wars, and the adminiftration of public affairs, are the principal Numbers.

fubjects of hiſtory ; but the number of perfons interefted in theſe

bufy fcenes, is very different, according to the different condition

of mankind. In great monarchies, millions of obedient fubjects

purſue their uſeful occupations in peace and obfcurity. The atten-

tion of the Writer, as well as of the Reader, is folely confined to a

court, a capital, a regular army, and the diſtricts which happen to be

the occafional ſcene of military operations. But a ftate offreedom and

* See an excellent differtation on the ori- xviii . p . 48-71 . It is feldom that the anti-
gin and migrations of nations , in the Me- quarian and the philofopher are fo happily
moires de l'Academie des Infcriptions, tom . blended .
barbarifm ,
288 THE DECLINE AND FALL

CHA P. barbarifm , the feafon of civil commotions, or the fituation of petty re-
IX.
publics , raiſes almoſt every member of the community into action ,

and confequently into notice. The irregular divifions, and the reft-

lefs motions, of the people of Germany, dazzle our imagination,

and ſeem to multiply their numbers. The profufe enumeration of

kings and warriors, of armies and nations, inclines us to forget that

the fame objects are continually repeated under a variety of appella-

tions, and that the moft fplendid appellations have been frequently
laviſhed on the moſt inconfiderable objects.

87 Should we fufpe&t that Athens contained the number of mankind in ancient and mo.
only 21,000 citizens, and Sparta no more dern times.
than 39,000 ? See Hume and Wallace on
 OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE.
489

CHAP. X.

The Emperors Decius, Gallus, Emilianus, Valerian, and

Gallienus.- The general Irruption of the Barbarians.—

The thirty Tyrants.

ROM the great fecular games celebrated by Philip, to the CHA P.

X.
FR death of the emperor Gallienus , there elapfed twenty years
The nature
of ſhame and misfortune. During that calamitous period , every of the fub-

inſtant of time was marked, every province of the Roman world jea.
A. D. 248-
was afflicted, by barbarous invaders and military tyrants, and the 268 .
ruined empire ſeemed to approach the laft and fatal moment of its

diffolution. The confufion of the times, and the fcarcity of authen-

tic memorials, oppofe equal difficulties to the hiftorian , who attempts

to preferve a clear and unbroken thread of narration . Surrounded

with imperfect fragments, always conciſe, often obſcure, and ſome-

times contradictory, he is reduced to collect, to compare, and to

conjecture : and though he ought never to place his conjectures in

the rank of facts, yet the knowledge of human nature, and of the
fure operation of its fierce and unreftrained paffions, might, on
fome occafions, fupply the want of hiftorical materials.

There is not, for instance, any difficulty in conceiving, that the The emperor
Philip.
fucceffive murders of fo many emperors had loofened all the ties

of allegiance between the prince and people ; that all the generals
of Philip were diſpoſed to imitate the example of their maſter ; and

that the caprice of armies, long fince habituated to frequent and vio-

lent revolutions, might every day raiſe to the throne the moſt obſcure

of their fellow-foldiers. Hiftory can only add, that the rebellion

againſt the emperor Philip broke out in the fummer of the year

two hundred and forty-nine, among the legions of Mæfia ; and that
VOL. I. PP a fubaltern

1
290 THE DECLIN AND FALL
E

CHA P. a fubaltern officer ' , named Marinus, was the object of their fedi-
X.
tious choice. Philip was alarmed . He dreaded left the treaſon of

the Mæfian army fhould prove the firſt ſpark of a general confla-
gration. Distracted with the confcioufnefs of his guilt and of

his danger, he communicated the intelligence to the fenate. A

gloomy filence prevailed , the effect of fear, and perhaps of difaffec-

Services, re- tion till at length Decius, one of the affembly, affuming a ſpirit
volt, victory,
and reign of worthy of his noble extraction , ventured to diſcover more intre-
the emperor
Decius . pidity than the emperor feemed to poffefs. He treated the whole
A. D. 249.
buſineſs with contempt, as a hafty and inconfiderate tumult, and

Philip's rival as a phantom of royalty, who in a very few days

would be deſtroyed by the ſame inconftancy that had created him.

The fpeedy completion of the prophecy infpired Philip with a juſt

eſteem for fo able a counſellor ; and Decius appeared to him the only

perfon capable of reſtoring peace and diſcipline to an army, whoſe

tumultuous ſpirit did not immediately fubfide after the murder of Ma-

rinus. Decius, who long refifted his own nomination, ſeems to have
infinuated the danger of preſenting a leader of merit, to the angry and

apprehenſive minds of the foldiers ; and his prediction was again con-
firmed by the event. The legions of Mæſia forced their judge to

become their accomplice. They left him only the alternative of death

or the purple. His fubfequent conduct, after that deciſive meaſure, was
unavoidable. He conducted, or followed , his army to the confines

of Italy, whither Philip, collecting all his force to repel the for-

midable competitor whom he had raiſed up, advanced to meet him.

The Imperial troops were fuperior in number ' ; but the rebels

The expreffion ufed by Zofimus and Zo-
naras may fignify that Marinus commanded
a century, a cohort, or a legion .
* His birth at Bubalia, a little village in
Pannonia (Eutrop . ix. Victor. in Cæfarib. et
Epitom . ) , feems to contradict, unless it was
merely accidental, his fuppofed defcent from
the Decii. Six hundred years had bestowed
nobility on the Decii ; but at the commence-
ment of that period, they were only Plebei-
ans of merit, and among the firſt who ſhared
the confulfhip with the haughty Patricians .
Plebeix Deciorum animæ, &c. Juvenal , Sat.
viii. 254. See the ſpirited ſpeech of Decius,
in Livy, x. 9 , 10 .
formed
 OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 291

formed an army of veterans, commanded by an able and experienced CHAP.

X.
leader. Philip was either killed in the battle, or put to death a

few days afterwards at Verona. His fon and affociate in the em-

pire was maffacred at Rome by the Prætorian guards ; and the vic-

torious Decius, with more favourable circumſtances than the ambi-

tion of that age can uſually plead, was univerfally acknowledged

by the ſenate and provinces. It is reported, that, immediately after

his reluctant acceptance of the title of Auguftus, he had affured

Philip by a private meſſage, of his innocence and loyalty, folemnly

proteſting, that, on his arrival in Italy, he would refign the Imperial

ornaments, and return to the condition of an obedient fubject.

His profeffions might be fincere. But in the fituation where fortune

had placed him, it was ſcarcely poffible that he could either forgive or
be forgiven³ .
The emperor Decius had empl marches
oyed a few months in the works He
against the
of peace and the adminiſtrati
on of juſtice , when he was fummoned Goths.
A. D. 250.
to the banks of the Danube by the invafion of the GOTHS . This
is the firſt confiderable occafion in which hiſtory mentions that great

people , who afterwards broke the Roman power, facked the Capitol ,

and reigned in Gaul , Spain , and Italy. So memorable was the part
which they acted in the ſubverſion of the Weſtern empire , that the
name of GOTHS is frequently but improperly uſed as a general ap-
pellation of rude and warlike barbarifm .

In the beginning of the fixth century, and after the conqueft of Origin of the
Goths from
Italy, the Goths, in poffeffion of preſent greatneſs, very naturally Scandinavia.

indulged themſelves in the proſpect of paſt and of future glory. They

wiſhed to preſerve the memory of their anceſtors , and to tranſmit

to pofterity their own atchievements. The principal minifter of the

court of Ravenna, the learned Caffiodorus, gratified the inclination

.

of the conquerors in a Gothic history, which confifted of twelve

3 Zofimus, 1. i. p. 20. Zonaras, 1. xii . p. 624. Edit . Louvre.

Pp 2 books,
292 THE DECLINE AND FALL

CHAP. books, now reduced to the imperfect abridgment of Jornandes *.

X.
Theſe writers paffed with the moft artful conciſeneſs over the miſ-
fortunes of the nation, celebrated its fucceſsful valour, and adorned

the triumph with many Afiatic trophies, that more properly belonged

to the people of Scythia. On the faith of ancient fongs, the

uncertain, but the only, memorials of barbarians, they deduced the

firſt origin of the Goths, from the vaft iſland, or peninfula, of Scan-

dinavia . That extreme country of the North was not unknown

to the conquerors of Italy ; the ties of ancient confanguinity had been

ftrengthened by recent offices of friendship ; and a Scandanavian king.

had cheerfully abdicated his favage greatneſs, that he might paſs

the remainder of his days in the peaceful and poliſhed court of Ra-

venna . Many veftiges, which cannot be afcribed to the arts of

popular vanity, atteft the ancient refidence of the Goths in the

countries beyond the Baltic. From the time of the geographer

Ptolemy, the fouthern part of Sweden ſeems to have continued in

the poffeffion of the leſs enterprifing remnant of the nation , and a

large territory is even at prefent divided into eaft and weft Goth-

land. During the middle ages (from the ninth to the twelfth
century) whilſt Chriſtianity was advancing with a flow progrefs into

the north, the Goths and the Swedes compofed two diftinct and
ſometimes hoftile members of the fame monarchy '. The latter of

theſe two names has prevailed without extinguiſhing the former.

The Swedes, who might well be fatisfied with their own fame in
arms, have, in every age, claimed the kindred glory of the Goths.

In a moment of diſcontent againſt the court of Rome, Charles the

See the prefaces of Caffiodorus and Jor- Jornandes, c. 3.

nandes it is furpriſing that the latter ſhould 7 See in the Prolegomena of Grotius fome
be omitted in the excellent edition publiſhed large extracts from Adam of Bremen, and
by Grotius, of the Gothic writers. Saxo-Grammaticus . The former wrote in
On the authority of Ablavius, Jornandes the year 1077, the latter flourished about the
quotes fome old Gothic chronicles in verfe. year 1200 .
De Reb. Geticis, c . 4.
Twelfth
 OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE.
293

Twelfth infinuated, that his victorious troops were not degenerated CHA P.
X.
from their brave anceſtors, who had already ſubdued the miſtreſs of
the world®.

Till the end of the eleventh century, a celebrated temple fubfifted Religion of
the Goths.
at Upfal, the moft confiderable town of the Swedes and Goths. It

was enriched with the gold which the Scandinavians had acquired
in their piratical adventures, and fanctified by the uncouth repre-

ſentations of the three principal deities, the god of war, the goddeſs

of generation, and the god of thunder. In the general feſtival,

that was folemnized every ninth year, nine animals of every ſpecies

(without excepting the human ) were facrificed, and their bleeding

bodies fufpended in the facred grove adjacent to the temple . The

only traces that now ſubſiſt of this barbaric fuperftition are con-

tained in the Edda, a fyftem of mythology, compiled in Iceland about

the thirteenth century, and ftudied by the learned of Denmark and

Sweden, as the moſt valuable remains of their ancient traditions.

Notwithſtanding the myſterious obfcurity of the Edda, we can Inſtitutions

and death of
eaſily diſtinguiſh two perfons confounded under the name of Odin ; Odin.
the god of war, and the great legiſlator of Scandinavia. The latter,

the Mahomet of the north, inftituted a religion adapted to the climate

and to the people. Numerous tribes on either fide of the Baltic

were fubdued by the invincible valour of Odin, by his perfuafive

eloquence, and by the fame, which he acquired, of a moſt ſkilful

magician. The faith that he had propagated, during a long and

profperous life, he confirmed by a voluntary death. Apprehenfive

of the ignominious approach of diſeaſe and infirmity, he refolved to

Voltaire, Hiftoire de Charles XII. 1. iii.

menis, p. 104. The temple of Upfal was
When the Auftrians defired the aid of the deſtroyed by Ingo king of Sweden , who be-
court of Rome againſt Guftavus Adolphus, gan his reign in the year 105 , and about
fourfcore years afterwards a Chriftian ca-
they always repreſented that conqueror as the
lineal fucceffor of Alaric. Harte's Hiftory of
thedral was erected on its ruins. See Dalin's
Guftavus , vol . ii. p. 123 . Hiftory of Sweden, in the Bibliotheque Rai-
› See Adam of Bremen iu Grotii Prolego- fonnèe .
expire
294 THE DECLINE AND FALL

CHA
`X.. P. expire as became a warrior. In a folemn affembly of the Swedes

and Goths, he wounded himſelf in nine mortal places, haſtening

away (as he afferted with his dying voice) to prepare the feaſt of
heroes in the palace of the god of war " .
Agreeable
butuncertain The native and proper habitation of Odin is diſtinguiſhed by
hypothefis the appellation of As -gard. The happy reſemblance of that name
concerning
Odin.
with As-burg, or As-of ", words of a ſimilar ſignification , has given
rife to an hiſtorical fyftem of fo pleafing a contexture, that we could

almoſt wiſh to perſuade ourſelves of its truth. It is ſuppoſed that

Odin was the chief of a tribe of barbarians which dwelt on the banks

of the lake Mæotis , till the fall of Mithridates and the arms of Pom-

pey menaced the north with fervitude. That Odin, yielding with
indignant fury to a power which he was unable to refift, conducted

his tribe from the frontiers of the Afiatic Sarmatia into Sweden ,

with the great deſign of forming, in that inacceffible retreat of free-

dom, a religion and a people, which, in fome remote age, might be

fubfervient to his immortal revenge ; when his invincible Goths,

armed with martial fanaticifm , fhould iffue in numerous fwarms

from the neighbourhood of the Polar circle; to chaſtiſe the op-

preffors of mankind ".

Emigration If fo many fucceffive generations of Goths were capable of pre-

ofthe Goths
from Scandi- ferving a faint tradition of their Scandinavian origin , we muſt not
navia into
Pruffia. expect, from fuch unlettered barbarians, any diftinct account of the

time and circumſtances of their emigration. To croſs the Baltic

10
Mallet, Introduction à l'Histoire du Dan-
nemarc.
" Mallet, c. iv. p. 55. has collected from
Strabo, Pliny, Ptolemy, and Stephanus By-
zantinus, the vestiges offuch a city and people.
12 This wonderful expedition of Odin,
which, by deducing the enmity of the Goths
and Romans from fo memorable a caufe,
might fupply the noble ground- work of an
Epic Poem, cannot fafely be received as au-
thentic history. According to the obvious
fenfe of the Edda, and the interpretation of
the moſt ſkilful critics, As-gard , inſtead of
denoting a real city of the Afiatic Sarmatia,
is the fictitious appellation ofthe myftic abode
of the gods, the Olympus of Scandinavia ;
from whence the prophet was fuppofed to de-
fcend, when he announced his new religion
to the Gothic nations, who were already
feated in the fouthern parts of Sweden.

9 was
1
 OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 295

was an eafy and natural attempt. The inhabitants of Sweden were CHA P.
X.
mafters of a fufficient number of large veffels, with oars " , and the
diftance is little more than one hundred miles from Carlfcroon to the
neareſt ports of Pomerania and Pruffia. Here, at length, we land on
14
firm and hiſtoric ground . At leaſt as early as the Chriſtian æra

and as late as the age of the Antonines ", the Goths were eſtabliſhed

towards the mouth of the Viſtula, and in that fertile province where

the commercial cities of Thorn, Elbing, Koningſberg, and Dantzick,

were long afterwards founded " . Weftward of the Goths, the

numerous tribes of the Vandals were ſpread along the banks of the

Oder, and the fea- coaſt of Pomerania and Mecklenburgh. A ſtrik-·

ing reſemblance of manners, complexion , religion, and language,

feemed to indicate that the Vandals and the Goths were originally
one great people ". The latter appear to have been fubdivided

into Oftrogoths,, Vifigoths, and Gepida ". The diftinction among

the Vandals was more ftrongly marked by the independent names

of Heruli, Burgundians, Lombards, and a variety of other petty

ftates, many of which, in a future age, expanded themſelves into

powerful monarchies.

In the age of the Antonines, the Goths were ftill feated in From Pruffia
to the
Pruffia.. About the reign of Alexander Severus, the Roman pro- Ukraine.

13 Tacit . Germania, c. 44. this opinion . They lived in diftant ages, and
** Tacit. Annal . ii . 62. If we could yield. poffeffed different means of inveftigating the
truth.
a firm affent to the navigations of Pytheas of
Marfeilles, we must allow that the Goths had 18 The Oro and Vifi, the eaftern and
western Goths obtained thofe denominations
paffed the Baltic at least three hundred years from their original feats in Scandinavia. In
before Chrift .
all their future marches and fettlements they
Is Ptolemy, 1. ii. preferved, with their names, the fame rela-
16
By the German colonies who followed tive fituation . When they first departed from ,
the arms of the Teutonic knights. The Sweden, the infant colony was contained in
conquest and converfion of Pruffia were com- three veffels. The third being a heavy failer
pleted by thofe adventurers in the xiiith cen- lagged behind, and the crew, which after-
tury. wards fwelled into a nation , received from .
*7 Pliny (Hift. Natur. iv . 14. ) , and Pro- that circumftance the appellation of Gepida ·
copius (in Bell . Vandal. 1. i. c. 1.) agree in or Loiterers. Jornandes, c. 17.
vince .
296 THE DECLINE AND FALL

CHA P. vince of Dacia had already experienced their proximity by frequent

X.
- and deſtructive inroads ". In this interval, therefore, of about ſeventy
years, we muſt place the fecond migration of the Goths from the

Baltic to the Euxine ; but the cauſe that produced it lies concealed
among the various motives which actuate the conduct of un-

fettled barbarians. Either a peftilence, or a famine, a victory, or a de-

feat, an oracle of the Gods, or the eloquence of a daring leader, were

fufficient to impel the Gothic arms on the milder climates of the

fouth. Befides the influence of a martial religion, the numbers

and ſpirit of the Goths were equal to the most dangerous adven-
tures. The uſe of round bucklers and fhort fwords rendered

them formidable in a cloſe engagement ; the manly obedience

which they yielded to hereditary kings, gave uncommon union

and ſtability to their councils 20 ; and the renowned Amala, the hero

of that age, and the tenth anceſtor of Theodoric, king of Italy,

enforced, by the afcendant of perſonal merit, the prerogative of

his birth, which he derived from the Anfes, or demigods of the

Gothic nation ".

The Gothic The fame of a great enterpriſe excited the braveſt warriors from
nation in-
creafes in its all the Vandalic ftates of Germany, many of whom are ſeen a few
march.
years afterwards combating under the common ftandard of the

Goths 22. The firſt motions of the emigrants carried them to the

banks of the Prypec, a river univerfally conceived by the ancients to

be the ſouthern branch of the Boryfthenes ". The windings of that

19 See a fragment of Peter Patricius in the
Excerpta Legationum ; and with regard to its
probable date, fee Tillemont, Hift. des Em-
pereurs, tom. iii . p. 346.
29 Omnium haruin gentium infigne, rotun-
da fcuta, breves gladii , et erga reges obfe-
quium. Tacit, Germania, c . 43. The Goths
probably acquired their iron by the commerce
of amber.
21 Jornandes, c. 13, 14.
22 The Heruli, and the Uregundi or Bur-
7 great
gundi , are particularly mentioned . See Maf-
cou's History of the Germans, 1. v. A paf-
fage in the Auguftan Hiftory, p . 28, feems to
allude to this great emigration . The Mar-
comannic war was partly occafioned by the
preffure of barbarous tribes, who fled before
the arms of more northern barbarians.
23 D'Anville, Geographie Ancienne, and
the third part of his incomparable map of
Europe.
 OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 297

CHAP.
great ftream through the plains of Poland and Ruffia gave a
X.
direction to their line of march, and a conſtant ſupply of freſh wa-

ter and pafturage to their numerous herds of cattle. They followed

the unknown courſe of the river, confident in their valour, and
careless of whatever power might oppoſe their progreſs. The

Baftarnæ and the Venedi were the firſt who prefented themſelves ;

and the flower of their youth, either from choice or compulfion,

increafed the Gothic army. The Baftarnæ dwelt on the northern

fide of the Carpathian mountains ; the immenfe tract of land that

feparated the Baftarna from the favages of Finland, was poffeffed,

or rather wafted, by the Venedi : we have fome reafon to believe

that the firſt

of theſe nations, which diftinguiſhed itſelf in the
25
Macedonian war ", and was afterwards divided into the formidable

tribes of the Peucini, the Borani , the Carpi, &c. derived its origin

from the Germans. With better authority, a Sarmatian extraction

may be affigned to the Venedi, who rendered themfelves fo famous

in the middle ages ". But the confufion of blood and

manners Distinction of
Germans and
on that doubtful frontier often perplexed the moſt accurate ob- Sarmatians.
fervers 27. As the Goths advanced near the Euxine fea, they

encountered a purer race of Sarmatians, the Jazyges, the Alani,

and the Roxolani ; and they were probably the firſt Germans who
faw the mouths of the Boryfthenes, and of the Tanais. If we

inquire into the characteriſtic marks of the people of Germany and

of Sarmatia, we ſhall diſcover that thoſe two great portions of human

kind were principally diftinguifhed by fixed huts or moveable

tents, by a clofe drefs, or flowing garments, by the marriage of

one or of feveral wives, by a military force, confifting, for the moſt

part, cither of infantry or cavalry ; and above all by the ufe of

24 Tacit. Germania , c. 46. fame people. Jornandes, c. 24.

25 Cluver. Germ . Antiqua, 1. iii. c. 43 . 27 Tacitus moft affuredly deferves that title,
26 The Venedi, the Slavi, and the and even his cautious fufpenfe is a proof of his
Antes, were the three great tribes of the diligent inquiries.
.. VOL. I. Qq the

J
298 THE DECLINE AND FALL

CHA P. the Teutonic, or of the Sclavonian language ; the laft of which has
X.
been diffuſed by conqueft, from the confines of Italy to the neigh-
bourhood of Japan .

Deſcription The Goths were now in poffeffion of the Ukraine, a country of

of the
Ukraine. confiderable extent and uncommon fertility, interfected with navi-
gable rivers, which, from either fide, diſcharge themſelves into the

Boryfthenes ; and interfperfed with large and lofty forefts of oaks.

The plenty of game and fish, the innumerable bee-hives, depofited in

the hollow of old trees, and in the cavities of rocks, and forming,

even in that rude age, a valuable branch of commerce, the fize of

the cattle, the temperature of the air, the aptneſs of the foil for every

fpecies of grain, and the luxuriancy of the vegetation , all diſplayeđ

the liberality of Nature, and tempted the induſtry of man ". But the

Goths withſtood all theſe temptations, and ftill adhered to a life of

idlenefs, of poverty, and of rapine.

The Goths The Scythian hords, which, towards the eaft, bordered on the
invade the
Roman pro- new fettlements of the Goths, preſented nothing to their arms, ex-
vinces.
cept the doubtful chance of an unprofitable victory. But the proſpect
of the Roman territories was far more alluring ; and the fields of

Dacia were covered with rich harveſts, ſown by the hands of an in-

duftrious, and expoſed to be gathered by thoſe of a warlike, people.

It is probable, that the conqueſts of Trajan, maintained by his fuc-

ceffors, lefs for any real advantage, than for ideal dignity, had con-

tributed to weaken the empire on that fide. The new and un-

fettled province of Dacia was neither ftrong enough to refift, nor

rich enough to fatiate, the rapaciouſneſs of the barbarians. As long

as the remote banks of the Niefter were confidered as the boun-

dary of the Roman power, the fortifications of the Lower Da-

28 Genealogical Hiftory of the Tartars , p. country is a juft repreſentation of the ancient,

93. Mr. Bell (vol . ii . p. 379. ) traverfed fince , in the hands of the Coffacks, it ſtill re-
the Ukraine in his journey from Peterſburgh mains in a ſtate of nature.
to Conftantinople. The modern face of the
nube
 OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 299

nube were more carelessly guarded, and the inhabitants of Mafia CHA P.
X.
lived in fupine ſecurity, fondly conceiving themſelves at an inac-

ceffible diſtance froin any barbarian invaders. The irruptions of

the Goths, under the reign of Philip, fatally convinced them of

their miſtake. The king, or leader of that fierce nation , traverſed

with contempt the province of Dacia, and paffed both the Niefter

and the Danube without encountering any oppofition capable of

retarding his progrefs. The relaxed difcipline of the Roman troops

betrayed the moſt important poſts , where they were ſtationed , and

the fear of deſerved puniſhment induced great numbers of them to

inlift under the Gothic ftandard . The various multitude of barba-

rians appeared, at length, under the walls of Marcianopolis, a

city built by Trajan in honour of his fifter, and at that time the

capital of the ſecond Mæfia ". The inhabitants confented to ran-

fom their lives and property, by the payment of a large fum of

money, and the invaders retreated back into their deferts, animated,

rather than ſatisfied , with the firſt ſucceſs of their arms againſt an

opulent but feeble country. Intelligence was foon tranfmitted to

the emperor Decius, that Cniva, king of the Goths, had paffed

the Danube a fecond time, with more confiderable forces ; that

his numerous detachments ſcattered devaftation over the province of

Mafia, whilst the main body of the army, confifting of feventy thou-
fand Germans and Sarmatians , a force equal to the moft daring

atchievements, required the preſence of the Roman monarch, and the

exertion of his military power.

Decius found the Goths engaged before Nicopolis, on the Jatrus, Various
events of the
one of the many monuments of Trajan's victories ” . On his Gothic war.
A. D. 250.
29 In the fixteenth chapter of Jornandes, how this palpable error of the fcribe could
inftead offecundo Mafiam, we mayventure to escape the judicious correction of Grotius .
fubftitute fecundam , the fecond Mafia, of 3 The place is ftill called Nicop . The
which Marcianopolis was certainly the capital little ftream, on whoſe banks it ſtood , falls in-
(fee Hierocles de Provinciis, and Weffeling ad to the Danube. D'Anville, Geographie An-
locum, p. 636. Itinerar.) . It is furprising cienne, tom . i . p. 307 .
Q92 approach
300 THE DECLINE AND FALL

СНАР.
X. approach they raiſed the ſiege, but with a deſign only of marching

away to a conqueſt of greater importance, the ſiege of Philippopolis ,

a city of Thrace, founded by the father of Alexander, near the

foot of mount Hamus ". Decius followed them through a diffi-

cult country, and by forced marches ; but when he imagined him-

felf at a confiderable diftance from the rear of the Goths , Cniva

turned with rapid fury on his purfuers. The camp of the Romans

was ſurpriſed and pillaged, and, for the firſt time, their emperor fled
in diforder before a troop of half-armed barbarians. After a

long refiftance, Philippopolis, deftitute of fuccour, was taken by

ftorm . A hundred thoufand perfons are reported to have been

maſſacred in the fack of that great city ". Many prifoners of con-

fequence became a valuable acceffion to the fpoil ; and Prifcus, a

brother of the late emperor Philip, bluſhed not to

affume the
33
purple under the protection of the barbarous enemies of Rome ".

The time, however, confumed in that tedious fiege, enabled Decius

to revive the courage, reſtore the difcipline, and recruit the numbers

of his troops. He intercepted feveral parties of Carpi , and other

Germans, who were haftening to fhare the victory of their country-

men³, intruſted the paffes of the mountains to officers of approved

valour and fidelity ", repaired and ftrengthened the fortifications of

the Danube, and exerted his utmoſt vigilance to oppofe either the

progrefs or the retreat of the Goths. Encouraged by the return of

fortune, he anxiously waited for an opportunity to retrieve, by a

36
great and deciſive blow, his own glory, and that of the Roman arms

Stephan . Byzant. de Urbibus, p. 740 . mopyla with 200 Dardanians, 100 heavy and
Weffeling Itinerar. p. 136. Zonaras, by an 160light horfe, 60 Cretan archers, and 1000
odd mistake, afcribes the foundation of Philip well armed recruits . See an original letter
popolis tothe immediate predeceffor of Decius. from the emperor to his officer, in the Au-
32 Ammian . xxxi. 5.
guftan Hiftory, p . 200 .
33 Aurel . Victor , c. 29 .
36 Jornandes, c . 16-18 . Zofimus, 1. i.
34 Victoria Carpica, on fome medals of De- p. 22. In the general account of this war, it
cius, infinuate thefe advantages.
is eafy to difcover the oppofite prejudices of
35 Claudius (who afterwards reigned with the Gothic and the Grecian writer. In care-
fo much glory) was pofted in the pafs of Ther- lefinefs alone they are alike.
At
 OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 301

At the fame time when Decius was ftruggling with the violence CHA P.
X.
of the tempeft, his mind, calm and deliberate amidſt the tumult of
Decius re-
war, inveſtigated the more general caufes, that, of vives the of
fince the age
fice of cenfor
the Antonines, had fo impetuouſly urged the decline of the Roman in the perfon
of Valerian.
greatneſs . He foon difcovered that it was impoffible to replace

that greatneſs on a permanent bafis, without reftoring public virtue ,

ancient principles and manners, and the oppreſſed majeſty of the

laws. To execute this noble but arduous defign, he firſt reſolved to

revive the obfolete office of cenfor ; an office , which, as long as it

had ſubſiſted in its priſtine integrity, had ſo much contributed to the

perpetuity of the ftate ", till it was ufurped and gradually neglected
by the Cæfars ". Conſcious that the favour of the fovereign may
confer power, but that the eſteem of the people can alone beftow I
;
authority, he ſubmitted the choice of the cenfor to the unbiaffed

voice of the fenate. By their unanimous votes, or rather acclama- A. D. 251 ..

27th Octo-
tions, Valerian, who was afterwards emperor, and who then ferved
with diſtinction in the army of Decius, was declared the moſt
worthy of that exalted honour. As foon as the decree of the fenate

was tranfmitted to the emperor, he affembled a great council in

his camp, and, before the inveftiture of the cenfor elect, he apprized
(6
him of the difficulty and importance of his great office. Happy
" Valerian," faid the prince, to his diftinguished fubject, " happy

" in the general approbation of the ſenate and of the Roman re-
<<
public ! Accept the cenforſhip of mankind ; and judge of our
manners. You will felect thofe who deferve to continue mem--

" bers of the fenate ; you will reftore the equeftrian order to its
" ancient ſplendour ; you will improve the revenue, yet moderate the

37 Montesquieu , Grandeur et Decadence (Pliny Hift. Natur. vii. 49. Cenforinus de

des Romains, c. viii. He illuftrates the na-
ture and ufe of the cenforfhip with his uſual
ingenuity, and with uncommon precifion.
3 Vefpafian and Titus were the laft cenfors
I.
Die Natali) . The modeity of Trajan re-
fuſed an honour which he deſerved, and his
example became a law to the Antonines. See
Pliny's Panegyric, c. 45 and 60..
" public:
302 THE DECLINE AND FALL

CHAP .
X. " public burdens. You will diſtinguiſh into regular claffes the

" various and infinite multitude of citizens, and accurately review

" the military ſtrength, the wealth, the virtue, and the reſources
" of Rome. Your decifions fhall obtain the force of laws. The

army, the palace, the miniſters of juſtice, and the great officers of

" the empire, are all fubject to your tribunal. None are exempted,
16
excepting only the ordinary confuls ", the prefect of the city, the

" king ofthe facrifices, and (as long as the preferves her chaſtity in-

" violate) the eldeſt of the veſtal virgins. Even theſe few, who may

" not dread the ſeverity, will anxiouſly folicit the eſteem, of the Ro-
man cenfor"."

The defign A magiſtrate, inveſted with ſuch extenſive powers, would have
impractica-
ble, and appeared not fo much the miniſter as the colleague of his ſovereign “.
without
effect. Valerian juſtly dreaded an elevation fo full of envy and of ſuſpicion.
He modeftly urged the alarming greatnefs of the truft, his own in-

ſufficiency, and the incurable corruption of the times. He artfully

infinuated, that the office of cenfor was infeparable from the Impe-

rial dignity, and that the feeble hands of a ſubject were unequal to

the ſupport of fuch an immenfe weight of cares and of power " .

The approaching event of war foon put an end to the profecution

of a project ſo ſpecious but ſo impracticable ; and whilſt it preſerved

Valerian from the danger, faved the emperor Decius from the dif-

appointment, which would moſt probably have attended it. A cen-

for may maintain, he can never reftore, the morals of a ftate. It

is impoffible for fuch a magiftrate to exert his authority with bene-

fit, or even with effect, unless he is fupported by a quick fenfe of

honour and virtue in the minds of the people ; by a decent reve-

39 Yet in fpite of this exemption Pompey 4 This tranfaction might deceive Zonaras,
appeared before that tribunal, during his con- who fuppofes that Valerian was actually de-
fulfhip . The occafion indeed was equally fin- clared the colleague of Decius, 1. xii . p .
gular and honourable. Plutar. in Pomp.p.630. 625 .
See the original fpeech, in the Auguftan 42 Hift. Auguft . p. 174. The emperor's
Hift. p. 173, 174 . reply is omitted.
4 rence
 OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 303

CHAP.
rence for the public opinion , and by a train of uſeful prejudices com- X.
bating on the fide of national manners. In a period when theſe prin-
ciples are annihilated, the cenforial jurifdiction muſt either fink into

empty pageantry, or be converted into a partial inftrument of vexa-

tious oppreffion " . It was eaſier to vanquish the Goths , than to

eradicate the public vices ; yet even in the firſt of theſe enterpriſes,

Decius loft his army and his life.

The Goths were now, on every fide, furrounded and purſued Defeat and
death of De-
by the Roman arms. The flower of their troops had periſhed in cius and his
fon.
the long fiege of Philippopolis, and the exhaufted country could no

longer afford ſubfiftence for the remaining multitude of licentious

barbarians. Reduced to this extremity, the Goths would gladly

have purchaſed , by the furrender of all their booty and prifoners,

the permiffion of an undiſturbed retreat. But the emperor, confi-

dent of victory, and refolving , by the chaftifement of theſe invaders,

to ſtrike a falutary terror into the nations of the North, refuſed to

liften to any terms of accommodation. The high-ſpirited barbarians

preferred death to ſlavery. An obfcure town of Mæfia, called Fo-

rum Terebronii " , was the ſcene of the battle. The Gothic army

was drawn up in three lines, and, either from choice or accident,

the front of the third line was covered by a morafs. In the begin-

ning of the action , the fon of Decius, a youth of the fairest hopes,
and already affociated to the honours of the purple, was flain by an

arrow, in the fight of his afflicted father ; who ſummoning all his

fortitude, admonished the diſmayed troops, that the loſs of a ſingle

foldier was of little importance to the republic " . The conflict was

terrible ; it was the combat of defpair againſt grief and rage. The

43 Such as the attempts of Auguftus to-
wards a reformation of manners. Tacit.
Annal . iii. 24.
Tillemont, Hiftoire des Empereurs, tom .
ii. p. 598. As Zofimus and fome of his
followers mistake the Danube for the Tanais,
they place the field of battle in the plains of
Scythia.
45 Aurelius Victor allows two diftinct ac-
tions for the deaths of the two Decii ; but I
have preferred the account of Jornandes.
firft
304 THE DECLINE AND FALL

CHAP. firft line of the Goths at length gave way in diforder ; the fecond,
X.
advancing to ſuſtain it, ſhared its fate ; and the third only remained

entire, prepared to difpute the paffage of the morafs, which was

" Here
imprudently attempted by the prefumption of the enemy.

" the fortune of the day turned, and all things became adverfe to the

" Romans : the place deep with ooze, finking under thoſe who ſtood ,

" flippery to fuch as advanced ; their armour heavy, the waters deep ;

" nor could they wield , in that uneafy fituation , their weighty jave-
" lins.
The barbarians, on the contrary, were enured to encounters

" in the bogs, their perfons tall, their fpears long, fuch as could
" wound at a distance ." In this morafs the Roman army, after an

ineffectual ſtruggle, was irrecoverably loft ; nor could the body of

the emperor ever be found ". Such was the fate of Decius, in the
fiftieth year of his age ; an accompliſhed prince, active in war, and

affable in peace " ; who, together with his fon, has deferved to be

compared, both in life and death, with the brighteſt examples of

ancient virtue 49.

Election of This fatal blow humbled, for a very little time, the infolence of
Gallus.
A. D. 251 . the legions. They appear to have patiently expected, and fubmif-
December.
fively obeyed, the decree of the fenate, which regulated the fuccef-
fron to the throne. From a juft regard for the
the memory of Decius,

the Imperial title was conferred on Hoftilianus, his only furviving

fon ; but an equal rank, with more effectual power, was granted to

Gallus, whofe experience and ability feemed equal to the great truſt

of guardian to the young prince and the diftreffed empire ". The

46 I have ventured to copy from Tacitus
( Annal. i . 64. ) the picture of a fimilar en-
gagement between a Roman army and a Ger-
man tribe.
47 Jornandes, c . 18. Zofimus, 1. i . p. 22 .
Zonaras, 1. xii . p . 627. Aurelius Victor.
48 The Decii were killed before the end of
the year two hundred and fifty-one, fince the
new princes took poffeffion of the confulfhip
on the enfuing calends of January.
49 Hift . Auguit p. 223. gives them a very
honourable place among the fmall number of
good emperors who reigned between Auguftus
and Diocletian .
50 Hæc ubi Patres comperere
decernunt . Victor in Cafaribus.

fixft
 OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 305

firft care of the new emperor was to deliver the Illyrian provinces CHA
X. P.
from the intolerable weight of the victorious Goths. He confented
A. D. 252.
to leave in their hands the rich fruits of their invaſion, an immenſe

booty, and, what was ftill more difgraceful, a great number of pri-

foners of the higheſt merit and quality. He plentifully fupplied the

Retreat of
Goths.
their camp with every conveniency that could affuage their angry

fpirits, or facilitate their ſo much wifhed-for departure ; and he even

promiſed to pay them annually a large fum of gold , on condition

they ſhould never afterwards infeft the Roman territories by their

incurfions ".

In the age of the Scipios, the moſt opulent kings of the earth, Gallus pur-
chafes peace
who courted the protection of the victorious commonwealth, were
by the pay-
gratified with fuch trifling prefents as could only derive a value from ment
annualoftri
an

the hand that beftowed them ; an ivory chair, a coarfe garment of bute.

purple, an inconfiderable piece of plate, or a quantity of copper

coin " . After the wealth of nations had centred in Rome, the

emperors difplayed their greatnefs, and even their policy, by the

regular exerciſe of a ſteady and moderate liberality towards the allies

of the ſtate. They relieved the poverty of the barbarians, honoured

their merit, and recompenfed their fidelity. Theſe voluntary marks

of bounty were underſtood to flow not from the fears, but merely

from the generofity or the gratitude of the Romans ; and whilſt

preſents and fubfidies were liberally diftributed among friends and

fuppliants, they were fternly refuſed to fuch as claimed them as a

53
debt " . But this ſtipulation of an annual payment to a victorious Popular dif-
content.
enemy, appeared without diſguiſe in the light of an ignominious

tribute ; the minds of the Romans were not yet accuſtomed

¹¹ Zonaras , 1. xii . p. 628 . fterling, was the ufual prefent made to fo-
52 A Sella, a Toga, and a golden Patera reign ambaffadors (Livy, xxxi . 9. ) .
of five pounds weight , were accepted with joy 53 See the firmnefs of a Roman general
and gratitude by the wealthy king of Egypt fo late as the time of Alexander Severus,
(Livy, xxvii. 4. ) . Quina Millia Æris , a weight in the Excerpta Legationum , p . 25. Edit.
of copper in value about eighteen pounds Louvre .
VOL. I. Rr to
 306 THE DECLINE AND FALL

CHA
X. P. to accept fuch unequal laws from a tribe of barbarians ; and the

prince, who by a neceffary conceffion had probably ſaved his

country, became the object of the general contempt and averfion.

The death of Hoftilianus, though it happened in the midſt of a

raging peftilence, was interpreted the perfonal crime of

Gallus 54 ;
and even the defeat of the late emperor was afcribed by

the voice of fufpicion to the perfidious counfels of his hated fuc-

ceffor ". The tranquillity which the empire enjoyed during the firſt

year of his adminiſtration ", ſerved rather to inflame than to appeaſe

the public diſcontent ; and, as foon as the apprehenfions of war

were removed, the infamy of the peace was more deeply and more

fenfibly felt.

Victory and But the Romans were irritated to a ftill higher degree, when they
revolt of
Emilianus . diſcovered that they had not even ſecured their repoſe, though at the
A. D. 253.
expence of their honour. The dangerous fecret of the wealth and

weakneſs of the empire, had been revealed to the world. New fwarms

ofbarbarians , encouraged by the ſucceſs, and not conceiving themſelves

bound by the obligation , of their brethren, ſpread devaſtation through

the Illyrian provinces, and terror as far as the gates of Rome. The
defence of the monarchy, which feemed abandoned by the pufillani-

mous emperor, was affumed by Emilianus, governor of Pannonia

and Mafia ; who rallied the ſcattered forces, and revived the faint-
ing fpirits of the troops. The barbarians were unexpectedly at-

tacked, routed, chaſed, and purſued beyond the Danube. The vic-

torious leader diſtributed as a donative the money collected for the

tribute, and the acclamations of the foldiers proclaimed him emperor

on the field of battle ". Gallus, who, careleſs of the general wel-

fare, indulged himſelf in the pleaſures of Italy, was almoſt in the

54 For the plague, fee Jornandes, c. 19. and
Victor in Cæfaribus.
35 Theſe improbable accufations are alleged
by Zofimus , 1. i. p. 23, 24-
!
56 Jornandes, c. 19. The Gothic writer
at leaſt obſerved the peace which his victorious
countrymen had ſworn to Gallus.
57 Zofimus, l. i. p . 25 , 26.
fame
 OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 307

fame inſtant informed of the ſucceſs, of the revolt, and of the rapid CHA
X. P.
approach, of his afpiring lieutenant. He advanced to meet him as

far as the plains of Spoleto. When the armies came in fight of each

other, the foldiers of Gallus compared the ignominious conduct of

their fovereign with the glory of his rival. They admired the valour

of Æmilianus ; they were attracted by his liberality, for he offered a

confiderable increaſe of pay to all deferters " . The murder of Gallus, Gallus aban-
doned and
and of his fon Volufianus, put an end to the civil war ; and the fain
fenate gave a legal fanction to the rights of conqueft. The letters of A. D. 253 .
May.
Emilianus to that affembly, difplayed a mixture of moderation and

vanity. He affured them , that he ſhould reſign to their wiſdom the

civil adminiſtration ; and , contenting himſelf with the quality of their

general, would in a ſhort time affert the glory of Rome, and deliver

the empire from all the barbarians both of the North and of the

Eaft ". His pride was flattered by the applauſe of the ſenate ; and

medals are ſtill extant, reprefenting him with the name and attri-
60
butes of Hercules the Victor, and of Mars the Avenger ".

If the new monarch poffeffed the abilities, he wantedthe Valerian re-

venges the
time, neceſſary to fulfil thefe fplendid promiſes. Lefs than four death of Gal-
months intervened between his victory and his fall . He had lus, and is ac-
knowledged
vanquished Gallus : he funk under the weight of a competitor more emperor,
formidable than Gallus. That unfortunate prince had ſent Vale-

rian, already diſtinguiſhed by the honourable title of cenfor, to bring

the legions of Gaul and Germany " to his aid. Valerian executed

that commiffion with zeal and fidelity ; and as he arrived too late
.

to fave his fovereign, he refolved to revenge him. The troops of

Æmilianus, who ftill lay encamped in the plains of Spoleto, were

awed by the fanctity of his character, but much more by the fupe-

58 Victor in Cæfaribus. 61 Eutropius , 1. ix. c. 6. fays tertio menfe.

59 Zonaras, 1. xii . p. 628.
6 Banduri Numifmata , p . 94.
Rr 2
Eufebius omits this emperor.
62 Zofimus, 1. i . p.28 . Eutropius and Vic-
tor ſtation Valerian's army in Rhætia .
rior

I
308 THE DECLINE AND FALL

CHA P. rior ſtrength of his army ; and as they were now become as inca-
X.
pable of perſonal attachment as they had always been of conſti-
A. D. 253. tutional principle, they readily imbrued their hands in the blood of
Auguft .
a prince who ſo lately had been the object of their partial choice. The
guilt was theirs, but the advantage of it was Valerian's ; who ob-

tained the poffeffion of the throne by the means indeed of a civil war,
but with a degree of innocence fingular in that age of revolutions ;

fince he owed neither gratitude nor allegiance to his predeceffor,

whom he dethroned .
Character of Valerian was about fixty years of age 63 when he was invefted
Valerian.
with the purple , not by the caprice of the populace , or the cla-
mours of the army, but by the unanimous voice of the Roman

world. In his gradual afcent through the honours of the ftate , he

had deferved the favour of virtuous princes , and had declared him-
ſelf the enemy of tyrants . His noble birth, his mild but unble-

miſhed manners , his learning , prudence , and experience , were re-

vered by the ſenate and people ; and if mankind ( according to the

obſervation of an ancient writer) had been left at liberty to chuſe a

mafter, their choice would moft affuredly have fallen on Valerian

Perhaps the merit of this emperor was inadequate to his reputation ;

perhaps his abilities , or at leaft his fpirit, were affected by the lan-

General mif- guor and coldneſs of old age. The confciouſneſs of his decline en-
fortunes of
the reigns of gaged him to fhare the throne with a younger and more active affo-
Valerian and 66
Gallienus . ciate " : the emergency of the times demanded a general no leſs than

. 253- a prince ;
A. D.
268 and the experience of the Roman cenfor might have
directed him where to beſtow the Imperial purple , as the reward of

63 He was about feventy at the time of his 65 According to the diftinction of Victor,
acceffion, or, as it is more probable, of his he ſeems to have received the title of Impe-
death . Hift. Auguft . p. 173. Tillemont, rator from the army, and that of Auguftus
Hift. des Empereurs, tom. iii . p . 893 , note 1 . from the fenate.
64 Inimicus Tyrannorum . Hift. Auguft. 66 From Victor and from the medals , Til-
p. 173. In the glorious ftruggle of the fenate lemont (tom . iii . p. 710. ) very juftly infers,
against Maximin, Valerian acted a very fpi- that Gallienus was affociated to the empire
rited part. Hift. Aug. p . 156. about the month of Auguſt of the year 253.
7 military
 OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 309

military merit. But inftead of making a judicious choice, which CHAX. P.

would have confirmed his reign and endeared his memory, Valerian ,

confulting only the dictates of affection or vanity, immediately in-

veſted with the fupreme honours his fon Gallienus, a youth whoſe
effeminate vices had been hitherto concealed by the obfcurity of a

private ſtation. The joint government of the father and the fon
fubfifted about ſeven, and the fole adminiſtration of Gallienus conti-

nued about eight, years. But the whole period was one uninterrupted
ſeries of confufion and calamity. As the Roman empire was at the
fame time, and on every ſide, attacked by the blind fury of foreign
invaders, and the wild ambition of domeſtic ufurpers, we ſhall con-

fult order and perfpicuity, by purſuing, not fo much the doubtful

arrangement of dates, as the more natural diftribution of fubjects.

The most dangerous enemies of Rome, during the reigns of Valerian

and Gallienus, were, 1. The Franks. 2. The Alemanni. 3. The Inroads of
the barba-
Goths ; and, 4. The Perfians. Under thefe general appellations, rians.
we may comprehend the adventures of lefs confiderable tribes , whoſe

obfcure and uncouth names would only ferve to opprefs the memory

and perplex the attention of the reader.

I. As the poſterity of the Franks compofe one of the greateſt and Origin and
confederacy
moſt enlightened nations of Europe, the powers of learning and of the
Franks.
ingenuity have been exhauſted in the diſcovery of their unlettered

anceſtors. To the tales of credulity, have fucceeded the ſyſtems of

fancy. Every paffage has been fifted, every ſpot has been furveyed,

that might poffibly reveal fome faint traces of their origin. It has

been ſuppoſed, that Pannonia " , that Gaul, that the northern parts
of Germany " , gave birth to that celebrated colony of warriors.

At length the moſt rational critics, rejecting the fictitious emigra-

7 Various fyftems have been formed to ex- mentioning Mauringania on the confines of
plain a difficult paffage in Gregory of Tours, Denmark, as the ancient feat of the Franks, 1
1. ii. c. 9 . gave birth to an ingenious fyftem of Leib-
65 The Geographer of Ravenna, i . 11. by nitz .
tions

I
310 THE DECLINE AND FALL

X. P. tions of ideal conquerors, have acquiefced in a fentiment whoſe ſim-

CHA

plicity perfuades us of its truth ". They ſuppoſe, that about the year

two hundred and forty 70, a new confederacy was formed under the
name of Franks, by the old inhabitants of the Lower Rhine and the
Wefer. The prefent circle of Weftphalia, the Landgraviate of

Heffe, and the duchies of Brunfwick and Luneburg, were the

ancient feat of the Chauci, who, in their inacceffible moraffes,

defied the Roman arms " ; of the Cherufci, proud of the fame
of Arminius ; of the Catti, formidable by their firm and intrepid
infantry ; and of feveral other tribes of inferior power and re-
72
nown • The love of liberty was the ruling paffion of theſe

Germans ; the enjoyment of it their beſt treaſure ; the word that

expreffed that enjoyment, the moſt pleaſing to their ear. They

deferved, they affumed, they maintained the honourable epithet of

Franks or Freemen ; which concealed , though it did not extinguiſh,

the peculiar names of the ſeveral ſtates of the confederacy ". Tacit
confent, and mutual advantage, dictated the firft laws of the union ;

it was gradually cemented by habit and exprience. The league of

the Franks may admit of fome compariſon with the Helvetic body ;

in which every canton, retaining its independent fovereignty, con-

fults with its brethren in the common cauſe, without acknow-

ledging the authority of any ſupreme head , or repreſentative aſſem-

bly ". But the principle of the two confederacies was extremely

different. A peace of two hundred years has rewarded the wife and
honeft policy of the Swifs. An inconftant fpirit, the thirſt of rapine,

9 See Cluver. Germania Antiqua, 1. iii. 72 Tacit. Germania, c. 30. 37.

C. 20. M. Freret, in the Memoires de l'A- 73 In a fubfequent period, most of thoſe
cademie des Inſcriptions, tom. xviii. old names are occafionally mentioned. See
70 Most probably under the reign of Gor- fome veftiges of them in Cluver. Germ . An-
dian, from an accidental circumftance fully tiq. 1. iii.
canvaffed by Tillemont, tom. iii. p. 710.1181 . 74 Simler de Republica Helvet . cum notis
" Plin. Hift. Nat. xvi. 1. The panegyrifts Fufelin.
frequently allude to the moraffes of the Franks.
6 and
 OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 311

and a difregard to the moſt folemn treaties, difgraced the character of CHA P.
X.
the Franks.

The Romans had long experienced the daring valour of the They invade
Gaul,
people of Lower Germany. The union of their ſtrength threatened

Gaul with a more formidable invaſion, and required the preſence of

Gallienus, the heir and colleague of Imperial power 75. Whilft that

prince, and his infant fon Salonius, difplayed, in the court of

Treves, the majeſty of the empire, its armies were ably conducted
by their general Pofthumus, who, though he afterwards betrayed the

family of Valerian , was ever faithful to the great intereſt of the

monarchy. The treacherous language of panegyrics and medals

darkly announces a long feries of victories. Trophies and titles

atteft (if fuch evidence can atteft ) the fame of Pofthumus, who is
repeatedly ſtyled The conqueror of the Germans, and the faviour of
76
Gaul " .

But a fingle fact, the only one indeed of which we have any dif- ravage Spain,

tinct knowledge, eraſes, in a great meaſure , theſe monuments of

vanity and adulation . The Rhine, though dignified with the

title of Safeguard of the provinces, was an imperfect barrier

againſt the daring fpirit of enterpriſe with which the Franks were
actuated. Their rapid devaſtations ſtretched from the river to the

foot of the Pyrenees : nor were they stopped by thofe mountains.

"
Spain, which had never dreaded, was unable to reſiſt, the inroads of
the Germans. During twelve years, the greateſt part of the reign of

Gallienus, that opulent country was the theatre of unequal and

deftructive hoftilities. Tarragona, the flourishing capital of a peace+

ful province, was facked and almoft deftroyed " ; and fo late as

75 Zofimus , 1. i. p. 27. 77 Aurel . Victor, c. 33. Iuftead of Pane

76 M. de Brequigny ( in the Memoires de direpto, both the fenfe and the exprefion
l'Academie, tom . xxx. ) has given us a very
require deleto ; though indeed, for differ
curious life of Pofthumus . A feries of theent reafons, it is alike difficult to correa
Auguftan Hiſtory from Medals and Infcrip- the text of the best, and of the word,
tions has been more than once planned, and writers.
is ftill much wanted.
the
312 THE DECLINE AND FALL

CHA
X. P. the days of Orofius, who wrote in the fifth century, wretched cot-

tages, ſcattered amidſt the ruins of magnificent cities , ftill recorded

the of the barbarians 78
" . When the exhauſted country no longer
rage

ſupplied a variety of plunder, the Franks ſeized on ſome veſſels in

Africa. the ports of Spain " , and tranfported themſelves into Mauritania.
and passover
into

The diftant province was aftonifhed with the fury of theſe bar-
barians, who ſeemed to fall from a new world, as their name,

manners, and complexion , were equally unknown on the coaſt of

80
Africa 8°.

Origin and
renown of II. In that part of Upper Saxony beyond the Elbe, which is at
the Suevi.
prefent called the Marquifate of Luface, there exifted , in ancient

times, a facred wood, the awful feat of the fuperftition of the

Suevi. None were permitted to enter the holy precincts, without

confeffing, by their fervile bonds and fuppliant poſture, the imme-

diate prefence of the fovereign Deity ". Patriotifin contributed as

well as devotion to confecrate the Sonnenwald , or wood of the Sem-

82
nones . It was univerfally believed, that the nation had received

its first exiſtence on that facred spot. At ftated periods, the

numerous tribes who gloried in the Suevic blood, reforted thither

by their ambaffadors ; and the memory of their common extraction

was perpetuated by barbaric rites and human facrifices. The wide

extended name of Suevi filled the interior countries of Germany,

from the banks of the Oder to thoſe of the Danube. They were

diftinguiſhed from the other Germans by their peculiar mode of

dreffing their long hair, which they gathered into a rude knot on

the crown of the head ; and they delighted in an ornament that

ſhewed their ranks more lofty and terrible in the eyes of the ene-

79 In the time of Aufonius ( the end ofthe
fourth century ) Ilerda or Lerida was in a
very ruinous ftate ( Aufon . Epift. xxv . 58. ) ,
which probably was the confequence of this
invafion .
79 Valefius is therefore miſtaken in fuppo-
fing that the Franks had invaded Spain by fea.
80 Aurel . Victor. Eutrop . ix . 6.
1 Tacit. Germania, 38 .
32 Cluver. Germ. Antiq. iii . 25.

my.

*
 OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE.
313

my ". Jealous , as the Germans were, of military renown, they all CHA P.
X.
confeffed the fuperior valour of the Suevi ; and the tribes of the

Ufipetes and Tenteri, who, with a vaſt army, encountered the dic-

tator Cæfar, declared that they esteemed it not a difgrace to have fled

before a people, to whofe arms the immortal gods themselves were

unequal **.

In the reign of the emperor Caracalla, an innumerable fwarm of A mixed bo-

dy of Suevi
Suevi appeared on the banks of the Mein, and in the neighbour- affume the
name of
hood of the Roman provinces, in queft either of food , of plunder, Alemanni ,

or of glory " . The hafty army of volunteers gradually coalefced

into a great and permanent nation , and, as it was compofed from
fo many different tribes, affumed the name of Allemanni, or All-

men ; to denote at once their various lineage, and their common

bravery " . The latter was foon felt by the Romans in many a
hoftile inroad. The Alemanni fought chiefly on horfeback ; but

their cavalry was rendered ſtill more formidable by a mixture of light

infantry, felected from the braveſt and moſt active of the youth,

whom frequent exerciſe had enured to accompany the horſeman in

the longeſt march, the moſt rapid charge, or the moft precipitate
87
retreat "".

This warlike people of Germans had been aftonished by the im- invade Gaul
and Italy,
menfe preparations of Alexander Severus, they were difinayed by the
arms of his fucceffor, a barbarian equal in valour and fiercenefs to
themſelves. But ftill hovering on the frontiers of the empire, they

increaſed the general diforder that enfued after the death of Decius.

They inflicted fevere wounds on the rich provinces of Gaul : they

*3 Sic Suevi a ceteris Germanis, fic Suevo- which amufe the fancy of the learned ) is pre-
rum ingenui a fervis feparantur. A proud fe- ferved by Afinius Quadratus, an original hiſ-
paration ! torian, quoted by Agathias, i. c. 5.
84 Cæfar in Bello Gallico , iv. 7. 7 The Suevi engaged Cæfar in this man-
65 Victor in Caracal . Dion Caffius, lxvii. ner, and the manœuvre deſerved the appro-
p. 1350. bation of the conqueror ( in Bello Gallico,
16 This etymology (far different from thofe i. 48.) .
VOL. I. S f were
 THE DECLINE AND FALL
314

CHAP. were the firſt who removed the veil that covered the feeble majeſty
X.
of Italy. A numerous body of the Alemanni penetrated acroſs the
Danube, and through the Rhætian Alps, into the plains of Lom-

bardy, advanced as far as Ravenna, and difplayed the victorious

banners of barbarians almoſt in fight of Rome . The infult and

the danger rekindled in the fenate ſome ſparks of their ancient

are repulfed virtue. Both the emperors were engaged in far diftant wars, Vale-
from Rome
by the fenate rian in the eaſt, and Gallienus on the Rhine. All the hopes and
and people. refources of the Romans were in themfelves. In this emergency,

the fenators refumed the defence of the republic, drew out the

Prætorian guards, who had been left to garriſon the capital, and filled

up their numbers, by inlifting into the public fervice the ftouteft

and moſt willing of the Plebeians. The Alemanni, aſtoniſhed with

the fudden appearance of an army more numerous than their own,

retired into Germany, laden with ſpoil ; and their retreat was eſteem-

ed as a victory by the unwarlike Romans .

The fenators When Gallienus received the intelligence that his capital was de-
excluded by
Gallienus livered from the barbarians, he was much lefs delighted, than alarmed,
from the mi-
litaryſervice. with the courage of the fenate, fince it might one day prompt them

to reſcue the public from domeſtic tyranny, as well as from foreign

invafion. His timid ingratitude was published to his fubjects, in

an edict which prohibited the fenators from exercifing any military

employment, and even from approaching the camps of the legions.

But his fears were groundleſs. The rich and luxurious nobles,

finking into their natural character, accepted, as a favour, this dif-

graceful exemption from military fervice ; and as long as they were

indulged in the enjoyment of their baths, their theatres, and their

villas ; they cheerfully refigned the more dangerous cares of empire,

to the rough hands of peaſants and ſoldiers ºº.

88 Hift.
Hift. Auguft. p . 215 , 216. Dexippus
in the Excerpta Legationum, p. 8. Hiero
nym. Chron . Orofius, vii . zz.
9 Zofimus, 1. i. p. 34
9° Aurel. Victor, in Gallieno et Probo.
His complaints breathe an uncommon fpirit
of freedom.
Another
 OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE.
315

Another invaſion of the Alemanni, of a more formidable afpect, CHA P.

X.
but more glorious event, is mentioned by a writer of the lower em-
Gallienus
pire. Three hundred thouſand of that warlike people are faid to contracs an
alliance with
have been vanquiſhed, in a battle near Milan, by Gallienus in per- the Ale-
ſon, at the head of only ten thouſand Romans ". We may how- manni.

ever, with great probability, aſcribe this incredible victory, either to

the credulity of the hiſtorian, or to fome exaggerated exploits of one

of the emperor's lieutenants. It was by arms of a very different

nature, that Gallienus endeavoured to protect Italy from the fury of

the Germans. He efpoufed Pipa the daughter of a king of the

Marcomanni, ་ a Suevic tribe, which was often confounded with the
•
Alemanni in their wars and conquefts " . To the father, as the

price of his alliance, he granted an ample fettlement in Pannonia.

The native charms of unpoliſhed beauty feem to have fixed the

daughter in the affections of the inconſtant emperor, and the bands

of policy were more firmly connected by thofe of love. But the

haughty prejudice of Rome ftill refuſed the name of marriage, to

the profane mixture of a citizen and a barbarian ; and has ftigma-

tized the German princefs with the opprobrious title of concubine of

Gallienus 93
23.

III. We have already traced the emigration of the Goths from Inroads of
the Goth .
Scandinavia, or at leaſt from Pruffia, to the mouth of the Bory-

fthenes, and have followed their victorious arms from the Bory-
1
fthenes to the Danube. Under the reigns of Valerian and Gallienus,
the frontier of the laſt mentioned river was perpetually infeſted by

the inroads of Germans and Sarmatians ; but it was defended by

the Romans with more than ufual firmneſs and fuccefs. The pro-
vinces that were the feat of war, recruited the armies of Rome with

9¹ Zonaras, 1. xii. p . 631 . 93 See Tillemont, Hift. des Empereurs,

92 One of the Victors calls him King of tom . iii. p. 398, &c.
the Marcomanni, the other, ofthe Germans .

Sf 2 an
 E
IN LL
E CL AN
D
FA
316 TH DE

СНАР .
X. an inexhauftible fupply of hardy foldiers ; and more than one of

theſe Illyrian peaſants attained the ſtation , and diſplayed the abi-

lities, of a general. Though flying parties of the barbarians, who

inceffantly hovered on the banks of the Danube, penetrated fome-

times to the confines of Italy and Macedonia ; their progreſs was

commonly checked , or their return intercepted, by the Imperial

lieutenants ". But the great ftream of the Gothic hoftilities was

diverted into a very different channel. The Goths, in their new

fettlement of the Ukraine, foon became mafters of the northern

coaſt of the Euxine : to the fouth of that inland fea, were fituated

the ſoft and wealthy provinces of Afia Minor, which poffeffed all

that could attract, and nothing that could refift, a barbarian con-

queror.

Conquest of The banks of the Boryfthenes are only fixty miles diſtant from
the Bofpho-
rus by the the narrow entrance " of the peninfula of Crim Tartary, known to
Goths ,
the ancients under the name of Cherfonefus Taurica ". On that

inhofpitable fhore, Euripides, embellishing with exquifite art the

tales of antiquity, has placed the fcene of one of his moſt affecting
tragedies ". The bloody facrifices of Diana, the arrival of Oreftes

and Pylades, and the triumph of virtue and religion over favage
fiercenefs, ferve to reprefent an hiftorical truth, that the Tauri, the

original inhabitants of the peninfula, were, in fome degree, reclaim-

ed from their brutal manners, by a gradual intercourfe with the

Grecian colonies, which fettled along the maritime coaft. The little

kingdom of Bofphorus, whofe capital was fituated on the Straits,

through which the Mæotis communicates itfelf to the Euxine, was

compofed of degenerate Greeks, and half- civilized barbarians. It

94 See the lives of Claudius , Aurelian, and
Probus, in the Auguftan History.
95 It is about half a league in breadth . Ge-
nealogical Hiſtory of the Tartars, p . 598 .
M. de Peyffonel, who had been French
conful at Caffa, in his Obfervations fur les.
Peuples Barbares, qui ont habité les bords du
Danube.
97 Euripides in Iphigenia in Taurid .
fubfifted ,
 OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE.
317

fubfifted, as an independent ſtate, from the time of the Peloponnefian CHA P.

X.
war , was at laft fwallowed up by the ambition of Mithridates ",
>
and, with the reft of his dominions, funk under the weight of
the Roman arms. From the reign of Auguftus , the kings of

Bofphorus were the humble, but not uſeleſs, allies of the em-

pire. By preſents, by arms, and by a flight fortification drawn

across the Ifthmus, they effectually guarded againſt the roving

plunderers of Sarmatia, the accefs of a country, which, from its

peculiar fituation and convenient harbours, commanded the Euxine
101
ſea and Aſia Minor 1° . As long as the fceptre was poffeffed by a

lineal fucceffion of kings, they acquitted themſelves of their import-

ant charge with vigilance and fuccefs. Domeftic factions, and the

fears, or private intereft, of obfcure ufurpers, who feized on the

vacant throne, admitted the Goths into the heart of Bofphorus.

With the acquifition of a fuperfluous waſte of fertile foil, the con-

querors obtained the command of a naval force, fufficient to tranf-

port their armies to the coaft of Afia The ſhips uſed in the who acquire
.
a naval force.
navigation of the Euxine were of a very fingular conftruction.
They were flight flat-bottomed barks framed of timber only, with-

out the leaft mixture of iron, and occafionally covered with a

fhelving roof, on the appearance of a tempeft . In theſe floating

houſes, the Goths carelessly truſted themſelves to the mercy of an

unknown fea, under the conduct of failors preffed into the ſervice,

and whoſe ſkill and fidelity were equally fufpicious. But the hopes

of plunder had baniſhed every idea of danger, and a natural fearleſs-

nefs of temper ſupplied in their minds the more rational confidence,

99 Strabo, 1. vii . p. 309. The first kings 101 See the Toxaris of Lucian , if we credit
of Bofphorus were the allies of Athens, the fincerity and the virtues of the Scythian ,
99 Appian in Mithridat. who relates a great war of his nation againſt
100 Itwas reduced by the arms of Agrippa. the kings of Bofphorus.
Orofius, vi. 21. Eutropius , vii. 9. The Ro- 102 Zofimus, 1. i. P. 28.
mans once advanced within three days march 103 Strabo, 1. xi . Tacit. Hift. üi . 47. ~
of the Tanais. Tacit . Annal . xii. 17 . They were called Camara.
which
 NE
E C LI D LL
318 TH DE AN FA

CHAP. which is the juft refult of knowledge and experience. Warriors of

X.
ſuch a daring ſpirit muſt have often murmured againſt the cowardice

of their guides, who required the ſtrongeſt affurances of a fettled

calm before they would venture to embark ; and would fcarcely

ever be tempted to lofe fight of the land. Such, at leaft, is the

practice of the modern Turks " * ; and they are probably not in-

ferior, in the art of navigation, to the ancient inhabitants of Bof-

phorus.

First naval The fleet of the Goths, leaving the coaſt of Circaffia on the left
expedition of
the Goths. hand, firft appeared before Pityus 10s, the utmoft limits of the Ro-

man provinces ; a city provided with a convenient port and fortified

with a ſtrong wall. Here they met with a reſiſtance more obſti-

nate than they had reafon to expect from the feeble garriſon of a

diſtant fortrefs . They were repulſed ; and their diſappointment

feemed to diminiſh the terror of the Gothic name. As long as Suc-

ceffianus, an officer of fuperior rank and merit, defended that fron-

tier, all their efforts were ineffectual ; but as foon as he was removed

by Valerian to a more honourable but lefs important ſtation , they

reſumed the attack of Pityus ; and, by the deſtruction of that city,

106
obliterated the memory of their former difgrace 1 .
The Goths
Circling round the eaſtern extremity of the Euxine fea, the
beficge and
take Trebi- navigation from Pityus to Trebizond is about three hundred
zond.
miles . The courfe of the Goths carried them in fight of the

country of Colchis, fo famous by the expedition of the Argo-

nauts ; and they even attempted, though without fuccefs, to pillage

a rich temple at the mouth of the river Phafis. Trebizond, cele-

brated in the retreat of the ten thouſand as an ancient colony of

104 See a very natural picture of the Eux- confifted in his time of only four hundred
ine navigation , in the xvith letter of Tourne- foot . See the Periplus of the Euxine.
fort. 106 Zofimus, 1. i . p. 30.
105 Arrian places the frontier garrison at 107 Arrian (in Periplo Maris Euxin. p. 130.)
Diofcurias, or Sebaftopolis, forty-four miles calls the distance 2610 ftadia.
to the east of Pityus. The garrifon of Phafis
7 Greeks,
 OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE.
219

Greeks , derived its wealth and fplendour from the munificence of CHA P.
X.
the emperor Hadrian, who had conftructed an artificial port on a
coaft left deſtitute by nature of ſecure harbours "". The city was

large and populous ; a double encloſure of walls feemed to defy the

fury of the Goths, and the uſual garriſon had been ſtrengthened by a
reinforcement of ten thouſand men. But there are not any advan-

tages capable of fupplying the abfence of difcipline and vigilance.

The numerous garrifon of Trebizond, diffolved in riot and luxury,

difdained to guard their impregnable fortifications. The Goths foon

diſcovered the fupine negligence of the befieged, erected a lofty pile

of fafcines, afcended the walls in the filence of the night, and

entered the defencelefs city, fword in hand. A general maſſacre of

the people enfued, whilft the affrighted foldiers eſcaped through the

oppofite gates of the town. The moſt holy temples, and the moſt
fplendid edifices, were involved in a common deftruction . The

booty that fell into the hands of the Goths was immenſe : the wealth

of the adjacent countries. had been depoſited in Trebizond, as in a

fecure place of refuge. The number of captives was incredible, as

the victorious barbarians ranged without oppofition through the

extenſive province of Pontus " . The rich ſpoils of Trebizond

filled a great fleet of fhips that had been found in the port. The

robuſt youth of the fea-coaft were chained to the oar ; and the

Goths, fatisfied with the fuccefs of their firft naval expedition ,

returned in triumph to their new eſtabliſhments in the kingdom of

Bofphorus "
".
The fecond expedition of the Goths was undertaken
with The fecond
expedition of
greater powers of men and fhips ; but they fteered a different the Goth .

courſe, and, difdaining the exhauſted provinces of Pontus , followed

108 Xenophon . Anabafis, 1. iv. p. 348.
Edit. Hutchinfon .
109 Arrian , p. 129. The general obfer-
vation is Tournefort's.
110 See an epifle of Gregory Thaumatur
gus, bishop of Neo-Cæfarea, quoted by Maf
cou, V. 37.
311 Zofimus , 1. i . p. 32 , 33 .
the
320 THE DECLINE AND FALL

CHAP.
X. the western coaft of the Euxine, paffed before the wide mouths of

the Boryfthenes, the Niefter, and the Danube, and increaſing their

fleet by the capture of a great number of fiſhing barks, they ap-

proached the narrow outlet through which the Euxine fea pours its

waters into the Mediterranean , and divides the continents of Europe

and Afia. The garrison of Chalcedon was encamped near the

temple of Jupiter Urius, on a promontory that commanded the

entrance of the Strait ; and fo inconfiderable were the dreaded in-

vafions ofthe barbarians, that this body of troops furpaffed in num-

They plun- ber the Gothic army. But it was in numbers alone that they fur-
der the cities
of Bithynia. paffed it. They deferted with precipitation their advantageous

poft, and abandoned the town of Chalcedon, moft plentifully ſtored

with arms and money, to the difcretion of the conquerors. Whilft

they heſitated whether they fhould prefer the fea or land, Europe

or Afia, for the ſcene of their hoftilities, a perfidious fugitive pointed

out Nicomedia, once the capital of the kings of Bithynia, as a

rich and eafy conqueft. He guided the march, which was only
fixty miles from the camp of Chalcedon " , directed the refiftless

attack, and partook of the booty ; for the Goths had learned fufficient

policy to reward the traitor, whom they detefted . Nice, Prufa,

Apæmæa, Cius, cities that had fometimes rivalled , or imitated, the

fplendour of Nicomedia, were involved in the fame calamity, which,

in a few weeks, raged without controul through the whole province

of Bithynia. Three hundred years of peace, enjoyed by the ſoft

inhabitants of Afia, had aboliſhed the exerciſe of arms, and re-

moved the apprehenfion of danger. The ancient walls were fuf-

fered to moulder away, and all the revenue of the moſt opulent
cities was referved for the conftruction of baths , temples, and
theatres 3

* Itiner. Hierofolym. p. 572. Weffeling. 11 Zofimus, 1. i. p. 32, 33.

When
 OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE.
321

When the city of Cyzicus withſtood the utmoſt effort of Mithri- CHA P.
X.
dates " , it was diftinguiſhed by wife laws, a naval power of two
Retreat of
hundred gallies, and three arfenals ; of arms, of military engines, and the Goths.

of corn " . It was ftill the feat of wealth and luxury ; but of its
ancient ftrength, nothing remained except the fituation, in a little

iſland of the Propontis, connected with the continent of Afia only

by two bridges. From the recent fack of Prufa, the Goths ad-
116
vanced within eighteen miles " of the city, which they had de-

voted to deſtruction ; but the ruin of Cyzicus was delayed by a for-

tunate accident. The ſeaſon was rainy, and the lake Apolloniates,

the refervoir of all the fprings of Mount Olympus, rofe to an un-

common height. The little river of Rhyndacus, which iſſues from the
lake, fwelled into a broad and rapid ftream, and ſtopped the progreſs

of the Goths. Their retreat to the maritime city of Heraclea, where

the fleet had probably been ſtationed, was attended by a long train

of waggons, laden with the ſpoils of Bithynia, and was marked by

117
the flames of Nice and Nicodemia, which they wantonly burnt

Some obfcure hints are mentioned of a doubtful combat that ſecured

their retreat " . But even a complete victory would have been of

little moment, as the approach of the autumnal equinox fummoned

them to haften their return. To navigate the Euxine before the month

of May, or after that of September, is eſteemed by the modern Turks

119
the moſt unquestionable inftance of raſhneſs and folly "9.

When we are informed that the third fleet, equipped by the Goths Third naval
120 expedition of
in the ports of Bofphorus, confifted of five hundred fail of fhips the Goths.

114 He befieged the place with 400 gallies,
150,000 foot, and a numerous cavalry. See
Plutarch in Lucul . Appian in Mithridat.
Cicero pro Lege Maniliâ, c . 8.
115 Strabo, 1. xii . p . 573 .
116 Pocock's Deſcription of the Eaſt, 1. ii .
C. 23, 24.
117 Zofimus , 1. i. p. 33 .
11 Syncellus tells an unintelligible ſtory of
Prince Odenathus, who defeated the Goths,
and who was killed by Prince Odenathus.
119 Voyages de Chardin, tom. i. p . 45.
He failed with the Turks from Conftantinople
to Caffa.
110 Syncellus (p. 382.) fpeaks of this ex-
pedition, as undertaken by the Heruli.

VOL. I. Tt our
322 THE DECLINE AND FALL

computes and multiplies the for-

X. P. our ready imagination inftantly
CHA
121
midable armament ; but, as we are affured bythe judicious Strabo ***,

that the piratical veffels ufed by the barbarians of Pontus and the

Leffer Scythia, were not capable of containing more than twenty-

five or thirty men, we may fafely affirm , that fifteen thouſand war-

riors, at the moft, embarked in this great expedition. Impatient of

the limits of the Euxine, they fteered their deftructive courfe from

the Cimmerian to the Thracian Boſphorus. When they had almoſt

gained the middle of the Straits, they were fuddenly driven back
They pass to the entrance of them ; till a favourable wind fpringing up the
the Bofpho-
rus and the next day, carried them in a few hours into the placid fea, or rather
Hellefpont, lake of the Propontis . Their landing on the little ifland of Cyzicus,

was attended with the ruin of that ancient and noble city. From

thence iffuing again through the narrow paffage of the Hellefpont,

they purſued their winding navigation amidst the numerous iſlands

fcattered over the Archipelago, or the Ægean Sea. The affiftance

of captives and deferters muſt have been very neceffary to pilot their

veffels, and to direct their various incurfions, as well on the coaſt of

Greece as on that of Afia. At length the Gothic fleet anchored in

122
the port of Piræus, five miles diftant from Athens " , which had

attempted to make fome preparations for a vigorous defence. Cleo-

damus, one of the engineers employed by the emperor's orders to
fortify the maritime cities againſt the Goths, had already begun to

repair the ancient walls fallen to decay fince the time of Sylla.
The efforts of his fkill were ineffectual, and the barbarians be-
came mafters of the native feat of the mufes and the arts. But

while the conquerors abandoned themſelves to the licenſe of plunder

and intemperance, their fleet, that lay with a flender guard in the

harbour of Piræus, was unexpectedly attacked by the brave Dexip-

pus, who, flying with the engineer Cleodamus from the fack of

121 Strabo, 1. xi . p . 495 . 122 Plin. Hift. Natur. iii. 7.

6 Athens,
 OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE.
323

CHAP .
Athens, collected a hafty band of volunteers, peaſants as well as X.
foldiers, and in fome meaſure avenged the calamities of his
123
country
But this exploit, whatever luftre it might ſhed on the declining ravage
Greece, and
age of Athens, ferved rather to irritate than to fubdue the undaunted threaten
Italy.
fpirit of the northern invaders. A general conflagration blazed out

at the fame time in every diftrict of Greece. Thebes and Argos,

Corinth and Sparta, which had formerly waged fuch memorable wars

against each other, were now unable to bring an army into the field ,

or even to defend their ruined fortifications. The rage of war,

both by land and by fea, fpread from the eaſtern point of Sunium

to the weſtern coaft of Epirus. The Goths had already advanced

within fight of Italy, when the approach of fuch imminent danger

•
awakened the indolent Gallienus from his dream of pleaſure. The

emperor appeared in arms ; and his prefence feems to have checked

Nau- Their divi-
the ardour, and to have divided the ftrength, of the enemy. fions and re-

lobatus, a chief of the Heruli, accepted an honourable capitula- treat.

tion, entered with a large body of his countrymen into the fervice

of Rome, and was invefted with the ornaments of the confular dig-

nity, which had never before been profaned by the hands of a bar-
barian 24. Great numbers of the Goths, difgufted with the perils

and hardſhips of a tedious voyage, broke into Mafia, with a defign

of forcing their way over the Danube to their fettlements in the

Ukraine. The wild attempt would have proved inevitable deſtruc-

tion , if the difcord of the Roman generals had not opened to the
barbarians the means of an eſcape " . The fmall remainder of this

23 Hift. Auguft. p . 181. Victor, c . 33.his own and his countrymen's exploits.
Orofius , vii. 42. Zofimus , 1. i. p. 35. Zo- 124 Syncellus, p. 382. This body of He-
naras, 1. xii . 635. Syncellus, p. 382. It is
ruli was for a long time faithful and famous .
not without fome attention , that we can ex- 125 Claudius, who commanded on the Da-
plain and conciliate their imperfect hints. nube, thought with propriety and acted with
We can ftil difcover fome traces of the fpirit. His colleague was jealous of his fame. 1
partiality of Dexippus, in the relation of Hift. Auguft . p . 181 , 1
1
Tt 2 deftroying I
324 THE DECLINE AND FALL

CHA
X. P. deſtroying hoft returned on board their veffels ; and meaſuring back
their way through the Hellefpont and the Bofphorus, ravaged
in their

paffage the fhores of Troy, whoſe fame, immortalized by Homer,

will probably furvive the memory of the Gothic conquefts. As

foon as they found themſelves in fafety within the baſon of the

Euxine, they landed at Anchialus in Thrace , near the foot of

Mount Hæmus ; and, after all their toils, indulged themſelves in
the uſe of thoſe pleaſant and falutary hot baths. What remained of
the voyage was a ſhort and eaſy navigation 125. Such was the vari-

ous fate of this third and greateft, of their naval enterpriſes . It

may feem difficult to conceive , how the original body of fifteen

thouſand warriors could fuftain the loffes and divifions of fo bold an

adventure. But as their numbers were gradually wafted by the

fword, by fhipwrecks , and by the influence of a warm climate,

they were perpetually renewed by troops of banditti and deferters ,

who flocked to the ſtandard of plunder , and by a crowd of fugitive

flaves, often of German or Sarmatian extraction , who eagerly ſeized

the glorious opportunity of freedom and revenge. In theſe expe-

ditions ,, the Gothic nation claimed a fuperior fhare of honour and

danger ; but the tribes . that fought under the Gothie banners , are

fometimes diſtinguiſhed and fometianes confounded in the imperfect

hiſtories of that age ; and as the barbarian fleets feemed to iffue from
the mouth ofthe Tanais , the vague but familiar appellation of Scy-
127
thians, was frequently beſtowed on the mixt multitude
Ruin of the In the general calamities of mankind, the death of an individual,
temple of
Ephefus. however exalted, the ruin of an edifice, however famous, are paffed

over with careleſs inattention . Yet we cannot forget that the temple

of Diana at Ephefus, after having rifen with increaſing fplendour

from ſeven repeated misfortunes 12 , was finally burnt by the Goths.

126 Jornandes, c. 20. thians to thofe whom Jornandes , and the Latin.
127 Zofimus and the Greeks ( as the au- writers, conftantly repreſent as Goths .
thor of the Philopatris) give the name of Scy- 128 Hift. Auguft. p, 178. Jornandes, c. 20.

in
 OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 325

in their third naval invafion. The arts of Greece, and the wealth CHA P.
X.
of Afia, had conſpired to erect that facred and magnificent ftructure.

It was fupported by an hundred and twenty-feven marble columns

of the Ionic order. They were the gifts of devout monarchs, and

each was fixty feet high. The altar was adorned with the mafterly
fculptures of Praxiteles, who had, perhaps, felected from the favou-

rite legends of the place the birth of the divine children of Latona ,

the concealment of Apollo after the flaughter of the Cyclops, and

the clemency of Bacchus to the vanquiſhed Amazons "29. Yet the

length of the temple of Epheſus was only four hundred and twenty-
five feet, about two-thirds of the meaſure of the church of St.
Peter's at Rome 130. In the other dimenfions, it was ftill more in-

ferior to that fublime production of modern architecture. The

fpreading arms of a Chriſtian croſs require a much greater breadth

than the oblong temples of the Pagans ; and the boldeſt artiſts of

antiquity would have been ſtartled at the propofal of raiſing in

the air a dome of the ſize and proportions of the pantheon. The

temple of Diana was, however, admired as one of the wonders

of the world. Succeffive empires, the Perfian, the Macedonian,

and the Roman , had revered its fanctity, and enriched its fplen-
dour 131 But the rude favages of the Baltic were deftitute of a tafte

for the elegant arts, and they deſpiſed the ideal terrors of a foreign
132
fuperftition " . ་ ་
Another circumſtance is related of theſe invafions, which might Conduct of
the Goths at
deferve our notice, were it not juftly to be fufpected as the fanciful Athens.
I
1
129 Strabo, I. xiv. p. 640. Vitruvius, 1. i. induced them to abridge the extent of the
c. 1. præfat. 1. vii. Tacit. Annal . iii . 61 . fanctuary or afylum, which by fucceffive pri-
Plin . Hift. Nat . xxxvi . 14, vileges had fpread itſelf two ftadia round the
130 The length of St. Peter's is 840 Roman temple. Strabo, 1. xiv . p . ( 41 Tacit. An- 1
palms ; each palm is very little fhort of nine nal . iii . ´o , &c .
English inches . See Greave's Mifcellanies, 132 They offered no facrifices to the Gre-
vol. i . p . 233 ; On the Roman foot. cian gods. See Epiftol. Gregor, Thaumat.
13 The policy, however, of the Romans
conceit
 E
326 THE DECLIN AND FALL

CHAP.
X. conceit of a recent fophift. We are told , that in the fack of Athens
the Goths had collected all the libraries, and were on the point of

fetting fire to this funeral pile of Grecian learning, had not one of

their chiefs , of more refined policy than his brethren , diffuaded

them from the defign ; by the profound obfervation, that as long as

the Greeks were addicted to the ſtudy of books, they would never

apply themſelves to the exercife of arms " . The fagacious coun-

fellor ( fhould the truth of the fact be admitted) reaſoned like an ig-
norant barbarian. In the moft polite and powerful nations, genius
of every kind has diſplayed itſelf about the fame period ; and the

age of ſcience has generally been the age of military virtue and
fuccefs.

Conquest of IV. The new fovereigns of Perfia , Artaxerxes and his fon Sapor,
Armenia by
the Perfians . had triumphed (as we have already feen) over the houfe of Arfaces .

Of the many princes of that ancient race, Chofroes , king of Arme-

nia, had alone preferved both his life and his independence . He

defended himſelf by the natural ftrength of his country ; by the

perpetual refort of fugitives and malecontents ; by the alliance of the

Romans, and, above all, by his own courage. Invincible in arms ,

during a thirty years war, he was at length affaffinated by the emif-

faries of Sapor king of Perfia . The patriotic fatraps of Armenia ,

who afferted the freedom and dignity of the crown , implored the

protection of Rome in favour of Tiridates the lawful heir. But the fon

of Chofroes was an infant, the allies were at a diftance , and the

Perfian monarch advanced towards the frontier at the head of an

irrefiftible force . Young Tiridates, the future hope of his country ,

was faved by the fidelity of a fervant , and Armenia continued

above twenty -seven years a reluctant province of the great monarchy

133 Zonaras, l . xii . p. 635. Such an anec- taigne . He makes use of it in his agreeable
dote was perfectly fuited to the talle of Mon- Effay on Pedantry, 1. i . c. 24.

of
 OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE.
327

of Perfia ¹34•
Elated with this eafy conqueft, and prefuming on the CHA P.
X.
diftreffes or the degeneracy of the Romans, Sapor obliged the ftrong

garrifons of Carrhæ and Nifibis to furrender, and ſpread devaftation

and terror on either fide of the Euphrates.
The lofs of an important frontier, the ruin of a faithful and Valerian
marches into
natural ally, and the rapid fuccefs of Sapor's ambition , affected the Eaft.

Rome with a deep fenfe of the infult as well as of the danger. Va-

lerian flattered himſelf, that the vigilance of his lieutenants would

fufficiently provide for the fafety of the Rhine and of the Danube ;
but he refolved, notwithſtanding his advanced age, to march in

perfon to the defence of the Euphrates. During his progreſs

through Aſia Minor, the naval enterpriſes of the Goths were fuf-

pended, and the afflicted province enjoyed a tranfient and fallacious

calm. He paffed the Euphrates, encountered the Perfian mo-

narch near the walls of Edeffa, was vanquished , and taken prifoner

by Sapor. The particulars of this great event are darkly and im- Is defeated
and taken
perfectly reprefented ; yet, by the glimmering light which is afforded prifoner by
Sapor king
us, we may difcover a long feries of imprudence, of error, and of of Perfia.
deferved misfortunes on the fide of the Roman emperor. He re- A. D. 260.
135
pofed an implicit confidence in Macrianus, his Prætorian præfect "".
That worthless minifter rendered his maſter formidable only to the
136
oppreffed fubjects , and contemptible to the enemies of Rome "3 .

By his weak or wicked counfels, the Imperial army was betrayed

into a fituation, where valour and military fkill were equally un-

availing " . The vigorous attempt of the Romans to cut their way
138
through the Perfian hoft was repulfed with great flaughter "" ; and

Sapor, who encompaffed the camp with fuperior numbers , patiently

134 Mofes Chorenenfis, 1. ii . c . 71. 73 , 74. 135 Hift. Auguft. p. 191. As Macrianus
Zonaras , 1. xii. p . 623. The authentic rela- was an enemy to the Christians, they charged
tion of the Armenian hiftorian ferves to rec- him with being a magician.
tify the confufed account of the Greek . The 138 Zofimus , 1. i . p . 33 .
latter talks of the children of Tiridates , who 137 Hift. Auguft. p. 174 .
at that time was himfelf an infant. 135 Victor. in Cafar. Eutropius, ix. 7.
waited
 E
LIN L
328 THE DEC AND FAL

CHAP.
X. waited till the increaſing rage of famine and peftilence had enſured

his victory. The licentious murmurs of the legions foon accuſed

Valerian as the cauſe of their calamities ; their feditious clamours

demanded an inftant capitulation. An immenfe fum of gold was

offered to purchaſe the permiffion of a difgraceful retreat. But the

Perfian, confcious of his fuperiority, refufed the money with dif

dain ; and detaining the deputies, advanced in order of battle to

the foot of the Roman rampart, and inſiſted on a perſonal confer-

ence with the emperor. Valerian was reduced to the neceffity of

intruſting his life and dignity to the faith of an enemy. The in-
terview ended as it was natural to expect. The emperor was made
139
a priſoner, and his aſtoniſhed troops laid down their arms In

ſuch a moment of triumph, the pride and policy of Sapor prompted

him to fill the vacant throne with a fucceffor entirely dependent on

his pleaſure. Cyriades, an obfcure fugitive of Antioch, ftained

with every vice, was choſen to diſhonour the Roman purple ; and

the will of the Perſian victor could not fail of being ratified by the
acclamations, however reluctant, of the captive army " .
Sapor over-
The imperial flave was eager to fecure the favour of his maſter,
runs Syria,
Cilicia, and by an act of treaſon to his native country. He conducted Sapor
Cappadocia.
over the Euphrates, and by the way of Chalcis to the metropolis of

the Eaft. So rapid were the motions of the Perfian cavalry, that, if
we may credit a very judicious hiftorian ", the city of Antioch was

furprifed when the idle multitude was fondly gazing on the amuſe-

ments of the theatre. The fplendid buildings of Antioch, private

as well as public, were either pillaged or deſtroyed ; and the nume-

139 Zofimus, 1. i. p. 33. Zonaras, 1. xii. probable feries of events to the doubtful chro-
p. 630. Peter Patricius in the Excerpta Le- nology of a moſt inaccurate writer..
gat. p. 29. 141 The fack of Antioch, anticipated by
140 Hift . Auguft . p. 185. The reign of fome hiftorian , is affigned , by the decifive
Cyriades appears in that collection prior to teftimony of Ammianus Marcellinus , to the
the death ofValerian ; but I have preferred a reign of Gallienus , xxiii. 5 .

rous
 OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 329

rous inhabitants were put to the fword, or led away into captivity " . CHA P.
X.
The tide of devaftation was ſtopped for a moment by the refolution

of the high priest of Emefa. Arrayed in his facerdotal robes, he

appeared at the head of a great body of fanatic peaſants, armed only

with flings, and defended his god and his property from the facri-
legious hands of the followers of Zoroafter '43. But the ruin of

Tarfus, and of many other cities, furniſhes a melancholy proof

that, except in this fingular inſtance, the conqueft of Syria and

Cilicia fcarcely interrupted the progrefs of the Perfian arms. The

advantages of the narrow paffes of mount Taurus were abandoned,

in which an invader, whoſe principal force confifted in his cavalry,

would have been engaged in a very unequal combat : and Sapor was

permitted to form the fiege of Cæfarea, the capital of Cappadocia ; a

city, though of the fecond rank, which was fuppofed to contain

four hundred thouſand inhabitants . Demofthenes commanded in

the place, not fo much by the commiffion of the emperor, as in the

voluntary defence of his country. For a long time he deferred its

fate ; and, when at laft Cæfarea was betrayed by the perfidy of a

phyſician, he cut his way through the Perfians, who had been or-

dered to exert their utmoſt diligence to take him alive. This heroic
chief eſcaped the power of a foe, who might either have honoured

or puniſhed his obftinate valour ; but many thouſands of his fel- 1

low-citizens were involved in a general maffacre, and Sapor is ac-

cuſed of treating his priſoners with wanton and unrelenting cru-

elty ". Much ſhould undoubtedly be allowed for national animo-

fity, much for humbled pride and impotent revenge ; yet, upon the

whole, it is certain, that the fame prince, who, in Armenia, had

diſplayed the mild afpect of a legiflator, fhewed himſelf to the Ro-

142 Zofimus, l. i. p. 35 . 144 Zonaras, 1. xii. p. 630. Deep vallies

143 John Malala, tom. i . p . 391. He cor- were filled up with the flain . Crowds of pri-
rupts this probable event by ſome fabulous foners were driven to water like beaſts, and
circumftances. many periſhed for want of food.
VOL. I. U u mans
 THE DECLINE AND FALL
330

СНАР.
mans under the ftern features of a conqueror. He defpaired of
X.
making any permanent eſtabliſhment in the empire, and fought only

to leave behind him a waſted defert, whilſt he tranſported into Perſia

145
the people and the treaſures of the provinces " .
Boldness and At the time when the Eaft trembled at the name of Sapor, he
fuccefs of
Odenathus received a prefent not unworthy of the greateſt kings ; a long train
against Sa- of camels laden with the moſt rare and valuable merchandifes. The
por.
rich offering was accompanied with an epiftle, refpectful but not fer-

vile, from Odenathus, one of the nobleſt and moſt opulent fenators
of Palmyra. " Who is this Odenathus (faid the haughty Victor,

" and he commanded that the prefents fhould be caft into the Eu-
66
phrates), that he thus infolently prefumes to write to his lord ? If

" he entertains a hope of mitigating his puniſhment, let him fall pro-
" ftrate before the foot of our throne with his hands bound behind

" his back. Should he heſitate, fwift deftruction fhall be poured

66 on his head, on his whole race, and on his country 46 99 The
•"

defperate extremity to which the Palmyrenian was reduced, called

into action all the latent powers of his foul. He met Sapor ; but

he met him in arms. Infufing his own ſpirit into a little army col-
147 148
lected from the villages of Syria "*", and the tents of the defert ¹**,

he hovered round the Perfian hoft, haraffed their retreat, carried off

part of the treaſure, and , what was dearer than any treaſure, ſeveral

of the women of the Great King ; who was at laft obliged to repaſs

the Euphrates with fome marks of hafte and confufion "

". By this

exploit, Odenathus laid the foundations of his future fame and for-

145 Zofimus, 1. i . p . 25. afferts , that Sa- in making Odenathus a citizen of Palmyra .
por, had he not preferred fpoil to conquest, 148 He poffeffed fo powerful an intercit
might have remained mafter of Aſia . among the wandering tribes, that Procopius
146 Peter Patricius in Excerpt. Leg. p. 29. (Bell . Perfic. 1. ii. c. 5.) and John Malala
147 Syrorum agreftium manû. Sextus Ru- (tom . i . p . 391. ) ſtyle him Prince of the Sa-
fus, c. 23. Rufus , Victor, the Auguftan Hif- racens .
tory (p . 192. ) , and feveral infcriptions agree 149 Peter Patricius, p. 25 .

3 tunes.
 OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 331

tunes. The majeſty of Rome, oppreffed by a Perfian, was protected CHA P.

X.
by a Syrian or Arab of Palmyra.

The voice of hiftory, which is often little more than the organ Treatmentof
Valerian.
of hatred or flattery, reproaches Sapor with a proud abuſe of the

rights of conqueft. We are told that Valerian, in chains, but in-

veſted with the Imperial purple, was expoſed to the multitude a con-
ftant fpectacle of fallen greatnefs ; and that whenever the Perfian

monarch mounted on horſeback, he placed his foot on the neck of

a Roman emperor. Notwithſtanding all the remonftrances of his A

allies, who repeatedly adviſed him to remember the viciffitude of

fortune, to dread the returning power of Rome, and to make his

illuftrious captive the pledge of peace, not the object of infult, Sapor

ftill remained inflexible. When Valerian funk under the weight of

fhame and grief, his fkin, ftuffed with ſtraw, and formed into the

likeneſs of a human figure, was preſerved for ages in the moſt cele-

brated temple of Perfia ; a more real monument of triumph, than

the fancied trophies of braſs and marble ſo often erected by Roman

vanity . The tale is moral and pathetic, but the truth of it may
very fairly be called in queſtion . The letters ftill extant from the

princes of the Eaft to Sapor, are manifeſt forgeries "

" ; nor is it na-

tural to ſuppoſe that a jealous monarch ſhould, even in the perſon

of a rival, thus publicly degrade the majefty of kings. Whatever

treatment the unfortunate Valerian might experience in Perfia, it is

at leaſt certain, that the only emperor of Rome who had ever fallen

into the hands of the enemy, languiſhed away his life in hopeleſs

captivity.

150 The Pagan writers lament, the Chrift-
ian infult, the misfortunes of Valerian. Their
various teftimonies are accurately collected by
Tillemont, tom . iii . p. 739, &c. So little
has been preferved of eaftern hiftory before
Mahomet, that the modern Perfians are to-
tally ignorant of the victory of Sapor, an
Uu 2
event fo glorious to their nation . See Biblio-
theque Orientale .
151 One of thefe epiftles is from Artavafdes,
king of Armenia : fince Armenia was then a
province in Perfia, the king, the kingdom ,
and the epiftle, muſt be fictitious.
The
332 THE DECLINE AND FALL

CHAP.
The emperor Gallienus, who had long ſupported with impatience
X.
the cenforial feverity of his father and colleague, received the in-
Character
and admini- telligence of his misfortunes with fecret pleafure and avowed
Atration of
Gallienus. indifference. " I knew that my father was a mortal," faid he,

" and fince he has acted as becomes a brave man, I am fatisfied."

Whilſt Rome lamented the fate of her fovereign, the favage cold-

neſs of his ſon was extolled by the fervile courtiers , as the perfect

firmneſs of a hero and a ftoic ". It is difficult to paint the light,

the various, the inconftant character of Gallienus, which he dif-

played without conftraint, as foon as he became fole poffeffor of the

empire. In every art that he attempted, his lively genius enabled

him to fucceed ; and as his genius was deftitute of judgment , he

attempted every art, except the important ones of war and govern-
ment. He was a maſter of ſeveral curious but uſeleſs ſciences,

a ready orator, and elegant poet " , a fkilful gardener, an excellent

cook, and moſt contemptible prince. When the great emergencies

of the ftate required his prefence and attention, he was engaged in

converſation with the philofopher Plotinus " , wafting his time in

trifling or licentious pleaſures, preparing his initiation to the Grecian

myfteries, or foliciting a place in the Areopagus of Athens. His pro-

fufe magnificence infulted the general poverty ; the folemn ridicule of

his triumphs impreſſed a deeper ſenſe of the public diſgrace " . The re-

peated

152 See his life in the Auguftan History. Life of Plotinus, by Porphyry, in Fabricius's
153 There is ftill extant a very pretty Epi Biblioth . Græc. 1. iv.
thalamium, compofed by Gallienus for the 155 A medal which bears the head of Gal-
nuptials of his nephews.
lienus has perplexed the antiquarians by its
Ite ait, O Juvenes, pariter fudate medullis legend and reverfe ; the former Galliena Au-
Omnibus, inter vos ; non murmura veftra guste, the latter Ubique Pax. M. Spanheim
columbæ, fuppofes that the coin was ftruck byfome ofthe
Brachia non Hederæ, non vincant ofcula enemies of Gallienus , and was defigned as a fe-
Concha. verefatire on that effeminate prince. But as the
15+ He was on the point of giving Plotinus ufe of irony mayfeem unworthy of the gravity
a ruined city of Campania, to try the experi- of the Roman mint, M. de Vallemont has de-
ment of realizing Plato's Republic. See the duced from a paffage of Trebellius Pollio
(Hift.
7
 OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 333

peated intelligence of invafions, defeats, and rebellions, he received CHA P.

X.
with a careleſs fmile ; and fingling out, with affected contempt,

fome particular production of the loft province, he careleſsly aſked ,

whether Rome muſt be ruined, unless it was fupplied with linen

from Egypt, and Arras cloth from Gaul ? There were, however,
a few short moments in the life of Galienus, when, exafperated by

fome recent injury, he fuddenly appeared the intrepid foldier, and

the cruel tyrant ; till fatiated with blood, or fatigued by refiftance,
he infenfibly funk into the natural mildnefs and indolence of his
character '56.·

At a time when the reins of government were held with ſo looſe The thirty
a hand, it is not ſurpriſing, that a crowd of ufurpers ſhould ſtart tyrants.
up

in every province of the empire againſt the ſon of Valerian. It

was probably ſome ingenious fancy, of comparing the thirty ty-

rants of Rome with the thirty tyrants of Athens, that induced the
writers of the Auguſtan hiſtory to ſelect that celebrated number,

which has been gradually received into a popular appellation " .

But in every light the parallel is idle and defective. What refem-

blance can we difcover between a council of thirty perfons, the

united oppreffors of a fingle city, and an uncertain lift of independ-

ent rivals, who rofe and fell in irregular fucceffion through the ex-

tent of a vaſt empire ? Nor can the number of thirty be completed ,

unless we include in the account the women and children who were

honoured with the Imperial title. The reign of Gallienus, diftracted

(Hift. Auguft. p. 198. ) an ingenious and na-
tural folution . Galliena was firſt couſin to
the emperor. By delivering Africa from the
ufurper Celfus, fhe deferved the title of Au-
guſta . On a medal in the French king's col-
lection, we read a fimilar infcription of Fau-
fina Augufta round the head of Marcus Aure-
lius. With regard to the Ubique Pax, it is
eafily explained by the vanity of Gallienus,
who feized, perhaps, the occafion of ſome
momentary calm. See Nouvelles de la Re-
publique des Lettres. Janvier 1700. p . 21-
34.
156 This fingular character has, I believe ,
been fairly tranfmitted to us . The reign of
his immediate fucceffor was fhort and bufy ;
and the hiftorians who wrote before the eleva-
tion of the family of Conftantine, could not
have the most remote intereft to misreprefent
the character of Gallienus.
157 Pollio exprefies the moft minute anxiety
to complete the number.
as
-334 THE DECLINE AND FALL

CHAP. as it was, produced only nineteen pretenders to the throne ; Cy-

X.
riades, Macrianus, Baliſta, Odenathus, and Zenobia in the eaft ;
Their real
number was in Gaul, and the weſtern provinces, Pofthumus, Lollianus, Victo-
no more than
nineteen. rinus and his mother Victoria, Marius, and Tetricus. In Illyricum

and the confines of the Danube , Ingenuus, Regillianus, and Au-

reolus ; in Pontus 158, Saturninus ; in Ifauria, Trebellianus ; Pifo

in Theffaly ; Valens in Achaia ; Emilianus in Egypt ; and Celfus

in Africa. To illuftrate the obfcure monuments of the life and

death of each individual, would prove a laborious taſk, alike barren

of inſtruction and of amuſement. We may content ourſelves with

inveſtigating ſome general characters, that moft flrongly mark the

condition of the times, and the manners of the men, their preten-

fions, their motives, their fate, and the 'deftructive confequences of

their ufurpation "".

Character It is fufficiently known, that the odious appellation of Tyrant was

and merit of
the tyrants. often employed by the ancients to exprefs the illegal feizure of
fupreme power, without any reference to the abuſe of it. Several

of the pretenders, who raiſed the ſtandard of rebellion againſt the

emperor Gallienus, were fhining models of virtue, and almoſt all

poffeffed a confiderable fhare of vigour and ability. Their merit

had recommended them to the favour of Valerian, and gradually

promoted them to the most important commands of the empire.

The generals, who affumed the title of Auguftus, were either

reſpected by their troops for their able conduct and fevere diſcipline,
or admired for valour and fuccefs in war, or beloved for frankneſs

and generoſity. ' The field of victory was often the ſcene of their
election ; and even the armourer Marius, the moſt contemptible of

all the candidates for the purple, was diftinguished however by

158 The place of his reign is fomewhat 159 Tillemont, tom. iii . p. 1163 , reckons
doubtful; but there was a tyrant in Pontus,and them fomewhat differently.
we are acquainted with the feat ofall the others.

intrepid
 OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE.
335
160
intrepid courage, matchleſs ſtrength, and blunt honeſty • His СНА Р.
X.
mean and recent trade caft indeed an air of ridicule on his ele-

vation ; but his birth could not be more obfcure than was that of Their ob-
fcure birth.
the greater part of his rivals, who were born of peaſants, and
inliſted in the army as private foldiers. In times of confufion,

every active genius finds the place affigned him by Nature : in a

general ſtate of war, military merit is the road to glory and to

greatneſs . Of the nineteen tyrants, Tetricus only was a fenator ;
Pifo alone was a noble. The blood of Numa, through twenty- eight

fucceffive generations, ran in the veins of Calphurnius Pifo " , who,

by female alliances, claimed a right of exhibiting, in his houſe, the

images of Craffus and of the great Pompey 16. His anceſtors had

been repeatedly dignified with all the honours which the common-
wealth could beftow ; and of all the ancient families of Rome, the

Calphurnian alone had ſurvived the tyranny of the Cæfars. The

perfonal qualities of Pifo

of Pifo added
added new luftre to his race. The

ufurper Valens, by whofe order he was killed, confefled , with deep

remorſe, that even an enemy ought to have reſpected the fanctity of

Pifo ; and although he died in arms againſt Gallienus, the fenate,

with the emperor's generous permiffion , decreed the triumphal or-

naments to the memory of fo virtuous a rebel 163.·

The lieutenants of Valerian were grateful to the father, whom
The caufes
of their re-
they esteemed. They difdained to ferve the luxurious indolence of
bellion.
his unworthy fon. The throne of the Roman world was unfup-

160 See the fpeech of Marius, in the Au- generation from Auguftus to Alexander Se-
guftan Hiftory, p . 197. The accidental iden- verus, one or more Pifos appear as confuls.
tity of names was the only circumstance that A Pifo was deemed worthy of the throne by
could tempt Pollio to imitate Salluft. Auguftus (Tacit. Annal . i. 13. ) . A fecond
161 Vos, O Pompilius fanguis ! is Horace's headed a formidable confpiracy against Nero ;
addrefs to the Fifos . See Art. Poet. v. 292, and a third was adopted, and declared Cæfar
with Dacier's and Sanadon's notes . by Galba.
162 Tacit. Annal . xv . 43. Hift. i . 15. In 163 Hift. Auguft. p. 195. The fenate, in
the former of thefe paffages we may venture a moment of enthufiafm, feems to have pre-
to change paterna into materna. In every fumed on the approbation of Gallienus.

ported
 INE
336 THE DECL AND FALL

CHAP.
X. ported by any principle of loyalty ; and treaſon, againſt ſuch a
prince, might eaſily be confidered as patriotiſm to the ftate. Yet if

we examine with candour the conduct of thefe ufurpers, it will ap-

pear, that they were much oftener driven into rebellion by their

fears, than urged to it by their ambition. They dreaded the cruel

fufpicions of Gallienus ; they equally dreaded the capricious violence

of their troops. If the dangerous favour of the army had impru-

dently declared them deferving of the purple, they were marked for

ſure deſtruction ; and even prudence would counſel them , to fecure a

fhort enjoyment of empire, and rather to try the fortune of war , than
to expect the hand of an executioner. When the clamour of the

foldiers inveſted the reluctant victims with the enfigns of ſovereign

authority, they fometimes mourned in fecret their approaching fate.

" You have loft," faid Saturninus, on the day of his elevation ,
66 you have loft a uſeful commander, and you have made a very

" wretched emperor "64.

Their violent The apprehenfions of Saturninus were juftified by the repeated

deaths.
experience of revolutions. Of the nineteen tyrants who ſtarted up

under the reign of Gallienus , there was not one who enjoyed a life
of peace, or a natural death . As foon as they were invefted with

the bloody purple, they inſpired their adherents with the fame fears
and ambition which had occafioned their own revolt. Encom-

paſſed with domeftic confpiracy, military fedition , and civil war,

they trembled on the edge of precipices, in which, after a longer or

ſhorter term of anxiety, they were inevitably loft. Theſe precarious

monarchs received, however, fuch honours, as the flattery of their

reſpective armies and provinces could beftow ; but their claim,

founded on rebellion, could never obtain the fanction of law or

hiftory. Italy, Rome, and the fenate, conftantly adhered to the

cauſe of Gallienus, and he alone was confidered as the fovereign of

164 Hift. Auguft. p. 196.

the
 OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE.
337

the empire. That prince condefcended indeed to acknowledge the CHAP.

X.
victorious arms of Odenathus, who deferved the honourable diftinc- མར་

tion, by the reſpectful conduct which he always maintained towards

the ſon of Valerian . With the general applauſe of the Romans, and
the confent of Gallienus, the fenate conferred the title of Auguftus

on the brave Palmyrenian ; and ſeemed to intruft him with the go-
vernment of the Eaft, which he already poffeffed, in fo independent

a manner, that, like a private fucceffion, he bequeathed it to his

illuftrious widow Zenobia 165.

The rapid and perpetual tranfitions fromcottage to the Fatal confe

the
quences of
throne, and from the throne to the grave, might have amufed an thefe ufurpa-
tions.
indifferent philofopher ; were it poffible for a philoſopher to remain

indifferent amidft the general calamities of human kind. The

election of theſe precarious emperors, their power and their death,

were equally deſtructive to their ſubjects and adherents. The price

of their fatal elevation was inftantly diſcharged to the troops, by an

immenfe donative, drawn from the bowels of the exhaufted people.

However virtuous was their character, however pure their inten

tions, they found themſelves reduced to the hard neceffity of fupport-

ing their ufurpation by frequent acts of rapine and cruelty. When

they fell, they involved armies and provinces in their fall. There is

ftill extant a moft favage mandate from Gallienus to one of his

miniſters, after the fuppreffion of Ingenuus, who had affumed the

purple in Illyricum. " It is not enough," fays that foft but in-
human prince , " that you exterminate fuch as have appeared in

arms : the chance of battle might have ſerved me as effectually.

" The male fex of every age must be extirpated ; provided that, in

" the execution of the children and old men, you can contrive

means to fave our reputation. Let every one die who has dropt

165 The affociation of the brave Palmyre- reign of Gallienus . Hift. Auguft. p. 180.
nian was the most popular act of the whole
VOL. I. X x " an
 E
LIN L
THE DEC AND FAL
338

CHA P. " an expreffion, who has entertained a thought againſt me, againſt
X.
66
me, the fon of Valerian , the father and brother of ſo many
66
princes 166. Remember that Ingenuus was made emperor : tear,

" kill, hew in pieces. I write to you with my own hand, and
167 99
" would inſpire you with my own feelings """." Whilft the public

forces of the ftate were diffipated in private quarrels, the defence-

leſs provinces lay expoſed to every invader. The braveſt uſurpers

were compelled, by the perplexity of their fituation , to conclude ig-

nominious treaties with the common enemy, to purchafe with op-

preffive tributes the neutrality or fervices of the barbarians, and to

introduce hoftile and independent nations into the heart of the Ro-
168
man monarchy' •

Such were the barbarians, and fuch the tyrants, who, under the

reigns of Valerian and Gallienus, difmembered the provinces, and

reduced the empire to the loweſt pitch of difgrace and ruin, from

whence it feemed impoffible that it should ever emerge. As far as

the barrennefs of materials would permit, we have attempted to

trace, with order and perfpicuity, the general events of that cala-
mitous period. There ftill remain fome particular facts ; I. The

diforders of Sicily ; II. The tumults of Alexandria ; and, III . The

rebellion of the Ifaurians, which may ferve to reflect a ſtrong light

on the horrid picture.
Diſorders of
1. Whenever numerous troops of banditti, multiplied by fuccefs
Sicily.
and impunity, publicly defy, inſtead of eluding the juſtice of their
country, we may fafely infer, that the exceffive weakneſs of the:

166 Gallienus had given the titles of Cæfar mont, tom. iii. and M. de Brequigny in the
and Auguftus to his fon Saloninus , flain at Memoires de l'Academie, tom . xxxii . p . 262..
Cologn by the ufurper Pofthumus. A fecond
167 Hift. Auguft. p. 188.
fon of Gallienus fucceeded to the name and
rank of his elder brother. Valerian , the 183 Regillianus had fome bands of Roxo--
brother of Gallienus, was alfo affociated to lani in his fervice. Pofthumus a body of
the empire : feveral other brothers, fifters, Franks. It was perhaps in the character of
nephews, and nieces of the emperor, formed auxiliaries that the latter introduced them-
a very numerous royal family . See Tille- felves into Spain.
government
5
 OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE.
339

government is felt and abuſed by the loweſt ranks of the community. CHA
X. P.

The fituation of Sicily preferved it from the barbarians ; nor could

the difarmed province have fupported an ufurper. The ſufferings of

that once flouriſhing and ftill fertile iſland, were inflicted by baſer
hands. A licentious crowd of flaves and peaſants reigned for a while

over the plundered country, and renewed the memory of the fervile
wars of more ancient times 19. Devaftations, of which the husband-

man was either the victim or the accomplice, muft have ruined the

agriculture of Sicily ; and as the principal eftates were the property

of the opulent fenators of Rome, who often encloſed within a farm

the territory of an old republic , it is not improbable, that this private

injury might affect the capital more deeply, than all the conqueſts of
the Goths or the Perfians.

II . The foundation of Alexandria was a noble defign, at once Tumults of

Alexandria.
conceived and executed by the fon of Philip. The beautiful and

regular form of that great city, fecond only to Rome itſelf, compre-

hended a circumference of fifteen miles 170 ; it was peopled by three

hundred thouſand free inhabitants, befides at leaſt an equal number

• of flaves " . The lucrative trade of Arabia and India flowed

through the port of Alexandria, to the capital and provinces of the

empire. Idleneſs was unknown. Some were employed in blowing

of glaſs, others in weaving of linen , others again manufacturing

the papyrus. Either fex, and every age, was engaged in the pur-

fuits of induſtry, nor did even the blind or the lame want occupa-
172
tions fuited to their condition " 2. But the people of Alexandria, a

various mixture of nations, united the vanity and inconftancy of

the Greeks, with the fuperftition and obftinacy of the Egyptians.

The moſt trifling occafion , a tranfient fcarcity of flesh or lentils, the

169 The Auguftan Hiftory, p. 177 , calls 171 Diodor. Sicul . 1. xvii . p . 590. Edit.
it fervile bellum. See Diodor. Sicul . 1 . Weffeling.
xxxiv. 172 See a very curious letter of Hadrian , in
170 Plin . Hift . Natur. v. 10 .
the Augustan Hiftory , p . 245 .
X x 2 neglect
340 THE DECLINE AND FALL

CHA P. neglect of an accuſtomed falutation, a miſtake of precedency in the

X.
public baths, or even a religious difpute ", were at any time fufficient

to kindle a fedition among that vaft multitude, whoſe reſentments

were furious and implacable " . After the captivity of Valerian and

the infolence of his fon had relaxed the authority of the laws, the

Alexandrians abandoned themſelves to the ungoverned rage of their

paffions, and their unhappy country was the theatre of a civil war,

which continued (with a few ſhort and ſuſpicious truces) above twelve
175
years "". All intercourſe was cut off between the ſeveral quarters of

the afflicted city, every ftreet was polluted with blood, every building

of ſtrength converted into a citadel ; nor did the tumults fubfide, till

a confiderable part of Alexandria was irretrievably ruined. The

fpacious and magnificent diſtrict of Bruchion, with its palaces and

mufæum, the refidence of the kings and philofophers of Egypt, is

deſcribed above a century afterwards , as already reduced to its preſent

ftate of dreary folitude " .

Rebellion of III. The obfcure rebellion of Trebellianus, who affumed the

the Ifaurians.
purple in Ifauria, a petty province of Afia Minor, was attended with

ſtrange and memorable confequences. The pageant of royalty was

foon deſtroyed by an officer of Gallienus ; but his followers , de-

fpairing of mercy, refolved to ſhake off their allegiance, not only to

the emperor, but to the empire, and fuddenly returned to the favage

manners, from which they had never perfectly been reclaimed.

Their craggy rocks, a branch of the wide extended Taurus, pro-

tected their inacceffible retreat. The tillage of fome fertile
vallies '77 fupplied them with neceffaries, and a habit of rapine

with the luxuries of life. In the heart of the Roman monarchy,

73 Such as the facrilegious murder of a 175 Dionyfius apud Eufeb. Hift . Ecclef.
divine cat. See Diodor. Sicul. 1. i. vol. vii. p. 21. Ammian. xxii. 16 .
174 Hift. Auguft. p. 195. This long and 176 Scaliger Animadver . ad Eufeb . Chron .
terrible fedition was firft occafioned by a dif. p. 258. Three differtations of M. Bonamy,
pute between a foldier and a townfman about in the Mem . de l'Academie , tom. ix.
a pair of fhoes . 177 Strabo, I. xii. p. 569.
6 the
 OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE.
341

the Ifaurians long continued Suc- CHA P.

a nation of wild barbarians.
X.
ceeding princes, unable to reduce them to obedience, either by arms

or policy, were compelled to acknowledge their weakneſs , by fur-

rounding the hoſtile and independent ſpot, with a ftrong chain of

fortifications 7 , which often proved infufficient to reftrain the in-

curfions of thefe domeftic foes. The Ifaurians, gradually extending

their territory to the fea-coaft, fubdued the weſtern and mountainous

part of Cilicia, formerly the neft of thoſe daring pirates, againſt

whom the republic had once been obliged to exert its utmoſt force,
179
under the conduct of the great Pompey

Our habits of thinking fo order of the Famine and

fondly connect the
peftilence .
univerſe with the fate of man, that this gloomy period of hiftory

has been decorated with inundations , earthquakes, uncommon me-

teors, preternatural darkneſs, and a crowd of prodigies fictitious or

exaggerated . But a long and general famine was a calamity of a

more ſerious kind. It was the inevitable confequence of rapine and

oppreffion, which extirpated the produce of the prefent, and the

hope of future harveſts. Famine is almoſt always followed by epi-

demical diſeaſes, the effect of fcanty and unwholeſome food. Other

cauſes muſt however have contributed to the furious plague, which,

from the year two hundred and fifty, to the year two hundred and
fixty-five, raged without interruption in every province, every

city, and almoſt every family, of the Roman empire. During fome

time five thousand perfons died daily in Rome ; and many towns,

that had eſcaped the hands of the barbarians, were entirely depopu-
lated 181

We have the knowledge of a very curious circumftance, of fome ufe Diminution

ofthe human
perhaps in the melancholy calculation of human calamities. An fpecies.

178 Hift . Auguſt . p . 197 . 191 Hift . Auguft. p. 177. Zofimus , 1. i .

179 See Cellarius, Georg. Antiq. tom . ii . p. 24. Zonaras, 1. xii . p . 623. Eufeb. Chro-
P. 137. upon the limits of Ifauria. nicen. Victor in Epitom . Victor in Cæfar.
180 Hift . Auguft . p . 177 . Eutropius, ix. 5. Orofius, vii . 21 .
exact
 342 THE DECLINE AND FALL

CHA
X. P. exa& regifler was kept at Alexandria, of all the citizens entitled to
receive the diftribution of corn. It was found, that the ancient

number of thofe compriſed between the ages of forty and feventy,

had been equal to the whole fum of claimants, from fourteen to

fourſcore years of age, who remained alive after the reign of Gal-

lienus . Applying this authentic fact to the moſt correct tables

of mortality, it evidently proves, that above half the people of

Alexandria had perifhed ; and could we venture to extend the ana-

logy to the other provinces, we might fufpect, that war, peftilence,

and famine, had confumed, in a few years, the moiety of the hu-

man fpecies " .

182 Eufeb. Hift. Ecclef. vii. 21. The fact 183 In a great number of parishes 11,000
is taken from the Letters of Dionyfius, who, perfons were found between fourteen and
in the time of thofe troubles, was bishop of eighty ; 5365 between forty and ſeventy. See
Alexandria. Buffon, Hiftoire Naturelle, tom. ii. p. 590.
1
 OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 343

CHA P. XI.

Reign of Claudius.- Defeat of the Goths. -Victories, Tri-

umph, and Death, of Aurelian.

NDER the deplorable reigns of Valerian and Gallienus, the CHA P.

XI.
U
empire was oppreffed and almoſt deſtroyed by the foldiers,
the tyrants, and the barbarians. It was faved by a ſeries of great

princes, who derived their obfcure origin from the martial provinces

of Illyricum . Within a period of about thirty years, Claudius,

Aurelian , Probus, Diocletian and his colleagues , triumphed over the

foreign and domeftic enemies of the ftate, re- eſtabliſhed, with the
military difcipline, the ftrength of the frontiers, and deferved the

glorious title of Reftorers of the Roman world.

The removal of an effeminate tyrant made way for a fucceffion of Aureolus in-
vades Italy, is
heroes. The indignation of the people imputed all their calamities defeated and
befieged at
to Gallienus, and the far greater part were, indeed, the confequence Milan.
of his diffolute manners and carelefs adminiftration . He was even

deftitute of a fenfe of honour, which fo frequently fupplies the ab-

fence of public virtue ; and as long as he was permitted to enjoy the

poffeffion of Italy, a victory of the barbarians, the lofs of a pro-

vince, or the rebellion of a general, feldom diſturbed the tranquil

courfe of his pleaſures. At length, a confiderable army, ftationed A. D. 268..

on the Upper Danube, inveſted with the Imperial purple their leader
Aureolus ;
who disdaining a confined and barren reign over the

mountains of Rhætia, paffed the Alps , occupied Milan , threatened

Rome, and challenged Gallienus to difpute in the field the fove-

reignty of Italy. The emperor, provoked by the infult, and alarmed

by the inftant danger, fuddenly exerted that latent vigour, which
fometimes broke through the indolence of his temper. Forcing

himfelf
 344 THE DECLINE AND FALL

CHAP. himself from the luxury of the palace, he appeared in arms at the
XI.
head of his legions, and advanced beyond the Po to encounter his

competitor. The corrupted name of Pontirolo ' ftill preferves the

memory of a bridge over the Adda, which, during the action, muſt

have proved an object of the utmoſt importance to both armies.

The Rhætian ufurper, after receiving a total defeat and a dangerous

wound, retired into Milan. The fiege of that great city was im-
I
mediately formed ; the walls were battered with every engine in
ule among the ancients ; and Aureolus, doubtful of his internal

ftrength, and hopeleſs of foreign fuccours, already anticipated the

fatal confequences of unfuccefsful rebellion .

His laft refource was an attempt to feduce the loyalty of the

befiegers. He ſcattered libels through their camp, inviting the troops

to defert an unworthy mafter, who facrificed the public happineſs to

his luxury, and the lives of his moſt valuable fubjects to the
flighteft fufpicions. The arts of Aureolus diffuſed fears and difcon-

tent among the principal officers of his rival. A confpiracy was

formed by Heraclianus the Prætorian præfect, by Marcian a general

of rank and reputation, and by Cecrops, who commanded a

numerous body of Dalmatian guards. The death of Gallienus was

refolved ; and notwithſtanding their defire of firft terminating the

fiege of Milan , the extreme danger which accompanied every mo-

ment's delay, obliged them to haften the execution of their daring

purpoſe. At a late hour of the night, but while the emperor ftill

protracted the pleaſures of the table, an alarm was fuddenly given ,

that Aureolus, at the head of all his forces, had made a deſperate

fally from the town ; Gallienus, who was never deficient in perfonal

bravery, ftarted from his filken couch, and, without allowing himſelf
1
Pons Aureoli, thirteen miles from Ber- and Auftrians. The excellent relation of the
gamo, and thirty-two from Milan . See Clu- Chevalier de Folard, who was prefent, gives
ver. Italia Antiq. tom. i. p. 245. Near this a very diftin&t idea of the ground, See Po
place, in the year 1703 , the obftinate battle lybe de Folard , tom . iii. p. 223-248.
of Caffano was fought between the French
time
 OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 345

time either to put on his armour, or to affemble his guards , he CHA P.

XI.
mounted on horfeback, and rode full fpeed toward the fuppofed
place of the attack. Encompaffed by his declared or concealed

enemies, he foon, amidst the nocturnal tumult, received a mortal

dart from an uncertain hand. Before he expired, a patriotic fenti- A. D. 263 .

Marc h 20.
ment rifing in the mind of Gallienus, a Death of
induced him to name
Gallienus.
deferving fucceffor, and it was his laſt requeſt, that the Imperial
ornaments ſhould be delivered to Claudius, who then commanded a
detached army in the neighbourhood of Pavia. The report at leaſt

was diligently propagated, and the order cheerfully obeyed by the

confpirators, who had already agreed to place Claudius on the

throne. On the first news of the emperor's death, the troops ex-

preffed fome fufpicion and refentment, till the one was removed, and

the other affuaged, by a donative of twenty pieces of gold to each

foldier. They then ratified the election , and acknowledged the merit
of their new fovereign '.

The obfcurity which covered the origin of Claudius, though it was Character
and elevation
afterwards embellished by fome flattering fictions³ , fufficiently be- of the empe-
ror Claudius
trays the meanneſs of his birth. We can only diſcover that he was

a native of one of the provinces bordering on the Danube ; that his

youth was ſpent in arms, and that his modeft valour attracted the

favour and confidence of Decius. The fenate and people already

confidered him as an excellent officer, equal to the most important

trufts ; and cenfured the inattention of Valerian, who fuffered him

to remain in the fubordinate ftation of a tribune. But it was not long

before that emperor diftinguiſhed the merit of Claudius, by declaring

him general and chief of the Illyrian frontier, with the command of

2 On the death of Gallienus, fee Trebel- who feems to have had the best memoirs.
lius Pollio in Hift. Auguft. p . 181. Zofimus , 3 Some fuppofed him, oddly enough, to be
1. i. p. 37. Zonaras , l . xii. p . 634. Eutrop . a baftard of the younger Gordian . Others
ix. 11. Aurelius Victor in Epitom . Victor took advantage of the province of Dardania,
in Cæfar. I have compared and blended them to deduce his origin from Dardanus, and the
all, but have chiefly followed Aurelius Victor, ancient kings of Troy.
VOL. I. Y Y all
 NE
346 THE DECLI AND FALL

CHAP. all the troops in Thrace, Mafia, Dacia, Pannonia, and Dalmatia, the
XI.
appointments of the præfect of Egypt, the eſtabliſhment of the pro-
conful of Africa, and the fure profpect of the confulfhip. By his

victories over the Goths, he deferved from the fenate the honour of

a ftatue, and excited the jealous apprehenfions of Gallienus. It was

impoffible that a foldier could eſteem ſo diffolute a ſovereign, nor is it

eaſy to conceal a juſt contempt. Some unguarded expreffions which

dropt from Claudius, were officiouſly tranſmitted to the royal ear.

The emperor's anſwer to an officer of confidence, deſcribes in very

lively colours his own character and that of the times. " There is not
66
any thing capable of giving me more ferious concern , than the in-
CC
telligence contained in your laſt diſpatch * ; that fome malicious.
66
fuggeſtions have indiſpoſed towards us the mind of our friend and
<
parent Claudius. As you regard your allegiance , uſe every means.
CC
to appeaſe his refentment, but conduct your negociation with fe-
66
crecy ; let it not reach the knowledge of the Dacian troops ; they
c
are already provoked, and it might inflame their fury. I myſelf

" have fent him fome prefents : be it your care that he accept them

" with pleaſure. Above all, let him not ſuſpect that I am made ac-
<c
quainted with his imprudence. The fear of my anger might urge

" him to deſperate counfels ' ." The preſents which accompanied this
humble epiſtle, in which the monarch ſolicited a reconciliation with
his diſcontented fubject, confifted of a confiderable fum of money, a

fplendid wardrobe, and a valuable ſervice of filver and gold plate. By

fuch arts Gallienus foftened the indignation, and difpelled the fears ,.

of his Illyrian general ; and, during the remainder of that reign , the

formidable fword of Claudius was always drawn in the cauſe of a.

mafter whom he defpifed. At laft, indeed, he received from the

4 Notoria, a periodical and official diſpatch 5 Hift. Auguft. p. 208. Gallienus defcribes
which the Emperors received from the fru- the plate, veſtments, &c. like a man who
mentarii or agents difperfed through the pro- loved and understood thofe fplendid trifles..
vinces. Of thefe we may fpeak hereafter.
confpirators
 OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 347

confpirators the bloody purple of Gallienus : but he had been abfent CHA P.
XI.
from their camp and counfels ; and however he might applaud the
deed, we may candidly prefume that he was innocent of the know-

ledge of it . When Claudius afcended the throne, he was about

fifty-four years of age.

The fiege of Milan was ftill continued, and Aureolus foon dif- Death of
Aureolus.
covered, that the fuccefs of his artifices had only raifed up a more

determined adverſary. He attempted to negociate with Claudius a

treaty of alliance and partition . " Tell him," replied the intrepid
emperor, " that fuch propoſals fhould have been made to Gallienus ;

" he, perhaps, might have liſtened to them with patience, and ac-
99
cepted a colleague as deſpicable as himſelf '.' This ftern refufal,

and a laſt unſucceſsful effort, obliged Aureolus to yield the city and
himſelf to the difcretion of the conqueror. The judgment of the

army pronounced him worthy of death, and Claudius, after a feeble

refiftance, confented to the execution of the fentence. Nor was the

zeal of the fenate lefs ardent in the cauſe of their new fovereign .

They ratified, perhaps with a fincere tranfport of zeal, the election

of Claudius ; and as his predeceffor had fhewn himſelf the perſonal

enemy of their order, they exerciſed under the name of juſtice a

fevere revenge againſt his friends and family. The fenate was per-
mitted to diſcharge the ungrateful office of puniſhment, and the em-
peror reſerved for himſelf the pleaſure and merit of obtaining by his
interceffion a general act of indemnity .

Such oftentatious clemency diſcovers lefs of the real character of Clemency

and justice
Claudius, than a trifling circumftance in which he ſeems to have con- of Claudius .

6
Julian (Orat. i. p . 6. ) affirms that Clau-
dius acquired the empire in a juft and even
holy manner. But we may diftruſt the par-
tiality of a kinfman.
7 Hift. Auguft . p . 203. There are fome
trifling differences concerning the circum-
ftances ofthe laft defeat and death of Aureolus.
8 Aurelius Victor in Gallien . The people
loudly prayed for the damnation of Gallie-
nus. The fenate decreed that his relations
and fervants ſhould be thrown down headlong
from the Gemonian ftairs. An obnoxious of-
ficer of the revenue had his eyes torn out whilſt
under examination .

Yy 2 fulted
 E
IN
E CL D LL
348 TH DE AN FA

CHA P. fulted only the dictates of his heart. The frequent rebellions of the
XI.
provinces had involved almoſt every perfon in the guilt of treaſon ,
almoſt every eſtate in the cafe of confifcation ; and Gallienus often

difplayed his liberality, by diſtributing among his officers the pro-

perty of his fubjects. On the acceffion of Claudius, an old woman

threw herſelf at his feet, and complained that a general of the late em-

peror had obtained an arbitrary grant of her patrimony. This general

was Claudius himſelf, who had not entirely eſcaped the contagion of

the times. The emperor bluſhed at the reproach, but deferved the

confidence which ſhe had repoſed in his equity. The confeffion of

his fault was accompanied with immediate and ample reftitution '.
He under- In the arduous task which Claudius had undertaken , of reſtoring
takes the re-
formation of the empire to its ancient fplendour, it was firft neceffary to revive
the army.
among his troops a fenfe of order and obedience. With the autho-

rity of a veteran commander, he repreſented to them, that the relaxa-

tion of difcipline had introduced a long train of diforders, the effects

of which were at length experienced by the foldiers themſelves ; that

a people ruined by oppreffion , and indolent from defpair, could no

longer fupply a numerous army with the means of luxury, or even

of fubfiftence ; that the danger of each individual had increaſed

with the defpotifm of the military order, fince princes who tremble

on the throne, will guard their fafety by the inftant facrifice of

every obnoxious fubject. The emperor expatiated on the miſchiefs

of a lawless caprice which the foldiers could only gratify at the ex-
pence of their own blood ; as their feditious elections had fo fre-

quently been followed by civil wars , which confumed the flower of

the legions either in the field of battle or in the cruel abufe of vic-

tory. He painted in the moft lively colours the exhauſted ſtate of

the treaſury, the defolation of the provinces, the difgrace of the

Roman name, and the infolent triumph of rapacious barbarians. It

9 Zonaras, 1. xii . p. 137.

5 was:
 OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 349

was againſt thoſe barbarians, he declared, that he intended to point CHAP.

XI.
the firft effort of their arms. Tetricus might reign for a while over

the Weft, and even Zenobia might preferve the dominion of the

Eaft " . Theſe ufurpers were his perfonal adverfaries ; nor could

he think of indulging any private refentment till he had faved an

empire, whofe impending ruin would, unlefs it was timely prevent-

ed, cruſh both the army and the people..

The various nations of Germany and Sarmatia, who fought under A. D. 269.
The Goths
the Gothic ſtandard, had already collected an armament more for- invade the
midable than any which had yet iffued from the Euxine. On the empire.

banks of the Niefter, one of the great rivers that diſcharge them-
felves into that fea, they conftructed a fleet of two thouſand, or even

of fix thouſand veffels " ; numbers which, however incredible they

may feem, would have been infufficient to tranſport their pretended

army of three hundred and twenty thousand barbarians. Whatever

might be the real ftrength of the Goths, the vigour and fuccefs of

the expedition were not adequate to the greatneſs of the prepara-

tions. In their paffage through the Bofphorus , the unfkilful pilots.

were overpowered by the violence of the current ; and while the

multitude of their fhips were crowded in a narrow channel, many

were daſhed against each other, or againſt the fhore. The barba-

rians made feveral deſcents on the coafts both of Europe and Aſia ;

but the open country was already plundered, and they were repulfed

with fhame and lofs from the fortified cities which they affaulted. A.
fpirit of diſcouragement and divifion arofe in the fleet, and fome of

their chiefs failed away towards the iſlands of Crete and Cyprus ; but

the main body purſuing a more fteady courſe, anchored at length

near the foot of mount Athos , and affaulted the city of Theffalonica,

10 Zonaras on this occafion mentions Poft-- " The Auguftan Hiftory mentions the
humus ; but the registers of the fenate ( Hift . fmaller, Zonaras the larger, number ; the
Auguft. p . 203. ) prove that Tetricus was al- lively fancy of Montefquieu induced him to
ready emperor of the western provinces. prefer the latter.
the
350 THE DECLINE AND FALL

CHAP. the wealthy capital of all the Macedonian provinces. Their attacks,
XI.
in which they diſplayed a fierce but artleſs bravery, were ſoon in-
terrupted by the rapid approach of Claudius, haftening to a ſcene

of action that deſerved the prefence of a warlike prince at the head

of the remaining powers of the empire. Impatient for battle, the

Goths immediately broke up their camp, relinquished the fiege of

Theffalonica, left their navy at the foot of mount Athos, tra-

verfed the hills of Macedonia, and preffed forwards to engage the laſt

defence of Italy.

Diftrefs and We ſtill poffefs an original letter addreffed by Claudius to the

firmness of
Claudius. ſenate and people on this memorable occafion. " Confcript fathers,"

ſays the emperor, " know that three hundred and twenty thousand
" Goths have invaded the Roman territory. If I vanquish them,
cc
your gratitude will reward my ſervices. Should I fall , remember

" that I am the fucceffor of Gallienus. The whole republic is fa-

tigued and exhauſted. We ſhall fight after Valerian, after Ingenuus ,

" Regillianus, Lollianus, Pofthumus, Celfus, and a thouſand others ,

" whom a juft contempt for Gallienus provoked into rebellion. We

are in want of darts, of fpears, and of fhields. The ſtrength of the

<<
empire, Gaul, and Spain, are ufurped by Tetricus, and we bluſh
66
to acknowledge that the archers of the Eaft ferve under the ban-

" ners of Zenobia. Whatever we ſhall perform , will be fufficiently

66
•
great "." The melancholy firmneſs of this epiſtle announces a
hero careleſs of his fate, confcious of his danger, but ftill deriving a

well-grounded hope from the refources of his own mind.

His victory The event furpaffed his own expectations and thoſe of the world .
over the
Goths . By the moſt ſignal victories he delivered the empire from this hoft

of barbarians, and was diftinguiſhed by pofterity under the glorious

appellation of the Gothic Claudius. The imperfect hiftorians of an
irregular war " do not enable us to defcribe the order and circum-

12 Trebell. Pollio in Hift . Auguft. p. 204. 1. xii . p. 638. Aurel. Victor in Epitom.
13 Hift. Auguft. in Claud. Aurelian . et Victor Junior in Cæfar. Eutrop. ix . 11. Eu-
Prob Zofimus, 1 i . p 38-42 . Zonaras, feb. in Chron .
ftances
 OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 331

ftances of his exploits ; but, if we could be indulged in the allu- CHAP.

XI.
fion, we might diftribute into three acts this memorable tragedy.

I. The decifive battle was fought near Naiffus, a city of Dardania.

The legions at firſt gave way, oppreſſed by numbers, and diſmayed

by misfortunes. Their ruin was inevitable, had not the abilities

of their emperor prepared a ſeaſonable relief. A large detachment

rifing out of the fecret and difficult paffes of the mountains, which,

by his order, they had occupied, fuddenly affailed the rear of the
victorious Goths. The favorable inftant was improved by the ac-

tivity of Claudius. He revived the courage of his troops, reſtored

their ranks, and preffed the barbarians on every fide. Fifty thouſand
men are reported to have been flain in the battle of Naiffus. Se-

veral large bodies of barbarians, covering their retreat with a move-

able fortification of waggons, retired, or rather eſcaped, from the

field of flaughter. II. We may preſume that ſome infurmountable

difficulty, the fatigue, perhaps, or the diſobedience, of the con-
querors, prevented Claudius from completing in one day the deftruc-

tion of the Goths. The war was diffuſed over the provinces of Mæfia,

Thrace, and Macedonia, and its operations drawn out into a variety

of marches, furpriſes, and tumultuary engagements, as well by fea

as by land. When the Romans ſuffered any loſs, it was commonly

occafioned by their own cowardice or raſhneſs ; but the fuperior

talents of the emperor, his perfect knowledge of the country, and his

judicious choice of meaſures as well as officers, affured on moſt occa-

fions the fuccefs of his arms. The immenfe booty, the fruit of fo many

victories, conſiſted for the greater part of cattle and flaves. A felect
body of the Gothic youth was received among the Imperial troops ;
the remainder was fold into fervitude ; and fo confiderable was the

number of female captives, that every foldier obtained to his fhare

two or three women . A circumftance from which we may con-

clude, that the invaders entertained fome defigns of fettlement as

well as of plunder ; fince even in a naval expedition they were ac-

companied
352 THE DECLINE AND FALL

CHA
XI . P. companied by their families. III . The lofs of their fleet, which was
- either taken or funk, had intercepted the retreat of the Goths. A

vaft circle of Roman poſts diftributed with fkill, fupported with firm-

nefs , and gradually cloſing towards a common centre, forced the bar-
barians into the moft inacceffible parts of mount Hamus, where they

found a fafe refuge, but a very fcanty fubfiftence. During the courſe

of a rigorous winter, in which they were befieged by the emperor's

troops, famine and peftilence, defertion and the fword, continually

A. D. 270. diminiſhed the impriſoned multitude. On the return of ſpring,

nothing appeared in arms except a hardy and deſperate band, the

remnant of that mighty hoft which had embarked at the mouth of
the Niefter.

March. The peftilence which ſwept away fuch numbers of the barbarians,
Death of the
emperor , who at length proved fatal to their conqueror. After a fhort but glo-
recommends
Aurelian for rious reign of two years, Claudius expired at Sirmium, amidſt the
his fucceffor. tears and acclamations of his fubjects. In his laft illneſs , he con-
vened the principal officers of the ftate and army, and in their pre-

fence recommended Aurelian, one of his generals, as the moſt de-

ferving of the throne, and the beſt qualified to execute the great

deſign which he himſelf had been permitted only to undertake.

The virtues of Claudius, his valour, affability " , juftice, and tempe-

rance, his love of fame and of his country, place him in that ſhort

lift of emperors who added luftre to the Roman purple. Thofe vir-

tues, however, were celebrated with peculiar zeal and complacency

by the courtly writers of the age of Conftantine, who was the great
grandfon of Crifpus, the elder brother of Claudius. The voice of

flattery was foon taught to repeat , that the gods, who ſo haſtily had

fnatched Claudius from the earth, rewarded his merit and piety by

the perpetual eſtabliſhment of the empire in his family ".

14 According to Zonaras ( 1. xii . p . 638. ) , the orations of Mamertinus, Eumenius , and

Claudius, before his death, invefted him with Julian. See likewife the Cæfars of Julian ,
the purple ; but this fingular fact is rather p . 313. In Julian it was not adulation , but
contradicted than confirmed by other writers . fuperftition and vanity.
*5 See the life of Claudius by Pollio, and
Notwith-
 OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE.
353

Notwithſtanding theſe oracles, the greatneſs of the Flavian family CHAP.

XI.
(a name which it had pleaſed them to affume) was deferred above
The attempt
twenty years, and the elevation of Claudius occafioned the immediate and fall of

ruin of his brother Quintilius, who poffeffed not fufficient moderation Quintilius .

or courage to deſcend into the private ſtation to which the patriotiſin

of the late emperor had condemned him. Without delay or re-

flection, he affumed the purple at Aquileia, where he commanded

a confiderable force ; and though his reign lafted only feventeen

days, he had time to obtain the fanction of the fenate, and to ex-

perience'a mutiny of the troops. As foon as he was informed that

the great army of the Danube had invefted the well-known valour

of Aurelian with Imperial power, he funk under the fame and merit

of his rival ; and ordering his veins to be opened, prudently with- April.
1
drew himſelf from the unequal conteſt ".

The general defign of this work will not permit us minutely to Origin and
fervices of
relate the actions of every emperor after he aſcended the throne, Aurelian.
much lefs to deduce the various fortunes of his private life. We

ſhall only obſerve , that the father of Aurelian was a peaſant of the
territory of Sirmium , who occupied a fmall farm , the property of

Aurelius, a rich fenator. His warlike fon inlifted in the troops as a

common foldier, fucceffively rofe to the rank of a centurion, a tri-

bune, the præfect of a legion , the infpector of the camp, the gene-

ral, or, as it was then called, the duke, of a frontier ; and at length,

during the Gothic war, exercifed the important office of commander

in chief of the cavalry. In every ſtation he diſtinguiſhed himſelf

by matchleſs valour ", rigid diſcipline, and fuccefsful conduct. He

16 Zofimus, 1. i. p. 42. Pollio (Hift . Au- killed, with his own hand, forty- eight Sar-
guft. p. 207. ) allows him virtues, and fays, matians, and in feveral fubfequent engage-
that like Pertinax he was killed by the licen- ments nine hundred and fifty. This heroic
ticus foldiers. According to Dexippus, he valour was admired by the foldiers, and cele-
died of a difeafe. brated in their rude fongs , the burden of
17 Theoclius (as quoted in the Auguftan which was mille, mille, mille occidit.
History, p. 211. ) affirms, that in one day he
VOL. I. Z z was
 THE DECLINE AND FALL
354

CHAP.
XI. was inveſted with the confulſhip by the emperor Valerian, who ſtyles

him , in the pompous language ofthat age, the deliverer of Illyricum ,

the reſtorer of Gaul, and the rival of the Scipios. At the recommenda-

tion of Valerian, a fenator of the higheſt rank and merit, Ulpius

Crinitus, whofe blood was derived from the fame fource as that of

Trajan, adopted the Pannonian peaſant, gave him his daughter in

marriage, and relieved with his ample fortune the honourable po-
verty which Aurelian had preſerved inviolate ".
Aurelian's
The reign of Aurelian lafted only four years and about nine
fuccessful
reign. months ; but every inftant of that fhort period was filled by fome
memorable atchievement. He put an end to the Gothic war, chaf-

tifed the Germans who invaded Italy, recovered Gaul, Spain, and

Britain out of the hands of Tetricus, and deftroyed the proud mo-

narchy which Zenobia had erected in the Eaft, on the ruins of the
afflicted empire.

His fevere It was the rigid attention of Aurelian, even to the minuteſt ar-
difcipline,
ticles of diſcipline, which beſtowed fuch uninterrupted ſucceſs on his
arms. His military regulations are contained in a very conciſe
epiſtle to one of his inferior officers, who is commanded to enforce

them, as he wishes to become a tribune, or as he is defirous to live.

Gaming, drinking, and the arts of divination , were feverely pro-

hibited. Aurelian expected that his foldiers fhould be modeft,

frugal, and laborious ; that their armour fhould be conſtantly kept

bright, their weapons fharp, their clothing and horfes ready for

immediate fervice ; that they ſhould live in their quarters with chaf-

tity and fobriety, without damaging the corn fields, without ſtealing

even a ſheep, a fowl, or a bunch of grapes, without exacting from

their landlords, either falt, or oil, or wood. " The public allow-

" ance," continues the emperor , " is fufficient for their fupport ;

18 Acholius (ap. Hift . Anguft. p. 213.) de- was performed at Byzantium, in the prefence
fcribes the ceremony of the adoption, as it of the emperor and his great officers.
" their
 OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 355

" their wealth fhould be collected from the fpoil of the enemy, not CHAP.
99 XI.
" from the tears of the provincials "." A fingle inftance will ſerve

to diſplay the rigour, and even cruelty, of Aurelian. One of the

foldiers had feduced the wife of his hoft. The guilty wretch was
faſtened to two trees forcibly drawn towards each other, and his limbs

were torn afunder by their fudden feparation. A few fuch examples

impreffed a falutary confternation . The puniſhments of Aurelian

were terrible ; but he had ſeldom occafion to puniſh more than once

the fame offence. His own conduct gave a ſanction to his laws, and
the feditious legions dreaded a chief who had learned to obey, and

who was worthy to command.

The death of Claudius had revived the fainting ſpirit of the Goths. He concludes
a treaty
The troops which guarded the paffes of Mount Hamus, and the the with
Goths, +
banks of the Danube, had been drawn away by the apprehenfion of

a civil war ; and it ſeems probable that the remaining body of the
Gothic and Vandalic tribes embraced the favourable opportunity,

abandoned their fettlements of the Ukraine, traverfed the rivers,

and ſwelled with new multitudes the deſtroying hoſt of their country-
men. Their united numbers were at length encountered by Aure-

lian, and the bloody and doubtful conflict ended only with the ap-

proach of night . Exhaufted by fo many calamities, which they

had mutually endured and inflicted during a twenty years war, the

Goths and the Romans confented to a lafting and beneficial treaty.

It was earneftly folicited by the barbarians, and cheerfully ratified by

the legions, to whofe fuffrage the prudence of Aurelian referred the :

decifion of that important queſtion. The Gothic nation engaged to

fupply the armies of Rome with a body of two thouſand auxiliaries,

conſiſting entirely of cavalry, and ſtipulated in return an undiſturbed

19 Hift. Auguft. p. 211. This laconic plained by Salmafius. The former of the
epifle is truly the work of a foldier ; it words means all weapons of offence, and is
abounds with military phrafes and words, contraſted with Arma, defenfive armour. The
fome of which cannot be understood without latter fignifies keen and well ſharpened.
difficulty. Ferramenta famiata is well ex- 20 Zofim. 1. i. p. 45.
Zz2 retreat,

1
 E
LIN D L
356 TH
E DEC AN FAL

CHAP .
retreat, with a regular market as far as the Danube, provided by the
XL
emperor's care, but at their own expence. The treaty was obſerved

with fuch religious fidelity, that when a party of five hundred men

ftraggled from the camp in queft of plunder, the king or general of

the barbarians commanded that the guilty leader fhould be appre-

hended and fhot to death with darts, as a victim devoted to the

fanctity of their engagements . It is, however, not unlikely, that the

precaution of Aurelian , who had exacted as hoftages the fons and

daughters of the Gothic chiefs, contributed fomething to this pacific

temper. The youths he trained in the exerciſe of arms, and near his

own perſon to the damfels he gave a liberal and Roman education ,

and by beſtowing them in marriage on fome of his principal officers,

gradually introduced between the two nations the cloſeſt and moſt
endearing connexions ".
and refignsto
them the pro- But the moſt important condition of peace was underſtood rather
vince of
than expreffed in the treaty. Aurelian withdrew the Roman forces
Dacia .
from Dacia, and
tacitly relinquished that great province to the
22
Goths and Vandals 2. His manly judgment convinced him of the

folid advantages, and taught him to defpife the feeming difgrace,

of thus contracting the frontiers of the monarchy. The Dacian

fubjects, removed from thoſe diftant poffeffions which they were

unable to cultivate or defend, added ftrength and populouſneſs to the

fouthern fide of the Danube. A fertile territory, which the repe-

tition of barbarous inroads had changed into a defert, was yielded

to their induſtry, and a new province of Dacia ftill preſerved the

memory of Trajan's conquefts. The old country of that name

detained, however, a confiderable number of its inhabitants, who

21
Dexippus ( ap. Excerpta Legat . p. 12. ) cover their fecrets . Hift. Auguſt. p . 247 .
relates the whole tranfaction under the name 22 Hift. Auguft. p. 222. Eutrop. ix . 15.
of Vandals. Aurelian married one of the Sextus Rufus , c . 9. Lactantius de mortibus
Gothic ladies to his general Bonofus, who Perfecutorum , c. 9.
was able to drink with the Goths and dif-

dreaded
 OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE.
357

dreaded exile more than a Gothic mafter ". Theſe degenerate Ro- CHAP.
XI.
mans continued to ferve the empire, whofe allegiance they had re-

nounced by introducing among their conquerors the firſt notions of

agriculture, the ufeful arts, and the conveniences of civilifed life.

An intercourſe of commerce and language was gradually eſtabliſhed

between the oppoſite banks of the Danube ; and after Dacia became

an independent ſtate, it often proved the firmeſt barrier of the empire

againſt the invafions of the favages of the North. A fenſe of intereſt

attached theſe more fettled barbarians to the alliance of Rome, and a

permanent intereft very frequently ripens into fincere and uſeful

friendſhip. This various colony, which filled the ancient province,

and was infenfibly blended into one great people, ftill acknowledged

the fuperior renown and authority of the Gothic tribe, and claimed

the fancied honour of a Scandinavian origin. At the fame time the

lucky though accidental reſemblance of the name of Gæta, infuſed

among the credulous Goths a vain perfuafion , that, in a remote

age, their own anceſtors, already feated in the Dacian provinces, had

received the inftructions of Zamolxis, and checked the victorious

arms of Sefoftris and Darius 24.

While the vigorous and moderate conduct of Aurelian reftored The Ale-
mannic war,
the Illyrian frontier, the nation of the Alemanni " violated the

conditions of peace, which either Gallienus had purchaſed, or

Claudius had impofed, and inflamed by their impatient youth,

fuddenly flew to arms. Forty thouſand horfe appeared in the

23 The Walachians ftill preſerve many
traces of the Latin language, and have boaft-
ed, in every age, of their Roman deſcent. They
are furrounded by, but not mixed with, the
barbarians . See a Memoir of M. d'Anville
On ancient Dacia , in the Academy of Infcrip-
tions, tom. xxx.
24 See the first chapter of Jornandes. The
Vandals however ( c. 22. ) maintained a fhort
independence between the rivers Marifia and
Criffia (Maros and Keres) which fell into the
Teifs.
25 Dexippus, p. 7-12 . Zofimus , 1. i.
p. 43. Vopifcus in Aurelian. in Hift. Auguſt.
However theſe hiſtorians differ in names ( Ale-
manni, Juthungi, and Marcomanni ) , it is evi-
dent that they mean the fame people, and the
fame war ; but it requires fome care to conci-
liate and explain them.
field,
 NE
338 THE DECLI AND FALL

CHAP. field , and the numbers of the infantry doubled thoſe of the ca-
IX.
valry ". The firſt objects of their avarice were a few cities of the

Rhætian frontier ; but their hopes foon rifing with ſucceſs, the rapid
march of the Alemanni traced a line of devaftation from the Danube

to the Po ".
A. D. 270. The emperor was almoft at the fame time informed of the ir-
September.
ruption, and of the retreat, of the barbarians. Collecting an active
body of troops, he marched with filence and celerity along the ſkirts

of the Hercynian foreft ; and the Alemanni, laden with the ſpoils of
Italy, arrived at the Danube, without fufpecting, that on the oppo-

ſite bank, and in an advantageous poſt, a Roman army lay concealed

and prepared to intercept their return. Aurelian indulged the fatal

fecurity ofthe barbarians, and permitted about half their forces to paſs

the river without diſturbance and without precaution . Their fitua-

tion and aſtoniſhment gave him an eaſy victory ; his ſkilful conduct

improved the advantage. Difpofing the legions in a femicircular

form, he advanced the two horns of the crefcent acroſs the Danube,

and wheeling them on a ſudden towards the centre, inclofed the rear

ofthe German hoft. The difmayed barbarians, on whatſoever fide

they caft their eyes, beheld with defpair, a waſted country, a deep
and rapid ftream , a victorious and implacable enemy.

Reduced to this diftreffed condition , the Alemanni no longer

difdained to fue for peace. Aurelian received their ambaffadors at

the head of his camp, and with every circumftance of martial pomp
that could difplay the greatnefs and difcipline of Rome. The

legions ftood to their arms in well-ordered ranks and awful filence.

The principal commanders, diftinguiſhed by the enfigns of their

Cantoclarus, with his ufual accuracy, fantry of the Alemanni the technical terms
chufes to tranflate three hundred thoufand : proper only to the Grecian Phalanx .
his verfion is equally repugnant to fenfe and 28 In Dexippus, we at prefent read Rho-
to grammar. danus, M. de Valois very judiciously alters
" We may remark, as an inftance of bad the word to Eridanus.
tafte, that Dexippus applies to the light in-
7 rank,.
 OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 359

rank, appeared on horſeback on either fide of the Imperial throne. CHA P.

XI.
Behind the throne, the confecrated images of the emperor, and his

predeceffors ", the golden eagles, and the various titles of the
legions, engraved in letters of gold, were exalted in the air on

lofty pikes covered with filver. When Aurelian affumed his feat,

his manly grace and majeſtic figure " taught the barbarians to
revere the perfon as well as the purple of their conqueror. The

ambaffadors fell proftrate on the ground in filence. They were

commanded to rife, and permitted to ſpeak. By the affiftance of

interpreters they extenuated their perfidy, magnified their exploits,
expatiated on the viciffitudes of fortune and the advantages of

peace, and, with an ill-timed confidence, demanded a large fubfidy,

as the price of the alliance which they offered to the Romans.

The anſwer of the emperor was ſtern and imperious. He treated
their offer with contempt, and their demand with indignation , re-

proached the barbarians, that they were as ignorant of the arts of

war as of the laws of peace, and finally difiniffed them with the

choice only of fubmitting to his unconditioned mercy, or awaiting

the utmoſt ſeverity of his refentment ". Aurelian had refigned a

diſtant province to the Goths ; but it was dangerous to truſt or to

pardon theſe perfidious barbarians, whoſe formidable power kept Italy

itſelf in perpetual alarms.

Immediately after this conference, it ſhould ſeem that fome un- TheAleman-
expected emergency required the emperor's prefence in Pannonia. ni invade
Italy,
He devolved on his lieutenants the care of finiſhing the deftruction
1
of the Alemanni, either by the fword, or by the furer operation of

famine. But an active deſpair has often triumphed over the indo-

lent affurance of fuccefs. The barbarians, finding it impoffible to

29 The emperor Claudius was certainly of fpectacle; a long line of the mafters oftheworld.
the number ; but we are ignorant how far this Vopifcus in Hift . Auguft. p. 210.
mark ofreſpect was extended ; if to Cæfar and " Dexippus gives them a fubtle and prolix
Auguftus, it must have produced a very awful oration, worthy of a Grecian Sophift.
traverfe
 360 THE DECLINE AND FALL

CHA P. traverfe the Danube and the Roman camp, broke through the poſts
XI.
in their rear, which were more feebly or leſs carefully guarded ; ´ and

with incredible diligence, but by a different road, returned towards

the mountains of Italy ". Aurelian, who confidered the war as

totally extinguiſhed, received the mortifying intelligence of the

eſcape of the Alemanni, and of the ravage which they already

committed in the territory of Milan. The legions were com-

manded to follow, with as much expedition as thofe heavy bodies

were capable of exerting, the rapid flight of an enemy, whofe in-

fantry and cavalry moved with almoſt equal ſwiftnefs. A few days

afterwards the emperor himſelf marched to the relief of Italy, at

the head of a chofen body of auxiliaries (among whom were the

hoſtages and cavalry of the Vandals) , and of all the Prætorian guards
who had ferved in the wars on the Danube 33.

and are at As the light troops of the Alemanni had ſpread themſelves from
laft vanquish-
ed by Aure- the Alps to the Apennine, the inceffant vigilance of Aurelian and
lian.
his officers was exerciſed in the diſcovery, the attack, and the purſuit
of the numerous detachments. Notwithſtanding this defultory

war, three confiderable battles are mentioned , in which the principal

force of both armies was obftinately engaged ". The fuccefs was

various. In the firft, fought near Placentia, the Romans received

fo fevere a blow, that, according to the expreffion of a writer ex-

tremely partial to Aurelian, the immediate diffolution of the empire

was apprehended ". The crafty barbarians, who had lined the

woods, fuddenly attacked the legions in the duſk of the evening,

and, it is moſt probable , after the fatigue and diforder of a long

march. The fury of their charge was irreſiſtible ; but at length,

after a dreadful flaughter, the patient firmneſs of the emperor rallied

his troops, and reftored , in fome degree, the honour of his arms.

32 Hift. Auguft . p. 215. 34 Victor Junior, in Aurelian .

H 32 Dexippus, p. 12. 35 Vopifcus in Hift. Auguft. p. 216.

The
 OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 361

The ſecond battle was fought near Fano in Umbria ; on the fpot CHA
XI. P.
which, five hundred years before , had been fatal to the brother of
Hannibal 36· Thus far the fuccefsful Germans had advanced along

the Æmilian and Flaminian way, with a defign of facking the de-
fenceleſs miſtrefs of the world . Aurelian , who, watchful for
But Aurelian,

the fafety of Rome, ftill hung on their rear, found in this place the

decifive moment, of giving them a total and irretrievable defeat ".

The flying remnant of their hoft was exterminated in a third and laſt
battle near Pavia ; and Italy was delivered from the inroads of the
Alemanni.

Fear has been the original parent of fuperftition, and every new Superftitious
ceremonies.
calamity urges trembling mortals to deprecate the wrath of their in-

viſible enemies. Though the beſt hope of the republic was in the

valour and conduct of Aurelian , yet fuch was the public confternation,

when the barbarians were hourly expected at the gates of Rome,

that, by a decree of the ſenate, the Sibylline books were confulted.

Even the emperor himſelf, from a motive either of religion or of 1

policy, recommended this falutary meaſure, chided the tardiness of

the fenate , and offered to fupply whatever expence, whatever

animals, whatever captives of any nation , the gods fhould require.

Notwithstanding this liberal offer, it does not appear, that any
human victims expiated with their blood the fins of the Roman

people. The Sibylline books enjoined ceremonies of a more harm- Ạ . D. 271 . 1

January 11.
lefs nature, proceffions of priests in white robes, attended by a

chorus of youths and virgins ; luftrations of the city and adjacent

country ; and facrifices, whofe powerful influence difabled the bar-

barians from paffing the myftic ground on which they had been
•
celebrated . However puerile in themſelves, theſe ſuperſtitious arts

36 The little river or rather torrent of Me- 37 It is recorded by an infcription found at

taurus near Fano, has been immortalized , by Pezaro. See Gruter. cclxxvi . 3 .
33 One fhould imagine, he faid , that you
finding fuch an hiftorian as Livy, and fuch a
were affembled in a Chriflian church , not in
poet as Horace. the temple of all the gods.
VOL. I.
3 A were
362 THE DECLINE AND FALL

CHA P.
were fubfervient to the fuccefs of the war ; and if, in the decifive
XI.
battle of Fano, the Alemanni fancied they faw an army of ſpectres

combating on the fide of Aurelian , he received a real and effectual

aid from this imaginary reinforcement ".

Fortifications But whatever confidence might be placed in ideal ramparts, the
of Rome.
experience of the paft, and the dread of the future, induced the

Romans to conftruct fortifications of a groffer and more fubftantial

kind. The feven hills of Rome had been furrounded, by the fuc-

ceffors of Romulus, with an ancient wall of more than thirteen

40
miles 4°. The vaft incloſure may feem difproportioned to the

ftrength and numbers of the infant ftate. But it was neceffary to

fecure an ample extent of paſture and arable land, againſt the fre-

quent and ſudden incurfions of the tribes of Latium, the perpetual

enemies of the republic. With the progreſs of Roman greatneſs,

the city and its inhabitants gradually increaſed, filled up the vacant

fpace, pierced through the uſeleſs walls , covered the field of Mars,

and, on every fide, followed the public highways in long and

beautiful ſuburbs ". The extent of the new walls, erected by Au-
relian, and finiſhed in the reign of Probus, was magnified by popu
4-2
lar eſtimation to near fifty but is reduced by accurate meaſure-
43
ment to about twenty-one, miles *3. It was a great but a melancholy

labour, fince the defence of the capital betrayed the decline of the

monarchy. The Romans of a more profperous age, who truſted to

39 Vopifcus in Hift. Aug. p. 215 , 216 .
gives a long account of theſe ceremonies, from
the Regiſters of the fenate.
4° Plin . Hift. Natur. iii. 5. To confirm
our idea, we may obferve, that for a long time
Mount Cælius was a grove of oaks, and Mount
Viminal was over-run with ofiers ; that, in
the fourth century, the Aventine was a vacant
and folitary retirement ; that till the time of
Auguftus, the Efquiline was an unwholefome
burying-ground ; and that the numerous in-
equalities, remarked by the ancients in the
Quirinal , fufficiently prove that it was not
covered with buildings. Of the ſeven hills,
the Capitoline and Palatine only, with the
adjacent vallies, were the primitive habita-
tion of the Roman people. But this fubject
would require a differtation .
* Exfpatiantia tecta multas addidere urbes,
is the expreffion of Pliny.
4* Hift. Auguft . p . 222. Both Lipfius and
Ifaac Voffius have eagerly embraced this mea-
fure.
43 See Nardini, Roma Antica, 1. i . c. 8.

the
 OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE.
363
44
the arms of the legions thè fafety of the frontier camps ", were very СНАР.
XI.
far from entertaining a fufpicion, that it would ever become neceffary
45
to fortify the feat of empire againſt the inroads of the barbarians ".

The victory of Claudius over the Goths, of Aurelian

and the fuccefs
fuppreffes
Aurelian againſt the Alemanni, had already reſtored to the arms of the two
ufurpers.
Rome their ancient fuperiority over the barbarous nations of the

North. To chaſtiſe domeſtic tyrants, and to reunite the diſmem¬

bered parts of the empire, was a taſk reſerved for the fecond of thofe

warlike emperors. Though he was acknowledged by the fenate and

people, the frontiers of Italy, Africa, Illyricum, and Thrace , confined

the limits of his reign. Gaul, Spain, and Britain, Egypt, Syria, and

Aſia Minor, were ftill poffeffed by two rebels, who alone, out of ſo

numerous a lift, had hitherto efcaped the dangers of their fituation ;

and to complete the ignominy of Rome, thefe rival thrones had been

ufurped by women.
A rapid fucceffion of monarchs had arifen and fallen in the pro- Succeffion of
ufurpers in
vinces of Gaul. The rigid virtues of Pofthumus ferved only to haften Gaul.

his deftruction. After fuppreffing a competitor, who had affumed

the purple at Mentz, he refuſed to gratify his troops with the plun- !

der of the rebellious city ; and , in the ſeventh year of his reign , be-
46
came the victim of their diſappointed avarice ".• The death of Vic-

torinus, his friend and aſſociate, was occafioned by a leſs worthy

caufe. The fhining accompliſhments " of that prince were ftained

by a licentious paffion , which he indulged in acts of violence ,

44 Tacit. Hift. iv. 23 . tranfcribing, as it feems fair and impartial .

For Aurelian's walls , fee Vopifcus in Victorino qui poft Junium Pofthumium Gal-
Hift. Auguft. p. 216. 222. Zofimus, 1. i. lias rexit neminem exiftimo præferendum ;
P. 43. Eutropius , ix. 15. Aurel . Victor in non in virtute Trajanum ; non Antoninum in
Aurelian. Victor Junior in Aurelian . Eufeb. clementia ; non in gravitate Nervam ; non in
Hieronym. et Idatius in Chronic. gubernando ærario Vefpafianum ; non in Cen-
46 His competitor was Lollianus, or Ælia- fura totius vitæ ac feveritate militari Pertina-
nus, if indeed theſe names mean the fame cem vel Severum . Sed omnia hæc libido et cu-
perfon . See Tillemont, tom . iii. p . 1177. piditas voluptatis mulierariæ fic perdidit, ut
47 The character of this prince by Julius nemo audeat virtutes ejus in literas mittere
Aterianus ( ap. Hift . Auguft. p . 187. ) is worth quem conftat omnium judicio meruiffe puniri.

3 A 2 with
 364 THE DECLINE AND FALL

CHA P. with too little regard to the laws of fociety, or even to thoſe of
XI.
love . He was flain at Cologne, by a confpiracy of jealous huf-

bands, whofe revenge would have appeared more juftifiable, had

they ſpared the innocence of his fon. After the murder of fo many

valiant princes, it is fomewhat remarkable, that a female for a long

time controlled the fierce legions of Gaul, and ftill more fingular,
that he was the mother of the unfortunate Victorinus. The arts

and treaſures of Victoria enabled her fucceffively to place Marius

and Tetricus on the throne, and to reign with a manly vigour un-
I
der the name of thofe dependent emperors. Money of copper, of

filver, and of gold , was coined in her name ; the affumed the titles

of Augufta and Mother of the Camps : her power ended only

with her life ; but her life was perhaps ſhortened by the ingratitude
of Tetricus 49a

The reign
When, at the inftigation of his ambitious patronefs , Tetricus
and defeat of
Tetricus .. affumed the enfigns of royalty, he was governor of the peaceful

province of Aquitaine, an employment fuited to his character and

education. He reigned four or five years over Gaul, Spain, and

Britain, the ſlave and fovereign of a licentious army, whom he

dreaded, and by whom he was deſpiſed . The valour and fortune of

Aurelian at length opened the profpect of a deliverance. He ven-

tured to diſcloſe his melancholy fituation, and conjured the emperor

A. D. 271.
to haften to the relief of his unhappy rival. Had this fecret cor-
Summer .
refpondence reached the ears of the foldiers, it would moft pro-

bably have coft Tetricus his life ; nor could he refign the fceptre

of the Weſt, without committing an act of treaſon againſt himſelf.

He affected the appearances of a civil war, led his forces into the
field againſt Aurelian, pofted them in the moft diſadvantageous
manner, betrayed his own counfels to the enemy, and with a few

43 He ravished the wife of Attitianus , an 49 Pollio affigns her an article ainong the
actuary, or army agent. Hift . Auguft. p. 185. thirty tyrants. Hift. Aug. p. 200 .
Aurel. Victor in Aurelian.
chofen
 រ

OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 365

chofen friends deſerted in the beginning of the action. The rebel CHAP.
XI.
legions, though diſordered and diſmayed by the unexpected trea-

chery of their chief, defended themſelves with deſperate valour,

till they were cut in pieces almoſt to a man, in this bloody and me-

morable battle, which was fought near Chalons in Champagne so.

The retreat of the irregular auxiliaries, Franks and Batavians

whom the conqueror foon compelled or perfuaded to repaſs the Rhine,

reſtored the general tranquillity, and the power of Aurelian was

acknowledged from the wall of Antoninus to the columns of Her-
cules.

As early as the reign of Claudius, the city of Autun , alone and

unaffifted , had ventured to declare againſt the legions of Gaul.

After a fiege of feven months, they ftormed and plundered that

unfortunate city, already wafted by famine ". Lyons, on the con-

trary, had refifted with obftinate difaffection the arms of Aurelian.

We read of the punishment of Lyons " , but there is not any men-

tion of the rewards of Autun. Such , indeed, is the policy of civil

war : feverely to remember injuries, and to forget the moſt import-

ant ſervices. Revenge is profitable , gratitude is expenſive.

1
Aurelian had no fooner fecured the perfon and provinces of Tetri- A. D. 272of
Character .
cus, than he turned his arms againſt Zenobia, the celebrated queen Zenobia ;

of Palmyra and the Eaft. Modern Europe has produced feveral

illuftrious women who have fuftained with glory the weight of em-

pire ; nor is our own age deftitute of fuch diftinguished characters.

3º Pollio in Hift. Auguft. p . 196. Vopif-
cus in Hift. Auguft . p. 220. The two Vic-
tors, in the lives of Gallienus and Aurelian.
Eutropius, ix. 13. Eufeb . in Chron . Of all
thefe writers, only the two laft (but with
strong probability) place the fall of Tetricus
before that of Zenobia. M. de Boze (in the
Academy of Infcriptions, tom. xxx . ) does not
wifh , and Tillemont ( tom . iii. p . 119. )
does not dare, to follow them . I have been
fairer than the one, and bolder than the
other.
51 Victor Junior in Aurelian . Eumenius
mentions Batavice ; fome critics, without
any reafon , would fain alter the word to
Bagaudice.
52 Eumen. in Vet . Panegyr. iv. 8.
53 Vopifcus in Hift. Auguft. p. 246. Au .
tun was not reftored till the reign of Diocle-
tian. See Eumenius de reftaurandis fcholis..
But
366 THE DECLINE AND FALL

XI. P. But if we except the doubtful atchievements of Semiramis, Zenobia

CHA

is perhaps the only female, whofe fuperior genius broke through

the fervile indolence impoſed on her fex by the climate and manners

of Afia ". She claimed her deſcent from the Macedonian kings of

Egypt, equalled in beauty her anceſtor Cleopatra, and far furpaffed

that princeſs in chaſtity " and valour. Zenobia was eſteemed the
her beauty moft lovely as well as the moſt heroic of her ſex. She was of a dark
andlearning;
complexion (for in ſpeaking of a lady, theſe trifles become im-

portant). Her teeth were of a pearly whitenefs, and her large black

eyes ſparkled with uncommon fire, tempered by the moſt attractive

ſweetneſs. Her voice was ſtrong and harmonious. Her manly un-

derſtanding was ſtrengthened and adorned by ſtudy. She was not

ignorant of the Latin tongue, but poffeffed in equal perfection the

Greek, the Syriac, and the Egyptian languages. She had drawn

up for her own uſe an epitome of oriental hiſtory, and familiarly

compared the beauties of Homer and Plato under the tuition of the
fublime Longinus.

her valour. This accompliſhed woman gave her hand to Odenathus, who from

a private ſtation raiſed himſelf to the dominion of the Eaft. She

foon became the friend and companion of a hero. In the intervals

of war, Cdenathus paffionately delighted in the exerciſe of hunt-

ing ; he purfued with ardour the wild beasts of the defert, lions,

panthers, and bears ; and the ardour of Zenobia in that dangerous

amuſement was not inferior to his own. She had inured her con-

ftitution to fatigue, difdained the ufe of a covered carriage, gene-

rally appeared on horfeback in a military habit, and fometimes

marched feveral miles on foot at the head of the troops. The fuc-

ceſs of Odenathus was in a great meaſure aſcribed to her incom-

54 Almost every thing that is faid of the 55 She never admitted her huſband's em-
manners of Odenathus and Zenobia , is taken braces but for the fake of pofterity. If her
from their lives in the Auguftan Hiftory, by hopes were baffled , in the enfuing month the
Trebellius Pollio, fee p. 192. 198. reiterated the experiment.

7 parable
 OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE.
367

parable prudence and fortitude. Their ſplendid victories over the CHA P.
XI.
Great King, whom they twice purfued as far as the gates of Ctefi- -

phon, laid the foundations of their united fame and power. The

armies which they commanded, and the provinces which they had
faved, acknowledged not any other fovereigns than their invincible

chiefs. The fenate and people of Rome revered a ſtranger who had
avenged their captive emperor, and even the infenfible fon of Vale-

rian accepted Odenathus for his legitimate colleague.

After a ſucceſsful expedition againſt the Gothic plunderers of Afia, She revenges
her huſband's
the Palmyrenian prince returned to the city of Emeſa in Syria. In- death,
vincible in war, he was there cut off by domeftic treafon, and his

favourite amuſement of hunting was the cauſe, or at leaſt the occa-

56
fion, of his death ". His nephew, Mæonius, prefumed to dart his

javelin before that of his uncle ; and though admoniſhed of his error,

repeated the fame infolence. As a monarch and as a ſportſman.

Odenathus was provoked, took away his horſe, a mark of ignominy

among the barbarians, and chaftifed the rafh youth by a ſhort con-
finement. The offence was foon forgot, but the punishment was

remembered ; and Mæonius, with a few daring affociates, affaffinated

his uncle in the midft of a great entertainment. Herod, the fon of A. D. 250.

Odenathus, though not of Zenobia, a young man of a ſoft and effe-

minate temper ", was killed with his father. But Mæonius ob-

tained only the pleaſure of revenge by this bloody deed . He had

fcarcely time to affume the title of Auguftus, before he was ſacri-

ficed by Zenobia to the memory of her huſband ".

With the affiſtance of his moft faithful friends, fhe immediately and reigns
over the Eaft
filled the vacant throne, and governed with manly counfels Palmyra , and Egypt.

56 Hift. Auguft. p. 192, 193. Zofimus,
1. i. p . 36. Zonaras, 1. xii . p . 633. The
laft is clear and probable, the others confufed
and inconfiftent . The text of Synccllus, if
not corrupt, is abfolute nonfenfe.
57 Odenathus and Zenobia often fent him,
from the fpoils of the enemy, prefents of
gems and toys, which he received with in-
finite delight.
58 Some very unjut fufpicions have been
caft on Zenobia, as if he was acceffary to her
huſband's death.

Syria,
368 THE DECLINE AND FALL

CHA
XI. P. Syria, and the Eaſt, above five years. By the death of Odenathus,

that authority was at an end which the ſenate had granted him only

as a perſonal diſtinction ; but his martial widow, difdaining both the

fenate and Gallienus, obliged one ofthe Roman generals, who was fent

againſt her, to retreat into Europe, with the lofs of his army and his

reputation ". Instead of the little paffions which fo frequently per-

plex a female reign, the ſteady adminiſtration of Zenobia was guided

by the moſt judicious maxims of policy. If it was expedient to par-

don, fhe could calm her refentment : if it was neceffary to puniſh,

fhe could impofe filence on the voice of pity. Her ftrict oeconomy

was accuſed of avarice ; yet on every proper occaſion ſhe appeared

magnificent and liberal. The neighbouring ſtates of Arabia, Ar-

menia, and Perfia, dreaded her enmity, and folicited her alliance.

To the dominions of Odenathus , which extended from the Euphrates

to the frontiers of Bithynia, his widow added the inheritance of her

anceſtors, the populous and fertile kingdom of Egypt. The emperor

Claudius acknowledged her merit, and was content, that, while he

purſued the Gothic war, fe fhould affert the dignity of the empire in

the Eaft ". The conduct , however, of Zenobia, was attended with

fome ambiguity ; nor is it unlikely that ſhe had conceived the defign
of erecting an independent and hoftile monarchy. She blended with

the popular manners of Roman princes the ftately pomp of the

courts of Afia, and exacted from her fubjects the fame adoration

that was paid to the fucceffors of Cyrus. She beftowed on her three

fons " a Latin education , and often fhewed them to the troops adorned

with the Imperial purple. For herſelf fhe referved the diadem , with

the fplendid but doubtful title of Queen of the Eaft.

59 Hift. Auguft . p . 180 , 181 . It is fuppofed that the two former were al-
See in Hift. Auguft. p. 198. Aurelian's ready dead before the war. On the laft , Au-
teftimony to her merit ; and for the conquest relian bestowed a small province of Armenia
of Egypt, Zofimus, 1. i. p. 39, 40. with the title of King ; feveral of his medals
61
Timolaus,Herennianus,andVaballathus. are till extant . See Tillem. tom . iii . p. 1190.
When
 1
OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 369

When Aurelian paffed over into Aſia, againſt an adverſary whofe CHAP.
XI.
fex alone could render her an object of contempt, his preſence reſtored
The e¹ pedi-
obedience to the province of Bithynia, already ſhaken by the arms and tion of Au-
relian.
intrigues of Zenobia " . Advancing at the head of his legions, he ac- A. D. 272 .
cepted the ſubmiſſion of Ancyra , and was admitted into Tyana after

an obftinate fiege, by the help of a perfidious citizen. The generous

though fierce temper of Aurelian abandoned the traitor to the rage

of the foldiers : a fuperftitious reverence induced him to treat with

lenity the countrymen of Apollonius the philofopher " . Antioch

was deferted on his approach, till the emperor, by his falutary edicts,

recalled the fugitives, and granted a general pardon to all who,

from neceffity rather than choice, had been engaged in the ſervice

of the Palmyrenian queen. The unexpected mildneſs of ſuch a

conduct reconciled the minds of the Syrians, and, as far as the

gates of Emefa, the wiſhes of the people feconded the terror of his
arms +.
1
Zenobia would have ill deferved her reputation , had fhe indo- The emperor
defeats the
lently permitted the emperor of the Weft to approach within an Palmyreni-
ans in the
hundred miles of her capital. The fate of the Eaft was decided in battles of
Antioch and
two great battles ; fo fimilar in almoſt every circumſtance, that we Emefa.

can ſcarcely diſtinguiſh them from each other, except by obſerving

that the first was fought near Antioch " , and the fecond near
Emeſa “ . In both, the queen of Palmyra animated the armies by
her prefence, and devolved the execution of her orders on Zabdas,

who had already fignalized his military talents by the conqueſt of

Egypt. The numerous forces of Zenobia conſiſted for the moſt

62 Zofimus, 1. i. p. 44. whether he was a fage, an impoftor, or a

03 Vopifcus (in Hift. Auguft. p. 217.) fanatic.
gives us an authentic letter, and a doubt- 6+ Zofimus, l. i. p. 46.
ful vifion of Aurelian. Apollonius of Ty- 65 At a place called Imma. Eutropius,
ana was born about the fame time as Sextus Rufus, and Jerome, mention only this
Jefus Chrift. His life (that of the former) firft battle.
is related in fo fabulous a manner by his 66 Vopifcus in Hift. Auguft. p. 217, men-
difciples, that we are at a lofs to difcover tions only the fecond .
VOL. I. 3 B part
370 THE DECLINE AND FALL

СНАР.
XI. part of light archers , and of heavy cavalry clothed in complete
fteel. The Moorish and Illyrian horfe of Aurelian were unable to

fuftain the ponderous charge of their antagoniſts . They fled in

real or affected diforder, engaged the Palmyrenians in a laborious

purfuit , haraffed them by a defultory combat, and at length dif

comfited this impenetrable but unwieldy body of cavalry. The

light infantry, in the mean time, when they had exhaufted their

quivers, remaining without protection againſt a cloſer onſet, expoſed

their naked fides to the fwords of the legions. Aurelian had chofen

thefe veteran troops , who were uſually ſtationed on the Upper Da-

nube, and whofe valour had been feverely tried in the Alemannic

war . After the defeat of Emefa , Zenobia found it impoffible to

collect a third army. As far as the frontier of Egypt , the nations
fubject to her empire had joined the ftandard of the conqueror, who

detached Probus , the braveft of his generals , to poffefs himſelf of the

Egyptian provinces . Palmyra was the laft refource of the widow of

Odenathus. She retired within the walls of her capital , made every

preparation for a vigorous reſiſtance , and declared with the intrepi-

dity of a heroine , that the laſt moment of her reign and of her life
fhould be the fame.

The ftate of Amid the barren deferts of Arabia, a few cultivated fpots rife like
Palmyra.
iflands out of the fandy ocean. Even the name of Tadmor, or Pal-

myra, by its fignification in the Syriac as well as in the Latin language,

denoted the multitude of palm trees which afforded ſhade and verdure
to that temperate region. The air was pure, and the foil, watered™

by fome invaluable fprings, was capable of producing fruits as well

as corn. A place poffeffed of fuch fingular advantages , and fitu-

ated at a convenient diftance " between the gulph of Perfia and the

67 Zofimus, l. i. p. 44-48 . His account
of the two battles is clear and circumftantial.
68 It was five hundred and thirty-feven
miles from Seleucia, and two hundred and .
three from the neareſt coaſt of Syria, accord-
ing to the reckoning of Pliny, who, in a few
words (Hift. Natur. v. 21. ) , gives an excel-.
lent defcription of Palmyra.
Mediterranean,
 OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE.
371

Mediterranean, was foon frequented by the caravans which con- CHA P.

XI.
veyed to the nations of Europe a confiderable part of the rich com-

modities of India. Palmyra infenfibly increaſed into an opulent and

independent city, and connecting the Roman and the Parthian mo-

narchies by the mutual benefits of commerce, was fuffered to obferve

an humble neutrality, till at length, after the victories of Trajan, the

little republic funk into the bofom of Rome, and flourished more

than one hundred and fifty years in the fubordinate though honour-

able rank of a colony. It was during that peaceful period, if we

may judge from a few remaining inſcriptions, that the wealthy Pal-

myrenians conftructed thofe temples, palaces, and porticos of Grecian

architecture, whoſe ruins, ſcattered over an extent of feveral miles,

have deſerved the curioſity of our travellers. The elevation of Ode-

nathus and Zenobia appeared to reflect new fplendour on their
country, and Palmyra, for a while, ftood forth the rival of Rome :

but the competition was fatal, and ages of profperity were facrificed
to a moment of glory" .

In his march over the fandy defert between Emeſa and Palmyra, It is befieged
by Aurelian,
the emperor Aurelian was perpetually haraffed by the Arabs ; nor

could he always defend his army, and eſpecially his baggage, from
thofe flying troops, of active and daring robbers, who watched the

moment of ſurpriſe, and eluded the flow purfuit of the legions.

The fiege of Palmyra was an object far more difficult and import-

ant, and the emperor, who, with inceffant vigour, preffed the attacks
in perfon, was himſelf wounded with a dart. " The Roman people ,"

fays Aurelian, in an original letter, " fpeak with contempt of the

66
war which I am waging againſt a woman. They are ignorant both

69 Some English travellers from Aleppo the hiflory of Palmyra, we may confult the
difcovered the ruins of Palmyra, about the masterly differtation of Dr. Halley in the
end of the laſt century. Our curiofity has Philofophical Tranſactions ; Lowthorp's A-
fince been gratified in a more fplendid man- bridgment, vol. iii . p. 518.
mer by Meffieurs Wood and Dawkins. For
3 B 2 "". of
 THE DECLINE AND FALL
372

CHAP. " of the character and of the power of Zenobia. It is impoffible to

XI.
" enumerate her warlike preparations, of ſtones, of arrows , and of

every ſpecies of miffile weapons. Every part of the walls is pro-

❝vided with two or three balifta, and artificial fires are thrown

" from her military engines. The fear of puniſhment has armed

" her with a defperate courage. Yet ftill I truft in the protecting

" deities of Rome, who have hitherto been favourable to all my

" undertakings "." Doubtful, however, of the protection of the

gods, and of the event of the fiege, Aurelian judged it more pru-
dent to offer terms of an advantageous capitulation ; to the queen,
a ſplendid retreat ; to the citizens, their ancient privileges. His

propoſals were obftinately rejected, and the refufal was accompanied

with infult.
who becomes
mafter of Ze-
The firmneſs of Zenobia was fupported by the hope, that in a
nobia and of
the city. very ſhort time famine would compel the Roman army to repaſs the

defert ; and by the reaſonable expectation that the kings of the Eaſt,

and particularly the Perfian monarch, would arm in the defence of

their moſt natural ally. But fortune and the perfeverance of Aure-

lian overcame every obftacle. The death of Sapor, which hap-

pened about this time ", diftracted: the councils of Perfia, and the

inconfiderable fuccours that attempted to relieve Palmyra, were eafily

intercepted either by the arms or the liberality of the emperor.

From every part of Syria, a regular fucceffion of convoys fafely

arrived in the camp, which was increafed by the return of Probus

with his victorious troops from the conqueft of Egypt. It was then

that Zenobia refolved to fly. She mounted the fleeteft of her dro-

medaries ", and had already reached the banks of the Euphrates,
70 Vopifcus in Hift. Auguft. p. 218. the fame or of a kindred fpecies, is uſed by
71 From a very doubtful chronology I have the natives of Afia and Africa on all occafions
endeavoured to extract the moft probable which require celerity. The Arabs affirm
date. that he will run over as much ground in one
*
" Hift. Auguft. p. 218. Zofimus, 1. i. day, as their fleetest horfes can perform in
p. 50. Though the camel is a heavy beaft eight or ten. See Buffon Hift. Naturelle,
of burden, the dromedary, who is either of tom. xi. p. 222 , and Shaw's Travels, p. 167.
about
 OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE 373

about fixty miles from Palmyra, when ſhe was overtaken by the CHAP.
XI.
purſuit of Aurelian's light horſe, ſeized, and brought back a captive
A. D. 273.
to the feet of the emperor. Her capital foon afterwards furrendered,

and was treated with unexpected lenity. The arms, horfes, and

camels, with an immenſe treaſure of gold, filver, filk, and precious

ftones, were all delivered to the conqueror, who leaving only a

garriſon of fix hundred archers, returned to Emefa, and employed

fome time in the diftribution of rewards and puniſhments at the

end of fo memorable a war, which reſtored to the obedience of Rome

thoſe provinces that had renounced their allegiance fince the captivity
of Valerian.

When the Syrian queen was brought into the preſence of Aure Behaviour of
Zenobia.
lian, he fternly aſked her, How ſhe had preſumed to riſe in arms

againſt the emperors of Rome ! The anfwer of Zenobia was a pru-

dent mixture of reſpect and firmneſs. " Becauſe I difdained to con-

" fider as Roman emperors an Aureolus or a Gallienus. You alone

" I acknowledge as my conqueror and my fovereign "." But as
H
female fortitude is commonly artificial, ſo it is ſeldom ſteady or con-

fiftent. The courage of Zenobia deſerted her in the hour of trial ; fhe

trembled at the angry clamours of the foldiers, who called aloud for her

immediate execution, forgot the generous deſpair of Cleopatra, which

ſhe had propoſed as her model, and ignominiouſly purchaſed life by the
facrifice of her fame and her friends. It was to their counfels which

governed the weakneſs of her ſex, that the imputed the guilt of her
obftinate reſiſtance ; it was on their heads that fhe directed the ven-

geance of the cruel Aurelian. The fame of Longinus, who was

included among the numerous and perhaps innocent victims of her

fear, will furvive that of the queen who betrayed, or the tyrant who
condemned him. Genius and learning were incapable of moving a

fierce unlettered foldier, but they had ferved to elevate and harmo→

nife the foul of Longinus. Without uttering a complaint, he calmly

23 Pollioin Hift. Auguft. p. 199.
followed
374 THE DECLINE AND FALL

CHAP. followed the executioner, pitying his unhappy miſtreſs, and beſtow-
XI.
ing comfort on his afflicted friends ".
Rebellion Returning from the conqueft of the Eaft, Aurelian had already
and ruin of
Palmyra. croffed the Streights which divide Europe from Afia, when he was

provoked by the intelligence that the Palmyrenians had maffacred

the governor and garriſon which he had left among them , and again
erected the ſtandard of revolt. Without a moment's deliberation,

he once more turned his face towards Syria. Antioch was alarmed

by his rapid approach , and the helplefs city of Palmyra felt the irre-

fiftible weight of his refentment. We have a letter of Aurelian

himſelf, in which he acknowledges ", that old men , women, chil-

dren, and peaſants, had been involved in that dreadful execution,

which fhould have been confined to armed rebellion ; and although

his principal concern feems directed to the re- eſtabliſhment of a temple

of the Sun, he diſcovers fome pity for the remnant of the Palmy-

renians, to whom he grants the permiffion of rebuilding and inha-

biting their city. But it is eaſier to deſtroy than to reſtore. The

feat of commerce, of arts, and of Zenobia, gradually funk into an

obfcure town, a trifling fortrefs, and at length a miferable village.

The preſent citizens of Palmyra, confifting of thirty or forty fami-

lies, have erected their mud cottages within the ſpacious court of a
magnificent temple.
Aurelian Another and a laſt labour ſtill awaited the indefatigable Aurelian ;
fuppreffes
the rebellion to fupprefs a dangerous though obfcure rebel, who, during the re-
of Firmus in
Egypt. volt of Palmyra, had arifen on the banks of the Nile. Firmus,

the friend and ally, as he proudly ſtyled himſelf, of Odenathus and

Zenobia, was no more than a wealthy merchant of Egypt. In the

courſe of his trade to India, he had formed very intimate connexions

with the Saracens and the Blemmyes, whoſe fituation on either coaſt

of the Red Sea gave them an eaſy introduction into the Upper

74 Vopifcus in Hift. Auguk. p. 219. Zo- 75 Hift. Auguft. p . 219.

fimus , 1. i. p. 51.

4 Egypt.
 OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. "
375

Egypt. The Egyptians he inflamed with the hope of freedom, CHAP.

XI.
and, at the head of their furious multitude, broke into the city of
Alexandria, where he affumed the Imperial purple, coined money,

publiſhed edicts, and raiſed an army, which, as he vainly boaſted,

he was capable of maintaining from the fole profits of his paper

trade. Such troops were a feeble defence againſt the approach of

Aurelian ; and it ſeems almoſt unneceffary to relate, that Firmus

was routed, taken, tortured, and put to death. Aurelian might

now congratulate the fenate, the people, and himſelf, that in little

more than three years, he had reſtored univerfal peace and order to
the Roman world " .

Since the foundation of Rome, no general had more nobly deferved A. D. 274.
Triumph of
a triumph than Aurelian ; nor was a triumph ever celebrated with fu- Aurelian.

perior pride and magnificence ". The pomp was opened by twenty
elephants, four royal tigers, and above two hundred of the most curi-

ous animals from every climate of the North, the Eaft, and the South.

They were followed by fixteen hundred gladiators, devoted to the

cruel amuſement of the amphitheatre. The wealth of Afia, the arms

and enſigns of ſo many conquered nations, and the magnificent plate

and wardrobe of the Syrian queen, were difpofed in exact ſymmetry-

or artful diſorder. The ambaffadors of the moſt remote parts of 1

the earth, of Æthiopia , Arabia, Perſia, Bactriana , India, and China,

all remarkable by their rich or fingular dreffes, difplayed the fame

and power of the Roman emperor, who expofed likewife to the

public view the prefents that he had received, and particularly a.

great number of crowns of gold, the offerings of grateful cities.

The victories of Aurelian were attefted by the long train of cap-

See Vopifcus in Hift. Auguft. p. 220. of the rebels, and confequently that Tetricus
242. As an inftance of luxury, it is obferved, was already fuppreffed..
that he had glafs windows. He was remark- 77 See the triumph of Aurelian, defcribed
able for his ftrength and appetite, his courage by Vopifcus. He relates the particulars with
and dexterity. From the letter of Aurelian , his ufual minuteness ; and, on this occafion,,
we may justly infer, that Firmus was the last they bappen to be interesting. Hift. Aug. 220.
tives
376 THE DECLINE AND FALL

CHA
XI. P. tives who reluctantly attended his triumph, Goths, Vandals, Sar-
matians, Alemanni , Franks, Gauls, Syrians, and Egyptians. Each

people was diſtinguiſhed by its peculiar inſcription, and the title of

Amazons was beftowed on ten martial heroines of the Gothic na-

tion who had been taken in arms " . But every eye, difregarding

the crowd of captives, was fixed on the emperor Tetricus, and the

queen of the Eaft. The former, as well as his fon, whom he had-

created
+ Auguftus, was dreffed in Gallic trowfers ", a faffron tunic,

and a robe of purple. The beauteous figure of Zenobia was confined

by fetters of gold ; a flave fupported the gold chain which encircled

her neck, and ſhe almoſt fainted under the intolerable weight of
jewels. She preceded on foot the magnificent chariot, in which fhe

once hoped to enter the gates of Rome. It was followed by two

other chariots, ftill more fumptuous, of Odenathus and of the

Perſian monarch. The triumphal car of Aurelian (it had formerly

been uſed by a Gothic king) was drawn, on this memorable occafion,

either by four ftags or by four elephants . The moſt illuftrious of the

fenate, the people, and the army, cloſed the folemn proceffion. Un-
feigned joy, wonder, and gratitude , ſwelled the acclamations of the
multitude ; but the fatisfaction of the ſenate was clouded by the

appearance of Tetricus ; nor could they ſuppreſs a rifing murmur,

that the haughty emperor ſhould thus expoſe to public ignominy the

perſon of a Roman and a magiſtrate" .

7 Among barbarous nations , women have cuftom was confined to the rich and luxurious.
often combated by the fide of their huſbands. It gradually was adopted by the meaneſt of
But it is almost impoffible, that a fociety of the people. See a very curious note of Ca-
Amazons fhould ever have existed either in faubon , ad Sueton . in Auguft. c. 82 .
the old or new world. so Moſt probably the former ; the latter,
79 The uſe of Bracca, breeches, or trow feen on the medals of Aurelian, only denote
fers, was ſtill confidered in Italy as a Gallic (according to the learned Cardinal Noris) an
and Barbarian fashion . The Romans, how- oriental victory.
ever, had made great advances towards it. " The expreffion of Calphurnius ( Eclog.
To encircle the legs and thighs with fafcia, i. 50. ) , Nullos ducet captiva triumphos, as
or bands, was underſtood, in the time ofPom- applied to Rome, contains a very manifeſt
pey and Horace, to be a proof of ill-health allufion and cenfure.
or effeminacy. In the age of Trajan, the
7 But
 OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 377

But however, in the treatment of his unfortunate rivals, Aure- CHA P.

XI.
lian might indulge his pride, he behaved towards them with a ge-
His treat-
nerous clemency, which was feldom exerciſed by the ancient con- ment of Te-
tricus and
querors. Princes who, without fuccefs, had defended their throne Zenobia.

or freedom, were frequently ſtrangled in prifon, as foon as the tri-

umphal pomp afcended the Capitol. Theſe uſurpers, whom their defeat

had convicted of the crime of treaſon , were permitted to ſpend their

lives in affluence and honourable repofe. The emperor preſented Ze-

nobia with an elegant villa at Tibur, or Tivoli, about twenty miles

.

from the capital ; the Syrian queen infenfibly funk into a Roman
matron, her daughters married into noble families, and her race

was not yet extinct in the fifth century ". Tetricus and his fon

were reinſtated in their rank and fortunes. They erected on the

Cælian hill a magnificent palace, and as ſoon as it was finiſhed, in-

vited Aurelian to fupper. On his entrance, he was agreeably fur-

priſed with a picture which repreſented their fingular hiſtory.

They were delineated offering to the emperor a civic crown and the

fceptre of Gaul, and again receiving at his hands the ornaments

of the fenatorial dignity. The father was afterwards inveſted

with the government of Lucania ", and Aurelian, who foon admit-

ted the abdicated monarch to his friendſhip and converſation , fami-

liarly aſked him, Whether it were not more defirable to adminiſter

a province of Italy, than to reign beyond the Alps ? The fon long

continued a reſpectable member of the ſenate ; nor was there any

one of the Roman nobility more efteemed by Aurelian , as well as

84
by his fucceffors ³ .

So long and fo various was the pomp of Aurelian's triumph, that His magnifi-
cence and
although it opened with the dawn of day, the flow majefty of the devotion .

2 Vopifcus in Hift. Auguft. p. 199. Hi-
eronym . in Chron . Profper in Chron . Ba-
ronius fuppofes that Zenobius, biſhop of
Florence in the time of St. Ambrofe, was
of her family.
83 Vopifc. in Hift . Auguft. p. 222. Eu-
tropius, ix. 13. Victor Junior. But Pollio in
Hift. Auguft. p. 196, fays, that Tetricus was
made corrector of all Italy.
$4 Hift. Auguft. p. 197.

VOL. I. 3 C proceffion
378 THE DECLINE AND FALL

CHA
XI . P. proceffion afcended not the Capitol before the ninth hour ; and it

was already dark when the emperor returned to the palace. The
feftival was protracted by theatrical reprefentations, the games of

the circus, the hunting of wild beafts, combats of gladiators, and

naval engagements. Liberal donatives were diftributed to the army

and people, and ſeveral inſtitutions, agreeable or beneficial to the

city, contributed to perpetuate the glory of Aurelian. A con-

fiderable portion of his oriental fpoils was confecrated to the gods

of Rome ; the Capitol, and every other temple, glittered with the

offerings of his oftentatious piety ; and the temple of the Sun alone

received above fifteen thousand pounds of gold ". This laſt was a
magnificent ſtructure, erected by the emperor on the fide of the

Quirinal hill, and dedicated, foon after the triumph, to that deity

whom Aurelian adored as the parent of his life and fortunes. His
mother had been an inferior prieftefs in a chapel of the Sun ; a

peculiar devotion to the god of Light, was a fentiment which the

fortunate peaſant imbibed in his infancy ; and every ſtep of his ele-

vation, every victory of his reign, fortified fuperftition by grati-

tude ".

He fuppreffes The arms of Aurelian had vanquished the foreign and domeſtic

a fedition at
Rome. foes of the Republic. We are affured, that, by his falutary rigour,

crimes and factions, mifchievous arts and pernicious connivance ,

the luxuriant growth of a feeble and oppreffive government, were

eradicated throughout the Roman world ". But if we attentively re-

flect how much fwifter is the progrefs of corruption than its cure ,

and if we remember that the years abandoned to public diforders

85 Vopifcus in Hift. Auguft . 222. Zofi- 35 See in the Auguftan Hiftory, p . 210 , the
mus, 1. i p. 56. He placed in it the images omens of his fortune. His devotion to the
ofBelus and ofthe Sun, which he had brought Sun appears in his letters , on his medals , and
from Palmyra. It was dedicated in the fourth is mentioned in the Cæfars of Julian . Com-
year of his reign ( Eufeb. in Chron . ) , but was mentaire de Spanheim, p. 109.
moft affuredly begun immediately on his ac- 87 Vopifcus in Hift. Auguft. p. 221 .
ceffion .
1 exceeded
 OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 379

СНАР.
exceeded the months allotted to the martial reign of Aurelian , we XI.
muſt confeſs that a few ſhort intervals of peace were infufficient for

the arduous work of reformation. Even his attempt to reftore the

integrity of the coin, was oppofed by a formidable infurrection .

The emperor's vexation breaks out in one of his private letters.

" Surely," fays he, " the gods have decreed that my life fhould be

a perpetual warfare. A fedition within the walls has juft now

" given birth to a very ferious civil war. The workmen of the mint,
66
at the inftigation of Feliciffimus, a flave to whom I had intrufted
.86
an employment in the finances, have rifen in rebellion. They
x
are at length fuppreffed ; but feven thoufand of my foldiers have

" been flain in the conteft, of thofe troops whofe ordinary ftation is
" in Dacia, and the camps along the Danube ".•" Other writers, who

confirm the fame fact, add likewife, that it happened foon after

Aurelian's triumph ; that the decifive engagement was fought on

the Cælian hill; that the workmen of the mint had adulterated the

coin ; and that the emperor reſtored the public credit, by delivering

out good money in exchange for the bad, which the people was com-
manded to bring into the treaſury ".

We might content ourſelves with relating this extraordinary Obfervations

tranfaction, but we cannot diffemble how much in its prefent form upon it.
it appears to us inconfiftent and incredible. The debafement of the

coin is indeed well fuited to the adminiftration of Gallienus ; nor is

it unlikely that the inftruments of the corruption might dread the

inflexible juftice of Aurelian . But the guilt, as well as the profit,

muſt have been confined to a few ; nor is it eafy to conceive by what

arts they could arm a people whom they had injured, againſt a mo`
narch whom they had betrayed. We might naturally expect, that

fuch miscreants fhould have fhared the public deteftation , with the

88 Hift . Auguft. p . 222. Aurelian calls 9 Zofimus , 1. i. p . 56. Eutropius , ix. 14.
thofe foldiers Hiberi Riparienfes , Caftriani, Aurel. Victor.
and Dacifci.
3 C 2 informers
 380 THE DECLINE AND FALL

CHAP. informers and the other minifters of oppreffion ; and that the re-
XI.
formation of the coin fhould have been an action equally popular

with the deftruction of thofe obfolete accounts, which by the em-

peror's order were burnt in the forum of Trajan " . In an age when

the principles of commerce were fo imperfectly underſtood, the

moſt deſirable end might perhaps be effected by harſh and injudicious

means ; but a temporary grievance of fuch a nature can ſcarcely ex- -

cite and fupport a ferious civil war. The repetition of intolerable

taxes, impoſed either on the land or on the neceffaries of life, may

at laſt provoke thofe who will not , or who cannot, relinquish their
"
country. But the cafe is far otherwiſe in every operation which, by
whatſoever expedients, reftores the juft value of money. The tran-

fient evil is foon obliterated by the permanent benefit, the loſs is

divided among multitudes ; and if a few wealthy individuals expe-

rience a ſenſible diminution of treaſure, with their riches, they at the

1
ſame time lofe the degree of weight and importance which they de-
!
rived from the poffeffion of them. However Aurelian might chufe
to diſguiſe the real cauſe of the infurrection, his reformation of the
coin could furnish only a faint pretence to a party already powerful

and diſcontented . Rome, though deprived of freedom, was dif-

tracted by faction. The people, towards whom the emperor, him-

ſelf a plebeian, always expreffed a peculiar fondneſs , lived in per-

petual diffention with the fenate, the equeſtrian order, and the Præ-.

torian guards " . Nothing less than the firm though fecret confpiracy

of thofe orders, of the authority of the firſt, the wealth of the ſecond,,

and the arms of the third, could have diſplayed a ftrength capable of

contending in battle with the veteran legions of the Danube, which,

under the conduct of a martial fovereign , had atchieved the conqueft

of the Weft and of the Eaft.

Hift. Auguft. p. 222. Aurel. Victor. from Egypt. See Vopifcus, who quotes an
It already raged before Aurelian's return original letter. Hift. Auguft. p . 244.

Whatever
 OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 381

Whatever was the cauſe or the object of this rebellion, imputed CHA P.
XI.
with fo little probability to the workmen of the mint, Aurelian ufed
Cruelty of
his victory with unrelenting rigour ". He was naturallly of a Aurelian.

ſevere diſpoſition. A peafant and a foldier, his nerves yielded not

eaſily to the impreffions of ſympathy, and he could ſuſtain without

emotion the fight of tortures and death. Trained from his earlieſt

youth in the exercife of arms, he fet too fmall a value on the life

of a citizen, chaſtiſed by military execution the flighteſt offences,

and transferred the ftern difcipline of the camp into the civil admi-

niſtration of the laws. His love of juſtice often became a blind and

furious paffion ; and whenever he deemed his own or the public ſafety
endangered, he diſregarded the rules of evidence, and the proportion

of puniſhments. The unprovoked rebellion with which the Romans

rewarded his ſervices, exafperated his haughty ſpirit. The nobleft

families of the capital were involved in the guilt or fufpicion of this

dark confpiracy. A hafty ſpirit of revenge urged the bloody profe-

cution, and it proved fatal to one of the nephews of the emperor.
The executioners (if we may ufe the expreffion of a contemporary

poet) were fatigued, the priſons were crowded, and the unhappy
fenate lamented the death or abſence of its moſt illuftrious mem-
93
bers "3. Nor was the pride of Aurelian leſs offenfive to that affembly

than his cruelty. Ignorant or impatient of the reſtraints of civil in-

ftitutions, he difdained to hold his power by any other title than that

of the fword, and governed by right of conqueft an empire which he

had faved and fubdued 24.

It was obſerved by one of the moſt fagacious of the Roman He marches

into the Eaft,
princes, that the talents of his predeceffor Aurelian, were better and is aflafli-
nated.
92 Vopifcus in Hift. Auguft. p . 222. The Carnificum laffabit . opus ; nec carcere pleno
two Victors . Eutropius, ix. 14. Zofimus Infelix raros numerabit curia Patres.
( 1. i . p . 43. ) mentions only three fenators , Calphurn. Eclog. i. 60.
and places their death before the eaftern 94 According to the younger Victor, he
war. fometimes wore the diadem . Deus and Do-
93 Nulla catenati feralis pompa fenatûs minus appear on his medals.
fuited
 E
LIN L
382 THE DEC AND FAL

CHA P. fuited to the command of an army, than to the government of an

XI.
empire ". Confcious of the character in which Nature and expe-
rience had enabled him to excel, he again took the field a few
A. D. 274.
October . months after his triumph. It was expedient to exerciſe the reſtleſs

temper of the legions in fome foreign war, and the Perfian monarch,

exulting in the ſhame of Valerian , ftill braved with impunity the

offended majefty of Rome. At the head of an army, lefs formidable

by its numbers than by its difcipline and valour, the emperor ad-

vanced as far as the Streights which divide Europe from Afia. He

there experienced, that the moft abfolute power is a weak defence

againſt the effects of defpair. He had threatened one of his fecre-

taries who was accuſed of extortion ; and it was known that he ſel-

dom threatened in vain. The laſt hope which remained for the

criminal, was to involve fome of the principal officers of the army

in his danger, or at leaſt in his fears. Artfully counterfeiting his

i maſter's hand, he fhewed them, in a long and bloody lift, their own
names devoted to death. Without fufpecting or examining the

fraud, they refolved to fecure their lives by the murder of the em-
peror. On his march, between Byzantium and Heraclea, Aurelian
was fuddenly attacked by the confpirators , whofe ftations gave them a

right to furround his perſon, and, after a ſhort reſiſtance, fell by the

hand of Mucapor, a general whom he had always loved and truſted.

A. D. 275. He died regretted by the army, detefted by the fenate, but univer-
January.
fally acknowledged as a warlike and fortunate prince, the ufeful

though fevere reformer of a degenerate ſtate " .

95 It was the obfervation of Diocletian . fimus, 1. i. p. 57. Eutrop. ix. 15. The two
See Vopifcus in Hift . Auguft. p. 224. Victors.
96 Vopifcus in Hift. Auguft. p . 221. Zo-

!
 OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE
383

CHA P. XII .

Conduct ofthe Army and Senate after the Death of Aure-

lian.
-Reigns ofTacitus, Probus, Carus, and his Sons.

CHAP .
UCH was the unhappy condition of the Roman emperors, XII.
SUCH
that, whatever might be their conduct, their fate was com-
Extraordi-
monly the fame. A life of pleaſure or virtue, of ſeverity or mild- nary conteft
between the
nefs , of indolence or glory, alike led to an untimely grave ; and army and the

almoſt every reign is cloſed by the fame diſguſting repetition of fenate of the
choicefor an
treaſon and murder. The death of Aurelian, however, is remark- emperor.

able by its extraordinary confequences. The legions admired ,

lamented, and revenged, their victorious chief. The artifice of

his perfidious fecretary was diſcovered and puniſhed. The deluded

confpirators attended the funeral of their injured fovereign, with

fincere or well-feigned contrition, and fubmitted to the unanimous

reſolution of the military order, which was fignified by the follow-

ing epiſtle. " The brave and fortunate armies to the fenate and
66
people of Rome. The crime of one man , and the error of many,
" have deprived us of the late emperor Aurelian. May it pleaſe you ,

" venerable lords and fathers ! to place him in the number of the

" gods, and to appoint a fucceffor whom your judgment fhall declare

" worthy of the Imperial purple ! None of thofe, whofe guilt or

" misfortune have contributed to our lofs , fhall ever reign over
" us "." The Roman fenators heard, without furpriſe, that another

emperor had been affaffinated in his camp : they fecretly rejoiced in

the fall of Aurelian ; but the modeft and dutiful addrefs of the:

Vopifcus in Hift. Auguft . p. 222. Aurelius Victor mentions a formal deputation from
the troops to the fenate.

legions
384 THE DECLINE AND FALL

CHA P. legions, when it was communicated in full affembly by the conful,

XII.
- diffuſed the moſt pleaſing aſtoniſhment. Such honours as fear and
perhaps efteem could extort, they liberally poured forth on the
memory of their deceaſed fovereign. Such acknowledgiftents as

gratitude could infpire, they returned to the faithful armies of the

republic, who entertained ſo juſt a ſenſe of the legal authority of

the fenate in the choice of an emperor. Yet, notwithſtanding this

flattering appeal, the moft prudent of the affembly declined ex-

pofing their ſafety and dignity to the caprice of an armed multi-

tude. The ftrength of the legions was, indeed, a pledge of their

fincerity, fince thoſe who may command are feldom reduced to the

neceffity of diffembling ; but could it naturally be expected, that a

hafty repentance would correct the inveterate habits of fourfcore

years ? Should the foldiers relapſe into their accuſtomed feditions,

their infolence might difgrace the majefty of the fenate, and prove
fatal to the object of its choice. Mo. yes like thefe dictated a de-

cree, by which the election of a new emperor was referred to the

fuffrage of the military order.
A. D. 275.
The contention that enfued is one of the beſt attefted , but moſt
February 3.
A peaceful improbable events in the hiſtory of mankind ' . The troops, as if
interregnum
of eight fatiated with the exerciſe of power, again conjured the fenate to in-
months .
veſt one of its own body with the Imperial purple. The fenate

ftill perfifted in its refufal ; the army in its requeft. The recipro-
cal offer was preffed and rejected at leaſt three times, and whilſt the

obftinate modeſty of either party was refolved to receive a maſter

from the hands of the other, eight months infenfibly elapſed : an

amazing period of tranquil anarchy, during which the Roman

2 Vopifcus, our principal authority, wrote ginal papers of the Ulpian library. Zofimus
at Rome, fixteen years only after the death and Zonaras appear as ignorant of this tranf-
of Aurelian ; and, befides the recent notoriety action as they were in general of the Roman
of the facts, conftantly draws his materials conftitution.
from the Journals of the Senate , and the ori-
4 world
 OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE.
385
world remained without a ſovereign, without an ufurper, and with- CHAP.
out a fedition. The generals and magiſtrates appointed by Aurelian XII.

continued to execute their ordinary functions ; and it is obferved, that

a proconful of Afia was the only confiderable perfon removed from

his office, in the whole courſe of the interregnum .

An event ſomewhat fimilar, but much leſs authentic, is fuppofed

to have happened after the death of Romulus, who, in his life and

character, bore fome affinity with Aurelian. The throne was va-

cant during twelve months, till the election of a Sabine philoſopher,

and the public peace was guarded in the ſame manner, by the union of
the ſeveral orders of the ſtate. But, in the time of Numa and Ro-

mulus, the arms of the people were controlled by the authority of the

Patricians ; and the balance of freedom was eaſily preſerved in a finall

and virtuous community . The decline of the Roman ftate, far dif-

ferent from its infancy, was attended with every circumftance that

could baniſh from an interregnum the proſpect of obedience and har-

mony : an immenfe and tumultuous capital, a wide extent of empire,

the fervile equality of defpotiſm, an army of four hundred thouſand

mercenaries , and the experience offrequent revolutions . Yet, notwith-

ſtanding all theſe temptations, the difcipline and memory of Aurelian

ftill reftrained the feditious temper of the troops, as well as the fatal
ambition of their leaders. The flower of the legions maintained their

ftations on the banks of the Bofphorus, and the Imperial ſtandard awed

the lefs powerful camps of Rome and of the provinces. A generous

though tranfient enthufiafm feemed to animate the military order ;

and we may hope that a few real patriots cultivated the returning
friendſhip of the army and the fenate, as the only expedient capable

of reſtoring the republic to its ancient beauty and vigour.

3 Liv. i. 1. Dionyf. Halicarn . 1. ii . p . tor, the ſecond like a lawyer, and the third
115. Plutarch in Numa, p. 60. The first like a moralift, and none of them probably
of thefe wtiters relates the story like an ora- without fome intermixture of fable.

VOL. I. 3 D On I

I
386 THE DECLINE AND FALL

CHAP.
XII. On the twenty-fifth of September, near eight months after the

A. D. 275. murder of Aurelian, the conful convoked an affembly of the fenate,

Sept. 25 .
and reported the doubtful and dangerous fituation of the empire.
The conful
affembles the He flightly infinuated, that the precarious loyalty of the foldiers
fenate.
depended on the chance of every hour, and of every accident ; but

he repreſented, with the moft convincing eloquence , the various dan-

gers that might attend any farther delay in the choice of an emperor.

Intelligence, he faid, was already received, that the Germans had

paffed the Rhine, and occupied fome of the ſtrongeſt and moſt opu-

lent cities of Gaul. The ambition of the Perfian king kept the Eaſt

in perpetual alarms ; Egypt, Africa, and Illyricum, were expoſed

to foreign and domeftic arms, and the levity of Syria would prefer

even a female fceptre to the fanctity of the Roman laws. The con-

ful then addreffing himſelf to Tacitus, the firſt of the fenators , re-

quired his opinion on the important fubject of a proper candidate for

the vacant throne.
Character of If we can prefer perfonal merit to accidental greatneſs, we ſhall
Tacitus.
eſteem the birth of Tacitus more truly noble than that of kings.
He claimed his defcent from the philofophic hiftorian, whofe

writings will inſtruct the laſt generations of mankind . The ſenator

Tacitus was then feventy-five years of age . The long period of
his innocent life was adorned with wealth and honours. He had

twice been invefted with the confular dignity ', and enjoyed with

elegance and fobriety his ample patrimony of between two and three

Vopifcus (in Hift. Auguft. p. 227. ) calls empire, furnames were extremely various and
·
him primæ fententiæ confularis ;' and foon uncertain .
afterwards Princeps fenatûs. It is natural to • Zonaras, 1. xii. p . 637. The Alexan-
fuppofe, that the monarchs of Rome, dif- drian Chronicle, by an obvious miſtake, tranſ
daining that humble title, refigned it to the fers that age to Aurelian .
moft ancient of the fenators. 7 In the year 273 , he was ordinary conful.
The only objection to this genealogy, is, But he must have been Suffectus many years
that the hiftorian was named Cornelius , the before, and most probably under Valerian .
emperor, Claudius. But under the lower

millions
 OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE.
387
millions ſterling '. The experience of fo many princes, whom he CHA P.
had eſteemed or endured, from the vain follies of Elagabalus to the XII.

uſeful rigour of Aurelian, taught him to form a juft eſtimate of the

duties , the dangers, and the temptations, of their fublime ftation.

From the affiduous ſtudy of his immortal anceſtor he derived the

knowledge of the Roman conftitution, and of human nature . The

voice of the people had already named Tacitus as the citizen the moſt

worthy of empire. The ungrateful rumour reached his ears, and

induced him to ſeek the retirement of one of his villas in Campania.

He had paffed two months in the delightful privacy of Baix, when

he reluctantly obeyed the fummons of the conful to refume his ho-

nourable place in the fenate, and to affift the republic with his counfels

on this important occafion.

He aroſe to ſpeak, when , from every quarter of the houſe, he was He is elected
faluted with the names of Auguftus and Emperor. " Tacitus Au- emperor,
દ
guftus, the gods preſerve thee, we chufe thee for our fovereign,
66
to thy care we intruſt the republic and the world . Accept the

empire from the authority of the fenate. It is due to thy rank,

" to thy conduct, to thy manners. ' As foon as the tumult of ac-
clamations fubfided, Tacitus attempted to decline the dangerous

honour, and to exprefs his wonder, that they ſhould elect his age

and infirmities to fucceed the martial vigour of Aurelian .

" Are
" theſe limbs, confcript fathers ! fitted to fuftain the weight of ar-
66
mour, or to practiſe the exerciſes of the camp ? The variety of

" climates, and the hardships of a military life, would foon op-
66
prefs a feeble conftitution, which fubfifts only by the moſt tender

& Bis millies ottingenties. Vopifcus in Hift. ten copies of the hiftorian ſhould be annually
Auguft . p. 229. This fum, according to the
tranfcribed and placed in the public libraries.
old ftandard, was equivalent to eight hundred
The Roman libraries have long fince perished,
and forty thouſand Roman pounds of filver ,
and the most valuable part of Tacitus was
each of the value of three pounds fterling .
preferved in a fingle MS. and difcovered in a
But in the age of Tacitus , the coin had loft
monaftery of Weftphalia. See Bayle, Dic-
much of its weight and purity. tionnaire, Art. Tacite, and Lipfius ad An-
After his acceffion, he gave orders that
nal. ii. 9 .
3 D 2 66
management .
 INE
THE DECL AND FALL
388

CHA P. « management. My exhaufted ftrength fcarcely enables me to

XII.
"
diſcharge the duty of a fenator ; how infufficient would it prove
<<
to the arduous labours of war and government. Can you hope,

" that the legions will reſpect a weak old man, whofe days have
" been ſpent in the ſhade of peace and retirement ? Can you defire

" that I ſhould ever find reaſon to regret the favourable opinion of
10
" the fenate "° ?"
and accepts
The reluctance of Tacitus, and it might poffibly be fincere, was
the purple.
encountered by the affectionate obftinacy of the fenate. Five hun-

dred voices repeated at once, in eloquent confufion , that the greateſt of

the Roman princes, Numa, Trajan, Hadrian, and the Antonines, had

aſcended the throne in a very advanced ſeaſon of life ; that the mind,

not the body, a ſovereign , not a foldier, was the object of their

choice ; and that they expected from him no more than to guide by

his wiſdom the valour of the legions. Theſe preffing though tumul-

tuary inftances were feconded by a more regular oration of Metius

Falconius, the next on the confular bench to Tacitus himſelf. He

reminded the affembly of the evils which Rome had endured from the

vices of headſtrong and capricious youths, congratulated them on the

election of a virtuous and experienced fenator, and, with a manly,,

though perhaps a felfifh, freedom, exhorted Tacitus to remember

the reaſons of his elevation, and to feek a fucceffor, not in his own:

family, but in the republic. The fpeech of Falconius was enforced

by a general acclamation. The emperor elect fubmitted to the autho-

rity of his country, and received the voluntary homage of his equals ..

The judgment of the fenate was confirmed by the confent of the

Roman people, and of the Prætorian guards ".

Authority of The adminiſtration of Tacitus was not unworthy of his life and
the fenate.
principles. A grateful fervant of the fenate, he confidered that na-

30
10 Vopifcus in Hift. Auguft. p. 227. milites, and the people by that offacratiffimi
" Hift. Auguft. p. 228. Tacitus addreffed Quirites.
the Prætorians by the appellation offan&tiſſimi
5 tional
 OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE.
389

tional council as the author, and himſelf as the fubject, of the CHA
XII. P.
laws ". He ftudied to heal the wounds which imperial pride, civil

difcord, and military violence, had inflicted on the conftitution,

and to reſtore, at leaſt, the image of the ancient republic, as it had

been preferved by the policy of Auguftus, and the virtues of Trajan

and the Antonines. It may not be uſeleſs to recapitulate fome

of the most important prerogatives which the fenate appeared to

have regained by the election of Tacitus " . 1. To inveft one of their

body, under the title of emperor, with the general command of the

armies and the government of the frontier provinces. 2. To

determine the lift, or as it was then ftyled, the College of Confuls.

They were twelve in number, who, in fucceffive pairs, each, during

the ſpace of two months, filled the year, and repreſented the dignity
of that ancient office. The authority of the fenate, in the nomination

of the confuls, was exerciſed with fuch independent freedom , that no

regard was paid to an irregular requeſt of the emperor in favour of

his brother Florianus. " The fenate," exclaimed Tacitus, with the

honeſt tranſport of a patriot, " underſtand the character of a prince

" whom they have chofen." 3. To appoint the proconfuls and pre-

fidents of the provinces, and to confer on all the magiftrates their

civil juriſdiction . 4. To receive appeals through the intermediate

office of the præfe& of the city from all the tribunals of the empire.
5. To give force and validity, by their decrees, to fuch as they ſhould
approve of the emperor's edicts. 6. To theſe feveral branches of

authority, we may add ſome inſpection over the finances, fince, even

in the ftern reign of Aurelian, it was in their power to divert a part

14
of the revenue from the public fervice ".

12 In his manumiffions he never exceeded Probus, in the Auguftan Hiftory ; we may be

the number of an hundred , as limited by the well affured, that whatever the foldier gave,
Caninian law, which was enacted under Au- the fenator had already given.
guftus, and at length repealed by Juftinian. 14 Vopifcus in Hift. Auguft. p. 216. The
See Cafaubon ad locum Vopifci. paffage is perfectly clear ; yet both Cafaubon
" See the lives of Tacitus , Florianus, and and Salmafius wish to correct it.
Circular
390 THE DECLINE AND FALL

С НА Р.
XII. Circular epiftles were fent, without delay, to all the principal ·

Their joy cities of the empire, Treves, Milan , Aquileia, Theffalonica, Corinth ,
and confi- Athens, Antioch, Alexandria, and Carthage, to claim their obe-
dence .
dience, and to inform them of the happy revolution , which had
reſtored the Roman fenate to its ancient dignity. Two of theſe
epiftles are ftill extant. We likewife poffefs two very fingular frag-

ments of the private correfpondence of the fenators on this oc-

cafion. They diſcover the moſt exceffive joy, and the moſt un-
bounded hopes . " Caft away your indolence," it is thus that one.
66
of the fenators addreffes his friend , emerge from your retire-
66
ments of Baiæ and Puteoli. Give yourſelf to the city, to the

" fenate. Rome flouriſhes, the whole republic flouriſhes. Thanks

" to the Roman army, to an army truly Roman ; at length, we

" have recovered our juſt authority, the end of all our defires.

" We hear appeals, we appoint proconfuls , we create emperors ;

perhaps too we may reftrain them-to the wife, a word is fuffi-

" cient "," Theſe lofty expectations were, however, foon dif-
appointed ; nor, indeed, was it poffible, that the armies and the

provinces ſhould long obey the luxurious and unwarlike nobles of

Rome. On the flighteſt touch, the unfupported fabric of their

pride and power fell to the ground. The expiring fenate diſplayed
a fudden luftre , blazed for a moment, and was extinguiſhed for
ever.

A. D. 276 . All that had yet paffed at Rome was no more than a theatrical
Tacitus is ac-
knowledged reprefentation, unleſs it was ratified by the more fubftantial power
by the army of the legions. Leaving the fenators to enjoy their dream of free-

dom and ambition, Tacitus proceeded to the Thracian camp, and was

there, by the Prætorian præfect, prefented to the affembled troops,

as the prince whom they themſelves had demanded , and whom the

15 Vopifcus in Hift. Auguft. p. 230. 232 , ftoration with hecatombs and public rejoi-
233. The fenators celebrated the happy re- cings.
.6 ſenate
 OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 391

fenate had beſtowed. As foon as the præfect was filent, the em- CHAP,
XII.
peror addreſſed himſelf to the foldiers with eloquence and propriety.
He gratified their avarice by a liberal diftribution of treaſure, under

the names of pay and donative. He engaged their eſteem by a

ſpirited declaration, that although his age might difable him from

the performance of military exploits, his counfels fhould never be

unworthy of a Roman general, the fucceffor of the brave Au-

relian 16.

Whilft the deceafed emperor was making preparations for a fe- invad
The Alani
e Afia,
cond expedition into the Eaft, he had negociated with the Alani, and are re
pulfed by
a Scythian people, who pitched their tents in the neighbourhood of Tacitus

the lake Mœotis. Thoſe barbarians, allured by prefents and ſub--

fidies, had promiſed to invade Perſia with a numerous body of light

cavalry. They were faithful to their engagements ; but when they

arrived on the Roman frontier, Aurelian was already dead, the defign

of the Perfian war was at leaft fufpended, and the generals , who,

during their interregnum , exerciſed a doubtful authority, were unpre-

pared either to receive or to oppoſe them. Provoked by fuch treat-

ment, which they confidered as trifling and perfidious, the Alani had

recourſe to their own valour for their payment and revenge ; and as

they moved with the uſual ſwiftnefs of Tartars, they had foon ſpread
themſelves over the provinces of Pontus, Cappadocia, Cilicia, and

Galatia. The legions, who from the oppofite fhores of the Bofphorus

could almoſt diſtinguiſh the flames of the cities and villages, impa-
tiently urged their general to lead them againſt the invaders. The

conduct of Tacitus was ſuitable to his age and ſtation. He convinced

the barbarians, of the faith , as well as of the power, of the empire.

Great numbers of the Alani, appeafed by the punctual diſcharge of

the engagements which Aurelian had contracted with them, relin-

quifhed their booty and captives , and quietly retreated to their own

16 Hift. Auguft. p . 228.

deferts,
 1

392 THE DECLINE AND FALL

CHA
XII. P. deferts, beyond the Phaſis. Againſt the remainder who refuſed peace,

the Roman emperor waged, in perfon, a fucceſsful war. Seconded by

an army of brave and experienced veterans, in a few weeks he de-

livered the provinces of Afia from the terror of the Scythian in-
vafion ".
Death of the
emperor But the glory and life of Tacitus were of fhort duration. Tranf-
Tacitus.
ported, in the depth of winter, from the foft retirement of Cam-

pania, to the foot of mount Caucafus, he funk under the unnacuf-

tomed hardſhips of a military life. The fatigues of the body were

aggravated by the cares ofthe mind. For a while, the angry and ſelfiſh

paffions of the foldiers had been fufpended by the enthuſiaſm of

public virtue. They foon broke out with redoubled violence, and

raged in the camp, and even in the tent, of the aged emperor. His
mild and amiable character ferved only to infpire contempt, and he

was inceffantly tormented with factions which he could not affuage,

and by demands which it was impoffible to fatisfy. Whatever flat-

tering expectations he had conceived of reconciling the public dif-

orders, Tacitus foon was convinced, that the licentiouſneſs of the

army difdained the feeble reſtraint of laws, and his laft hour was
haftened by anguifh and diſappointment. It may be doubtful

whether the foldiers imbrued their hands in the blood of this innocent

prince " . It is certain , that their infolence was the cauſe of his death .

A. D. 276. He expired at Tyana in Cappadocia, after a reign of only fix months

April 12.
and about twenty days ".

17 Vopifcus in Hift . Auguft. p. 230. Zo-
fimus, 1. i . p . 57. Zonaras , 1. xii . p. 637 .
Two paffages in the life of Probus (p. 236.
238. ) convince me, that theſe Scythian in-
vaders of Pontus were Alani. If we may be-
lieve Zofimus (1. i. p . 58. ) , Florianus purſued
them as far as the Cimmerian Bofphorus . But
he had fcarcely time for fo long and difficult
an expedition.
18 Eutropius and Aurelius Victor only fay
that he died ; Victor Junior adds, that it was
of a fever. Zofimus and Zonaras affirm , that
he was killed by the foldiers. Vopifcus men-
tions both accounts, and feems to hefitate .
Yet furely thefe jarring opinions are eafily
reconciled .
19 According to the two Victors, he reigned
exactly two hundred days.

The
 OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 393

The eyes of Tacitus were fcarcely clofed, before his brother CHA P.
XII .
Florianus fhewed himſelf unworthy to reign, by the haſty ufurpation
of the purple, without expecting the approbation of the fenate. Ufurpation
and death of
The reverence for the Roman conftitution, which yet influenced his brother
Florianus.
the camp and the provinces, was fufficiently ftrong to difpofe them

to cenfure, but not to provoke them to oppofe, the precipitate am-

bition of Florianus. The difcontent would have evaporated in

idle murmurs, had not the general of the Eaft, the heroic Probus,

boldly declared himſelf the avenger of the ſenate. The conteft,

however, was ſtill unequal ; nor could the moſt able leader, at the
head of the effeminate troops of Egypt and Syria, encounter, with

any hopes of victory, the legions of Europe, whoſe irreſiſtible

ftrength appeared to fupport the brother of Tacitus. But the

fortune and activity of Probus triumphed over every obſtacle.

The hardy veterans of his rival, accuſtomed to cold climates,
fickened and confumed away in the fultry heats of Cilicia, where the
fummer proved remarkably unwholeſome. Their numbers were

diminiſhed by frequent deſertion , the paffes of the mountains were

feebly defended ; Tarfus opened its gates , and the foldiers of Flori-

anus, when they had permitted him to enjoy the Imperial title about

three months, delivered the empire from civil war by the eafy facri- July.
20
fice of a prince whom they defpifed "0.

The perpetual revolutions of the throne had fo perfeâly eraſed Their family
fubfifts in ob-
every notion of hereditary right, that the family of an unfortunate fcurity.
emperor was incapable of exciting the jealoufy of his fucceffors.

The children of Tacitus and Florianus were permitted to defcend

into a private ſtation , and to mingle with the general mafs of the

people. Their poverty indeed became an additional fafeguard to

20 Hift. Auguft. p. 231. Zofimus, 1. i. adopted by a very learned man) would throw
p. 58, 59. Zonaras, 1. xii. p. 637. Aure- that period of history into inextricable con-
lius Victor fays , that Probus affumed the em- fufion .
pire in Illyricum ; an opinion which (though
VOL. I. 3 E their
394 THE DECLINE AND FALL

CHAP. their innocence. When Tacitus was elected by the fenate , he

XII.
refigned his ample patrimony to the public fervice " , an act of ge-
nerofity fpecious in appearance , but which evidently difclofed his

intention of tranfmitting the empire to his defcendants . The only

confolation of their fallen ftate, was the remembrance of tranfient

greatneſs , and a diftant hope , the child of a flattering prophecy , that

at the end of a thousand years , a monarch of the race of Tacitus

ſhould ariſe, the protector of the fenate , the reftorer of Rome , and
the conqueror of the whole earth 22.
Character
The peaſants of Illyricum, who had already given Claudius and
and elevation
of the em- Aurelian to the finking empire, had an equal right to glory in the
perorProbus. 23
elevation of Probus ". Above twenty years before, the emperor

Valerian, with his uſual penetration, had diſcovered the rifing merit
of the young foldier, on whom he conferred the rank of tribune,
long before the age prefcribed by the military regulations. The

tribune foon juftified his choice, by a victory over a great body of

Sarmatians, in which he faved the life of a near relation of Va-

lerian ; and deferved to receive from the emperor's hand the collars,

bracelets, fpears , and banners, the mural and the civic crown, and

all the honourable rewards reſerved by ancient Rome for fucceſsful

valour. The third, and afterwards the tenth, legion were intrufted to

the command of Probus, who, in every step of his promotion, fhewed

himſelf ſuperior to the ftation which he filled. Africa and Pontus,

the Rhine, the Danube, the Euphrates, and the Nile, by turns afforded

him the moſt ſplendid occafions of difplaying his perfonal proweſs and
his conduct in war. Aurelian was indebted to him for the conqueft

of Egypt, and ftill more indebted for the honeft courage with which he

21 Hift. Auguft. p. 229. pifcus with proper modefty) will not fubfift a
22 He was to fend judges to the Parthians, thousand years to expofe or justify the pre-
Perfians, and Sarmatians, a prefident to Ta diction.
probana, and a proconful to the Roman iſland. 23 For the private life of Probus, fee Vo-
(fuppofed by Cafaubon and Salmafius to mean pifcus in Hift. Auguft. p. 234-237 .
Britain). Such a history as mine (fays Vo
4 often
 OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 395

often checked the cruelty of his mafter. Tacitus, who defired by CHAP.
XII.
the abilities of his generals to fupply his own deficiency of military

talents, named him commander in chief of all the eaſtern provinces,

with five times the uſual ſalary, the promiſe of the confulfhip, and the

hope of a triumph . When Probus afcended the Imperial throne, he

was about forty-four years of age ; in the full poffeffion of his fame,

of the love of the army, and of a mature vigour of mind and body.
His acknowledged merit, and the fuccefs of his arms againſt His refpect-
ful conduct
Florianus, left him without an enemy or a competitor. Yet, if we towards the
fenate.
may credit his own profeffions, very far from being defirous of the

empire, he had accepted it with the moſt fincere reluctance. " But

" it is no longer in my power," fays Probus, in a private letter,

66
to lay down a title fo full of envy and of danger. I muſt con-

" tinue to perfonate the character which the foldiers have impoſed!
66 25 99
upon me "5 " His dutiful addrefs to the fenate difplayed the

fentiments, or at leaſt the language, of a Roman patriot : " When

you elected one of your order, confcript fathers ! to fucceed the
emperor Aurelian, you acted in a manner fuitable to your juftice

" and wiſdom. For you are the legal fovereigns of the world,

" and the power which you derive from your anceſtors, will de-
" fcend to your pofterity. Happy would it have been, if Flori-
66
anus, inſtead of ufurping the purple of his brother, like a pri-
" vate inheritance, had expected what your majeſty might deter-
" mine, either in his favour, or in that of any other perſon. The
<<
prudent foldiers have puniſhed his rafhneſs. To me they have
" offered the title of Auguftus. But I fubmit to your clemency my
·9
" pretenfions and my merits "." When this refpectful epiftle was A. D. 276.
Auguft 3.

24 According tothe Alexandrian Chronicle,
he was fifty at the time of his death.
25 The letter was addreffed to the Præto-
rian præfect, whom (on condition of his good
behaviour) he promiſed to continue in his
3 E 2
great office. See Hift. Auguft. p. 237.
26 Vopifcus in Hift . Auguft. p . 237. The
date of the letter is affuredly faulty. Instead
of Non. Februar. we may read Non. Auguft.
read
 NE
396 THE DECLI AND FALL

CHAP.
XII. read by the conful, the fenators were unable to diſguiſe their fatif-

faction , that Probus fhould condefcend thus humbly to folicit a

fceptre which he already poffeffed . They celebrated with the

warmeſt gratitude his virtues, his exploits, and above all his mode-

ration. A decree immediately paffed, without a diffenting voice, to

ratify the election of the eaſtern armies, and to confer on their

chief all the feveral branches of the Imperial dignity : the names of
1
Cæfar and Auguftus, the title of Father of his country, the right
of making in the fame day three motions in the fenate ", the office

of Pontifex Maximus, the tribunitian power, and the proconfular

command ; a mode of inveftiture, which, though it ſeemed to mul-

tiply the authority of the emperor, expreffed the conftitution of the

ancient republic. The reign of Probus correſponded with this fair

beginning. The fenate was permitted to direct the civil admini-

ftration of the empire. Their faithful general afferted the honour

of the Roman arms, and often laid at their feet crowns of gold

and barbaric trophies, the fruits of his numerous victories 29.• Yet ,

whilſt he gratified their vanity, he muft fecretly have deſpiſed their

indolence and weakneſs. Though it was every moment in their

power to repeal the difgraceful ' edict of Gallienus, the proud fuccef-

fors of the Scipios patiently acquiefced in their exclufion from all

&
military employments. They foon experienced, that thoſe who re-
fufe the fword, muft renounce the fceptre.

Victories of The ftrength of Aurelian had cruſhed on every fide the enemies of
Probus over
the barba- Rome. After his death they feemed to revive with an increaſe of
rians.
fury and of numbers. They were again vanquiſhed by the active vi-
gour of Probus, who, in a fhort reign of about fix years ", equalled
the
27 Hift. Auguft. p . 238. It is odd , that the 28 See the dutiful letter of Probus to the
fenate fhould treat Probus lefs favourably than fenate, after his German victories. Hist.
Marcus Antoninus. That prince had re- Auguft . p . 239.
ceived, even before the death of Pius , Jus 29 The date and duration of the reign of
quinta relationis. See Capitolin . in Hift. Au- Probus are very correctly afcertained by Car-
guit. p. 24. dinal Noris, in his learned work, De Epochis
Syro-
 OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 397

СНАР.
the fame of ancient heroes, and reftored peace and order to every pro-
XII.
vince of the Roman world. The dangerous frontier of Rhætia he ſo
firmly fecured, that he left it without the fufpicion of an enemy. He

broke the wandering power of the Sarmatian tribes, and by the terror

of his arms compelled thoſe barbarians to relinquish their ſpoil. The

Gothic nation courted the alliance of fo warlike an emperor ". He
attacked the Ifaurians in their mountains, befieged and took feveral

of their ſtrongeſt caſtles ", and flattered himſelf that he had for ever

fuppreffed a domeftic foe, whofe independence fo deeply wounded the

majefty of the empire. The troubles excited by the ufurper Firmus

in the Upper Egypt, had never been perfectly appeafed, and the
cities of Ptolemais and Coptos, fortified by the alliance of the Blem-
myes, ftill maintained an obfcure rebellion. The chaftifement of

thofe cities, and of their auxiliaries the favages of the South, is faid

to have alarmed the court of Perfia ", and the Great King fued in

vain for the friendship of Probus. Moft of the exploits which dif-

tinguiſhed his reign, were atchieved by the perfonal valour and con-

duct of the emperor, infomuch that the writer of his life expreffes

fome amazement how, in fo fhort a time, a fingle man could be pre-

fent in fo many diftant wars. The remaining actions he intruſted to

the care of his lieutenants, the judicious choice of whom forms no

inconfiderable part of his glory. Carus, Diocletian, Maximian,

Conftantius, Galerius, Afclepiodatus , Annibalianus, and a crowd of

other chiefs, who afterwards afcended or fupported the throne , were

trained to arms in the fevere fchool of Aurelian and Probus 33.

Syro-Macedonum, p. 96-105. A paffage 32 Zofim. 1. i . p. 65. Vopifcus in Hift.

of Eufebius connects the fecond year of Pro- Auguft. p . 239 , 240. But it feems incredible,
bus , with the aras of feveral of the Syrian that the defeat of the Savages of Ethiopia
cities. could affect the Perfian monarch.
30 Vopifcus in Hift. Auguft. p. 239. 33 Befides thefe well-known chiefs , feveral'
31 Zofimus (1. i . p. 62-65 . ) tells a very others are named by Vopifcus (Hift. Auguft.
long and trifling ftory of Lycius the Ifaurian p . 241. ) , whofe actions have not reached our
robber.
knowledge.
3 But
 E
LIN L
398 THE DEC AND FAL

CHAP.
XII. But the most important fervice which Probus rendered to the re-

public, was the deliverance of Gaul, and the recovery of ſeventy

A. D. 277.
He delivers flouriſhing cities oppreffed by the barbarians of Germany, who,
Gaul from
the invaſion fince the death of Aurelian, had ravaged that great province with

of the Ger-
mans, impunity ". Among the various multitude of thoſe fierce invaders,

we may diſtinguiſh, with ſome degree of clearness, three great armies,

or rather nations, fucceffively vanquished by the valour of Probus.

He drove back the Francs into their moraffes ; a defcriptive cir-

cumftance from whence we may infer, that the confederacy known

by the manly appellation of Free, already occupied the flat maritime

country, interfected and almoft overflown by the ftagnating waters

of the Rhine, and that ſeveral tribes of the Frifians and Batavians

had acceded to their alliance. He vanquished the Burgundians, a

confiderable people of the Vandalic race. They had wandered in

queft of booty from the banks of the Oder to thofe of the Seine.

They eſteemed themſelves fufficiently fortunate to purchaſe, by the

reſtitution of all their booty, the permiſſion of an undiſturbed retreat.

They attempted to elude that article of the treaty. Their puniſh-

ment was immediate and terrible ". But of all the invaders of Gaul,

the moſt formidable were the Lygians, a diftant people who reigned
over a wide domain on the frontiers of Poland and Silefia ". In

the Lygian nation , the Arii held the firſt rank by their numbers and
fierceness. " The Arii (it is thus that they are deſcribed by the
cc
energy of Tacitus) ſtudy to improve by art and circumſtances the

" innate terrors of their barbarifm . Their fhields are black, their

" bodies are painted black. They chufe for the combat the darkeſt

" hour of the night. Their hoft advances, covered as it were with
a funereal ſhade " ; nor do they often find an enemy capable of

34 See the Cæfars of Julian, and Hift. Au- 36 See Cluver. Germania Antiqua, 1. iii.
guft. p. 238. 240, 241 . Ptolemy places in their country the city of
35 Zofimus, L. i . p. 62. Hift. Auguft. p. Califia, probably Caliſh in Silefia.
240. But the latter fuppoſes the puniſhment 31 Feralis umbra, is the expreffion of Ta-
inflicted with the confent of their kings ; if citus : it is furely a very bold one.
fo, it was partial , like the offence.
“ ſuſtaining
 OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 399

" fuftaining fo ſtrange and infernal an afpect. Of all our fenfes, CHA P.
XII.
" the eyes are the firſt vanquiſhed in battle ". " Yet the arms

and diſcipline of the Romans eaſily diſcomfited theſe horrid phan-

toms. The Lygii were defeated in a general engagement, and Semno,

the moſt renowned of their chiefs, fell alive into the hands of Probus.

That prudent emperor, unwilling to reduce a brave people to deſpair,

granted them an honourable capitulation, and permitted them to re-

turn in ſafety to their native country. But the loffes which they

fuffered in the march, the battle, and the retreat, broke the power

of the nation : nor is the Lygian name ever repeated in the hiſtory

either of Germany or of the empire. The deliverance of Gaul is

reported to have coft the lives of four hundred thouſand of the in-
vaders ; a work of labour to the Romans, and of expence to the
emperor, who gave a piece of gold for the head of every barba-

rian . But as the fame of warriors is built on the deftruction of

human kind, we may naturally ſuſpect, that the fanguinary account

was multiplied by the avarice of the foldiers, and accepted without

any very ſevere examination by the liberal vanity of Probus.

Since the expedition of Maximin, the Roman generals had con- and carries
his arms into
fined their ambition to a defenfive war againſt the nations of Ger- Germany.

many, who perpetually preffed on the frontiers of the empire. The J

more daring Probus purſued his Gallic victories, paffed the Rhine,
and difplayed his invincible eagles on the banks of the Elbe and the
Necker. He was fully convinced, that nothing could reconcile the

minds of the barbarians to peace, unleſs they experienced in their

own country the calamities of war. Germany, exhauſted by the

ill fuccefs of the laſt emigration , was aftoniſhed by his prefence.

Nine of the moſt confiderable princes repaired to his camp, and fell

proftrate at his feet. Such a treaty was humbly received by the

He exacted a
Germans, as it pleafed the conqueror to dictate.

3 Tacit. Germania ( c. 43. ). 39 Vopifcus in Hift. Auguft. p. 238.

Atrict
400 THE DECLINE AND FALL

CHAP
XII . . ftrict reftitution of the effects and captives which they had carried
aw ay from the provinces ;
away and obliged their own magiftrates to

puniſh the more obftinate robbers who prefumed to detain any part

of the ſpoil. A confiderable tribute of corn , cattle, and horſes, the

only wealth of barbarians, was referved for the uſe of the garrifons
which Probus eſtabliſhed on the limits of their territory. He even

entertained fome thoughts of compelling the Germans to relinquish

the exerciſe of arms, and to truft their differences to the juftice,

their fafety to the power, of Rome. To accompliſh theſe falutary

ends, the conftant refidence of an Imperial governor, fupported by

a numerous army, was indifpenfably requifite. Probus therefore

judged it more expedient to defer the execution of fo great a de-

fign ; which was indeed rather of fpecious than folid utility . Had

Germany been reduced into the ſtate of a province, the Romans,

with immenfe labour and expence, would have acquired only a

more extenfive boundary to defend againſt the fiercer and more

active barbarians of Scythia.
He builds a Inftead of reducing the warlike natives of Germany to the con-
wall from the
Rhine to the dition of fubjects, Probus contented himſelf with the humble ex-
Danube.
pedient of raiſing a bulwark againſt their inroads. The country,

which now forms the circle of Swabia, had been left defert in the

age of Auguftus by the emigration of its ancient inhabitants ".

The fertility of the foil foon attracted a new colony from the ad-

jacent provinces of Gaul. Crowds of adventurers, of a roving tem-

per and of deſperate fortunes, occupied the doubtful poffeffion , and

acknowledged, by the payment of tythes, the majeſty of the em-

pire . To protect theſe new fubjects, a line of frontier garriſons was

40 Hift. Auguft. p. 238 , 237. Vopifcus Marcomanni into Bohemia : Cluverius (Ger-
quotes a letter from the emperor to the fenate, man . Antiq . iii. 8. ) proves that it was from
in which he mentions his defign of reducing Swabia.
Germany into a province. 42 Thefe fettlers from the payment oftythes
4 Strabo, 1. vii . According to Velleius were denominated , Decumates. Tacit. Ger-
Paterculus (ii. 108. ) , Maroboduus led his mania, c. 29.
gradually
 OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 401

gradually extended from the Rhine to the Danube. About the reign CHA P.
XII.
of Hadrian, when that mode of defence began to be practiſed, theſe

garriſons were connected and covered by a ſtrong intrenchment of trees

and palifades. In the place of fo rude a bulwark, the emperor Probus

conftructed a ſtone-wall of a confiderable height, and ſtrengthened

it by towers at convenient diſtances. From the neighbourhood of

Newſtadt and Ratisbon on the Danube, it ftretched acroſs hills ,

vallies, rivers, and moraffes, as far as Wimpfen on the Necker,

and at length terminated on the banks of the Rhine, after a wind-

ing courfe of near two hundred miles ". This important barrier,

uniting the two mighty ſtreams that protected the provinces of Eu-

rope, feemed to fill up the vacant ſpace through which the barba-

rians, and particularly the Alemanni, could penetrate with the greateſt
facility into the heart ofthe empire. But the experience of the world

from China to Britain, has expoſed the vain attempt of fortifying

any extenſive tract of country ". An active enemy, who can ſelect
and vary his points of attack, muft, in the end, difcover fome feeble

fpot or fome unguarded moment. The ftrength, as well as the at-

tention, of the defenders is divided ; and fuch are the blind effects of

terror on the firmeſt troops, that a line broken in a ſingle place, is

almoſt inſtantly deſerted. The fate of the wall which Probus erected ,

may confirm the general obfervation. Within a few years after his
death, it was overthrown by the Alemanni. Its ſcattered ruins,

univerſally aſcribed to the power of the Damon, now ſerve only to

excite the wonder of the Swabian peafant.

43 See Notes de l'Abbé de la Bleterie à la
Germanie de Tacite, p . 183. His account of
the wa'l is chiefly borrowed (as he fays him-
felf) from the Alfatia Illuftrata of Schoepflin.
44 See Recherches fur les Chinois et les
Egyptiens, tom . ii. p. 81-102 . The ano-
nymous author is well acquainted with the
globe in general, and with Germany in par-
ticular : with regard to the latter, he quotes
a work of M. Hanfelman ; but he feems to
confound the wall ofProbus, defigned against
the Alemanni, with the fortification of the
Mattiaci , conftructed in the neighbourhood
of Francfort againſt the Catti.

VOL. L Among
3 F
 402 THE DECLINE AND FALL

CHAP.
XII. Among the uſeful conditions of peace impofed by Probus on the

Introduction vanquished nations of Germany, was the obligation of ſupplying

and fettle-
the Roman army with fixteen thoufand recruits, the braveft and
ment of the
barbarians. moſt robuft of their youth. The emperor difperfed them through

all the provinces, and diftributed this dangerous reinforcement in

fmall bands, of fifty or fixty each, among the national troops ;

judiciously obferving, that the aid which the republic derived from
45
the barbarians, ſhould be felt but not feen " . Their aid was now

become neceffary. The feeble elegance of Italy and the internal

provinces could no longer fupport the weight of arms. The hardy

frontier of the Rhine and Danube ftill produced minds and bodies

equal to the labours of the camp ; but a perpetual ſeries of wars had

gradually diminiſhed their numbers. The infrequency of marriage,

:
and the ruin of agriculture, affected the principles of population , and

not only deſtroyed the ftrength of the prefent, but intercepted the
hope of future, generations. The wiſdom of Probus embraced a great

and beneficial plan of repleniſhing the exhaufted frontiers, by new

colonies of captive or fugitive barbarians, on whom he beſtowed

lands, cattle, inftruments of huſbandry, and every encouragement

that might engage them to educate a race of foldiers for the fervice

of the republic. Into Britain, and moſt probably into Cambridge-

fhire " , he tranſported a confiderable body of Vandals. The im-

poffibility of an efcape, reconciled them to their fituation, and in

the fubfequent troubles of that ifland , they approved themſelves the

moft faithful fervants of the ftate 47. Great numbers of Franks

and Gepida were fettled on the banks of the Danube and the

Rhine. An hundred thoufand Baftarnæ, expelled from their own

45 He diſtributed about fifty or fixty Bar- but he ſpeaks from a very doubtful conjec-
barians to a Numerus , as it was then called , ture.
a corps with whofe eftablished number we are 47 Zofimus, 1. i . p. 62. According to
not exactly acquainted. Vopifcus, another body of Vandals was lefs
Camden's Britannia, Introduction, p 136 ; faithful .

country,
 OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 403

country, cheerfully accepted an eſtabliſhment in Thrace, and foon CHAP.

XII.
imbibed the manners and fentiments of Roman fubjects " . But the

expectations of Probus were too often difappointed. The impatience

and idleneſs of the barbarians could ill brook the flow labours of agri-

culture. Their unconquerable love of freedom, rifing againſt defpot-

ifm , provoked them into hafty rebellions, alike fatal to themfelves and

to the provinces " ; nor could thefe artificial fupplies, however re-

peated by fucceeding emperors, reftore the important limit of Gaul

and Illyricum to its ancient and native vigour.

Of all the barbarians who abandoned their new fettlements, and Daring en-
terprife ofthe
diſturbed the public tranquillity, a very ſmall number returned to their Franks.
own country . For a ſhort ſeaſon they might wander in arms through

the empire ; but in the end they were furely deftroyed by the power
of a warlike emperor. The fuccefsful rafhnefs of a party of Franks

was attended, however, with fuch memorable confequences, that it

ought not to be paffed unnoticed. They had been established by

Probus, on the fea-coaſt of Pontus, with a view of ſtrengthening

the frontier againſt the inroads of the Alani. A fleet ſtationed in

one of the harbours of the Euxine, fell into the hands of the Franks ;
and they reſolved, through unknown feas, to explore their way from

the mouth of the Phaſis to that of the Rhine. They eafily eſcaped

through the Bofphorus and the Hellefpont, and cruizing along the

Mediterranean, indulged their appetite for revenge and plunder,

by frequent deſcents on the unfufpecting fhores of Afia, Greece, and

Africa. The opulent city of Syracufe, in whoſe port the navies

of Athens and Carthage had formerly been funk, was facked by

a handful of barbarians, who maffacred the greateſt part of the

trembling inhabitants. From the iſland of Sicily, the Franks pro-

ceeded to the columns of Hercules, trufted themſelves to the ocean,

48 Hift. Aug. p . 240 . They were probably 49 Hift. Auguft. p. 240.

expelled by the Goths . Zofim. 1. i. p. 66.

3 F 2 coafted

1
404 THE DECLINE AND FALL

CHA
XII . P. coafted round Spain and Gaul, and fteering their triumphant courſe
through the Britiſh channel, at length finiſhed their ſurpriſing voyage,
by landing in fafety on the Batavian or Frifian fhores ". The ex-

ample of their fuccefs, inftructing their countrymen to conceive the

advantages, and to deſpiſe the dangers, ofthe fea, pointed out to their

enterpriſing ſpirit, a new road to wealth and glory.

Revolt of Sa-
Notwithſtanding the vigilance and activity of Probus, it was almoſt
turninus in
the Eaft ; impoffible that he could at once contain in obedience every part of his

wide extended dominions. The barbarians, who broke their chains,

had feized the favourable opportunity of a domeftic war. When

the emperor marched to the relief of Gaul, he devolved the com-

mand of the Eaft on Saturninus. That general, a man of merit

and experience, was driven into rebellion by the abfence of his fo-

vereign, the levity of the Alexandrian people, the preffing in-

ftances of his friends, and his own fears ; but from the moment of

his elevation , he never entertained a hope of empire, or even of

life. " Alas !" he faid, " the republic has loft a ufeful ſervant,

" and the rafhnefs of an hour has deftroyed the fervices of many
"
years. You know not," continued he, " the mifery of ſovereign
"
power ; a fword is perpetually fufpended over our head. We

" dread our very guards, we diftruft our companions. The choice

" ofaction or of repofe is no longer in our diſpoſition , nor is there

་
any age, or character, or conduct , that can protect us from the

" cenfure of envy. In thus exalting me to the throne, you have

" doomed me to a life of cares, and to an untimely fate. The only

" confolation which remains is, the affurance that I fhall not fall
" alone "." But as the former part of his prediction was verified

by the victory, ſo the latter was difappointed by the clemency

sa Panegyr. Vet. v. 18. Zofimus, 1. i . at Carthage, and was therefore more proba-
p. 66. bly a Moor (Zofim. 1. i . p. 60. ) than a Gaul,
Vopifcus in Hift. Auguft. p. 245 , 246. as Vopifcus calls him.
The unfortunate orator had ftudied rhetoric

7 of
 OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 405

of Probus. That amiable prince attempted even to fave the un- CHAP.
XII.
happy Saturninus from the fury of the foldiers. He had more than

once folicited the ufurper himſelf, to place fome confidence in

the mercy of a ſovereign who fo highly eſteemed his character, that A. D. 279.

he had puniſhed, as a malicious informer, the firft who related the

improbable news of his defection " . Saturninus might, perhaps,

have embraced the generous offer, had he not been reftrained by

the obftinate diftruft of his adherents. Their guilt was deeper, and

their hopes more fanguine, than thoſe of their experienced leader.

The revolt of Saturninus was ſcarcely extinguiſhed in the Eaft, A. D. 280.

of Bonofus
before new troubles were excited in the Weſt, by the rebellion and Proculus
in Gaul.
of Bonofus and Proculus, in Gaul. The moſt diſtinguiſhed merit

of thoſe two officers was their reſpective prowess, of the one in the
53
combats of Bacchus, of the other in thoſe of Venus ",, yet neither

of them were deftitute of courage and capacity, and both fuftained,

with honour, the auguft character which the fear of puniſhment had

engaged them to affume, till they funk at length beneath the

fuperior genius of Probus. He ufed the victory with his accuf-

tomed moderation, and ſpared the fortunes as well as the lives oftheir
54
innocent families "*.

The arms of Probus had now fuppreffed all the foreign and do- AD 281 .
Triumph of
meftic enemies of the ftate. His mild but fteady adminiſtration the emperor
Probus.
confirmed the re- establishment of the public tranquillity ; nor was

there left in the provinces a hoftile barbarian, a tyrant, or even a

robber, to revive the memory of paſt diſorders. It was time that

the emperor ſhould revifit Rome, and celebrate his own glory and

52 Zonaras , 1. xii. p . 638. 54 Proculus, who was a native of Albengue

53 A very furpriſing inſtance is recorded of
the prowess of Proculus . He had taken one
hundred Sarmatian virgins. The rest of the
Rory he must relate in his own language ; Ex
his unâ nocte decem inivi : omnes tamen ,
quod in me erat, mulieres intra dies quinde-
cim reddidi. Vopifcus in Hift. Auguft. p . 246 .
on the Genoefe coaſt, armed two thouſand of
his own flaves. His riches were great , but
they were acquired by robbery. It was after-
wards a faying of his family, Nec latrones
effe , nec principes fibi placere. Vopifcus
in Hift. Auguft . p . 247.
the
406 THE DECLINE AND FALL

CHAP.
XII . the general happineſs. The triumph due to the valour of Probus

was conducted with a magnificence fuitable to his fortune, and the

people who had fo lately admired the trophies of Aurelian , gazed

55
with equal pleaſure on thoſe of his heroic fucceffor • We cannot ,

on this occafion, forget the defperate courage of about fourſcore

Gladiators, referved with near fix hundred others, for the inhuman

fports of the amphitheatre. Difdaining to fhed their blood for the

amuſement of the populace, they killed their keepers, broke from

the place of their confinement, and filled the streets of Rome with

blood and confufion . After an obftinate refiftance, they were over-

powered and cut in pieces by the regular forces ; but they obtained

at leaft an honourable death, and the fatisfaction of a juft re-

venge ".
His difci-
The military difcipline which reigned in the camps of Probus,
pline.
was lefs cruel than that of Aurelian , but it was equally rigid and

exact. The latter had puniſhed the irregularities of the foldiers with

unrelenting ſeverity, the former prevented them by employing the

legions in conftant and uſeful labours. When Probus commanded

in Egypt, he executed many confiderable works for the ſplendour

and benefit of that rich country. The navigation of the Nile, fo

important to Rome itſelf, was improved ; and temples, bridges,

porticoes, and palaces, were conftructed by the hands of the

foldiers, who acted by turns as architects, as engineers, and as

hufbandmen ". It was reported of Hannibal, that, in order to pre-

ferve his troops from the dangerous temptations of idleneſs, he

had obliged them to form large plantations of olive trees along the

coaſt of Africa " . From a fimilar principle, Probus exerciſed his

legions in covering, with rich vineyards, the hills of Gaul and

55 Hift . Auguft. p. 240. writer, is irreconcileable with the hiftory of

56 Zofim. 1. i . p . 66 . his life. He left Africa when he was nine
57 Hift. Auguft . p. 235. years old , returned to it when he was forty-
58 Aurel, Victor in Prob. But the policy of five, and immediately loft his army in the
Hannibal, unnoticed by any more ancient decifive battle of Zama. Livius, xxx. 37 .
3 Pannonia,
 OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 407

Pannonia, and two confiderable fpots are defcribed, which were CHA
XII. P.
entirely dug and planted by military labour ". One of thefe, known
under the name of Mount Almo, was fituated near Sirmium, the

country where Probus was born, for which he ever retained a

partial affection , and whofe gratitude he endeavoured to fecure,

by converting into tillage a large and unhealthy tract of marshy
ground. An army thus employed, conftituted perhaps the moft ufe-

ful, as well as the braveſt, portion of Roman fubjects.

But in the profecution of a favourite fcheme, the beſt of men , fa- His death.
tisfied with the rectitude of their intentions, are fubject to forget the

bounds of moderation ; nor did Probus himſelf fufficiently confult

the patience and difpofition of his fierce legionaries . The dangers

of the military profeffion feem only to be compenſated by a life of

pleafure and idlenefs ; but if the duties of the foldier are in-

ceffantly aggravated by the labours of the peafant, he will at laft

fink under the intolerable burden, or fhake it off with indignation.

The imprudence of Probus is faid to have inflamed the difcontent

of his troops. More attentive to the interefts of mankind than

to thofe of the army, he expreffed the vain hope, that, by the

eſtabliſhment of univerfal peace, he ſhould foon aboliſh the neceffity

of a ſtanding and mercenary force ". The unguarded

unguarded expreffion
proved fatal to him. In one of the hotteſt days of fummer, as he

feverely urged the unwholeſome labour of draining the marshes of

Sirmium, the foldiers, impatient of fatigue, on a fudden threw

down their tools, grafped their arms, and broke out into a furious

mutiny. The emperor, confcious of his danger, took refuge in a

lofty tower, conftructed for the purpoſe of furveying the progrefs

60
59 Hit Auguft. p. 240. Eutrop. ix . 17. Julian beftows a fevere , and indeed ex-
Aurel . Victor in Prob. Victor Junior. He ceffive, cenfure on the rigour of Probus, who,.
revoked the prohibition of Domitian , and as he thinks, almoft deferved his fate.
granted a general permiflion of planting vines 61
6 Vopifcus in Hift. Auguft . p . 241. He
to the Gauls, the Britons, and the Panno- lavifhes on this idle hope a large ftock of very
nians. foolish eloquence .
of
 E
LIN
403 THE DEC AND FALL

CHAP. of the work "2. The tower was inftantly forced, and a thouſand
XII.
fwords were plunged at once into the bofom of the unfortunate
A. D. 282.
Probus. The
The rage of the troops fubfided as foon as it had been
Auguſt.
gratified. They then lamented their fatal raſhneſs, forgot the ſe-
verity of the emperor, whom they had maffacred , and haftened to

perpetuate, by an honourable monument, the memory of his vir-

63
tues and victories "3.
Election and
character of When the legions had indulged their grief and repentance for
Carus. the death of Probus, their unanimous confent declared Carus, his

Prætorian præfect, the most deferving of the Imperial throne.

Every circumftance that relates to this prince appears of a mixed
and doubtful nature . He gloried in the title of Roman Citizen ;

and affected to compare the purity of his blood, with the foreign
and even barbarous origin of the preceding emperors ; yet the moſt

inquifitive of his contemporaries, very far from admitting his claim,

have variouſly deduced his own birth , or that of his parents, from

Illyricum, from Gaul, or from Africa . Though a foldier, he

had received a learned education ; though a fenator, he was invefted

with the firſt dignity of the army ; and in an age, when the civil

and military profeffions began to be irrecoverably ſeparated from

each other, they were united in the perfon of Carus. Notwith-
ſtanding the fevere juftice which he exerciſed againſt the affaffins of

Probus, to whofe favour and efteem he was highly indebted , he

could not eſcape the fufpicion of being acceffary to a deed from

whence he derived the principal advantage. He enjoyed , at leaſt
before his elevation, an acknowledged character of virtue and

62 Turris ferrata . It feems to have been a founded by Eutropius with the more famous
povcable tower, and cafed with iron. city of that name in Gaul . His father might
63 Probus, et vere probus fitus eft : Victor be an African , and his mother a noble Ro-
omnium gentium Barbararum : victor etiam man. Carus himself was educated in the
tyrannorum. capital . See Scaliger, Animadverfion , ad
64 Yet all this may be conciliated . He Eufeb. Chron . p . 241 .
was born at Narbonne in Illyricum , con-
abilities ;
}

OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 409

abilities s ; but his auſtere temper infenfibly degenerated into morofe- CHAP.
XII.
neſs and cruelty ; and the imperfect writers of his life almoſt heſi-

tate whether they fhall not rank him in the number of Roman

tyrants ". When Carus affumed the purple, he was about fixty
years of age, and his two fons Carinus and Numerian had already

attained the feafon of manhood ".

The authority of the fenate expired with Probus ; nor was the The fenti-
ments of the
repentance of the foldiers difplayed by the fame dutiful regard for fenate and
the civil power, which they had teftified after the unfortunate death people.

of Aurelian. The election of Carus was decided without expecting

the approbation of the fenate, and the new emperor contented him-

ſelf with announcing, in a cold and ftately epiftle , that he had

aſcended the vacant throne ". A behaviour fo very oppoſite to that

of his amiable predeceffor, afforded no favourable preſage of the new

reign ; and the Romans, deprived of power and freedom , afferted

their privilege of licentious murmurs ". The voice of congratula-

tion and flattery was not however filent ; and we may ftill peruſe ,

with pleaſure and contempt, an eclogue , which was compoſed on the

acceffion of the emperor Carus. Two fhepherds , avoiding the

noon-tide heat, retire into the cave of Faunus. On a ſpreading

beech they difcover fome recent characters. The rural deity had

deſcribed, in prophetic verſes, the felicity promiſed to the empire,

under the reign of ſo great a prince. Faunus hails the approach of

that hero, who, receiving on his ſhoulders the finking weight of the

65 Probus had requeſted of the fenate an authority of that ignorant Greek is very flight.
equestrian ftatue and a marble palace, at He ridiculously derives from Carus, the city
the public expence, as a juft recompence of of Carrhæ, and the province of Caria, the
the fingular merit of Carus. Vopifcus in latter of which is mentioned by Homer.
Hift. Auguft. p. 249. 68 Hift. Auguft. p. 249. Carus congratu-
66 Vopifcus in Hift. Auguft. p . 212. 249 . lated the fenate, that one of their own order
Julian excludes the emperor Carus and both was made emperor .
his fons from the banquet of the Cæfars. 69 Hift . Auguft . p . 242 .
67 John Malela, tom . i . p . 401. But the
VOL. I. 3 G Roman
410 THE DECLINE AND FALL

CHA P. Roman world , fhall extinguiſh war and faction, and once again re-
XII.
ftore the innocence and fecurity of the golden age ".

Carus defeats It is more than probable, that theſe elegant trifles never reached
the Sarma-
tians, and the ears of a veteran general, who, with the conſent of the legions,
marches into
the Eaft ; was preparing to execute the long fufpended defign of the Perfian
war. Before his departure for this diftant expedition, Carus con-

ferred on his two fons, Carinus and Numerian, the title of Cæfar,

and inveſting the former with almoſt an equal ſhare of the Im-

perial power, directed the young prince, firft to fupprefs fome

troubles which had ariſen in Gaul, and afterwards to fix the feat

of his refidence at Rome, and to affume the government of the

weſtern provinces ". The fafety of Illyricum was confirmed by

a memorable defeat of the Sarmatians ; fixteen thousand of thoſe

barbarians remained on the field of battle, and the number of captives

amounted to twenty thoufand. The old emperor, animated with

the fame and profpect of victory, purfued his march, in the midft.

of winter, through the countries of Thrace and Aſia Minor, and at

length , with his younger fon Numerian, arrived on the confines of

the Perſian monarchy. There, encamping on the fummit of a lofty

mountain, he pointed out to his troops the opulence and luxury of

the enemy whom they were about to invade.

A. D. 283 . The fucceffor of Artaxerxes, Varanes or Bahram, though he had'

he gives au-
dience to the fubdued the Segeftans, one of the moſt warlike nations of Upper
Perfian am-
baffadors. Afia " , was alarmed at the approach of the Romans, and endea-
voured to retard their progrefs by a negociation of peace. His

ambaſſadors entered the camp about fun-fet, at the time when the
troops were fatisfying their hunger with a frugal repaft. The

2° See the first eclogue of Calphurnius . The
defign of it is preferred by Fontenelle, to that
of Virgil's Pollio . See tom . iii . p . 148 .
" Hift. Auguft. p. 353. Eutropius, ix. 18.
Pagi. Annal.
72 Agathias , 1. iv. p. 135. We find one of
his fayings in the Bibliothéque Orientale of:
M. d'Herbelot . " The definition of huma--
nity includes all other virtues ."
5
Perfians
 OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 411

Perfians expreffed their defire of being introduced to the prefence of CHAP.

XII.
the Roman emperor. They were at length conducted to a foldier,

who was feated on the grafs. A piece of ftale bacon and a few hard

peaſe compofed his fupper. A coarſe woollen garment of purple

was the only circumftance that announced his dignity. The con-
ference was conducted with the fame difregard of courtly elegance.

Carus, taking off a cap which he wore to conceal his baldneſs, aſ-

fured the ambaffadors, that, unleſs their mafter acknowledged the

fuperiority of Rome, he would ſpeedily render Perfia as naked of

trees , as his own head was deftitute of hair 73
"3. Notwithſtanding

ſome traces of art and preparation , we may diſcover in this ſcene the
manners of Carus, and the fevere fimplicity which the martial

princes, who fucceeded Gallienus, had already reſtored in the Roman

camps. The miniſters of the Great King trembled and retired.
The threats of Carus were not without effect. He ravaged His victories
and extraor-
Mefopotamia, cut in pieces whatever oppofed his paffage, made dinary death.

himſelf mafter of the great cities of Seleucia and Ctefiphon (which

feemed to have furrendered without refiftance) , and carried his vic-

74
torious arms beyond the Tigris 4. He had feized the favourable

moment for an invafion. The Perfian councils were diſtracted by

domeftic factions, and the greater part of their forces were detained

on the frontiers of India. Rome and the Eaft received with tranſport

the news of ſuch important advantages. Flattery and hope painted,

in the moſt lively colours, the fall of Perfia, the conqueſt of Arabia,

the fubmiffion of Egypt, and a laſting deliverance from the inroads

of the Scythian nations " . But the reign of Carus was defined to

expofe the vanity of predictions. They were fcarcely uttered A. D. 283 .

Decem-
ber 25.
73 Synefius tells this ftory of Carinus ; and 75 To the Perfian victory of Carus, I refer
it is much more natural to understand it of the dialogue of the Philopatris, which has fo
Carus, than ( as Petavius and Tillemont chufe long been an object of difpute among the
to do) of Probus. learned . But to explain and justify my opi-
74 Vopifcus in Hift. Auguft. p . 250 . Eu- nion , would require a diflertation .
tropius, ix. 18. The two Victors.
3 G 2 before
412 THE DECLINE AND FALL

CHA P. before they were contradicted by his death ; an event attended with
XII .
fuch ambiguous circumftances, that it may be related in a let-

ter from his own fecretary to the præfect of the city. " Carus,"

fays he, " our deareft emperor, was confined by fickneſs to his bed,

" when a furious tempeft aroſe in the camp. The darkneſs which
66
overſpread the fky was fo thick, that we could no longer dif-
66
tinguiſh each other ; and the inceffant flashes of lightning took

" from us the knowledge of all that paffed in the general confufion.

" Immediately after the moſt violent clap of thunder, we heard a

" fudden cry, that the emperor was dead ; and it foon appeared,

" that his chamberlains, in a rage of grief, had ſet fire to the royal
66
pavillion, a circumftance which gave rife to the report that Carus

" was killed by lightning. But, as far as we have been able to in-

" veftigate the truth, his death was the natural effect of his dif-
" order " ·"

He is fuc- The vacancy of the throne was not productive of any diſturbance.
ceeded by his
fon Ca The ambition of the aſpiring generals was checked by their mu-
rinus and Nu-
merian. tual fears, and young Numerian, with his abſent brother Carinus,

were unanimouſly acknowledged as Roman emperors. The public

expected that the fucceffor of Carus would purſue his father's foot-
fteps, and without allowing the Perfians to recover from their con-

fternation, would advance fword in hand to the palaces of Sufa and

Ecbatana ". But the legions, however ftrong in numbers and dif-

cipline, were difmayed by the moſt abject fuperftition . Notwith-

ſtanding all the arts that were practiſed to diſguiſe the manner of the

late emperor's death, it was found impoffible to remove the opinion

of the multitude, and the power of opinion is irrefiftible. Places or

perfons ftruck with lightning were confidered by the ancients with

76 Hift . Auguft. p. 250. Yet Eutropius, ras, all afcribe the death of Carus to light-
Feftus, Rufus, the two Victors, Jerome, Si- ning.
donius Apollinaris, Syncellus, and Zona- 77 See Nemefian. Cynegeticon, v. 71 , &c..

pious
 OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 413

pious horror, as fingularly devoted to the wrath of Heaven ". An CHA P.

XII.
oracle was remembered, which marked the river Tigris as the fatal
boundary of the Roman arms. The troops, terrified with the fate of

Carus and with their own danger, called aloud on young Numerian

to obey the will of the gods, and to lead them away from this inauf-
picious fcene of war. The feeble emperor was unable to fubdue their

obftinate prejudice , and the Perſians wondered at the unexpected re-

treat of a victorious enemy ".
The intelligence of the myfterious fate of the late emperor, was A. D. 384 .
Vices of Ca-
foon carried from the frontiers of Perfia to Rome ; and the fenate, rinus.

as well as the provinces , congratulated the acceffion of the ſons of

Carus. Theſe fortunate youths were ftrangers, however, to that

confcious fuperiority, either of birth or of merit, which can alone

render the poffeffion of a throne eaſy, and as it were natural. Born

and educated in a private ſtation , the election of their father raiſed

them at once to the rank of princes ; and his death , which happened

about fixteen months afterwards, left them the unexpected legacy of

a vaſt empire. To fuftain with temper this rapid elevation, an un-

common ſhare of virtue and prudence was requifite ; and Carinus, the
elder of the brothers, was more than commonly deficient in thoſe qua-
lities.In the Gallic war, he diſcovered fome degree of perſonal
80
courage ; but from the moment of his arrival at Rome, he aban-

doned himſelf to the luxury of the capital, and to the abuſe of his

fortune. He was foft yet cruel ; devoted to pleaſure, but deftitute

of taſte ; and though exquifitely ſuſceptible of vanity, indifferent to

the public eſteem. In the courſe of a few months, he fucceffively

married and divorced nine wives, moft of whom he left pregnant ;

and notwithſtanding this legal inconftancy, found time to indulge

78 See Feftus and his commentators, on the
word Scribonianum. Places ftruck with light-
ning, were furrounded with a wall : things
were buried with myfterious ceremony .
79 Vopifcus in Hift. Auguft. p. 250. Au-
4
relius Victor ſeems to believe the prediction ,
and to approve the retreat.
80 Nemefian. Cygneticon , v. 69. He
was a contemporary , but a poet.
fuch
414 THE DECLINE AND FALL

CHAP. fuch a variety of irregular appetites, as brought diſhonour on himſelf

XII.
and on the nobleft houfes of Rome . He beheld with inveterate hatred

all thoſe who might remember his former obfcurity, or cenfure his

prefent conduct. He banished, or put to death , the friends and coun-

fellors whom his father had placed about him, to guide his inexpe-

rienced youth ; and he perfecuted with the meaneft revenge his fchool-

fellows and companions , who had not ſufficiently reſpected the latent

majeſty of the emperor. With the ſenators, Carinus affected a lofty

and regal demeanour, frequently declaring , that he deſigned to diſtri-
bute their eftates among the populace of Rome. From the dregs of

that populace , he ſelected his favourites , and even his minifters . The

palace, and even the Imperial table , was filled with fingers, dancers ,

proſtitutes , and all the various retinue of vice and folly. One of his
81
door-keepers he intrufted with the government of the city. In

the room of the Prætorian præfect , whom he put to death , Carinus

ſubſtituted one of the minifters of his loofer pleaſures . Another

who poffeffed the fame , or even a more infamous , title to favour , was
inveſted with the confulfhip . A confidential ſecretary , who had ac-

quired uncommon ſkill in the art of forgery, delivered the indolent

emperor, with his own confent, from the irkſome duty of ſigning
his name.

When the emperor Carus undertook the Perfian war, he was in-

duced, by motives of affection as well as policy, to fecure the for-

tunes of his family, by leaving in the hands of his eldeft fon the
armies and provinces of the Weft. The intelligence which he foon
received of the conduct of Carinus, filled him with fhame and re-

gret ; nor had he concealed his refolution of fatisfying the republic

by a fevere act of juſtice, and of adopting, in the place of an un-

worthy fon, the brave and virtuous Conftantius, who at that time

81 Cancellarius . This word, fo humble in

monarchies of Europe . See Cafaubon and
its origin, has by a fingular fortune rofe into
the title of the first great office of ſtate in the Salmafius, ad Hift. Auguft . p . 253 .

was
 OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 415

was governor of Dalmatia. But the elevation of Conftantius was CHAP .

XII.
for a while deferred ; and as foon as the father's death had releaſed

Carinus from the controul of fear or decency, he diſplayed to the

Romans the extravagancies of Elagabalus, aggravated by the cruelty

82
of Domitian $2.

The only merit of the adminiſtration of Carinus that

hiftory He celebrates
the Roman
could record or poetry celebrate, was the uncommon fplendour with games.
which, in his own and his brother's name, he exhibited the Roman

games of the theatre, the circus, and the amphitheatre. More than

twenty years afterwards, when the courtiers of Diocletian repre-

fented to their frugal fovereign the fame and popularity of his mu-
nificent predeceffor, he acknowledged, that the reign of Carinus
had indeed been a reign of pleafure " . But this vain prodigality,

which the prudence of Diocletian might juftly defpife, was enjoyed

with ſurpriſe and tranfport by the Roman people. The oldeft of

the citizens, recollecting the fpectacles of former days, the triumphal

pomp of Probus or Aurelian , and the fecular games of the emperor

Philip, acknowledged that they were all furpaffed by the ſuperior

magnificence of Carinus $4.

The ſpectacles of Carinus may therefore be beſt illuftrated by the Spectacles of

Rome.
obfervation of fome particulars, which hiſtory has condefcended to

relate concerning thoſe of his predeceffors. If we confine ourſelves

folely to the hunting of wild beafts, however we may cenfure the

vanity of the defign or the cruelty of the execution, we are obliged

to confefs, that neither before nor fince the time of the Romans,

fo much art and expence have ever been laviſhed for the amufe-

12 Vopifcus in Hift . Auguft. p. 253 , 254. calls him Carus, but the fenfe is fufficiently
Eutropius , ix. 19. Victor Junior. The obvious , and the words were often confounded .
reign of Diocletian indeed was fo long and * See Calphurnius, Eclog. vii . 43. We
profperous, that it must have been very un- may obferve, that the fpectacles of Probus
favourable to the reputation of Carinus . were fill recent, and that the poet is feconded
83 Vopifcus in Hift . Auguft. p. 254. He by the hiftorian ..
ment
 E
LIN D L
416 TH
E DEC AN FAL

СНАР.
XII. ment of the people ". By the order of Probus, a great quantity
of large trees, torn up by the roots, were tranſplanted into the midſt
of the circus. The ſpacious and ſhady foreft was immediately filled

with a thouſand oftriches, a thouſand ſtags, a thouſand fallow deer,

and a thouſand wild boars ; and all this variety of game was aban-

doned to the riotous impetuofity of the multitude. The tragedy of

the fucceeding day confifted in the maffacre of an hundred lions, an

equal number of lioneffes, two hundred leopards, and three hundred

bears . The collection prepared by the younger Gordian for his

triumph, and which his fucceffor exhibited in the fecular games,

was leſs remarkable by the number than by the fingularity of the

animals. Twenty zebras diſplayed their elegant forms and varie-

gated beauty to the eyes of the Roman people " . Ten elks , and as
many camelopards, the loftieſt and moſt harmleſs creatures that

wander over the plains of Sarmatia and Æthiopia, were contrafted

with thirty African hyænas, and ten Indian tygers, the moſt im-

placable favages of the torrid zone. The unoffending ftrength with

which Nature has endowed the greater quadrupeds, was admired

in the rhinoceros, the hippopotamus of the Nile " , and a majeſtic

troop of thirty-two elephants ". While the populace gazed with

ſtupid wonder on the fplendid ſhow, the naturaliſt might indeed ob-

ſerve the figure and properties of ſo many different ſpecies, tranf-

ported from every part of the ancient world into the amphitheatre

85 The philofopher Montaigne (Effais, 1 . 88 Carinus gave an hippopotamus (fee Cal-

iii. 6. ) gives a very juſt and lively view of
Roman magnificence in theſe ſpectacles.
86 Vopifcus in Hift. Auguft. p. 240 .
87 They are called Onagri ; but the num-
ber is too inconfiderable for mere wild-affes.
Cuper (de Elephantis Exercitat . ii. 7. ) has
proved from Oppian, Dion, and an anony-
mous Greek, that zebras had been ſeen at
Rome. They were brought from fome iſland
of the ocean, perhaps Madagaſcar.
phurn . Eclog . vii . 65. ) . In the latter fpec-
tacles, I do not recollect any crocodiles, of
which Auguftus once exhibited thirty-fix.-
Dion Caffius, 1. lv . p . 781 .
89 Capitolin. in Hift. Auguft. p . 164, 165.
We are not acquainted with the animals whom
he calls archeleontes, fome read argoleontes,
others agrioleontes : both corrections are very
nugatory.

of
 OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 417

of Rome. But this accidental benefit, which fcience might derive CHA
XII. P.
from folly, is furely infufficient to justify fuch a wanton abuſe of

the public riches. There occurs, however, a fingle inftance in the

firſt Punic war, in which the ſenate wifely connected this amuſement
of the multitude with the intereft of the ſtate. A confiderable num-

ber of elephants , taken in the defeat of the Carthaginian army, were

driven through the circus by a few flaves, armed only with blunt ja-

velins " . The uſeful ſpectacle ſerved to impreſs the Roman foldier

with a juft contempt for thofe unwieldy animals ; and he no longer

dreaded to encounter them in the ranks of war.

The hunting or exhibition of wild beafts, was conducted with a The amphi-
theatre.
magnificence fuitable to a people who ſtyled themſelves the maſters

of the world ; nor was the edifice appropriated to that entertain-

ment lefs expreffive of Roman greatneſs. Pofterity admires, and will

long admire, the awful remains of the amphitheatre of Titus, which

fo well deferved the epithet of Coloffal " . It was a building of an

elliptic figure, five hundred and fixty-four feet in length, and four
hundred and fixty-feven in breadth, founded on fourſcore arches ,

and riſing, with four fucceffive orders of architecture, to the height

92
of one hundred and forty feet 9². The outfide of the edifice

was encruſted with marble, and decorated with ſtatues. The flopes
of the vaft concave, which formed the infide, were filled and fur-

rounded with fixty or eighty rows of feats of marble likewiſe, co-

vered with cuſhions , and capable of receiving with eaſe above four-

ſcore thouſand ſpectators ". Sixty-four vomitories (for by that name

9° Plin. Hift. Natur. viii. 6. from the an-
mals of Pifo.
91 See Maffei, Verona Illuftrata, P. iv.
1. i. c. 2 .
92 Maffei, 1. ii . c. 2. The height was very
much exaggerated by the ancients. It reached
almoſt to the heavens, according to Calphur-
nius ( Eclog. vii . 23. ) , and furpaffed the ken
of human fight, according to Ammianus Mar-
VOL. I. 3 H
cellinus (xvi . 10. ) . Yet how trifling to the
great pyramid of Egypt, which rifes 500 feet
perpendicular !
93 According to different copies of Victor,
we read 77,000, or 87,000 ſpectators ; but
Maffei ( 1. ii . c . 12. ) finds room on the open
feats for no more than 34,000 . The re-
mainder were contained in the upper covered
galleries.
the
 INE
418 THE DECL AND FALL

diftinguiſhed) poured forth the immenſe

XII. P. the doors were very aptly
CHA

multitude ; and the entrances, paffages, and ftair- cafes, were con-

trived with fuch exquifite fkill, that each perfon , whether of the

fenatorial, the equeſtrian , or the plebeian order, arrived at his def-

94
tined place without trouble or confufion ". Nothing was omitted
.
which, in any refpect, could be fubfervient to the convenience and

pleaſure of the fpectators. They were protected from the fun and

rain by an ample canopy, occafionally drawn over their heads. The

air was continually refreſhed by the playing of fountains , and pro-

fufely impregnated by the grateful ſcent of aromatics. In the cen-

tre of the edifice, the arena, or ftage, was ftrewed with the fineſt

fand, and fucceffively affumed the moſt different forms. At one

moment it ſeemed to rife out of the earth, like the garden of the

Hefperides, and was afterwards broken into the rocks and caverns of

Thrace. The fubterraneous pipes conveyed an inexhauſtible ſupply

of water ; and what had juſt before appeared a level plain, might

be fuddenly converted into a wide lake , covered with armed veffels,

and repleniſhed with the monſters of the deep ". In the decoration

of theſe ſcenes, the Roman emperors difplayed their wealth and

liberality ; and we read on various occafions, that the whole furni-

ture of the amphitheatre confifted either of filver, or of gold, or of

96 •
amber ⁹6•
The poet who deſcribes the games of Carinus , in the cha-

racter of a ſhepherd attracted to the capital by the fame of their

magnificence, affirms, that the nets defigned as a defence againſt the

wild beafts, were of gold wire ; that the porticoes were gilded , and that
the belt or circle which divided the feveral ranks of fpectators from

94 See Maffei, 1. ii . c . 5-12 . He treats as well as Martial (fee his first book) , was a
the very difficult fubject with all poffible poet ; but when they defcribed the amphithe-
clearness, and like an architect, as well as an
atre, they both wrote from their own fenfes,
antiquarian . and to thofe of the Romans.
95 Calphurn . Eclog. vii . 64. 73. Thefe 96 Confult Plin. Hift. Natur. xxxiii. 16.
lines are curious, and the whole Eclogue has
been of infinite ufe to Maffei. Calphurnius , xxxvii . 11 .

each
 OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE, 419

eech other, was ftudded with a precious Mofaic of beautiful CHA

XII. P.
97
ftones "

In the midſt of this glittering pageantry, the emperor Carinus, A. D. 284 .

Sept. 12.
fecure of his fortune, enjoyed the acclamations of the people, the

flattery of his courtiers, and the fongs of the poets, who , for want

of a more effential merit, were reduced to celebrate the divine graces

of his perfon " . In the fame hour, but at the diſtance of nine

hundred miles from Rome, his brother expired ; and a fudden revo-

lution transferred into the hands of a ſtranger the fceptre of the houſe
99
of Carus ⁹ .

The fons of Carus never faw each other after their father's death. Return of
Numerian
The arrangements which their new fituation required, were proba- with the
army from
bly deferred till the return of the younger brother to Rome, where Perfia.

a triumph was decreed to the young emperors, for the glorious fuc-
cefs of the Perfian war 10. It is uncertain whether they intended to
divide between them the adminiftration , or the provinces, of the

empire ; but it is very unlikely that their union would have

proved of any long duration. The jealouſy of power muſt have
been inflamed by the oppofition of characters. In the moſt corrupt

of times, Carinus was unworthy to live : Numerian deferved to

reign in a happier period . His affable manners and gentle vir-
tues fecured him , as ſoon as they became known, the regard and
affections of the public. He poffeffed the elegant accompliſhments of
a poet and orator, which dignify as well as adorn the humbleft and the

moſt exalted ſtation. His eloquence, however it was applauded by the

fenate, was formed not fo much on the model of Cicero, as on that

97 Balteus en gemmis,en in lita porticus auro 99 With regard to the time when theſe
Certatim radiant, &c. Calphurn . vii . Roman games were celebrated , Scaliger,
93 Et Martis vultus et Apollinis effe puta- Salmafius , and Cuper, have given them-
vi, fays Calphurnius ; but John Malela, who felves a great deal of trouble to perplex a
had perhaps feen pictures of Carinus, de- very clear fubject.
fcribes him as thick, ſhort, and white, tom. i. 100 Nemefianus ( in the Cynegeticons) feems
P. 403. to anticipate in his fancy that auſpicious day.

3 H 2 of
 1

E
392 THE DECLIN AND FALL

CHA
XII. P. deferts, beyond the Phafis. Againſt the remainder who refuſed peace,

the Roman emperor waged, in perfon, a fucceſsful war. Seconded by

an army of brave and experienced veterans, in a few weeks he de-

livered the provinces of Afia from the terror of the Scythian in-
vafion ".
Death ofthe
But the glory and life of Tacitus were of fhort duration . Tranſ-
emperor
Tacitus. ported, in the depth of winter, from the foft retirement of Cam-

pania, to the foot of mount Caucafus, he funk under the unnacuf-

tomed hardships of a military life. The fatigues of the body were

aggravated by the cares of the mind. For a while, the angry and ſelfiſh

paffions of the foldiers had been ſuſpended by the enthuſiaſm of

public virtue. They foon broke out with redoubled violence, and

raged in the camp, and even in the tent, of the aged emperor. His
mild and amiable character ferved only to inſpire contempt, and he

was inceffantly tormented with factions which he could not affuage,

and by demands which it was impoffible to fatisfy. Whatever flat-

tering expectations he had conceived of reconciling the public dif-

orders, Tacitus foon was convinced , that the licentioufnefs of the

army difdained the feeble reſtraint of laws, and his laft hour was
haftened by anguish and diſappointment. It may be doubtful

whether the foldiers imbrued their hands in the blood of this innocent

prince " . It is certain, that their infolence was the cauſe of his death.

A. D. 276. He expired at Tyana in Cappadocia, after a reign of only fix months

April 12.
and about twenty days " .

17 Vopifcus in Hift. Auguft. p. 230. Zo-
fimus, 1. i . p . 57. Zonaras , 1. xii . p. 637.
Two paffages in the life of Probus (p . 236.
238. ) convince me, that theſe Scythian in-
vaders of Pontus were Alani. If we may be-
lieve Zofimus (1. i . p. 58. ) , Florianus purfued
them as far asthe Cimmerian Bofphorus. But
he had fcarcely time for fo long and difficult
an expedition.
18 Eutropius and Aurelius Victor only fay
that he died ; Victor Junior adds, that it was
of a fever. Zofimus and Zonaras affirm, that
he was killed by the foldiers. Vopifcus men-
tions both accounts, and feems to hefitate.
Yet furely these jarring opinions are eaſily
reconciled.
19 According to the two Victors, he reigned
exactly two hundred days.

The
 OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 393

The eyes of Tacitus were fcarcely clofed, before his brother CHA P.
XII.
Florianus fhewed himſelf unworthy to reign, by the hafty ufurpation

of the purple, without expecting the approbation of the fenate. Ufurpation

and death of
The reverence for the Roman conftitution, which yet influenced his brother
Florianus.
3
the camp and the provinces, was fufficiently ftrong to difpofe them

to cenfure, but not to provoke them to oppoſe , the precipitate am-

bition of Florianus. The difcontent would have evaporated in

idle murmurs, had not the general of the Eaſt, the heroic Probus,

boldly declared himſelf the avenger of the ſenate. The conteſt,

however, was ſtill unequal ; nor could the moſt able leader, at the

head of the effeminate troops of Egypt and Syria, encounter, with

any hopes of victory, the legions of Europe, whoſe irreſiſtible

ftrength appeared to fupport the brother of Tacitus. But the

fortune and activity of Probus triumphed over every obftacle.

The hardy veterans of his rival, accuftomed to cold climates,

fickened and confumed away in the fultry heats of Cilicia, where the
fummer proved remarkably unwholeſome. Their numbers were

diminiſhed by frequent deſertion , the paffes of the mountains were

feebly defended ; Tarfus opened its gates , and the foldiers of Flori-

anus, when they had permitted hiin費 to enjoy the Imperial title about

three months, delivered the empire from civil war by the eafy facri- July.

fice of a prince whom they defpifed 20.

The perpetual revolutions of the throne had fo perfectly eraſed Their family
fubfifts in ob-
every notion of hereditary right, that the family of an unfortunate feurity.

emperor was incapable of exciting the jealoufy of his fucceffors.

The children of Tacitus and Florianus were permitted to defcend

into a private ſtation , and to mingle with the general mafs of the

people. Their poverty indeed became an additional fafeguard to

20 Hift. Auguft. p. 231. Zofimus , 1. i. adopted by a very learned man ) would throw
p. 58 , 59. Zonaras, 1. xii . p. 637. Aure- that period of history into inextricable con-
lius Victor fays, that Probus affumed the em- fufion .
pire in Illyricum ; an opinion which (though
VOL. I. 3 E their
 THE DECLINE AND FALL
394

CHAP. their innocence. When Tacitus was elected by the fenate, he

XII.
refigned his ample patrimony to the public fervice ", an act of ge-

nerofity fpecious in appearance, but which evidently diſcloſed his

intention of tranfmitting the empire to his defcendants. The only

confolation of their fallen ftate, was the remembrance of tranſient

greatnefs, and a diftant hope, the child of a flattering prophecy, that

at the end of a thouſand years, a monarch of the race of Tacitus

fhould arife, the protector of the fenate, the reftorer of Rome, and
the conqueror of the whole earth " .
Character
The peaſants of Illyricum, who had already given Claudius and
and elevation
of the em- Aurelian to the finking empire, had an equal right to glory in the
perorProbus.
elevation of Probus " . Above twenty years before, the emperor

Valerian, with his uſual penetration, had diſcovered the riſing merit
of the young foldier, on whom he conferred the rank of tribune,

long before the age prefcribed by the military regulations. The

tribune foon juſtified his choice, by a victory over a great body of

Sarmatians, in which he faved the life of a near relation of Va-

lerian ; and deferved to receive from the emperor's hand the collars,

bracelets, fpears, and banners, the mural and the civic crown, and

all the honourable rewards referved by ancient Rome for fuccefsful;

valour. The third, and afterwards the tenth, legion were intrufted to

the command of Probus, who, in every step of his promotion, fhewed

himſelf ſuperior to the ftation which he filled. Africa and Pontus,

the Rhine, the Danube, the Euphrates, and the Nile, by turns afforded
him the moſt fplendid occafions of difplaying his perfonal prowefs and
his conduct in war. Aurelian was indebted to him for the conqueft

of Egypt, and ſtill more indebted for the honeſt courage with which he

21 Hift . Auguft. p. 229. pifcus with proper modefty) will not fubfift a
22 He was to fend judges to the Parthians, thoufand years to expofe or justify the pre-
Perfians, and Sarmatians, a prefident to Ta- diction.
probana, and a proconful to the Roman iſland. 23 For the private life of Probus , ſee Vo-
fuppofed by Cafaubon and Salmafius to mean pifcus in Hift. Auguft. p. 234-237.
Britain) . Such a history as mine (fays Vo-
4 often
 OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE.
395

often checked the cruelty of his maſter. Tacitus, who defired by CHA P.
XII.
the abilities of his generals to fupply his own deficiency of military

talents, named him commander in chief of all the eaſtern provinces,

with five times the uſual ſalary, the promiſe of the confulfhip, and the

hope of a triumph . When Probus aſcended the Imperial throne, he

was about forty-four years of age ; in the full poffeffion of his fame,

of the love of the army, and of a mature vigour of mind and body.

His acknowledged merit, and the fuccefs of his arms againſt His refpect-
ful conduct
Florianus, left him without an enemy or a competitor. Yet, if we towards the
fenate,
may credit his own profeffions, very far from being defirous of the
empire, he had accepted it with the moft fincere reluctance. " But

" it is no longer in my power," fays Probus, in a private letter,

46
to lay down a title fo full of envy and of danger. I must con-

" tinue to perfonate the character which the foldiers have impofed
66 upon me 25.99
"
5" His dutiful addrefs to the fenate difplayed the

fentiments, or at leaſt the language, of a Roman patriot : " When

you elected one of your order, confcript fathers ! to fucceed the

66
emperor Aurelian, you acted in a manner ſuitable to your juftice

" and wiſdom. For you are the legal fovereigns of the world,

" and the power which you derive from your anceſtors, will de-
" fcend to your pofterity. Happy would it have been, if Flori-

66 anus, inftead of ufurping the purple of his brother, like a pri-

" vate inheritance, had expected what your majefty might deter-
" mine, either in his favour, or in that of any other perfon. The
46
prudent foldiers have puniſhed his rafhnefs. To me they have
;
" offered the title of Auguftus. But I fubmit to your clemency my
66
pretenfions and my merits "." When this refpectful epiftle was A. D. 276.
Auguft 3 .

24 According to the Alexandrian Chronicle,
he was fifty at the time of his death.
25 The letter was addreffed to the Præto-
rian præfect, whom (on condition of his good
behaviour) he promiſed to continue in his
great office. See Hift. Auguft. p. 237.
26 Vopifcus in Hift. Auguft. p . 237. The
date of the letter is affuredly faulty. Instead
of Non . Februar. we mayread Non. Auguft.

3 E 2 read
 E
396 THE DECLIN AND FALL

CHAP.
XII. read by the conful, the fenators were unable to diſguiſe their fatif-
faction, that Probus fhould condefcend thus humbly to folicit a

fceptre which he already poffeffed. They celebrated with the

warmeft gratitude his virtues, his exploits, and above all his mode-

ration . A decree immediately paffed , without a diffenting voice, to

ratify the election of the eaftern armies, and to confer on their

chief all the feveral branches of the Imperial dignity : the names of

Cæfar and Auguftus, the title of Father of his country, the right
of making in the fame day three motions in the fenate ", the office

of Pontifex Maximus, the tribunitian power, and the proconfular

command ; a mode of inveftiture, which, though it ſeemed to mul-

tiply the authority of the emperor, expreffed the conftitution of the

ancient republic. The reign of Probus correfponded with this fair

beginning. The fenate was permitted to direct the civil admini-
ftration of the empire. Their faithful general afferted the honour

of the Roman arms, and often laid at their feet crowns of gold

and barbaric trophies, the fruits of his numerous victories . Yet,

whilſt he gratified their vanity, he muſt fecretly have deſpiſed their

indolence and weakneſs. Though it was every moment in their
power to repeal the difgraceful edict of Gallienus, the proud fuccef-

fors of the Scipios patiently acquiefced in their exclufion from all

military employments. They foon experienced, that thofe who re-

fufe the fword, muft renounce the fceptre.

Victories of The ftrength of Aurelian had cruſhed on every fide the enemies of
Probus over
the barba- Rome. After his death they feemed to revive with an increaſe of
rians. fury and of numbers. They were again vanquished by the active vi-

gour of Probus, who, in a fhort reign of about fix years ", equalled
the
27 Hift. Auguft . p . 238. It is odd , that the 28 See the dutiful letter of Probus to the
fenate fhould treat Probus lefs favourably than fenate, after his German victories . Hist.
Marcus Antoninus . That prince had re- Auguft . p . 239.
ceived, even before the death of Pius, Jus 29 The date and duration of the reign of
quinta relationis. See Capitolin . in Hift. Au- Probus are very correctly afcertained by Car-
guft. p. 24 . dinal Noris, in his learned work , De Fpochis
Syro-
 OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 397

the fame of ancient heroes, and reftored peace and order to every pro- СНАР.
XII.
vince of the Roman world . The dangerous frontier of Rhætia he fo

firmly fecured, that he left it without the fufpicion of an enemy. He

broke the wandering power of the Sarmatian tribes, and by the terror

of his arms compelled thoſe barbarians to relinquish their fpoil. The

Gothic nation courted the alliance of fo warlike an emperor 30. He

attacked the Ifaurians in their mountains, befieged and took feveral

of their ſtrongeſt caftles ", and flattered himſelf that he had for ever

ſuppreſſed a domeſtic foe , whoſe independence fo deeply wounded the

majefty of the empire. The troubles excited by the ufurper Firmus

in the Upper Egypt, had never been perfectly appeafed, and the

cities of Ptolemais and Coptos, fortified by the alliance of the Blem-

myes, ftill maintained an obfcure rebellion. The chaftifement of

thofe cities, and of their auxiliaries the favages of the South, is faid

to have alarmed the court of Perfia ", and the Great King fued in

vain for the friendſhip of Probus . Moft of the exploits which dif-

tinguiſhed his reign, were atchieved by the perfonal valour and con-

duct of the emperor, infomuch that the writer of his life expreffes

fome amazement how, in ſo ſhort a time, a ſingle man could be pre-

fent in fo many diftant wars. The remaining actions he intruſted to

the care of his lieutenants, the judicious choice of whom forms no

inconfiderable part of his glory. Carus, Diocletian , Maximian,

Conftantius, Galerius, Afclepiodatus, Annibalianus, and a crowd of

other chiefs , who afterwards afcended or ſupported the throne, were

trained to arms in the fevere fchool of Aurelian and Probus 33.

Syro- Macedonum , p. 96-105. A paffage 32 Zofim. 1. i. p . 6;. Vopifcus in Hift.

of Eufebius connects the fecond year of Pro- Auguſt . p . 239 , 240. But it ſeems incredible,
bus, with the aras of feveral of the Syrian that the defeat of the Savages of Ethiopia
cities. could affect the Perfian monarch.
30 Vopifcus in Hift. Auguft. p. 239. 33 Befides theſe well-known chiefs , ſeveral
31 Zofimus ( l . i. p . 62-65 . ) tells a very others are named by Vopifcus (Hift. Auguft.
long and trifling ftory of Lycius the Ifaurian p . 241. ), whofe actions have not reached our:
robber. knowledge.
3 But
 E
LIN L
398 THE DEC AND FAL

CHAP.
XII. But the most important fervice which Probus rendered to the re-
public, was the deliverance of Gaul, and the recovery of ſeventy
A. D. 277.
He delivers flouriſhing cities oppreffed by the barbarians of Germany, who,
Gaul from
the invaſion fince the death of Aurelian, had ravaged that great province with

of the Ger-
mans, impunity ". Among the various multitude of thoſe fierce invaders,
we may diſtinguiſh, with ſome degree of clearness , three great armies,

or rather nations, fucceffively vanquished by the valour of Probus.

He drove back the Francs into their moraffes ; a defcriptive cir-

cumſtance from whence we may infer, that the confederacy known

by the manly appellation of Free, already occupied the flat maritime

country, interſected and almoſt overflown by the ftagnating waters

of the Rhine, and that ſeveral tribes of the Frifians and Batavians

had acceded to their alliance. He vanquished the Burgundians, a

confiderable people of the Vandalic race. They had wandered in

queft of booty from the banks of the Oder to thofe of the Seine.

They eſteemed themſelves fufficiently fortunate to purchaſe, by the

reſtitution of all their booty, the permiſſion of an undiſturbed retreat.

They attempted to elude that article of the treaty. Their puniſh-

ment was immediate and terrible ". But of all the invaders of Gaul,

the moſt formidable were the Lygians, a diſtant people who reigned
over a wide domain on the frontiers of Poland and Silefia ". In

the Lygian nation , the Arii held the firſt rank by their numbers and
fierceness. " The Arii (it is thus that they are defcribed by the

energy of Tacitus) ftudy to improve by art and circumſtances the

" innate terrors of their barbarifm . Their fhields are black, their

" bodies are painted black. They chufe for the combat the darkeſt

" hour of the night. Their hoft advances, covered as it were with
46 a
funereal fhade " ; nor do they often find an enemy capable of

34 See the Cæfars of Julian, and Hift. Au- 36 See Cluver. Germania Antiqua, 1. iii.
guft. p. 238. 240, 241 . Ptolemy places in their country the city of
35 Zofimus, 1. i. p. 62. Hift. Auguft. p. Califia, probably Caliſh in Silefia.
240. But the latter fuppofes the puniſhment 37 Feralis umbra , is the expreffion of Ta.
inflicted with the confent of their kings ; if citus : it is furely a very bold one.
fo, it was partial , like the offence.
“ ſuſtaining
 OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 399

" fuftaining fo ſtrange and infernal an afpect. Of all our fenfes,

XII. P.
CHA
38 99 Yet the arms
" the eyes are the firft vanquished in battle

and diſcipline of the Romans eaſily diſcomfited theſe horrid phan-

toms. The Lygii were defeated in a general engagement, and Semno ,

the most renowned of their chiefs, fell alive into the hands of Probus.

That prudent emperor, unwilling to reduce a brave people to deſpair,

granted them an honourable capitulation, and permitted them to re-

turn in ſafety to their native country. But the loffes which they

fuffered in the march, the battle, and the retreat, broke the power

of the nation : nor is the Lygian name ever repeated in the hiſtory

either of Germany or of the empire. The deliverance of Gaul is

reported to have coft the lives of four hundred thouſand of the in-
vaders ; a work of labour to the Romans, and of expence to the

emperor, who gave a piece of gold for the head of every barba-

rian 39. But as the fame of warriors is built on the deftruction of

human kind, we may naturally ſuſpect, that the fanguinary account

was multiplied by the avarice of the foldiers, and accepted without

any very ſevere examination by the liberal vanity of Probus.

Since the expedition of Maximin, the Roman generals had con- and carries
his arms into
fined their ambition to a defenfive war againſt the nations of Ger- Germany.

many, who perpetually preffed on the frontiers of the empire. The

more daring Probus purfued his Gallic victories, paffed the Rhine,

and difplayed his invincible eagles on the banks of the Elbe and the

Necker. He was fully convinced, that nothing could reconcile the

minds of the barbarians to peace, unleſs they experienced in their

own country the calamities of war. Germany, exhauſted by the

ill fuccefs of the laſt emigration, was aftoniſhed by his prefence.

Nine of the moſt conſiderable princes repaired to his camp, and fell
proftrate at his feet. Such a treaty was humbly received by the
He exacted a
Germans, as it pleaſed the conqueror to dictate.

3 Tacit. Germania ( c. 43. ) . 39 Vopifcus in Hift. Auguft. p. 238.

Atrict
400 THE DECLINE AND FALL

CHAP. ftrict reftitution of the effects and captives which they had carried
XII.
away from the provinces ; and obliged their own magiftrates to
puniſh the more obftinate robbers who prefumed to detain any part

of the fpoil. A confiderable tribute of corn, cattle, and horſes, the

only wealth of barbarians, was reſerved for the uſe of the garriſons
which Probus eſtabliſhed on the limits of their territory. He even

entertained fome thoughts of compelling the Germans to relinquiſh

the exerciſe of arms, and to truft their differences to the juſtice,

their fafety to the power, of Rome. To accomplish theſe falutary

ends, the conſtant refidence of an Imperial governor, ſupported by

a numerous army, was indifpenfably requifite. Probus therefore

judged it more expedient to defer the execution of fo great a de-

fign ; which was indeed rather of fpecious than folid utility " . Had

Germany been reduced into the ſtate of a province, the Romans ,

with immenſe labour and expence, would have acquired only a

more extenfive boundary to defend againſt the fiercer and more
active barbarians of Scythia .
He builds a Inftead of reducing the warlike natives of Germany to the con-
wall from the
Rhine to the dition of fubjects, Probus contented himſelf with the humble ex-
Danube.
pedient of raiſing a bulwark againſt their inroads. The country,
which now forms the circle of Swabia, had been left defert in the

age of Auguftus by the emigration of its ancient inhabitants ".

The fertility of the foil foon attracted a new colony from the ad-

jacent provinces of Gaul. Crowds of adventurers, of a roving tem-

per and of defperate fortunes, occupied the doubtful poſſeſſion , and

acknowledged, by the payment of tythes, the majeſty of the em-

pire ". To protect theſe new ſubjects, a line of frontier garriſons was

4° Hift . Auguft. p . 238 , 237. Vopifcus
quotes a letter from the emperor to the fenate,
in which he mentions his defign of reducing
Germany into a province .
¹ Strabo, 1. vii . According to Velleius
Paterculus (ii. 108. ) , Maroboduus led his
Marcomanni into Bohemia : Cluverius ( Ger-
man. Antiq. iii . 8. ) proves that it was from
Swabia.
42 Thefe fettlers from the payment of tythes
were denominated, Decumates, Tacit. Ger-
mania, c. 29.
gradually
 OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 401

gradually extended from the Rhine to the Danube. About the reign CHA P.
XII.
of Hadrian, when that mode of defence began to be practiſed , theſe

garriſons were connected and covered by a ſtrong intrenchment of trees

and palifades. In the place of fo rude a bulwark, the emperor Probus

conftructed a ftone-wall of a confiderable height, and ftrengthened

it by towers at convenient diſtances. From the neighbourhood of

Newftadt and Ratiſbon on the Danube, it ftretched acroſs hills,

vallies, rivers, and moraffes, as far as Wimpfen on the Necker,

and at length terminated on the banks of the Rhine, after a wind-

43
ing courſe of near two hundred miles “³. This important barrier,

uniting the two mighty ftreams that protected the provinces of Eu-
1
rope, ſeemed to fill up the vacant ſpace through which the barba- 1
rians, and particularly the Alemanni, could penetrate with the greateſt

facility into the heart ofthe empire. But the experience of the world

from China to Britain , has expoſed the vain attempt of fortifying

any extenſive tract of country ". An active enemy, who can ſelect
and vary his points of attack, muft, in the end, difcover fome feeble

fpot or fome unguarded moment. The ftrength, as well as the at-

tention, of the defenders is divided ; and fuch are the blind effects of

terror on the firmeft troops, that a line broken in a ſingle place , is

almoſt inſtantly deferted . The fate of the wall which Probus erected ,

may confirm the general obfervation . Within a few years after his

death, it was overthrown by the Alemanni. Its fcattered ruins,

univerſally aſcribed to the power of the Dæmon, now ferve only to

excite the wonder of the Swabian peaſant.

43 See Notes de l'Abbé de la Bleterie à la
Germanie de Tacite, p. 183. His account of
the wa'l is chiefly borrowed (as he fays him-
felf) from the Alfatia Illuftrata of Schoepflin .
++ See Recherches fur les Chinois et les
Egyptiens, tom . ii. p. 81-102 . The ano-
nymous author is well acquainted with the
globe in general, and with Germany in par-
ticular : with regard to the latter, he quotes
a work of M. Hanfelman ; but he ſeems to
confound the wall ofProbus, defigned againſt
the Alemanni , with the fortification of the
Mattiaci, conftructed in the neighbourhood
of Francfort against the Catti.

VOL. I. 3 F Among

1
402 THE DECLINE AND FALL

С НА Р.
XII. Among the uſeful conditions of peace impofed by Probus on the
----
Introduction vanquiſhed nations of Germany, was the obligation of ſupplying
and fettle- the Roman army with fixteen thoufand recruits, the braveſt and
ment of the
barbarians. moſt robuſt of their youth. The emperor difperfed them through

all the provinces, and diſtributed this dangerous reinforcement in

ſmall bands , of fifty or fixty each, among the national troops ;

judiciouſly obferving, that the aid which the republic derived from
45
the barbarians, fhould be felt but not feen "5. Their aid was now

become neceffary. The feeble elegance of Italy and the internal

provinces could no longer fupport the weight of arms. The hardy

frontier of the Rhine and Danube ftill produced minds and bodies

equal to the labours of the camp ; but a perpetual ſeries of wars had

gradually diminiſhed their numbers. The infrequency of marriage,

and the ruin of agriculture, affected the principles of population , and

not only deſtroyed the ftrength of the prefent, but intercepted the

hope of future, generations. The wiſdom of Probus embraced a great

and beneficial plan of repleniſhing the exhaufted frontiers, by new

colonies of captive or fugitive barbarians, on whom he beſtowed

lands, cattle, inftruments of hufbandry, and every encouragement
that might engage them to educate a race of foldiers for the fervice

of the republic. Into Britain, and moſt probably into Cambridge-

fhire ", he tranfported a confiderable body of Vandals . The im-

poffibility of an efcape, reconciled them to their fituation, and in

the fubfequent troubles of that ifland , they approved themſelves the

47
moft faithful fervants of the ftate 7. Great numbers of Franks

and Gepida were fettled on the banks of the Danube and the

Rhine. An hundred thouſand Baftarnæ, expelled from their own

45 He distributed about fifty or fixty Bar- but he fpeaks from a very doubtful conjec-
barians to a Numerus , as it was then called , ture.
a corps with whofe eftablished number we are 47 Zofimus, 1. i . p. 62. According to
not exactly acquainted . Vopifcus, another body of Vandals was lefs
Camden's Britannia , Introduction , p 136 ; faithful.
country,
 OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 403

country, cheerfully accepted an eſtabliſhment in Thrace, and foon CHAP.

XII.
imbibed the manners and fentiments of Roman fubjects . But the

expectations of Probus were too often diſappointed. The impatience

and idleness of the barbarians could ill brook the flow labours of agri-

culture. Their unconquerable love of freedom, rifing againſt defpot-

iſm , provoked them into haſty rebellions, alike fatal to themſelves and
49
to the provinces " ; nor could thefe artificial fupplies, however re-

peated by fucceeding emperors, reſtore the important limit of Gaul

and Illyricum to its ancient and native vigour.

Of all the barbarians who abandoned their new fettlements, and Daring en-
terprife ofthe
diſturbed the public tranquillity, a very fmall number returned to their Franks.

own country. For a ſhort ſeaſon they might wander in arms through

the empire ; but in the end they were furely deftroyed by the power
of a warlike emperor. The fuccefsful raſhneſs of a party of Franks

was attended, however, with fuch memorable confequences, that it

ought not to be paffed unnoticed. They had been eſtabliſhed by

Probus, on the fea- coaft of Pontus, with a view of ftrengthening

the frontier against the inroads of the Alani. A fleet ftationed in

one of the harbours of the Euxine , fell into the hands of the Franks ;

and they refolved, through unknown feas, to explore their way from
the mouth of the Phafis to that of the Rhine. They eafily efcaped

through the Boſphorus and the Hellefpont, and cruizing along the

Mediterranean , indulged their appetite for revenge and plunder,

by frequent deſcents on the unſuſpecting ſhores of Aſia, Greece, and

Africa. The opulent city of Syracufe, in whofe port the navies

of Athens and Carthage had formerly been funk, was facked by

a handful of barbarians, who maffacred the greateft part of the

trembling inhabitants. From the iſland of Sicily, the Franks pro-

ceeded to the columns of Hercules, trufted themſelves to the ocean,

48 Hift. Aug. p . 240. They were probably 49 Hift. Auguft. p. 240 .

expelled by the Goths. Zofim. 1. i. p. 66.

3 F 2 coafted
404 THE DECLINE AND FALL

CHA P. coafted round Spain and Gaul, and ſteering their triumphant courfe
XII.
through the Britiſh channel, at length finiſhed their ſurpriſing voyage,

by landing in fafety on the Batavian or Frifian fhores ". The ex-

ample of their fuccefs, inftructing their countrymen to conceive the

advantages, and to deſpiſe the dangers, of the ſea, pointed out to their

enterpriſing ſpirit, a new road to wealth and glory.

Revolt ofSa-
Notwithſtanding the vigilance and activity of Probus, it was almoſt
turninus in
the Eaft; impoffible that he could at once contain in obedience every part of his

wide extended dominions. The barbarians, who broke their chains,

had feized the favourable opportunity of a domeſtic war. When

the emperor marched to the relief of Gaul, he devolved the com-

mand of the Eaft on Saturninus. That general, a man of merit

and experience, was driven into rebellion by the abſence of his ſo-

vereign, the levity of the Alexandrian people, the preffing in-

ftances of his friends, and his own fears ; but from the moment of

his elevation, he never entertained a hope of empire, or even of

life. " Alas !" he faid, " the republic has loft a uſeful fervant,

" and the rafhneſs of an hour has deſtroyed the fervices of many

" years. You know not," continued he, " the mifery of fovereign
"
power ; a fword is perpetually fufpended over our head. We

" dread our very guards, we diftruft our companions. The choice

" ofaction or of repofe is no longer in our difpofition , nor is there

་
any age, or character, or conduct , that can protect us from the

" cenfure of envy. In thus exalting me to the throne, you have

" doomed me to a life of cares, and to an untimely fate. The only

" confolation which remains is, the affurance that I fhall not fall
99
" alone ". But as the former part of his prediction was verified

by the victory, ſo the latter was diſappointed by the clemency

50 Panegyr. Vet. v. 18. Zofimus, . i. at Carthage, and was therefore more proba-
p. 66. bly a Moor (Zofim. 1. i . p . 60. ) than a Gaul,
38 as Vopifcus calls him.
Vopifcus in Hift. Auguft. p. 245 , 246.
The unfortunate orator had ftudied rhetoric

7 of
 OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 405

of Probus. That amiable prince attempted even to fave the un- CHA
XII. P.
happy Saturninus from the fury of the foldiers. He had more than

once folicited the ufurper himſelf, to place fome confidence in

the mercy of a fovereign who fo highly efteemed his character, that A. D. 279.

he had puniſhed, as a malicious informer, the firſt who related the

improbable news of his defection " . Saturninus might, perhaps,

have embraced the generous offer, had he not been reftrained by

the obftinate diſtruſt of his adherents. Their guilt was deeper, and

their hopes more fanguine, than thoſe of their experienced leader.

The revolt of Saturninus was ſcarcely extinguiſhed in the Eaft, A. Bonofus

of D. 280.

before new troubles were excited in the Weft, by the rebellion and Proculus
in Gaul.
of Bonofus and Proculus, in Gaul. The moſt diſtinguiſhed merit

of thoſe two officers was their reſpective prowess, of the one in the
combats of Bacchus, of the other in thoſe of Venus ",, yet neither

of them were deftitute of courage and capacity, and both ſuſtained,

with honour, the auguft character which the fear of puniſhment had

engaged them to affume, till they funk at length beneath the

fuperior genius of Probus. He ufed the victory with his accuf-

tomed moderation , and ſpared the fortunes as well as the lives of their
54
innocent families "*.

The arms of Probus had now fuppreffed all the foreign and do- A. D 281 .
Triumph of
meftic enemies of the ftate. His mild but fteady adminiftration the emperor
Probus.
confirmed the re- establishment of the public tranquillity ; nor was

there left in the provinces a hoftile barbarian, a tyrant, or even a

robber, to revive the memory of paſt diſorders. It was time that

the emperor fhould revifit Rome, and celebrate his own glory and

52 Zonaras, 1. xii. p . 638 . 54 Proculus, who was a native of Albengue

53 A very furpriſing inſtance is recorded of
the prowess of Proculus . He had taken one
hundred Sarmatian virgins. The rest of the
Rory he must relate in his own language ; Ex
his unâ nocte decem inivi : omnes tamen,
quod in me erat, mulieres intra dies quinde-
cim reddidi. Vopifcus in Hift. Auguft . p . 246.
on the Genoefe coaſt, armed two thousand of
his own flaves . His riches were great, but
they were acquired by robbery. It was after-
wards a faying of his family, Nec latrones
effe, nec principes fibi placere . Vopifcus
in Hift . Auguft . p. 247.
the
 INE FALL
406 THE DECL AND

CHA
XII. P. the general happineſs. The triumph due to the valour of Probus

was conducted with a magnificence fuitable to his fortune, and the

people who had fo lately admired the trophies of Aurelian , gazed

with equal pleaſure on thoſe of his heroic fucceffor ". We cannot,

on this occafion, forget the defperate courage of about fourſcore

Gladiators, referved with near fix hundred others, for the inhuman

ſports of the amphitheatre. Difdaining to fhed their blood for the

amuſement of the populace, they killed their keepers, broke from

the place of their confinement, and filled the ftreets of Rome with
blood and confufion . After an obftinate refiftance, they were over-

powered and cut in pieces by the regular forces ; but they obtained
at least an honourable death, and the fatisfaction of a just re-
venge ".
His difci-
The military difcipline which reigned in the camps of Probus,
pline.
was lefs cruel than that of Aurelian, but it was equally rigid and

exact . The latter had puniſhed the irregularities of the foldiers with

unrelenting ſeverity, the former prevented them by employing the

legions in conftant and uſeful labours. When Probus commanded

in Egypt, he executed many confiderable works for the fplendour

and benefit of that rich country. The navigation of the Nile, fo

important to Rome itſelf, was improved ; and temples, bridges,

porticoes, and palaces, were conftructed by the hands of the

foldiers, who acted by turns as architects, as engineers, and as

huſbandmen ". It was reported of Hannibal, that, in order to pre-

ferve his troops from the dangerous temptations of idleness, he

had obliged them to form large plantations of olive trees along the

coaſt of Africa ". From a ſimilar principle, Probus exercifed his

legions in covering, with rich vineyards, the hills of Gaul and

55 Hift. Auguft . p. 240. writer, is irreconcileable with the hiſtory of

56 Zofim. 1. i. p . 66 . his life. He left Africa when he was nine
57 Hift. Auguft. p . 235. years old, returned to it when he was forty-
58 Aurel . Victor in Prob. But the policy of five, and immediately loft his army in the
Hannibal, unnoticed by any more ancient decifive battle of Zama. Livius , xxx. 37 .
3 Pannonia,
 OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 407

Pannonia, and two confiderable ſpots are defcribed , which were CHA P.
XII .
entirely dug and planted by military labour ". One of thefe, known

under the name of Mount Almo, was fituated near Sirmium, the
country where Probus was born, for which he ever retained a

partial affection, and whofe gratitude he endeavoured to fecure,

by converting into tillage a large and unhealthy tract of marshy

ground. An army thus employed, conftituted perhaps the moſt uſe-

ful, as well as the braveſt, portion of Roman fubje&s.

But in the profecution of a favourite ſcheme, the beſt of men , fa- His death.

tisfied with the rectitude of their intentions , are fubject to forget the

bounds of moderation ; nor did Probus himſelf fufficiently confult

the patience and difpofition of his fierce legionaries " . The dangers
of the military profeffion feem only to be compenſated by a life of

pleafure and idlenefs ; but if the duties of the foldier are in-

ceffantly aggravated by the labours of the peaſant, he will at laſt

fink under the intolerable burden, or ſhake it off with indignation.

The imprudence of Probus is faid to have inflamed the difcontent

of his troops. More attentive to the interefts of mankind than

to thofe of the army, he expreffed the vain hope, that, by the

eſtabliſhment of univerfal peace, he ſhould foon abolish the neceffity

of a ſtanding and mercenary force ". The unguarded expreffion

proved fatal to him. In one of the hotteſt days of fummer, as he

feverely urged the unwholefome labour of draining the marfhes of

Sirmium, the foldiers, impatient of fatigue, on a fudden threw

down their tools, grafped their arms, and broke out into a furious

mutiny. The emperor, confcious of his danger, took refuge in a

lofty tower, conftructed for the purpofe of furveying the progrefs

59 Hift . Auguft. p . 240. Eutrop. ix . 17 .
Aurel . Victor in Prob. Victor Junior. He
revoked the prohibition of Domitian, and
granted a general permiffion of planting vines
to the Gauls, the Britons, and the Panno-
nians.
60
Julian beftows a fevere , and indeed ex-
ceffive, cenfure on the rigour of Probus, who,.
as he thinks, almoft deferved his fate.
61 Vopifcus in Hift. Auguft. p . 241. He
lavishes on this idle hope a large flock of very
foolish eloquence.
of
 THE DECLINE AND FALL
408

CHAP. of the work " . The tower was inftantly forced, and a thouſand
XII.
ſwords were plunged at once into the bofom of the unfortunate
A. D. 282 .
Probus. The rage of the troops fubfided as foon as it had been
Auguft.
gratified. They then lamented their fatal rafhnefs, forgot the fe-

verity of the emperor, whom they had maffacred, and haftened to

perpetuate, by an honourable monument, the memory of his vir-

63
tues and victories "3.
Election and
character of When the legions had indulged their grief and repentance for
Carus. the death of Probus, their unanimous confent declared Carus, his

Prætorian præfect, the most deferving of the Imperial throne.

Every circumſtance that relates to this prince appears of a mixed

and doubtful nature. He gloried in the title of Roman Citizen ;

and affected to compare the purity of his blood, with the foreign
and even barbarous origin of the preceding emperors ; yet the moſt

inquifitive of his contemporaries, very far from admitting his claim,

have variouſly deduced his own birth, or that of his parents, from

Illyricum, from Gaul, or from Africa . Though a foldier, he

had received a learned education ; though a fenator, he was inveſted

with the firſt dignity of the army ; and in an age, when the civil

and military profeffions began to be irrecoverably feparated from

each other, they were united in the perfon of Carus. Notwith-

ſtanding the fevere juftice which he exerciſed againſt the affaffins of

Probus, to whofe favour and eſteem he was highly indebted , he

could not escape the fufpicion of being acceffary to a deed from

whence he derived the principal advantage. He enjoyed , at leaſt

before his elevation , an acknowledged character of virtue and

62 Turris ferrata . It feems to have been a founded by Eutropius with the more famous
povcable tower, and cafed with iron . city ofthat name in Gaul . His father might
63 Probus, et vere probus fitus eft : Victor be an African , and his mother a noble Ro-
omnium gentium Barbararum : victor etiam man. Carus himself was educated in the
tyrannorum. capital . See Scaliger, Animadverfion . ad
64 Yet all this may be conciliated. He Eufeb . Chron . p . 241 .
was born at Narbonne in Illyricum , con-
abilities ;
 OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE.
409

abilities "s ; but his auftere temper infenfibly degenerated into morofe- CHA P.
XII.
neſs and cruelty ; and the imperfect writers of his life almoſt hefi-

tate whether they fhall not rank him in the number of Roman

tyrants ". When Carus affumed the purple , he was about fixty
years of age, and his two fons Carinus and Numerian had already
attained the feafon of manhood ".

The authority of the fenate expired with Probus ; nor was the The fenti-
ments of the
repentance of the foldiers diſplayed by the fame dutiful regard for fenate and
the civil power, which they had teftified after the unfortunate death people.

of Aurelian. The election of Carus was decided without expecting

the approbation of the ſenate, and the new emperor contented him-

ſelf with announcing, in a cold and ſtately epiſtle, that he had

afcended the vacant throne ". A behaviour fo very oppofite to that

of his amiable predeceffor, afforded no favourable prefage of the new

reign ; and the Romans, deprived of power and freedom, afferted

their privilege of licentious murmurs " . The voice of congratula-
1
tion and flattery was not however filent ; and we may ftill perufe,

with pleaſure and contempt, an eclogue , which was compofed on the

acceffion of the emperor Carus. Two fhepherds, avoiding the

noon-tide heat, retire into the cave of Faunus. On a ſpreading

beech they diſcover ſome recent characters. The rural deity had

deſcribed, in prophetic verſes, the felicity promiſed to the empire,

under the reign of ſo great a prince. Faunus hails the approach of

that hero, who, receiving on his ſhoulders the finking weight of the

65 Probus had requested of the fenate an
equestrian ftatue and a marble palace, at
the public expence, as a juft recompence of
the fingular merit of Carus. Vopifcus in
Hift. Auguft . p. 249 .
66 Vopifcus in Hift . Auguft . p . 242. 249 .
Julian excludes the emperor Carus and both
his fons from the banquet of the Cæfars .
67 John Malela, tom . i . p. 401. But the
VOL. I. 3 G
authority of that ignorant Greek is very flight.
He ridiculouſly derives from Carus , the city
of Carrha, and the province of Caria, the
latter of which is mentioned by Homer.
68 Hift. Auguft. p . 249. Carus congratu-
lated the fenate, that one of their own order
was made emperor.
69 Hift . Augult. p. 242.
Roman
 THE DECLINE AND FALL
410

CHAP. Roman world , fhall extinguiſh war and faction, and once again re-
XII.
ftore the innocence and fecurity of the golden age ".

Carus defeats It is more than probable, that theſe elegant trifles never reached
the Sarma-
tians, and the ears of a veteran general, who, with the conſent of the legions,.
marches into
the Eaft ; was preparing to execute the long fufpended defign of the Perfian
war. Before his departure for this diftant expedition, Carus con-

ferred on his two fons, Carinus and Numerian, the title of Cæfar,,

and inveſting the former with almoſt an equal ſhare of the Im-

perial power, directed the young prince, firft to fupprefs fome

troubles which had arifen in Gaul, and afterwards to fix the feat

of his refidence at Rome, and to affume the government of the

weſtern provinces ". The fafety of Illyricum was confirmed by

a memorable defeat of the Sarmatians ; fixteen thousand of thofe

barbarians remained on the field of battle, and the number of captives

amounted to twenty thouſand. The old emperor, animated with

the fame and proſpect of victory, purfued his march , in the midſt
of winter, through the countries of Thrace and Aſia Minor, and at

length, with his younger fon Numerian, arrived on the confines of

the Perſian monarchy. There, encamping on the fummit of a lofty

mountain, he pointed out to his troops the opulence and luxury of

the enemy whom they were about to invade.

A. D. 283 . The fucceffor of Artaxerxes, Varanes or Bahram, though he had

1 he gives au-
dience to the fubdued the Segeftans, one of the moſt warlike nations of Upper
Perfian am-
baffadors . Afia ", was alarmed at the approach of the Romans, and endea-
voured to retard their progrefs by a negociation of peace. His

ambaſſadors entered the camp about fun-fet, at the time when the
troops were fatisfying their hunger with a frugal repaft. The

2° See the first eclogue of Calphurnius . The
defign of it is preferred by Fontenelle, to that
of Virgil's Pollio. See tom. iii . p . 148 .
71 Hift. Auguft. p . 353. Eutropius, ix. 18.
Pagi. Annal.
72 Agathias , 1. iv. p . 135. We find one of
his fayings in the Bibliothéque Orientale of
M. d'Herbelot. " The definition of huma--
nity includes all other virtues."
5
Perfians
 OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE.
411

Perſians expreffed their defire of being introduced to the prefence of CHAP.

XII.
the Roman emperor. They were at length conducted to a foldier,

who was feated on the grafs. A piece of ftale bacon and a few hard

peaſe compofed his fupper. A coarſe woollen garment of purple

was the only circumftance that announced his dignity. The con-
ference was conducted with the fame difregard of courtly elegance.

Carus, taking off a cap which he wore to conceal his baldneſs, af-

fured the ambaffadors, that, unleſs their mafter acknowledged the

fuperiority of Rome, he would ſpeedily render Perſia as naked of

73 Notwithſtanding
trees, as his own head was deftitute of hair 13.

fome traces of art and preparation , we may diſcover in this ſcene the
manners of Carus, and the fevere fimplicity which the martial

princes, who fucceeded Gallienus, had already reftored in the Roman

camps. The miniſters of the Great King trembled and retired.

The threats of Carus were not without effect. He ravaged His victories
and extraor-
Mefopotamia, cut in pieces whatever oppoſed his paffage, made dinary death.

himſelf maſter of the great cities of Seleucia and Ctesiphon (which

feemed to have furrendered without reſiſtance) , and carried his vic-

torious arms beyond the Tigris ". He had feized the favourable

moment for an invafion . The Perfian councils were diſtracted by

domeftic factions, and the greater part of their forces were detained

on the frontiers of India. Rome and the Eaſt received with tranſport

the news of ſuch important advantages. Flattery and hope painted,

in the moſt lively colours, the fall of Perfia, the conqueſt of Arabia,

the ſubmiſſion of Egypt, and a lafting deliverance from the inroads

of the Scythian nations " . But the reign of Carus was defined to

expofe the vanity of predictions. They were ſcarcely uttered A. D. 283 .

Decem-
ber 25 .
73 Synefius tells this ftory of Carinus ; and 75 To the Perfian victory of Carus, I refer
it is much more natural to underſtand it of the dialogue of the Philopatris, which has fo
Carus, than ( as Petavius and Tillemont chufe long been an object of difpute among the
to do) of Probus . learned. But to explain and justify my opi-
74 Vopifcus in Hift. Auguft. p . 250. Eu- nion , would require a diflertation.
tropius, ix. 18. The two Victors .
3 G 2 before
 THE DECLINE AND FALL
412

CHAP. before they were contradicted by his death ; an event attended with
XII.
fuch ambiguous circumftances, that it may be related in a let-
ter from his own fecretary to the præfect of the city. " Carus,"

fays he, " our deareft emperor, was confined by ficknefs to his bed,

" when a furious tempeft aroſe in the camp. The darkneſs which
66
overſpread the fky was fo thick, that we could no longer dif-

tinguiſh each other ; and the inceffant flaſhes of lightning took

" from us the knowledge of all that paſſed in the general confufion.

" Immediately after the moſt violent clap of thunder, we heard a

" fudden cry, that the emperor was dead ; and it ſoon appeared,

" that his chamberlains, in a rage of grief, had fet fire to the royal

" pavillion , a circumftance which gave rise to the report that Carus
પ
was killed by lightning. But, as far as we have been able to in-
σε
veftigate the truth, his death was the natural effect of his dif-
❝ order " "

He is fuc- The vacancy of the throne was not productive of any diſturbance.
ceeded by his
two fons Ca- The ambition of the afpiring generals was checked by their mu-
rinus and Nu- tual fears, and young Numerian , with his abfent brother Carinus,
merian.
were unanimously acknowledged as Roman emperors. The public

expected that the fucceffor of Carus would purfue his father's foot-

ſteps, and without allowing the Perfians to recover from their con-

fternation, would advance ſword in hand to the palaces of Sufa and

Ecbatana ". But the legions, however ftrong in numbers and dif-

cipline, were diſmayed by the moſt abject fuperftition. Notwith-

ſtanding all the arts that were practiſed to diſguiſe the manner of the

late emperor's death, it was found impoffible to remove the opinion

of the multitude, and the power of opinion is irrefiftible . Places or

perfons ftruck with lightning were confidered by the ancients with

76 Hift . Auguft. p. 250. Yet Eutropius , ras, all afcribe the death of Carus to light-
Feftus, Rufus, the two Victors, Jerome, Si- ning.
donius Apollinaris , Syncellus, and Zona- 77 See Nemefian. Cynegeticon, v . 71 , &c..

pious
 OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 413

pious horror, as fingularly devoted to the wrath of Heaven ". An CHAP.

XII.
oracle was remembered, which marked the river Tigris as the fatal
boundary of the Roman arms. The troops, terrified with the fate of

Carus and with their own danger, called aloud on young Numerian

to obey the will of the gods, and to lead them away from this inauf-
picious ſcene of war. The feeble emperor was unable to fubdue their

obftinate prejudice , and the Perſians wondered at the unexpected re-

treat of a victorious enemy ".

The intelligence of the myfterious fate of the late emperor, was A. D. 384.
Vices of Ca-
foon carried from the frontiers of Perfia to Rome ; and the fenate, rinus.

as well as the provinces , congratulated the acceffion of the fons of

Carus. Theſe fortunate youths were ftrangers, however, to that

confcious fuperiority, either of birth or of merit, which can alone

render the poffeffion of a throne eafy, and as it were natural. Born

and educated in a private ſtation , the election of their father raiſed

them at once to the rank of princes ; and his death, which happened
about fixteen months afterwards, left them the unexpected legacy of

a vaft empire. To ſuſtain with temper this rapid elevation , an un-

common fhare of virtue and prudence was requifite ; and Carinus , the
elder of the brothers, was more than commonly deficient in thoſe qua-

lities.In the Gallic war, he diſcovered fome degree of perſonal

80
courage ; but from the moment of his arrival at Rome, he aban-

doned himſelf to the luxury of the capital, and to the abuſe of his

fortune. He was foft yet cruel ; devoted to pleaſure, but deftitute

of taſte ; and though exquifitely fufceptible of vanity, indifferent to

the public eſteem . In the courfe of a few months , he fucceffively

married and divorced nine wives, moft of whom he left pregnant ;

and notwithſtanding this legal inconftancy, found time to indulge

78 See Feftus and his commentators, on the relius Victor feems to believe the prediction,
word Scribonianum. Places ftruck with light- and to approve the retreat.
ning, were furrounded with a wall : things 80 Nemefian . Cygneticon, v. 69. He
were buried with myfterious ceremony . was a contemporary, but a poet.
79 Vopifcus in Hift. Auguft. p . 250. Au-
4 fuch
414 THE DECLINE AND FALL

CHAP.
XII. fuch a variety of irregular appetites, as brought diſhonour on himſelf
and on the nobleft houſes of Rome. He beheld with inveterate hatred

all thoſe who might remember his former obfcurity, or cenfure his

prefent conduct. He banished, or put to death, the friends and coun-

fellors whom his father had placed about him, to guide his inexpe-

rienced youth ; and he perfecuted with the meaneft revenge his ſchool-

fellows and companions , who had not ſufficiently reſpected the latent
majefty ofthe emperor . With the fenators, Carinus affected a lofty

and regal demeanour, frequently declaring, that he defigned to diſtri-

bute their eſtates among the populace of Rome. From the dregs of

that populace, he ſelected his favourites, and even his miniſters. The

palace, and even the Imperial table, was filled with fingers, dancers,

proſtitutes, and all the various retinue of vice and folly. One of his

door-keepers " he intrufted with the government of the city. In

the room of the Prætorian præfect, whom he put to death, Carinus

ſubſtituted one of the minifters of his loofer pleaſures. Another

who poffeffed the fame, or even a more infamous, title to favour, was

inveſted with the confulfhip. A confidential ſecretary, who had ac-

quired uncommon ſkill in the art of forgery, delivered the indolent

emperor, with his own confent, from the irkfome duty of figning
his name.

When the emperor Carus undertook the Perfian war, he was in-

duced, by motives of affection as well as policy, to fecure the for-

tunes of his family, by leaving in the hands of his eldeft fon the

armies and provinces of the Weſt. The intelligence which he foon

received of the conduct of Carinus, filled him with fhame and re-

gret ; nor had he concealed his refolution of fatisfying the republic

by a fevere act of juftice, and of adopting, in the place of an un-

worthy fon, the brave and virtuous Conftantius, who at that time

81 Cancellarius. This word, fo humble in monarchies of Europe. See Cafaubon and

its origin, has by a fingular fortune rofe into Salmafius, ad Hift. Auguft. p . 253 .
the title of the firſt great office of ſtate in the
Was
 OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 415

was governor of Dalmatia. But the elevation of Conftantius was С НА Р.

XII .
for a while deferred ; and as foon as the father's death had releaſed

Carinus from the controul of fear or decency , he difplayed to the

Romans the extravagancies of Elagabalus , aggravated by the cruelty

of Domitian 8².

The only merit of the adminiſtration of Carinus that hiftory the

He celebrates
Roman
could record or poetry celebrate, was the uncommon fplendour with games.
which, in his own and his brother's name, he exhibited the Roman

games of the theatre, the circus, and the amphitheatre. More than

twenty years afterwards, when the courtiers of Diocletian repre-

fented to their frugal fovereign the fame and popularity of his mu-

nificent predeceffor, he acknowledged, that the reign of Carinus

had indeed been a reign of pleaſure . But this vain prodigality,
which the prudence of Diocletian might juftly deſpiſe, was enjoyed

with furpriſe and tranſport by the Roman people. The oldeſt of

the citizens, recollecting the ſpectacles of former days, the triumphal

pomp of Probus or Aurelian, and the fecular games of the emperor

Philip, acknowledged that they were all furpaffed by the fuperior

84
magnificence of Carinus 4.

The ſpectacles of Carinus may therefore be beft illuftrated by the Spectacles of

Rome.
obfervation of fome particulars, which hiſtory has condefcended to
relate concerning thoſe of his predeceffors. If we confine ourſelves

folely to the hunting of wild beafts, however we may cenfure the

vanity of the deſign or the cruelty of the execution, we are obliged

to confefs, that neither before nor fince the time of the Romans,

fo much art and expence have ever been lavished for the amufe-

* Vopifcus in Hift . Auguft. p . 253 , 254.
Eutropius, ix. 19. Victor Junior. The
reign of Diocletian indeed was fo long and
profperous, that it must have been very un-
favourable to the reputation of Carinus.
83 Vopifcus in Hift. Auguft. p. 254 . He
calls him Carus, but the fenfe is fufficiently
obvious, and the words were often confounded.
4 See Calphurnius, Eclog. vii. 43. We
may obferve, that the fpectacles of Probus
were flill recent, and that the poet is feconded
by the hiftorian ,
ment
 NE
E C LI D LL
TH DE AN FA
416

CHAP. ment of the people " . By the order of Probus , a great quantity
XII.
of large trees, torn up by the roots, were tranſplanted into the midſt

of the circus. The ſpacious and fhady foreſt was immediately filled

with a thouſand oftriches , a thouſand ſtags, a thouſand fallow deer,

and a thouſand wild boars ; and all this variety of game was aban-

doned to the riotous impetuofity of the multitude. The tragedy of

the fucceeding day confifted in the maſſacre of an hundred lions, an

equal number of lioneffes , two hundred leopards , and three hundred

bears ". 1 The collection prepared by the younger Gordian for his

triumph , and which his fucceffor exhibited in the fecular games ,

was lefs remarkable by the number than by the fingularity of the

animals . Twenty zebras difplayed their elegant forms and varie-

gated beauty to the eyes of the Roman people " . Ten elks , and as
many camelopards , the loftieft and moſt harmleſs creatures that

wander over the plains of Sarmatia and Æthiopia , were contraſted

with thirty African hyænas , and ten Indian tygers , the moſt im-
The unoffending ftrength with
placable favages of the torrid zone.
which Nature has endowed the greater quadrupeds , was admired
in the rhinoceros , the hippopotamus of the Nile ", and a majeſtic

troop of thirty-two elephants ". While the populace gazed with

ftupid wonder on the fplendid ſhow, the naturaliſt might indeed ob-

ferve the figure and properties of ſo many different ſpecies , tranf-

ported from every part of the ancient world into the amphitheatre

88 Carinus gave an hippopotamus (fee Cal-

" The philofopher Montaigne (Eſſais , 1 .
phurn . Eclog. vii. 65. ) . In the latter fpec-
iii. 6.) gives a very juft and lively view of tacles , I do not recollect any crocodiles , of
Roman magnificence in theſe ſpectacles.
which Auguftus once exhibited thirty-fix .
86 Vopifcus in Hift. Auguft. p. 240. Dion Caffius, 1. lv . p. 781 .
87 They are called Onagri ; but the num-
ber is too inconfiderable for mere wild-affes. 89 Capitolin . in Hift. Auguft. p . 164, 165 .
We are not acquainted with the animals whom
Cuper (de Elephantis Exercitat . ii . 7. ) has
he calls archeleontes, fome read argoleontes,
proved from Oppian , Dion , and an anony-
others agrioleontes : both corrections are very
mous Greek, that zebras had been ſeen at
Rome. They were brought from fome iſland nugatory.
of the ocean, perhaps Madagaſcar.
of
 OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 417

of Rome. But this accidental benefit, which fcience might derive CHA P.
XII.
from folly, is furely infufficient to juſtify ſuch a wanton abuſe of

the public riches. There occurs, however, a fingle inftance in the

firſt Punic war, in which the fenate wifely connected this amuſement
of the multitude with the intereft of the ſtate. A confiderable num-

ber of elephants , taken in the defeat of the Carthaginian army, were

driven through the circus by a few flaves, armed only with blunt ja-

velins " . The uſeful ſpectacle ſerved to impreſs the Roman foldier

with a juft contempt for thoſe unwieldy animals ; and he no longer

dreaded to encounter them in the ranks of war.

The hunting or exhibition of wild beafts, was conducted with a The amphi-
theatre.
magnificence fuitable to a people who ftyled themſelves the maſters

of the world ; nor was the edifice appropriated to that entertain-

ment lefs expreffive of Roman greatneſs. Pofterity admires, and will

long admire, the awful remains of the amphitheatre of Titus, which

fo well deferved the epithet of Coloffal " . It was a building of an 1

1

elliptic figure, five hundred and fixty-four feet in length, and four H

hundred and fixty-feven in breadth, founded on fourfcore arches ,

and rifing, with four fucceffive orders of architecture, to the height

92
of one hundred and forty feet " . The outſide of the edifice

was encrufted with marble, and decorated with ftatues. The flopes
of the vaſt concave, which formed the infide, were filled and ſur-

rounded with fixty or eighty rows of feats of marble likewiſe, co-

vered with cuſhions , and capable of receiving with eaſe above four-
IN
ſcore thouſand ſpectators ". Sixty-four vomitories (for by that name

. 90 Plin. Hift. Natur. viii. 6. from the an-
nals of Pifo.
91 See Maffei, Verona Illuftrata, P. iv.
1. i. c. 2 .
92 Maffei, 1. ii . c. 2. The height was very
much exaggerated by the ancients. It reached
almoſt to the heavens, according to Calphur-
nius (Eclog. vii. 23. ) , and furpaffed the ken
of human fight, according to Ammianus Mar-
VOL. I. 3 H
cellinus (xvi. 10. ) . Yet how trifling to the
great pyramid of Egypt, which rifes 500 feet
perpendicular !
93 According to different copies of Victor,
we read 77,000 , or 87,000 ſpectators ; but
Maffei ( 1. ii . c . 12. ) finds room on the open
feats for no more than 34,000 . The re-
mainder were contained in the upper covered
galleries.
the
418 THE DECLINE AND FALL

CHA
XII. P. the doors were very aptly diftinguiſhed) poured forth the immenſe
multitude ; and the entrances, paſſages , and ſtair- cafes, were con-

trived with fuch exquifite fkill, that each perſon , whether of the

fenatorial, the equeftrian , or the plebeian order, arrived at his def-

94
tined place without trouble or confuſion ". Nothing was omitted

which, in any reſpect, could be fubfervient to the convenience and

pleaſure of the ſpectators. They were protected from the fun and
rain by an ample canopy, occafionally drawn over their heads. The

air was continually refreshed by the playing of fountains, and pro-

fufely impregnated by the grateful ſcent of aromatics. In the cen-

tre of the edifice, the arena, or ftage, was ftrewed with the fineſt

fand, and fucceffively affumed the moſt different forms. At one

moment it ſeemed to rife out of the earth, like the garden of the

Hefperides, and was afterwards broken into the rocks and caverns of
Thrace. The fubterraneous pipes conveyed an inexhauſtible ſupply

of water ; and what had juft before appeared a level plain, might
be fuddenly converted into a wide lake , covered with armed veffels,

and repleniſhed with the monſters of the deep ". In the decoration

of theſe fcenes, the Roman emperors difplayed their wealth and

liberality ; and we read on various occafions, that the whole furni-

ture of the amphitheatre confifted either of filver, or of gold , or of

amber ". The poet who defcribes the games of Carinus, in the cha-

racter of a ſhepherd attracted to the capital by the fame of their

magnificence, affirms, that the nets defigned as a defence againſt the

wild beafts, were of gold wire ; that the porticoes were gilded, and that
the belt or circle which divided the feveral ranks of fpectators from

94 See Maffei, 1. ii . c. 5-12 . He treats
the very difficult fubject with all poffible
clearness, and like an architect, as well as an
antiquarian.
95 Calphurn . Eclog. vii . 64. 73. Thefe
lines are curious, and the whole Eclogue has
been of infinite ufe to Maffei. Calphurnius ,
as well as Martial (fee his first book) , was a
poet ; but when they defcribed the amphithe-
atre, they both wrote from their own fenfes,
and to thofe of the Romans .
96 Confult Plin. Hift. Natur. xxxiii . 16.
xxxvii. 11.

cach
 OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE.
419

eech other, was ftudded with a precious Mofaic of beautiful CHA P.

97 XII.
ftones ".

In the midſt of this glittering pageantry, the emperor Carinus, A. D. 284 .

Sept. 12 .
ſecure of his fortune, enjoyed the acclamations of the people, the

flattery of his courtiers, and the fongs of the poets, who, for want

of a more effential merit, were reduced to celebrate the divine graces

of his perfon " . In the fame hour, but at the distance of nine

hundred miles from Rome, his brother expired ; and a fudden revo-

lution transferred into the hands of a ſtranger the ſceptre of the houſe
99
of Carus ⁹⁹.·

The fons of Carus never faw each other after their father's death. Return of
Numerian
The arrangements which their new fituation required, were proba- with the
army from
bly deferred till the return of the younger brother to Rome, where Perfia.

a triumph was decreed to the young emperors, for the glorious fuc-
100
cefs ofthe Perfian war . It is uncertain whether they intended to
divide between them the adminiftration , or the provinces, of the

empire ; but it is very unlikely that their union would have

proved of any long duration . The jealouſy of power muſt have

been inflamed by the oppofition of characters. In the moſt corrupt

of times, Carinus was unworthy to live : Numerian deſerved to

reign in a happier period. His affable manners and gentle vir-
tues fecured him , as foon as they became known, the regard and

affections of the public. He poffeffed the elegant accompliſhments of

a poet and orator, which dignify as well as adorn the humbleft and the

moſt exalted ſtation. His eloquence, however it was applauded by the

fenate, was formed not fo much on the model of Cicero, as on that

97 Balteus en gemmis, en in lita porticus auro 99 With regard to the time when theſe
Certatim radiant, &c. Calphurn . vii . Roman games were celebrated , Scaliger,
93 Et Martis vultus et Apollinis effe puta- Salmafius , and Cuper, have given them-
vi, fays Calphurnius ; but John Malela, who felves a great deal of trouble to perplex a
had perhaps feen pictures of Carinus, de- very clear ſubject .
fcribes him as thick, fhort, and white, tom. i. 100 Nemefianus (in the Cynegeticons) feems
P. 403. to anticipate in his fancy that auſpicious day.
of
3 H 2
420 THE DECLINE AND FALL

CHAP.
XII. of the modern declaimers ; but in an age very far from being deftitute
of poetical merit, he contended for the prize with the moſt celebrated

of his contemporaries, and ftill remained the friend of his rivals ;

a circumſtance which evinces either the goodneſs of his heart, or the

fuperiority of his genius 10.• But the talents of Numerian were

rather of the contemplative, than of the active kind . When his

father's elevation reluctantly forced him from the ſhade of retire-

ment, neither his temper nor his purſuits had qualified him for the

command of armies. His conftitution was deftroyed by the hard-

ſhips of the Perfian war ; and he had contracted , from the heat of
the climate 102, fuch a weakneſs in his eyes, as obliged him, in the

courſe of a long retreat, to confine himſelf to the folitude and dark-

nefs of a tent or litter. The adminiſtration of all affairs, civil as

well as military, was devolved on Arrius Aper, the Prætorian præ-

fect, who, to the power of his important office, added the honour

of being father-in-law to Numerian. The Imperial pavilion was

ftrictly guarded by his moft trufty adherents ; and during many

days, Aper delivered to the army the fuppofed mandates of their

103
invifible fovereign

Death of It was not till eight months after the death of Carus, that the
Numerian .
Roman army, returning by flow marches from the banks of the

Tigris, arrived on thofe of the Thracian Bofphorus. The legions

halted at Chalcedon in Afia, while the court paffed over to He-

raclea, on the European fide of the Propontis 104. But a report

foon circulated through the camp, at firft in fecret whifpers, and at

101 He won all the crowns from Nemefi- inceffantly weeping for his father's death .
anus, with whom he vied in didactic poetry. 103 In the Perfian war, Aper was fufpected
The fenate erected a ſtatue to the ſon of Ca- of a defign to betray Carus. Hift. Auguft.
rus , with a very ambiguous infcription, " To p. 250.
the most powerful of orators." See Vopifcus 104 We are obliged to the Alexandrian
in Hift. Auguft. p . 251 . Chronicle, p. 274 , for the knowledge of the
102 A more natural caufe, at leaft, than that time and place where Diocletian was elected
affigned by Vopifcus (Hift Auguft. p. 251. ) , emperor.

length
 OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 421

СНАР.
length in loud clamours, of the emperor's death, and of the pre- XII .

fumption of his ambitious miniſter, who ftill exerciſed the fovereign

power in the name of a prince who was no more. The impa-

tience of the foldiers could not long fupport a ſtate of ſuſpenſe.

With rude curiofity they broke into the Imperial tent, and dif-
covered only the corpfe of Numerian 105. The gradual decline of

his health might have induced them to believe that his death was

natural ; but the concealment was interpreted as an evidence of

guilt, and the meaſures which Aper had taken to fecure his election ,
became the immediate occafion of his ruin. Yet, even in the tranf-
port oftheir rage and grief, the troops obſerved a regular proceeding,

which proves how firmly difcipline had been re-eſtabliſhed by the

martial fucceffors of Gallienus. A general aflembly of the army was

appointed to be held at Chalcedon, whither Aper was tranfported in

chains, as a priſoner and a criminal. A vacant tribunal was erected

in the midſt of the camp, and the generals and tribunes formed a
great military council. They foon announced to the multitude, that A. D. 284.
Sept. 17.
their choice had fallen on Diocletian , commander of the domeftics or Election of
the emperor
body-guards, as the perfon the moft capable of revenging and fuc- Diocletian .
ceeding their beloved emperor. The future fortunes of the candidate

depended on the chance or conduct of the prefent hour. Conſcious

that the ſtation which he had filled , expofed him to fome fufpicions,

Diocletian afcended the tribunal, and raiſing his eyes towards the Sun ,

made a folemn profeffion of his own innocence, in the prefence of

·
that all-feeing Deity 10. Then, affuming the tone of a ſovereign

and a judge, he commanded that Aper fhould be brought in chains

to the foot of the tribunal. " This man," faid he, " is the mur-

" derer of Numerian ; " and, without giving him time to enter on a

105 Hift. Auguft. p. 251. Eutrop . ix. 88 . Could no aromatics be found in the Imperial
Hieronym. in Chron . According to thefe houſehold ?
judicious writers, the death of Numerian was 106 Aurel . Victor. Eutropius, ix . 20. Hie-
difcovered by the stench of his dead body. ronym . in Chron.

dangerous.

1
422 THE DECLINE AND FALL

CHA P. dangerous juſtification, drew his fword, and buried it in the breaſt
XII.
of the unfortunate præfect. A charge fupported by fuch decifive

proof, was admitted without contradiction , and the legions, with

repeated acclamations, acknowledged the juſtice and authority of the

emperor Diocletian 10 .
Defeat and
death of Before we enter upon the memorable reign of that prince, it will
Carinus. be proper to puniſh and difmifs the unworthy brother of Numerian.

Carinus poffeffed arms and treaſures fufficient to fupport his legal

title to the empire. But his perfonal vices overbalanced every advan-

tage of birth and fituation . The moſt faithful fervants of the father

defpifed the incapacity, and dreaded the cruel arrogance, of the fon .

The hearts of the people were engaged in favour of his rival, and

even the fenate was inclined to prefer an ufurper to a tyrant. The arts

of Diocletian inflamed the general difcontent ; and the winter was

empoyed in fecret intrigues, and open preparations for a civil war.

A. D. 285.
In the fpring, the forces of the Eaft and of the Weft encountered
May,
each other in the plains of Margus, a fmall city of Mafia, in the
108
neighbourhood of the Danube ·. The troops, fo lately returned

from the Perfian war, had acquired their glory at the expence of
health and numbers, nor were they in a condition to contend with the

unexhauſted ſtrength of the legions of Europe. Their ranks were

broken, and, for a moment, Diocletian deſpaired of the purple and

of life. But the advantage which Carinus had obtained by the valour

of his foldiers , he quickly loft by the infidelity of his officers. A tri-

bune, whoſe wife he had feduced, feized the opportunity of revenge,

and by a fingle blow extinguished civil difcord in the blood of the
adulterer 109.

107 Vopifcus in Hift. Auguft . p . 252. The and Viminiacum. M. d'Anville ( Geogra-
reaſon why Diocletian killed Aper (a wild phie Ancienne , tom . i . p . 304. ) places Mar-
boar), was founded on a prophecy and a pun, gus at Kaftolatz in Servia, a little below Bel-
as fooliſh as they are well known . grade and Semendria.
108 Eutropius marks its fituation very ac- 109 Hift. Auguſt. p. 254. Eutropius , ix. 20.
curately; it was between the Mons Aureus Aurelius Victor. Victor in Epitome.
 OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 423

CHA P. XIII .

The Reign ofDiocletian and his three Aſſociates, Maximian,

Galerius, and Conftantius. —General Re- eſtabliſhment of

Order and Tranquillity. —The Perfian War, Victory, and

Triumph. -The new Form of Adminiftration. - Abdica-

tion and Retirement of Diocletian and Maximian.

S the reign of Diocletian was more illuftrious than that of any CHA P.
XIII.
Asof his predeceffors,
ofDiocletian washis
fo was moreth more abject and obſcure.
birth more
Elevation
The ſtrong claims of merit and of violence had frequently fuperfeded and character

the ideal prerogatives of nobility ; tianDiocle-

but a diftinct line of feparation of .
was hitherto preſerved between the free and the fervile part of man- A. D. 285 .

kind. The parents of Diocletian had been ſlaves in the houſe of Anu-
linus, a Roman fenator ; nor was he himſelf diftinguiſhed by any other

name, than that which he derived from a ſmall town in Dalmatia ,

from whence his mother deduced her origin . It is, however, pro-

bable, that his father obtained the freedom of the family, and that

he ſoon acquired an office of ſcribe, which was commonly exerciſed

by perſons of his condition . Favourable oracles, or rather the

conſciouſneſs of fuperior merit, prompted his aſpiring fon to

purſue the profeffion of arms and the hopes of fortune ; and

it would be extremely curious to obferve the gradation of arts

Eutrop. ix. 19. Victor in Epitom . The length to the Roman majefty of Diocletianus .
town feems to have been properly called Do- He likewife affumed the Patrician name of
clia, from a fmall tribe of Illyrians (fee Cel- Valerius, and it is ufually given him by Au-
larius, Geograph. Antiqua, tom. i. p. 393. ) ; relius Victor.
and the original name of the fortunate flave 2 See Dacier on the fixth fatire of the fe-
was probably Docles ; he firft lengthened it cond book of Horace. Cornel. Nepos, in
to the Grecian harmony of Diocles, and at Vit. Eumen. c. 1.
5 and
424 THE DECLINE AND FALL

CHA P. and accidents which enabled him in the end to fulfil thofe oracles,
XIII.
and to diſplay that merit to the world. Diocletian was fucceffively
promoted to the government of Mafia, the honours of the conful-

ſhip, and the important command of the guards of the palace. He

diftinguiſhed his abilities in the Perfian war ; and, after the death of

Numerian, the flave, by the confeffion and judgment of his rivals,

was declared the moft worthy of the Imperial throne. The malice

of religious zeal, whilſt it arraigns the favage fiercenefs of his col-

league Maximian, has affected to caft fufpicions on the perfonal

courage of the emperor Diocletian . It would not be eaſy to per-

fuade us of the cowardice of a foldier of fortune, who acquired and

preferved the eſteem of the legions, as well as the favour of fo many

warlike princes. Yet even calumny is fagacious enough to diſcover

and to attack the moſt vulnerable part. The valour of Diocletian

was never found inadequate to his duty or to the occafion ; but he

appears not to have poffeffed the daring and generous ſpirit of a

hero, who courts danger and fame, difdains artifice, and boldly

challenges the allegiance of his equals. His abilities were uſeful

rather than ſplendid ; a vigorous mind, improved by the experience

and ſtudy of mankind ; dexterity and application in buſineſs ; a

judicious mixture of liberality and œconomy, of mildneſs and ri-

gour ; profound diffimulation under the difguife of military frank-

nefs ; ſteadiness to purfue his ends ; flexibility to vary his means ;

and above all, the great art of fubmitting his own paffions, as well

as thofe of others, to the intereft of his ambition , and of colouring

his ambition with the moft fpecious pretences of justice and public
utility. Like Auguftus, Diocletian may be confidered as the founder

of a new empire. Like the adopted fon of Cæfar, he was diftin-

guiſhed as a ftateſman rather than as a warrior ; nor did either of

3 Lactantius (or whoever was the author of c. 7 , 8. In Chap. 9 , he fays of him , " erat
the little treatife De Mortibus Perfecutorum ) in omni tumultu meticulofus et animi dif-
accufes Diocletian of timidity in two places, jectus."
thofe
 OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE.
425

thoſe princes employ force, whenever their purpoſe could be effected CHA P.
XIII.
by policy.

The victory of Diocletian was remarkable for its fingular mild- His clemen-
cy and victo-
nefs. A people accustomed to applaud the clemency of the con- ry.
queror, if the ufual punishments of death, exile, and confifcation

were inflicted with any degree of temper and equity, beheld, with

the moſt pleaſing aſtoniſhment, a civil war, the flames of which were
extinguiſhed in the field of battle. Diocletian received into his con-

fidence Ariftobulus, the principal minifter of the houſe of Carus, re-

fpected the lives, the fortunes, and the dignity of his adverſaries,

and even continued in their reſpective ſtations the greater number of

the fervants of Carinus . It is not improbable that motives of pru-

dence might affift the humanity of the artful Dalmatian ; of theſe

fervants, many had purchaſed his favour by fecret treachery ; in

others, he esteemed their grateful fidelity to an unfortunate mafter.

The diſcerning judgment of Aurelian, of Probus, and of Carus, had

filled the ſeveral departments of the ftate and army with officers of
approved merit, whofe removal would have injured the public fer- ·
vice, without promoting the intereſt of the fucceffor. Such a con-

duct, however, diſplayed to the Roman world the faireſt proſpect

of the new reign, and the emperor affected to confirm this favour-

able prepoffeffion, by declaring, that, among all the virtues of his

predeceffors, he was the moſt ambitious of imitating the humane

philofophy of Marcus Antoninus ' .

The first confiderable action of his reign feemed to evince his Affociation
and character
fincerity as well as his moderation. After the example of Marcus, ofMaximian.
A. D. 286.
he gave himſelf a colleague in the perfon of Maximian, on whom
April 1.

In this encomium, Aurelius Victor feems tian, the confulfhip which he had commenced
to convey a juft, though indirect , cenfure of with Carinus.
the cruelty of Conftantius. It appears from Aurelius Victor ftyles Diocletian, " Pa-
the Faſti, that Ariftobulus remained præfect rentem potius quam Dominum. " See Hiſßt.
of the city, and that he ended with Diocle- Auguſt. p . 30 .
VOL. I. 3 1 he
 E
LIN L
426 THE DEC AND FAL

CHAP. he beftowed at firft the title of Cæfar, and afterwards that of Auguftus ".
XIII .
But the motives of his conduct, as well as the object of his choice , were

of a very different nature from thoſe of his admired predeceffor. By

invefting a luxurious youth with the honours of the purple, Marcus

had diſcharged a debt of private gratitude, at the expence, indeed, of

the happineſs of the ſtate. By affociating a friend and a fellow-foldier

to the labours of government, Diocletian, in a time of public danger,

provided for the defence both of the Eaft and of the Weft. Maximian

was born a peafant, and , like Aurelian , in the territory of Sirmium.

Ignorant of letters ' , careleſs of laws, the rufticity of his appear-

ance and manners ftill betrayed in the moft elevated fortune the

meanneſs of his extraction. A War was the only art which he pro-

feffed. In a long courſe of ſervice, he had diſtinguiſhed himſelf on

every frontier of the empire ; and though his military talents were
formed to obey rather than to command, though, perhaps, he never

attained the ſkill of a confummate general, he was capable, by his

valour, conftancy, and experience, of executing the moſt arduous

undertakings. Nor were the vices of Maximian leſs uſeful to his

benefactor. Infenfible to pity, and fearleſs of confequences, he

was the ready inftrument of every act of cruelty which the policy
of that artful prince might at once fuggeft and diſclaim . As foon

as a bloody facrifice had been offered to prudence or to revenge,

Diocletian, by his feaſonable interceffion, faved the remaining few

whom he had never defigned to puniſh, gently cenfured the ſeverity

The queftion of the time when Maximian
received the honours of Cæfar and Auguftus
has divided modern critics, and given occa-
fion to a great deal of learned wrangling. I
have followed M. de Tillemont ( Hiftoire des
Empereurs, tom. iv. p. 500-505 . ) , who has
weighed the ſeveral reaſons and difficulties
with his fcrupulous accuracy.
2. In an oration delivered before him (Pa-
negyr. Vet. ii . 8. ) , Mamertinus expreffes a
doubt whether his hero, in imitating the con-
duct of Hannibal and Scipio, had ever heard
of their names. From thence we may fairly
infer, that Maximian was more defirous of
being confidered as a foldier than as a man of
letters and it is in this manner that we can .
often tranflate the language of flattery into
that of truth.

of
 OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE.
427

of his ftern colleague, and enjoyed the compariſon of a golden and CHA P.
XIII.
an iron age, which was univerfally applied to their oppofite maxims

of government. Notwithſtanding the difference of their characters,

the two emperors maintained, on the throne, that friendſhip which

they had contracted in a private ftation . The haughty turbulent

fpirit of Maximian, fo fatal afterwards to himſelf and to the

public peace, was accuftomed to refpect the genius of Diocletian ,

and confeffed the afcendant of reafon over brutal violence . From

a motive either of pride or fuperftition , the two emperors affumed

the titles , the one of Jovius, the other of Herculius. Whilft the

motion of the world (fuch was the language of their venal orators)

was maintained by the all-feeing wifdom of Jupiter, the invincible

arm of Hercules purged the earth from monfters and tyrants '.
"
But even the omnipotence of Jovius and Herculius was infufficient Affociation of
two Cæfars,
to fuftain the weight of the public adminiftration. The prudence of Galerius and
Conftantius.
Diocletian difcovered, that the empire, affailed on every fide by the A. D. 292 .

barbarians, required on every fide the preſence of a great army, and March 1 .
of an emperor. With this view he refolved once more to divide

his unwieldy power, and with the inferior title of Cæfars , to confer on

two generals of approved merit an equal fhare of the fovereign au-

thority " . Galerius, furnamed Armentarius, from his original pro-

feffion of a herdſman , and Conftantius, who from his pale complexion

had acquired the denomination of Chlorus ", were the two perfons

Lactantius de M. P. c. 8. Aurelies Vic- tius de M. P. c. 52. Spanheim de Ufu Nu-

tor. As among the Panegyrics, we find ora- mifmatum, &c. Differtat. xii . 8 .
tions pronounced in praife of Maximian , and 10 Aurelius Victor. Victor in Epitome.
others which flatter his adverfaries at his ex- Eutrop . ix . 22. Lactant. de M. P. c. 8 .
pence, we derive fome knowledge from the Hieronym . in Chron.
contraft. " It is only among the modern Greeks
• See the ſecond and third Panegyrics , par- that Tillemont can discover his appellation of
ticularly iii. 3. 10. 14. but it would be te- Chlorus. Any remar able degree of pale-
dious to copy the diffuſe and affected expref- nefs feems inconfiftent with the rubor men-
fions of their falfe eloquence. With regard tioned in Panegyric, v. 19.
to the titles, confult Aurel. Victor, Lactan-

312 invefted
428 THE DECLINE AND FALL

CHAP. invefted with the fecond honours of the Imperial purple. Fr

XIII..
defcribing the country, extraction, and manners of Herculius, we

have already delineated thofe of Galerius, who was often, and not
improperly, ftyled the younger Maximian, though, in many inftances

both of virtue and ability, he appears to have poffeffed a manifeft

fuperiority over the elder. The birth of Conftantius was lefs obfcure

than that of his colleagues. Eutropius, his father, was one of the
moſt confiderable nobles of Dardania, and his mother was the niece

of the emperor Claudius ". Although the youth of Conftantius had

been ſpent in arms, he was endowed with a mild and amiable dif-

pofition, and the popular voice had long fince acknowledged him

worthy of the rank which he at last attained. To ftrengthen the

bonds of political, by thofe of domeftic union, each of the emperors

affumed the character of a father to one of the Cæfars, Diocletian to

Galerius, and Maximian to Conftantius ; and each obliging them to

repudiate their former wives, beſtowed his daughter in marriage on

his adopted fon " . Theſe four princes diſtributed among themſelves

Departments the wide extent of the Roman empire. The defence of Gaul,,
and harmony
of the four Spain ", and Britain, was intrufted to Conftantius : Galerius was fta-
princes.
tioned on the banks of the Danube, as the fafeguard of the Illyrian pro-

vinces. Italy and Africa were confidered as the department of Maxi-

mian ; and for his peculiar portion , Diocletian reſerved Thrace, Egypt ,
and the rich countries of Afia. Every one was fovereign within his

own juriſdiction ; but their united authority extended over the whole

monarchy ; and each of them was prepared to affift his colleagues with

his counfels or prefence. The Cæfars, in their exalted rank, revered!

12 Julian, the grandfon of Conftantius, ter only to the wife of Maximian. Spanheim
hoafts that his family was derived from the Differtat, xi. 2 .
warlike Mafians. Mifopogon , p..348 . The 14 This divifion agrees with that of the four
Dardanians dwelt on the edge of Mæfia.. præfectures ; yet there is fome reaſon to doubt
13. Galerius married Valeria, the daughter whether Spain was not a province of Maxi-
af Diocletian ; if we ſpeak with ftrictnefs, mian. See Tillemont, tom. iv. P: 517.
Theodora, the wife ofConftantius, was daugh
the
 OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 429

the majeſty of the emperors, and the three younger princes in CHA P.
XUILA
variably acknowledged, by their gratitude and obedience, the com-

mon parent of their fortunes. The fufpicious jealouſy of power

found not any place among them ; and the fingular happineſs of

their union has been compared to a chorus of muſic, whoſe har-

mony was regulated and maintained by the fkilful hand of the firſt
artift ".

This important meaſure was not carried into execution till about Series of
events..
fix years after the affociation of Maximian, and that interval of time

had not been deftitute of memorable incidents. But we have pre-

ferred, for the fake of perfpicuity, firſt to defcribe the more perfect

form of Diocletian's government, and afterwards to relate the actions

of his reign, following rather the natural order of the events, than
the dates of a very doubtful chronology.

The firſt exploit of Maximian , though it is mentioned in a few A. D. 287.

State of the
words by our imperfect writers , deferves, from its fingularity, to peasants of
Gaul.
be recorded in a hiſtory of human manners. He fuppreffed the

peaſants of Gaul, who, under the appellation of Bagaudæ ” , had

riſen in a general infurrection ; very fimilar to thofe, which in the

fourteenth century fucceffively afflicted both France and England ".

It ſhould feem, that very many of thoſe inftitutions, referred by an

eafy ſolution to the feudal fyftem , are derived from the Celtic bar-
barians. When Cæfar fubdued the Gauls, that great nation was

already divided into three orders of men ; the clergy, the nobility,

and the common people. The first governed by fuperftition , the

fecond by arms, but the third and laft was not of any weight or
account in their public councils. It was very natural for the Ple-

beians, oppreffed by debt, or apprehenfive of injuries, to implore the

15 Julian in Cæfarib. p. 315. Spanheim's a Celtic word Bagad, a tumultuous affem

notes to the French tranflation , p. 122. bly. Scaliger ad Eufeb. Du Cange Gloffar.
16 The general name of Bagaude (in the 17 Chronique de Froiffart, vol. i . c. 182.
fignification of Rebels) continued till the fifth ii. 73-79. The naiveté of his ftory is loft.
century in Gaul. Some critics derive it from in our best modern writers.
protection
430 THE DECLINE AND FALL

CHAP.
XIII. protection of fome powerful chief, who acquired over their perfons

and property, the ſame abfolute rights as, among the Greeks and

Romans, a mafter exerciſed over his flaves ". The greateſt part
of the nation was gradually reduced into a ſtate of fervitude ; com-
pelled to perpetual labour on the eftates of the Gallic nobles, and

confined to the foil , either by the real weight of fetters, or by the

no leſs cruel and forcible reſtraints of the laws. During the long

ſeries of troubles which agitated Gaul, from the reign of Gallienus

to that of Diocletian, the condition of thefe fervile peafants was

peculiarly miferable ; and they experienced at once the complicated

tyranny of their mafters, of the barbarians, of the foldiers, and of
the officers of the revenue ".

Their rebel- Their patience was at laft provoked into defpair. On every fide
lion,
they roſe in multitudes, armed with ruftic weapons, and with ir-

reſiſtible fury. The ploughman became a foot foldier, the ſhep-

herd mounted on horfeback, the deferted villages and open towns

were abandoned to the flames, and the ravages of the peaſants

equalled thoſe of the fierceft barbarians " . They afferted the natural

rights of men, but they afferted thoſe rights with the moſt ſavage

cruelty. The Gallic nobles juftly dreading their revenge, either

took refuge in the fortified cities, or fled from the wild fcene of

anarchy. The peaſants reigned without controul ; and two of their

moſt daring leaders had the folly and raſhneſs to affume the Im-

perial ornaments ". Their power foon expired at the approach of

the legions. The ſtrength of union and diſcipline obtained an eaſy

and chaftife- victory over a licentious and divided multitude ". A fevere re-
ment.
taliation was inflicted on the peafants who were found in arms :

18 Cæfar de Bell . Gallic. vi. 13. Orge- 20 Panegyr. Vet . ii . 4. Aurelius Victor.
torix, the Helvetian , could arm for his de- 21 Elianus and Amandus . We have me-
fence a body of ten thousand flaves. dals coined by them. Goltzius in Thef. R.
19 Their oppreffion and mifery are acknow- A. p . 117. 121 .
ledged by Eumenius (Panegyr. vi . 8. ) , Gal- 22 Levibus præliis domuit . Eutrop. ix, 20.
tias efferatus injuriis.
2 the
 OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 431

the affrighted remnant returned to their refpective habitations, and CHA P.

XIII.
their unſucceſsful effort for freedom ferved only to confirm their

flavery. So ftrong and uniform is the current of popular paffions,

that we might almoſt venture, from very fcanty materials , to relate the

particulars of this war ; but we are not difpofed to believe that the

principal leaders Elianus and Amandus were Chriftians , or to in-

finuate, that the rebellion , as it happened in the time of Luther, was

occafioned by the abuſe of thoſe benevolent principles of Chriſtianity ,
which inculcate the natural freedom of mankind.

Maximian had no fooner recovered Gaul from the hands of the A. D. 287.
Revolt of
peaſants, than he loſt Britain by the ufurpation of Caraufius. Ever Caraufius in
Britain.
fince the raſh but fucceſsful enterpriſe of the Franks under the reign

of Probus, their daring countrymen had conftructed fquadrons of

light brigantines, in which they inceffantly ravaged the provinces

adjacent to the ocean . To repel their defultory incurfions, it

was found neceffary to create a naval power ; and the judicious

meaſure was profecuted with prudence and vigour. Gefforiacum ,
or Boulogne, in the ſtraights of the Britiſh channel, was

chofen by the emperor for the ſtation of the Roman fleet ; and the
command of it was intrufted to Caraufius, a Menapian of the

meaneſt origin ", but who had long fignalifed his fkill as a pilot,
and his valour as a foldier. The integrity of the new admiral

correfponded not with his abilities. When the German pirates

failed from their own harbours, he connived at their paffage, but

23 The fact refts indeed on very flight au-
thority, a life of St. Babolinus, which is
probably of the feventh century. See Du-
chefne Scriptores Rer. Francicar. tom . i.
p. 662.
24 Aurelius Victor calls them Germans.
Eutropius (ix. 21. ) gives them the name of
Saxons. But Eutropius lived in the enfuing
century, and ſeems to ufe the language of his
ewn times.
25 The three expreffions of Eutropius , Au-
relius Victor, and Eumenius " viliffime na-
tus ," " Batavia alumnus , " and " Menapiæ
civis, " give us a very doubtful account of the
birth of Caraufius . Dr. Stukely, however,
(Hift. of Caraufius , p . 62. ) chufes to make
him a native of St. David's, and a prince of
the blood royal of Britain .. The former
idea he had found in Richard of Cirenceſter,
P. 44.
he
432 THE DECLINE AND FALL

CHAP.
XIII. he diligently intercepted their return, and appropriated to his own

uſe an ample fhare of the ſpoil which they had acquired. The

wealth of Caraufius was, on this occafion, very juftly confidered

as an evidence of his guilt ; and Maximian had already given orders

for his death. But the crafty Menapian forefaw and prevented the
feverity of the emperor. By his liberality he had attached to his

fortunes the fleet which he commanded, and fecured the barbarians

in his intereft. From the port of Boulogne he failed over to Britain ,

perfuaded the legion, and the auxiliaries which guarded that Iſland,

to embrace his party, and boldly affuming, with the Imperial purple,

the title of Auguftus, defied the juftice and the arms of his injured
26
fovereign 20·
Importance When Britain was thus difmembered from the empire, its im-
of Britain.
portance was fenfibly felt, and its lofs fincerely lamented . The Ro-

mans celebrated, and perhaps magnified, the extent of that noble

ifland, provided on every fide with convenient harbours ; the tem-

perature of the climate, and the fertility of the foil, alike adapted
for the production of corn or of vines ; the valuable minerals with

which it abounded ; its rich paftures covered with innumerable

flocks, and its woods free from wild beafts or venomous ferpents.

Above all, they regretted the large amount of the revenue of

Britain, whilſt they confeffed, that fuch a province well deſerved to

Power of become the feat of an independent monarchy". During the fpace
Caraufius ,
of feven years, it was poffeffed by Caraufius ; and fortune con-

tinued propitious to a rebellion, fupported with courage and ability.

The Britiſh emperor defended the frontiers of his dominions againſt

26 Panegyr. v. 12. Britain at this time
was fecure, and flightly guarded.
27 Panegyr. Vet. v. 11. vii. 9. The ora-
tor Eumenius wiſhed to exalt the glory of the
hero (Conftantius), with the importance of the
conqueft. Notwithſtanding our laudable par-
tiality for our native country, it is difficult to
conceive,that, in the beginning of the fourth
century, England deferved all theſe commen-
dations. A century and half before, it hardly
paid its own establishment. See Appian in
Proæm.

4 the
 OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 433

the Caledonians of the North, invited, from the continent, a great CHAP.
XIII.
number of ſkilful artiſts, and diſplayed, on a variety of coins
that are ſtill extant, his taſte and opulence. Born on the confines

of the Franks, he courted the friendſhip of that formidable people,

by the flattering imitation of their drefs and manners. The

braveſt of their youth he enliſted among his land or fea forces ;

and in return for their uſeful alliance, he communicated to the

barbarians the dangerous knowledge of military and naval arts

Caraufius ftill preſerved the poffeffion of Boulogne and the ad-
jacent country. His fleets rode triumphant in the channel, com-
manded the mouths of the Seine and of the Rhine, ravaged the

coafts of the ocean, and diffuſed beyond the columns of Hercules the
terror of his name. Under his command , Britain, deſtined in a

future age to obtain the empire of the fea, already affumed its natu-

ral and reſpectable ſtation of a maritime power ".

By feizing the fleet of Boulogne, Caraufius had deprived his
A. D. 289 .
acknowledg-
maſter of the means of purfuit and revenge. And when, after a ed bythe
other ein-
vaſt expence of time and labour, a new armament was launched perors.

into the water", the Imperial troops, unaccustomed to that element,

were eafily baffled and defeated by the veteran failors of the

ufurper. This diſappointed effort was foon productive of a

treaty of peace. Diocletian and his colleague, who juftly dreaded

the enterpriſing ſpirit of Caraufius, refigned to him the fovereignty

of Britain, and reluctantly admitted their perfidious fervant to a

participation of the Imperial honours ". But the adoption of the

28 As a great number of medals of Carau- mian were completed : and the orator pre-
fus are still preferved, he is become a very faged an affured victory. His filence in the
favourite object of antiquarian curiofity, and fecond Panegyric, might alone inform us,
every circumſtance of his life and actions has that the expedition had not ſucceeded.
been investigated with fagacious accuracy. 30 Aurelius Victor, Eutropius , and the
Dr. Stukely in particular has devoted a large medals (Pax Auggg. ) inform us of this tem-
1
volume to the British emperor. I have uſed porary reconciliation : though I will not pre-
his materials, and rejected most of his fanci- fume (as Dr. Stukely has done, Medallic Hif-
ful conjectures. tory of Caraufius, p. 86, &c. ) to infert the
19 When Mamertinus pronounced his firft identical articles of the treaty.
panegyric, the naval preparations of Maxi-
VOL. I. 3 K two
434 THE DECLINE AND FALL

CHA
XIII. P. two Cæfars reſtored new vigour to the Roman arms ; and while the

Rhine was guarded by the prefence of Maximian , his brave af- ·

fociate Conftantius affumed the conduct of the British war. His

firſt enterpriſe was againſt the important place of Boulogne. A

ftupendous mole, raiſed acroſs the entrance of the harbour, inter-
A. D. 292. cepted all hopes of relief. The town furrendered
" after an obftinate

defence ; and a confiderable part of the naval ftrength of Caraufius

fell into the hands of the befiegers. During the three years which

Conftantius employed in preparing a fleet adequate to the conqueſt

of Britain, he fecured the coaft of Gaul, invaded the country of the

Franks, and deprived the ufurper of the affiftance of thofe powerful

allies.

A. D. 294. Before the preparations were finifhed, Conftantius received the

His death .
intelligence of the tyrant's death, and it was confidered as a ſure

prefage of the approaching victory The fervants of Caraufius

imitated the example of treafon , which he had given . He was

murdered by his firſt miniſter Allectus, and the affaffin fucceeded to

his power and to his danger. But he poffeffed not equal abilities

either to exerciſe the one, or to repel the other. He beheld, with

anxious terror, the oppofite fhores of the continent, already filled

with arms , with troops, and with veffels ; for Conftantius had very

prudently divided his forces, that he might likewife divide the at-
tention and refiftance of the enemy. The attack was at length
A. D. 295.
Recovery
Britain byof made by the principal fquadron , which, under the command of the
Conftantius. præfect Afclepiodatus, an officer of diftinguiſhed merit, had been
affembled in the mouth of the Seine. So imperfect in thoſe times

was the art of navigation , that orators have celebrated the daring

courage of the Romans , who ventured to fet fail with a fide-wind,

and on a ftormy day. The weather proved favourable to their

enterpriſe. Under the cover of a thick fog , they eſcaped the fleet

of Allectus, which had been ftationed off the Iſle of Wight to

receive them , landed in fafety on fome part of the weſtern coaſt ;

and
 OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 435

and convinced the Britons, that a fuperiority of naval ftrength will CHAP.
XIII.
not always protect their country from a foreign invafion . Af-

clepiodatus had no fooner difembarked the Imperial troops , than he

fet fire to his fhips ; and, as the expedition proved fortunate, his

heroic conduct was univerfally admired. The ufurper had pofted

himſelf near London, to expect the formidable attack of Conftan-

tius, who commanded in perfon the fleet of Boulogne ; but the de-

ſcent of a new enemy required his immediate prefence in the Weſt.

He performed this long march in fo precipitate a manner, that he

encountered the whole force of the præfect with a ſmall body of

haraſſed and difheartened troops. The engagement was foon ter-

minated by the total defeat and death of Allectus ; a fingle battle,

as it has often happened , decided the fate of this great iſland ; and
when Conftantius landed on the fhores of Kent, he found them co-

vered with obedient fubjects. Their acclamations were loud and

unanimous ; and the virtues of the conqueror may induce us to

believe, that they fincerely rejoiced in a revolution , which , after a

ſeparation of ten years, reftored Britain to the body of the Roman

empire ".
Britain had none but domeſtic enemies to dread ; and as long as Defence of
the frontiers.
the governors preſerved their fidelity, and the troops their diſcipline,
the incurfions of the naked favages of Scotland or Ireland could never

materially affect the fafety of the province. The peace of the con-

tinent, and the defence of the principal rivers which bounded the em-

pire, were objects of far greater difficulty and importance. The

policy of Diocletian , which infpired the councils of his affociates,

provided for the public tranquillity, by encouraging a ſpirit of dif-

fention among the barbarians, and by ftrengthening the fortifications
of the Roman limit. In the Eaſt he fixed a line of camps of Egypt to Fortifica-
tions.
" With regard to the recovery of Britain, we obtain a few hints from Aurelius Victor
and Eutropius .
3 K 2 the

Be
 E
IN
E CL D LL
436 TH DE AN FA

XIII. the Perfian dominions, and, for every camp, he inftituted an

adequate number of ſtationary troops, commanded by their refpec-

tive officers, and fupplied with every kind of arms, from the new
32
arfenals which he had formed at Antioch, Emefa, and Damaſcus ".

Nor was the precaution of the emperor lefs watchful againft the

well-known valour of the barbarians of Europe. From the mouth

of the Rhine to that of the Danube, the ancient camps, towns,

and citadels, were diligently re- eſtabliſhed , and , in the moft expofed

places , new ones were ſkilfully conftructed ; the ſtricteſt vigilance

was introduced among the garrifons of the frontier, and every

expedient was practifed that could render the long chain of for-

tifications firm and impenetrable ". A barrier fo refpectable was

feldom violated, and the barbarians often turned againſt each other

Diffentions their diſappointed rage. The Goths, the Vandals, the Gepida,

of the barba- the Burgundians , the Alemanni, waſted each others ftrength by
rians.
deftructive hoftilities, and whofoever vanquished, they vanquished

the enemies of Rome. The ſubjects of Diocletian enjoyed the bloody

fpectacle, and congratulated each other, that the miſchiefs of civil war

were now experienced only by the barbarians "..

Conduct of Notwithſtanding the policy of Diocletian, it was impoffible to

the emperors . maintain an equal and undisturbed tranquillity during a reign of

twenty years, and along a frontier of many hundred miles. Some-

times the barbarians fufpended their domeſtic animofities, and the re-

laxed vigilance of the garrifons fometimes gave a paffage to their

ftrength or dexterity. Whenever the provinces were invaded, Dio-

cletian conducted himſelf with that calm dignity which he always

32 John Malela, in Chron. Antiochen , et Iftri et Euphratis limite reftituta. " Pano-
tom . i. p. 408, 409. . gyr. Vet. iv. 18.
33 Zofim. 1. i . p. 3. That partial hiſtorian 3+ Ruunt omnes in fanguinem fuum po-
feems to celebrate the vigilance of Diocle- puli, quibus non contigit effe Romanis , ob-
tian, with a defign of expofing the negli- ftinatæque feritatis pœnas nunc fponte perfol-
gence of Conftantine ; we may, however, vant. Panegyr. Vet. iii. 16. Mamertinus
listen to an orator, " Nam quid ego alarum illuftrates the fact, by the example of almoſt
et cohortium caftra percenfeam, toto Rheni all the nations of the world.
affected
 OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 437

CHAP.
affected or poffeffed ; referved his prefence for ſuch occaſions as were XIII.
worthy of his interpofition , never expofed his perſon or reputation

to any unneceffary danger, enfured his fuccefs by every means that

prudence could fuggeft, and difplayed, with oftentation, the confe-
quences of his victory. In wars of a more difficult nature, and

more doubtful event, he employed the rough valour of Maximian,

and that faithful foldier was content to afcribe his own victories to

the wife counfels and aufpicious influence of his benefactor. But Valour of the
Cæfars.
after the adoption of the two Cæfars, the emperors themſelves re-

tiring to a leſs laborious ſcene of action , devolved on their adopted

fons the defence of the Danube and of the Rhine. The vigilant

Galerius was never reduced to the neceffity of vanquishing an army

of barbarians on the Roman territory ". The brave and active

Conftantius delivered Gaul from a very furious inroad of the

Alemanni ; and his victories of Langres and Vindoniffa appear

to have been actions of conſiderable danger and merit. As he tra-

verfed the open country with a feeble guard , he was encompaffed

on a fudden by the fuperior multitude of the enemy. He retreated

with difficulty towards Langres ; but, in the general confternation,

the citizens refuſed to open their gates, and the wounded prince

was drawn up the wall by the means of a rope. But on the

news of his difirefs, the Roman troops haftened from all fides to

his relief, and before the evening he had fatisfied his honour and
revenge by the flaughter of fix thoufand Alemanni . From the

monuments of thoſe times, the obfcure traces of feveral other victo-

ries over the barbarians of Sarmatia and Germany might poffibly be

collected ; but the tedious fearch would not be rewarded either with.
amufement or with inftruction.

35. He complained, though not with the 36 In the Greek text of Eufebius, we read
ftricteft truth ; " Jam fluxiffe annos quinde- fix thouſand, a number which I have pre-
cim in quibus, in Illyrico, ad ripam Danubii ferred to the fixty thouſand of Jerome, Oro-
relegatus cum gentibus barbaris luctaret." fius, Eutropius,. and his Greek tranſlator:
Lactant. de M. P. c. 18. Pæanius.
The
 E
E LIN D LL
438 TH DEC AN FA

CHA P.
XIII. The conduct which the emperor Probus had adopted in the dif
pofal of the vanquished, was imitated by Diocletian and his affo-
Treatment
of the barba ciates. The captive barbarians, exchanging death for flavery, were
rians.
diſtributed among the provincials, and affigned to thoſe diſtricts (in

Gaul, the territories of Amiens, Beauvais, Cambray, Treves, Langres,

and Troyes, are particularly ſpecified ") which had been depopulated

by the calamities of war. They were uſefully employed as fhep-

herds and huſbandmen, but were denied the exerciſe of arms, except

when it was found expedient to enrol them in the military fervice.

Nor did the emperors refuſe the property of lands, with a leſs ſervile

tenure, to fuch of the barbarians as folicited the protection of Rome.

They granted a ſettlement to ſeveral colonies of the Carpi , the Ba-

ftarnæ, and the Sarmatians ; and, by a dangerous indulgence, per-
mitted them in fome meaſure to retain their national manners and

independence . Among the provincials, it was a fubject of flatter-

ing exultation, that the barbarian, fo lately an object of terror, now

cultivated their lands, drove their cattle to the neighbouring fair, and

contributed by his labour to the public plenty. They congratulated

their maſters on the powerful acceffion of ſubjects and foldiers ; but

they forgot to obſerve, that multitudes of fecret enemies, infolent

from favour, or defperate from oppreffion, were introduced into the

heart of the empire ".

Wars of While the Cæfars exerciſed their valour on the banks of the Rhine
Africa and
Egypt. and Danube, the prefence of the emperors was required on the
fouthern confines of the Roman world. From the Nile to mount

Atlas, Africa was in arms. A confederacy of five Moorish nations

37 Panegyr. Vet . vii . 21 . Et nulla humani fpectans veftigia cultus

38 There was a fettlement of the Sarma-
tians in the neighbourhood of Treves , which Arvaque Sauromatûm nuper metata colonis.
feems to have been deferted by thofe lazy Bar- There was a town of the Carpi in the Lower
barians : Aufonius fpeaks of them in his Mæſia.
Mofelle. 39 See the rhetorical exultation of Eume-
Unde iter ingrediens nemorofa peraviafolum, nius. Panegyr. vii. 9.
3 iffued
 OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 439

iffued from their deferts to invade the peaceful provinces . Julian CHAP.
XIII.
had affumed the purple at Carthage ". Achilleus at Alexandria ,

and even the Blemmyes, renewed, or rather continued , their in-

curfions into the Upper Egypt. Scarcely any circumſtances have

been preferved of the exploits of Maximian in the weſtern parts of

Africa ; but it appears by the event, that the progrefs of his arms
was rapid and decifive, that he vanquished the fierceft barbarians

of Mauritania, and that he removed them from the mountains ,

whoſe inacceffible ſtrength had inſpired their inhabitants with a law-

lefs confidence, and habituated them to a life of rapine and vio-

lence " .
Diocletian , on his fide, opened the campaign in Egypt by A. D. 296.
Conduct of
the fiege of Alexandria, cut off the aqueducts which conveyed Diocletian in
Egypt.
the waters of the Nile-into every quarter of that immenfe city " ,

and rendering his camp impregnable to the fallies of the befieged

multitude, he pushed his reiterated attacks with caution and vigour.

After a fiege of eight months, Alexandria, wafted by the fword

and by fire, implored the clemency of the conqueror ; but it ex-

perienced the full extent of his feverity. Many thouſands of the

citizens perished in a promifcuous flaughter, and there were few

obnoxious perfons in Egypt who escaped a fentence either of death,

or at leaſt of exile **. The fate of Eufiris and of Coptos was ftill

more melancholy than that of Alexandria ; thofe proud cities, the

former diſtinguiſhed by its antiquity, the latter enriched by the paf-

fage of the Indian trade, were utterly deftroyed by the arms and by the

40
4° Scaliger ( Animadverf. ad Eufeb . p. 243. )
decides in his ufual manner, that the Quin-
que gentiani, or five African nations , were
the five great cities, the Pentapolis of the in-
offenfive province of Cyrene.
After his defeat , Julian ftabbed himself
with a dagger, and immediately leaped into
the flames. Victor in Epitome .
42 Tu ferociffimos Mauritania populos in-
acceffis montium jugis et naturali munitione
fidentes , expugnafi, recipifli, tranftuliti. Pa
negyr. Vet . vi . 8.
43 See the defcription of Alexandria, in
Hirtius de Bel. Alexandrin . c. 5 .
44 Eutrop . ix . 24. Orofius, vii . 25. John
Malela in Chron . Antioch. p. 409, 410. Yet
Eumenius affures us , that Egypt was pacified
by the clemency of Diocletian .
fevere
440 THE DECLINE AND FALL

CHAP. fevere order of Diocletian ". The character of the Egyptian nation,
XIII.
infenfible to kindneſs, but extremely fufceptible of fear, could alone

juftify this exceffive rigour. The feditions of Alexandria had often

affected the tranquillity and fubfiftence of Rome itſelf. Since the

ufurpation of Firmus, the province of Upper Egypt, inceffantly

relapſing into rebellion , had embraced the alliance of the favages

of Ethiopia. The number of the Blemmyes, fcattered between the

iſland of Meroe and the Red Sea, was very inconfiderable, their
difpofition was unwarlike, their weapons rude and inoffenfive ".

Yet in the public diforders theſe barbarians, whom antiquity, ſhocked

with the deformity of their figure, had almoft excluded from the

human fpecies, preſumed to rank themſelves among the enemies of

Rome ". Such had been the unworthy allies of the Egyptians ;
and while the attention of the ſtate was engaged in more ferious

wars, their vexatious inroads might again harafs the repofe of the

province. With a view of oppofing to the Blemmyes a fuitable

adverſary, Diocletian perfuaded the Nobatæ, or people of Nubia,

to remove from their ancient habitations in the deferts of Lybia,

and refigned to them an extenfive but unprofitable territory above

Syene and the cataracts of the Nile, with the ftipulation , that they

fhould ever refpect and guard the frontier of the empire. The
treaty long ſubſiſted ; and till the eſtabliſhment of Chriſtianity in-
troduced ftricter notions of religious worship, it was annually ra-

tified by a folemn facrifice in the ifle of Elephantine , in which

the Romans, as well as the barbarians, adored the fame vifible or
inviſible powers of the univerſe " .

45 Eufebius (in Chron. ) places their de- tra, fi credere libet, vix homines magifque
ftruction feveral years fooner, and at a time femiferi ; Ægipanes, et Blemmyes, et Satyri."
when Egypt itself was in a ftate of rebellion 47 Aufus fefe inferere fortunæ et provocare
against the Romans. arma Romana,
46 Strabo, 1. xvii . p. 1. 172. Pomponius 4 See Procopius de Bell. Perfic. 1. i.
Mela, 1. i. c. 4. His words are curious, " In- c. 19.
At
 OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 44

At the fame time that Diocletian chaftifed the paft crimes of the CHA P.
XIII.
Egyptians, he provided for their future fafety and happineſs by
many wife regulations which were confirmed and enforced under the

fucceeding reigns ". One very remarkable edict , which he pub-

liſhed, inſtead of being condemned as the effect of jealous tyranny,

deſerves to be applauded as an act of prudence and humanity. He

cauſed a diligent inquiry to be made " for all the ancient books He fupprefies
books of al-
" which treated of the admirable art of making gold and filver, chymy.

" and without pity committed them to the flames ; apprehenſive,

66
as we are affured, left the opulence of the Egyptians fhould in-

" ſpire them with confidence to rebel against the empire "." But
if Diocletian had been convinced of the reality of that valuable
art, far from extinguiſhing the memory, he would have converted
the operation of it to the benefit of the public revenue. It is much

more likely, that his good ſenſe diſcovered to him the folly of fuch

magnificent pretenfions, and that he was defirous of preſerving the

reaſon and fortunes of his fubjects from the mischievous purſuit.

It may be remarked, that theſe ancient books , fo liberally afcribed Novelty and
progress of
to Pythagoras, to Solomon, or to Hermes, were the pious frauds that art.

of more recent adepts. The Greeks were inattentive either to the

uſe or to the abuſe of chymiſtry. In that immenſe regiſter, where

Pliny has depofited the diſcoveries, the arts, and the errors of man-

kind, there is not the leaſt mention of the tranfmutation of metals ;

and the perfecution of Diocletian is the firft authentic event in the

hiſtory of alchymy. The conqueſt of Egypt by the Arabs diffuſed

that vain ſcience over the globe. Congenial to the avarice of the

human heart, it was ftudied in China as in Europe, with equal

eagerness, and with equal fuccefs. The darkneſs of the middle

49 He fixed the public allowance of corn cop. Hift. Arcan. c. 26.

for the people of Alexandria, at two millions 50 John Antioch in Excerp. Valefian.
of medimni ; about four hundred thousand p. 834. Suidas in Diocletian.
quarters. Chron. Pafchal. p. 276. Pro-
VOL. I. 3 L ages
442 THE DECLINE AND FALL

CHA P.
XII. ages enfured a favourable reception to every tale of wonder, and

the revival of learning gave new vigour to hope, and fuggefted more

fpecious arts of deception . Philofophy, with the aid of experience,

has at length baniſhed the ſtudy of alchymy ; and the preſent age,

however defirous of riches, is content to feek them by the humbler

means of commerce and induſtry ":

The Perfian
war. The reduction of Egypt was immediately followed by the Perfiant
war. It was referved for the reign of Diocletian to vanquish that

powerful nation, and to extort a confeffion from the fucceffors of

Artaxerxes, of the ſuperior majeſty of the Roman empire.

Tiridates the
We have obferved under the reign of Valerian , that Armenia
Armenian.
was fubdued by the perfidy and the arms of the Perfians, and that,

after the affaffination of Chofroes, his fon Tiridates, the infant heir

of the monarchy, was faved by the fidelity of his friends, and

educated under the protection of the emperors. Tiridates derived

from his exile fuch advantages as he could never have obtained on

the throne of Armenia ; the early knowledge of adverfity, of man-

kind, and of the Roman difcipline. He fignalized his youth by

deeds of valour, and diſplayed a matchlefs dexterity, as well as

ftrength, in every martial exercife, and even in the leſs honourable
52
A. D. 282 . conteſts of the Olympian games " . Thofe qualities were more no-

bly exerted in the defence of his benefactor Licinius ". That offi-

cer, in the fedition which occafioned the death of Probus, was ex-

poſed to the moſt imminent danger, and the enraged foldiers were

5 See a ſhort history and confutation of
Alchymy, in the works of that philofophical
compiler, La Mothe le Vayer, tom. i . p.
327-353.
52 See the education and ſtrength of Tiri-
dates in the Armenian hiſtory of Mofes of
Chorene, 1. ii . c. 76. He could feize two
wild bulls by the horns, and break them off
with his hands.
53 If we give credit to the younger Victor, cinius was probably born about the year 250 .
who fuppofes that in the year 323 , Licinius.
was only fixty years of age, he could ſcarcely
be the fame perfon as the patron of Tiri-
dates ; but we know from much better autho-
rity (Eufeb. Hift. Ecclefiaft . 1. x . c . 8. ) , that
Licinius was at that time in the last period of
old age : fixteen years before, he is repre--
fented with grey hairs , and as the contempo-.
rary of Galerius. See Lactant. c. 32. Li-

5 forcing
 OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 443

forcing their way into his tent, when they were checked by the fingle CHA P.
XIII.
arm of the Armenian prince. The gratitude of Tiridates contributed
foon afterwards to his reftoration . Licinius was in every ftation the

friend and companion of Galerius, and the merit of Galerius, long

before he was raiſed to the dignity of Cæfar, had been known and
eſteemed by Diocletian . In the third year of that emperor's reign,

Tiridates was invefted with the kingdom of Armenia . The juftice

of the meaſure was not lefs evident than its expediency. It was time

to reſcue from the ufurpation of the Perfian monarch an important

territory, which, fince the reign of Nero, had been always granted

under the protection of the empire to a younger branch of the

houfe of Arfaces 54.•

When Tiridates appeared on the frontiers of Armenia, he was A. D. 286.

His reftora-
received with an unfeigned tranfport of joy and loyalty. During tion to the
twenty-fix years, the country had experienced the real and imagi- throne of
Armenia.
nary hardſhips of a foreign yoke. The Perfian monarchs adorned

their new conqueſt with magnificent buildings ; but thoſe monuments

had been erected at the expence of the people, and were abhorred

as badges of flavery. The apprehenfion of a revolt had infpired State of the

country.
the moſt rigorous precautions : oppreffion had been aggravated by
infult, and the conſciouſneſs of the public hatred had been produc-

tive of every meaſure that could render it ftill more implacable.

We have already remarked the intolerant ſpirit of the Magian re-

ligion. The ftatues of the deified kings of Armenia, and the facred

images of the fun and moon , were broke in pieces by the zeal of the
conqueror ; and the perpetual fire of Ormuzd was kindled and pre-
55
ſerved upon an altar erected on the fummit of mount Bagavan ". It

54 See the fixty-second and fixty-third books years before Chriſt, and was the firſt king of
of Dion Caffius. the family of Arfaces (fee Mofes Hift. Ar-
55 Mofes of Chorene, Hift. Armen . 1. ii . men. l. ii. 2, 3. ) . The deification of the Ar-
c. 74. The ftatues had been erected by Va- facides is mentioned by Juſtin ( xli. 5. ) and
larfaces, who reigned in Armenia about 130 by Ammianus Marcellinus ( xxiii. 6.).
L 2 was
J
444 THE DECLINE AND FALL

CHA P. was natural, that a people exaſperated by ſo many injuries , ſhould arm
XIII.
with zeal in the cauſe of their independence, their religion, and their
Revolt ofthe "
people and hereditary fovereign . The torrent bore down every obſtacle, and
nobles.
the Perfian garriſons retreated before its fury. The nobles of Arme-
nia flew to the ftandard of Tiridates, all alleging their paft merit,

offering their future fervice, and foliciting from the new king thoſe

honours and rewards from which they had been excluded with dif-

dain under the foreign government ". The command of the army
was bestowed on Artavafdes, whofe father had faved the infancy of

Tiridates, and whofe family had been maſſacred for that generous
action. The brother of Artavafdes obtained the government of a

province. One of the firſt military dignities was conferred on the

fatrap Otas, a man of fingular temperance and fortitude, who pre-

fented to the king, his fifter " and a confiderable treaſure, both of

which, in a fequeftered fortrefs , Otas had preſerved from violation.

Story of
Among the Armenian nobles appeared an ally, whoſe fortunes are
Mamgo.
too remarkable to pafs unnoticed. His name was Mamgo, his origin
was Scythian, and the horde which acknowledged his authority, had
encamped a very few years before on the ſkirts of the Chineſe em-

pire ", which at that time extended as far as the neighbourhood

of Sogdiana ". Having incurred the difpleaſure of his mafter,

55 The Armenian nobility was numerous of the natives, and by their love of peace,
and powerful. Mofes mentions many fa- above all the other nations of the earth.
milies which were diſtinguiſhed under the 59 Vou-ti, the first emperor of the feventh
reign of Valarfaces (1. ii . 7. ) , and which ſtill dynafty, who then reigned in China, had po-
fubfifted in his own time, about the middle litical tranfactions with Fergana, a province
of the fifth century. See the preface of his of Sogdiana, and is faid to have received a
Editors. Roman embaffy (Hiftoire des Huns, tom. i.
57 She was named Chofroiduchta, and had p. 38. ) . In thofe ages the Chineſe kept a
not the os patulum like other women . ( Hift. garrison at Kashgar, and one oftheir generals,
Armen. 1. ii. c. 79. ) I do not underſtand the about the time of Trajan, marched as far as
expreffion . the Cafpian fea. With regard to the inter-
5 In the Armenian Hiſtory ( 1. ii . 78. ) , as courfe between China and the western coun-
well as in the Geography ( p. 367.) , China is tries, a curious memoir of M. de Guignes
called Zenia, or Zenaftan . It is character- may be confulted, in the Academie des In-
ized by the production of filk , by the opulence fcriptions, tom. xxxii. p. 355.

Mamgo,,
 OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 445

Mamgo, with his followers, retired to the banks of the Oxus, and CHA
XIII. P..
implored the protection of Sapor. The emperor of China claimed ཨ

the fugitive, and alleged the rights of fovereignty. The Perfian

monarch pleaded the laws of hoſpitality, and with fome difficulty

avoided a war, by the promiſe that he would baniſh Mamgo to the

uttermoft parts of the Weft ; a puniſhment, as he deſcribed it, not

lefs dreadful than death itſelf. Armenia was chofen for the place

of exile, and a large diftrict was affigned to the Scythian horde, on

which they might feed their flocks and herds, and remove their en-
campment from one place to another, according to the different

ſeaſons of the year. They were employed to repel the invaſion of

Tiridates ; but their leader, after weighing the obligations and in-

juries which he had received from the Perſian monarch , reſolved to

abandon his party. The Armenian prince, who was well acquainted
with the merit as well as power of Mamgo , treated him with diſ-

tinguifhed reſpect ; and by admitting him into his confidence, ac-

quired a brave and faithful fervant, who contributed very effectually
to his reſtoration " ..

For a while, fortune appeared to favour the enterpriſing valour of rec

The ovePerfians
r Ar-
Tiridates. He not only expelled the enemies of his family and coun- menia.

try from the whole extent of Armenia, but in the profecution of his

revenge he carried his arms, or at leaſt his incurfions, into the heart

of Affyria. The hiftorian, who has preſerved the name of Tiridates

from oblivion, celebrates, with a degree of national enthuſiaſm, his

perſonal prowess ; and, in the true ſpirit of eaſtern romance, de-

fcribes the giants and the elephants that fell beneath his invincible arm.
It is from other information that we diſcover the diſtracted ſtate ofthe

Perſian monarchy, to which the king of Armenia was indebted for

fome part of his advantages. The throne was difputed by the am-

bition of contending brothers ; and Hormuz, after exerting without

See Hift. Armen. J. ii. c. 81.

fuccefs
 NE
446 THE DECLI AND FALL

CHAP. fuccefs the ftrength of his own party, had recourfe to the dangerous
XIII.
affiftance of the barbarians who inhabited the banks of the Cafpian

Sea ". The civil war was, however, foon terminated , either by a vic-

tory, or by a reconciliation ; and Narfes, who was univerſally acknow-

ledged as king of Perfia, directed his whole force againſt the foreign

enemy. The conteſt then became too unequal ; nor was the valour of

the hero able to withſtand the power of the monarch. Tiridates, a

fecond time expelled from the throne of Armenia, once more took
refuge in the court of the emperors. Narfes foon re-eſtabliſhed his

authority over the revolted province ; and loudly complaining of the

protection afforded by the Romans to rebels and fugitives, afpired to

the conqueft of the Eaft " .
Warbetween
the Perfians Neither prudence nor honour could permit the emperors to forſake

and the Ro- the cauſe of the Armenian king, and it was refolved to exert the
mans.
A. D. 296. force of the empire in the Perfian war. Diocletian, with the calm

dignity which he conftantly affumed, fixed his own ſtation in the

city of Antioch, from whence he prepared and directed the military

operations . The conduct of the legions was intruſted to the in-

trepid valour of Galerius, who, for that important purpoſe, was re-
moved from the banks of the Danube to thofe of the Euphrates.
Defeat of The armies foon encountered each other in the plains of Mefopo-
Galerius .
tamia, and two battles were fought with various and doubtful fuc-

cefs : but the third engagement was of a more decifive nature ; and

61 Ipfos Perfas ipfumque Regem afcitis
Saccis, et Ruffis, et Gellis, petit frater Or-
mies . Panegyric. Vet . iii. 1. The Sacce
were a nation of wandering Scythians, who
encamped towards the fources of the Oxus
and the Jaxartes. The Gelli were the inha-
bitants of Ghilan along the Cafpian fea, and
who fo long, under the name of Dilemites,
infested the Perfian monarchy. See d'Her-
belot, Bibliothéque Orientale .
62 Mofes of Chorene takes no notice of this
fecond revolution , which I have been obliged
to collect from a paffage of Ammianus Mar-
cellinus ( 1. xxiii . 5. ) . Lactantius fpeaks of
the ambition of Narfes, " Concitatus do-
mefticis exemplis avi fui Saporis ad occupan-
dum orientem magnis copiis inhiabat . " De
Mort . Perfecut. c. 9 .
63 We may readily believe, that Lactantius
afcribes to cowardice the conduct of Diocle-
tian . Julian, in his oration , fays , that he re-
mained with all the forces of the empire ; a
very hyperbolical expreffion .

the
 OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 447

the Roman army received a total overthrow, which is attributed to CHA

XIII. P.
the rafhnefs of Galerius, who, with an inconfiderable body of troops,
attacked the innumerable hoſt of the Perfians " . But the confider-

ation of the country that was the fcene of action , may fuggeſt an-

other reaſon for his defeat. The fame ground on which Galerius
was vanquished, had been rendered memorable by the death of
Craffus, and the flaughter of ten legions. It was a plain of more
than fixty miles , which extended from the hills of Carrhæ to the

Euphrates ; a fmooth and barren furface of fandy defert, without a

hillock, without a tree, and without a ſpring of freſh water " . The

ſteady infantry of the Romans, fainting with heat and thirſt, could

neither hope for victory if they preſerved their ranks, nor break their

ranks without expofing themſelves to the moſt imminent danger. In.

this fituation they were gradually encompaffed by the fuperior num-

bers, haraffed by the rapid evolutions, and deftroyed by the arrows of

the barbarian cavalry.. The king of Armenia had fignalized his valour

in the battle, and acquired perfonal glory by the public misfortune.

He was purſued as far as the Euphrates ; his horſe was wounded, and

it appeared impoffible for him to eſcape the victorious enemy. In this

extremity Tiridates embraced the only refuge which he faw before

him he diſmounted and plunged into the ſtream. His armour was
heavy, the river very deep, and at thoſe parts at leaſt half a mile in

breadth " ; yet fuch was his ftrength and dexterity, that he reached.

in ſafety the oppoſite bank ". With regard to the Roman gene-
ral, we are ignorant of the circumftances of his efcape ; but when

64 Our five abbreviators, Eutropius, Feftus, 66 See Fofter's Differtation in the fecond .
the two Victors, and Orofius , all relate the volume of the tranflation of the Anabafis by
laft and great battle ; but Orofius is the only Spelman ; which I will venture to recommend
one who ſpeaks of the two former. as one of the beſt verſions extant.
65 The nature of the country is finely de- 67 Hift. Armen . 1. ii . c. 76. I have tranf-
fcribed by Plutarch, in the life of Craffus, ferred this exploit of Tiridates from an ima-
and by Xenophon , in the first book of the ginary defeat to the real one of Galerius .
Anabafis.
he
448 THE DECLINE AND FALL

CHA P. he returned to Antioch, Diocletian received him, not with the ten-
XIII.
derneſs of a friend and colleague, but with the indignation of an
Hisreception
by Diocle- offended ſovereign. The haughtieft of men, clothed in his purple,
tian.
but humbled by the ſenſe of his fault and misfortune , was obliged

to follow the emperor's chariot above a mile on foot, and to exhibit,

before the whole court, the ſpectacle of his diſgrace 6 .•

Second cam-
As foon as Diocletian had indulged his private refentment, and
.paign of Ga-
lerius. afferted the majefty of fupreme power, he yielded to the fubmiffive
A. D. 297 .
entreaties of the Cæfar, and permitted him to retrieve his own honour
as well as that of the Roman arms. In the room of the unwarlike

troops of Afia, which had moft probably ferved in the firſt expe-

dition, a fecond army was drawn from the veterans and new levies

of the Illyrian frontier, and a confiderable body of Gothic auxili-

aries were taken into the Imperial pay". At the head of a chofen

army of twenty-five thousand men, Galerius again paffed the Eu-

phrates ; but, inſtead of expofing his legions in the open plains of

Mefopotamia, he advanced through the mountains of Armenia,

where he found the inhabitants devoted to his cauſe, and the country

as favourable to the operations of infantry, as it was inconvenient

for the motions of cavalry ". Adverſity had confirmed the Ro-
His victory. man diſcipline, while the barbarians, elated by fuccefs, were become

fo negligent and remifs, that in the moment when they leaft ex-

pected it, they were furpriſed by the active conduct of Galerius,

who, attended only by two horfemen, had with his own eyes fecretly

examined the ſtate and poſition of their camp. A furprize, eſpecially

in the night-time, was for the moſt part fatal to a Perfian army.

" Their horfes were tied, and generally fhackled , to prevent their run-

68 Ammian. Marcellin . 1. xiv. The mile, tor fays, " Per Armeniam
70 Aurelius Vi&
in the hands of Eutropius (ix. 24- ) , of Feftus in hoftes contendit, que ferme fola, feu faci-
(c. 25. ) , and of Orofius (vii. 25. ) , eafily in- lior vincendi via eft. " He followed the con-
creafed tofeveral miles. duct of Trajan, and the idea of Julius Cæ-
69 Aurelius Victor. Jornandes de Rebus far.
Geticis, c. 21.
" ning
 OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE.
449
66
ning away ; and if an alarm happened, a Perfian had his houfing CHA P.
XIII.
t
to fix, his horſe to bridle, and his corflet to put on, before he could
" mount "."
· On this occafion, the impetuous attack of Galerius

fpread diforder and difmay over the camp of the barbarians. A

flight refiftance was followed by a dreadful carnage, and, in the

general confufion, the wounded monarch (for Narfes commanded

his armies in perfon ) fled towards the deferts of Media. His

fumptuous tents, and thofe of his fatraps, afforded an immenſe

booty to the conqueror ; and an incident is mentioned, which

proves the ruftic but martial ignorance of the legions in the elegant

fuperfluities of life. A bag of fhining leather filled with pearls,

fell into the hands of a private foldier ; he carefully preferved the

bag, but he threw away its contents, judging, that whatever was of

no uſe could not poffibly be of any value ". The principal lofs and behavi
our to his
of Narfes was of a much more affecting nature. Several of his royal cap-
tives.
wives, his fifters , and children , who had attended the army, were

made captives in the defeat. But though the character of Ga-

lerius had in general very little affinity with that of Alexander,

he imitated, after his victory, the amiable behaviour of the Ma-

cedonian towards the family of Darius. The wives and children of

Narfes were protected from violence and rapine, conveyed to a place

of ſafety, and treated with every mark of reſpect and tenderneſs, that
was due from a generous enemy, to their age, their fex, and their

royal dignity ".

While the Eaft anxiously expected

the decifion of this great Negociation
for peace.
contest, the emperor Diocletian, having affembled in Syria a ſtrong
army of obfervation , difplayed from a diftance the refources of

the Roman power, and referved himself for any future emer-

71 Xenophon's Anabafis, 1. iii. For that
reafon the Perfian cavalry encamped fixty fta
dia from the enemy.
72 The story is told by Ammianus, 1. xxii.
Inftead offaccum fome read fcutum .
· VOL. I. 3 M
73 The Perfians confeffed the Roman fu-
periority in morals as well as in arms.
Eutrop . ix. 24. But this refpect and gratitude
of enemies is very feldom to be found in their
own accounts.
gency
450 THE DECLINE AND FALL

СНА Р. of the war.

XIII. gency On the intelligence of the victory, he
condefcended to advance towards the frontier ; with a view of

moderating, by his prefence and counfels, the pride of Ga-

lerius. The interview of the Roman princes at Nifibis was

accompanied with every expreffion of reſpect on one fide, and of

eſteem on the other. It was in that city that they ſoon afterwards

gave audience to the ambaffador of the Great King . The power,

or at leaſt the ſpirit of Narfes, had been broken by his laft defeat ;

and he conſidered an immediate peace as the only means that could

ftop the progrefs of the Roman arms. He diſpatched Apharban,

a fervant who poffeffed his favour and confidence, with a com-

miſſion to negociate a treaty, or rather to receive whatever con-

Speech of the ditions the conqueror fhould impofe. Apharban opened the con-
Perfian am-
baffador. ference by expreffing his mafter's gratitude for the generous

treatment of his family, and by foliciting the liberty of thoſe illuf-

trious captives. He celebrated the valour of Galerius without

degrading the reputation of Narfes, and thought it no difhonour to

confeſs the ſuperiority of the victorious Cæfar, over a monarch who

had ſurpaſſed in glory all the princes of his race. Notwithſtanding

the juftice of the Perfian caufe, he was empowered to ſubmit the

prefent differences to the decifion of the emperors themſelves ;

convinced as he was, that, in the midſt of proſperity, they would

not be unmindful of the viciffitudes of fortune. Apharban con-

cluded his difcourfe in the ftyle of eaftern allegory, by obferving

that the Roman and Ferfian monarchies were the two eyes of the

world, which would remain imperfect and mutilated if either ofthem

fhould be put out.
Anfwer of
" It well becomes the Perfians," replied Galerius, with a tranſport
Galerius.
of fury, which feemed to convulfe his whole frame, " it well be-

74 The account of the negotiation is taken tinian ; but it is very evident, by the nature
from the fragments of Peter the Patrician , ofhis materials, that they are drawn from the
in the Excerpta Legationum publiſhed in the most authentic and reſpectable writers.
Byzantine Collection . Peter lived under Juf-
6 comes
 OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 451

66
comes the Perfians to expatiate on the viciffitudes of fortune, CHA P.
XIII.
" and calmly to read us lectures on the virtues of moderation .
" Let them remember their own moderation towards the unhappy

" Valerian . They vanquished him by fraud, they treated him

" with indignity. They detained him till the laſt moment of
" his life in fhameful captivity, and after his death they expofed

" his body to perpetual ignominy. " Softening, however, his tone ,
Galerius infinuated to the ambaſſador, that it had never been the

practice of the Romans to trample on a proftrate enemy ; and that,

on this occafion , they ſhould confult their own dignity, rather than
the Perfian merit. He difmiffed Apharban with a hope , that

Narfes would foon be informed on what conditions he might obtain ,

from the clemency of the emperors, a lafting peace, and the

reftoration of his wives and children . In this conference we may

difcover the fierce paffions of Galerius, as well as his deference to

the ſuperior wiſdom and authority of Diocletian. The ambition of

the former graſped at the conqueft of the Eaft, and had propoſed

to reduce Perfia into the ftate of a province. The prudence of the Moderation
of Diocle-
latter, who adhered to the moderate policy of Auguftus and the tian.
Antonines, embraced the favourable opportunity of terminating a
75
fucceſsful war by an honourable and advantageous peace " .

In purſuance of their promiſe, the emperors foon afterwards Conclufion

appointed Sicorius Probus, one of their fecretaries, to acquaint the

Perfian court with their final refolution. As the minifter of peace ,

he was received with every mark of politeneſs and friendſhip ; but,

under the pretence of allowing him the neceffary repofe after

fo long a journey, the audience of Probus was deferred from day

to day ; and he attended the flow motions of the king, till at

length he was admitted to his prefence, near the river Afprudus

74 Adeo Victor (fays Aurelius) ut ni Va- rentur. Verum pars terrarum tamen nobis
lerius, cujus nutu omnia gerebantur, abnuif- utilior quæfita.
fet, Romani fafces in provinciam novam fer-
3 M 2 in
452 THE DECLINE AND FALL

CHA P. in Media. The fecret motive of Narfes in this delay, had been to
XIII.
collect fuch a military force, as might enable him, though fin-

cerely defirous of peace, to negotiate with the greater weight and

dignity. Three perfons only affifted at this important conference,

the minifter Apharban, the præfect of the guards, and an officer

who had commanded on the Armenian ".
frontier 76. The first

condition propofed by the ambaffador, is not at prefent of a very

intelligible nature ; that the city of Nifibis might be eſtabliſhed

for the place of mutual exchange, or, as we fhould formerly have

termed it, for the ſtaple of trade, between the two empires. There

is no difficulty in conceiving the intention of the Roman princes

to improve their revenue by fome reftraints upon commerce ; but

as Nifibis was fituated within their own dominions, and as they were.

mafters both of the imports and exports, it fhould feem, that

fuch reſtraints were the objects of an internal law, rather than of a

foreign treaty. .
To render them more effectual, fome ftipulations

were probably required on the fide of the king of Perfia, which

ſo very repugnant either to his intereft or to his dignity, that

appeared fo

Narfes could not be perfuaded to fubfcribe them. As this was the

only article to which he refufed his confent, it was no longer in-

fifted on ; and the emperors either fuffered the trade to flow in its na-

tural channels, or contented themfelves with fuch reftrictions, as it

depended on their own authority to eftablish."

and articles of As foon as this difficulty was removed, a folemn peace was
the treaty.
concluded and ratified between the two nations. The conditions of

a treaty fo glorious to the empire, and fo neceflary to Perfia,

may deſerve a more peculiar attention , as the hiftory of Rome

prefents very few tranfactions of a fimilar nature ; moft of her wars

having either been terminated by abfolute conqueft, or waged againſt

76 He had been governor of Sumium (Pet. Chorene ( Geograph . p . 360. ) , and lay to the
Patricius in Excerpt . Legat. p. 30. ) . This Eaft of Mount Ararat.
province feems to be mentioned by Mofes of
5 barbarians:
 OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 453

barbarians ignorant of the ufe of letters . I. The Aboras , or as CHA P.

XIII.
it is called by Xenophon , the Araxes , was fixed as the boundary
The Aboras
between the two monarchies ". That river , which rofe near the fixed asthe
limits be-
Tigris , was increaſed a few miles below Nifibis , by the little ftream tween the
of the Mygdonius , paffed under the walls of Singara , and fell empires .

into the Euphrates at Circefium , a frontier town , which , by the

care of Diocletian , was very ftrongly fortified "8. Mefopotamia , the

object of fo many wars, was ceded to the empire ; and the Perfians ,

by this treaty, renounced all pretenfions to that great province .

II. They relinquished to the Romans five provinces beyond the Ceffion of
79 five provin-
Tigris · Their fituation formed a very uſeful barrier, and their ces beyond
the Tigris.
natural ftrength was foon improved by art and military ſkill . Four

of theſe, to the north of the river, were diftricts of obfcure fame

and inconfiderable extent ; Intiline, Zabdicene , Arzanene , and Mox-

oene but on the caft of the Tigris , the empire acquired the large

and mountainous territory of Carduene, the ancient feat of the

Carduchians , who preferved for many ages their manly freedom in

the heart of the defpotic monarchies of Afia . The ten thouſand

Grecks traverfed their country, after a painful march , or rather en-

gagement, of feven days ; and it is confeffed by their leader, in his

incomparable relation of the retreat , that they fuffered more from

the arrows of the Carduchians , than from the power of the Great

King . Their pofterity, the Curds, with very little alteration.

either

71 By an error of the geographer Ptolemy, (in Excerpt. Leg. p. 30. ) inferts Rehimene
the pofition of Singara is removed from the and Sophene . I have preferred Ammianus
Aboras to the Tigris, which may have pro- (1. xxv. 7. ) , becauſe it might be proved, that
duced the miſtake of Peter, in affigning the Sophene was never in the hands of the Per-
latter river for the boundary, inftead of the fians, either before the reign of Diocletian,
former. The line of the Roman frontier tra- or after that of Jovian . For want of correct
verfed, but never followed, the courfe of the maps, like thofe of M. d'Anville, almoſt all
Tigris. the moderns, with Tillemont and Valefius at
78 Procopius de Edificiis, 1. ii. c. 6. their head, have imagined, that it was in re-
79 Three of the provinces, Zabdicene, Ar- fpect to Perfia, and not to Rome, that the
zanene, and Carduene , are allowed on all five provinces were fituate beyond the Tigris .
fides. But instead of the other two, Peter 80 Xenophon's Anabafis, 1. iv. Their bows
were
454 THE DECLINE AND FALL

CHAP. either of name or manners, acknowledged the nominal fovereignty of

XIII.
the Turkiſh fultan. III. It is almoft needlefs to obferve, that Tiridates,
Armenia.
the faithful ally of Rome, was restored to the throne of his fathers,

and that the rights of the Imperial fupremacy were fully afferted
and fecured. The limits of Armenia were extended as far as the

fortrefs of Sintha in Media, and this increaſe of dominion was

not fo much an act of liberality as of juftice. Of the provinces

already mentioned beyond the Tigris, the four first had been

difmembered by the Parthians from the crown of Armenia " ; and

when the Romans acquired the poffeffion of them, they ftipulated,

at the expence of the ufurpers, an ample compenfation , which in-

vefted their ally with the extenfive and fertile country of Atropatene.

Its principal city, in the fame fituation perhaps as the modern Tauris ,

was frequently honoured with the refidence of Tiridates ; and as

it fometimes bore the name of Ecbatana, he imitated, in the build-

82
ings and fortifications, the fplendid capital of the Medes 2. IV. The
Iberia.
country of Iberia was barren, its inhabitants rude and favage. But
they were accustomed to the ufe of arms, and they ſeparated from

the empire barbarians much fiercer and more formidable than

themfelves. The narrow defiles of Mount Caucafus were in their

hands, and it was in their choice, either to admit or to exclude

the wandering tribes of Sarmatia, whenever a rapacious fpirit

83
urged them to penetrate into the richer climates of the South 3.

The nomination of the kings of Iberia, which was refigned by

the Perfian monarch to the emperors, contributed to the ſtrength

were three cubits in length, their arrows two ;
they rolled down ftones that were each a wag-
gon load. The Greeks found a great many
villages in that rude country.
81 According to Eutropius (vi. 9. as the
text is reprefented by the beft MSS .) , the city
of Tigranocerta was in Arzanene . The
names and fituation of the other three may be
faintly traced.
82 Compare Herodotus, 1. i. c. 97. with
Mofes Choronenf. Hift . Armen . 1. ii. c . 84 .
and the map of Armenia given by his edi-
tors.
83 Hiberi, locorum potentes , Cafpiâ viâ
Sarmatam in Armenios raptim effundunt.
Tacit. Annal . vi. 34. See Strabon. Geograph,
1. xi. p. 764 .
and
 OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE.
455

and fecurity of the Roman power in Afia 4. The Eaſt enjoyed CHA
XIII. P.
a profound tranquillity during forty years ; and the treaty be-

tween the rival monarchies was ſtrictly obſerved till the death of
Tiridates ; when a new generation, animated with different views

and different paſſions, ſucceeded to the government of the world ;

and the grandfon of Narfes undertook a long and memorable war

againſt the princes of the houſe of Conſtantine.

The arduous work of reſcuing the diftreffed empire from tyrants Diocletian
Triumph of

and barbarians had now been completely atchieved by a fucceffion and Maxi-
mian.
of Illyrian peaſants. As foon as Diocletian entered into the twentieth A. D. 303-
Novem-
year of his reign , he celebrated that memorable æra, as well as the ber 20.

ſucceſs of his arms, by the pomp of a Roman triumph ". Maxi-

mian, the equal partner of his power, was his only companion in

the glory of that day. The two Cæfars had fought and con-

quered, but the merit of their exploits was afcribed , according to the
rigour of ancient maxims, to the aufpicious influence of their fathers

and emperors ". The triumph of Diocletian and Maximian was

lefs magnificent perhaps than thoſe of Aurelian and Probus, but it

was dignified by feveral circumftances of fuperior fame and good

fortune. Africa and Britain , the Rhine, the Danube , and the Nile,

furniſhed their reſpective trophies ; but the moſt diſtinguiſhed

ornament was of a more fingular nature, a Perſian victory followed

by an important conqueft. The repreſentations of rivers , moun--

tains, and provinces, were carried before the Imperial car. The

images of the captive wives, the fifters, and the children of the Great

King, afforded a new and grateful fpectacle to the vanity of the

84 Peter Patricius (in Excerpt. Leg. p. 30. ) triumph and the Vincenalia were celebrated
is the only writer who mentions the Iberian at the fame time.
article ofthe treaty . 86 At the time of the Vincenalia, Gale-
85 Eufebius in Chron . Pagi ad annum . rius feems to have kept his ſtation on the Da-
Till the diſcovery of the treatiſe De Mortibus aube . See Lactant. de M. P. c. 38.
Ferfecutorum, it was not certain that the

people .
 E
LIN L
456 THE DEC AND FAL

CHA P. people ". In the eyes of pofterity this triumph is remarkable, by a

XIII.
diftinction of a lefs honourable kind. It was the laft that Rome

ever beheld. Soon after this period , the emperors ceafed to vanquish,

and Rome ceafed to be the capital of the empire.

Long ab- The fpot on which Rome was founded, had been confecrated
fence of the
emperors by ancient ceremonies and imaginary miracles. The prefence
from Rome.
of fome god, or the memory of fome hero, feemed to animate

every part of the city, and the empire of the world had been

promiſed to the Capitol . The native Romans felt and confeffed

the power of this agreeable illufion. It was derived from their

ancestors, had grown up with their carlieft habits of life, and was

protected, in fome meafure, by the opinion of political utility.

The form and the feat of government were intimately blended

together, nor was it efteemed poffible to tranfport the one without

deſtroying the other " . But the fovereignty of the capital was

gradually annihilated in the extent of conqueft ; the provinces rofe to

the fame level, and the vanquished nations acquired the name

and privileges, without imbibing the partial affections, of Romans.

During a long period, however, the remains of the ancient con-

ftitution, and the influence of cuftom, preferved the dignity of

Rome. The emperors, though perhaps of African or Illyrian

extraction, refpected their adopted country, as the feat of their

power, and the centre of their extenfive dominions. The emer-

gencies of war very frequently required their prefence on the fron-

tiers ; but Diocletian and Maximian were the firft Roman princes

87
Eutropius ( ix. 27.) mentions them as a
part of the triumph . As the perfons had been
reftored to Narfes, nothing more than their
images could be exhibited .
88 Livy gives us a fpeech of Camillus on
that fubject (v. 51-55 . ) , full of eloquence
and fenfibility, in oppofition to a defign of
removing the feat of government from
Rome to the neighbouring city of Veii.
89 Julius Cæfar was reproached with the
intention of removing the empire to Ilium or
Alexandria. See Sueton. in Cæfar. c. 79.
According to the ingenious conjecture of Le
Fevre and Dacier, the third ode of the third
book of Horace was intended to divert Au-
guftus from the execution of a fimilar defign .
who
 OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE.
457

who fixed, in time of peace, their ordinary refidence in the СНАР .

pro-
XIII .
vinces ; and their conduct, however it might be fuggefted by private

motives, was juftified by very fpecious confiderations of policy.

Their refi-
The court of the emperor of the Weft was , for the moſt part, dence at
eſtabliſhed at Milan, whofe fituation, at the foot of the Alps, ap- Milan

peared far more convenient than that of Rome, for the important

purpoſe of watching the motions of the barbarians of Germany.

Milan foon affumed the fplendour of an Imperial city. The houſes

are defcribed as numerous and well-built ; the manners of the

people as poliſhed and liberal. A circus, a theatre, a mint, a palace,

baths, which bore the name of their founder Maximian ; porticoes

adorned with ftatues, and a double circumference of walls, con-

tributed to the beauty of the new capital ; nor did it feem op-

preſſed even by the proximity of Rome ". To rival the majefty

of Rome was the ambition likewife of Diocletian, who employed and Nicome-
dia.
his leifure, and the wealth of the Eaft, in the embellishment of

Nicomedia, a city placed on the verge of Europe and Aſia , almoſt

at an equal diſtance between the Danube and the Euphrates. By

the taste of the monarch, and at the expence of the people, Ni-

comedia acquired , in the ſpace of a few years, a degree of magnificence

which might appear to have required the labour of ages, and became

inferior only to Rome, Alexandria, and Antioch, in extent or popu-

loufnefs "¹. The life of Diocletian and Maximian was a life of action ,

and a confiderable portion of it was fpent in camps, or in their long

9° See Aurelius Victor, who likewiſe men-
tions the buildings erected by Maximian at
Carthage, probably during the Moorish war.
We ſhall infert fome verfes of Aufonius de
Clar. Urb. v.
Et Mediolani mira omnia : copia rerum ;
Innumeræ cultæque domus ; facunda virorum
Ingenia, et mores læti, tum duplice muro
Amplificata loci fpecies ; populique voluptas
Circus ; et inclufi moles cuneata Theatri
Templa, Palatinæque arces , opulenfque Mo-
neta,
Et regio Herculei celebris fub honore lavacri .
Cunctaque marmoreis ornata Peryftyla fignis ;
Mœniaque in valli formam circumdata labro,
Omnia quæ magnis operum velut æmula
formis
+
Excellunt : nec junctæ premit vicinia Rome.
⁹ Lactant. de M. P. c. 17. Libanius Orat.
viii. P. 203.

VOL. I. 3 N and
 E
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458 THE DEC AND FAL

CHA
XIII. P. and frequent marches ; but whenever the public buſineſs allowed them
any relaxation, they feem to have retired with pleaſure to their fa--
vourite refidences of Nicomedia and Milan. Till Diocletian , in the

twentieth year of his reign, celebrated his Roman triumph, it is ex-

tremely doubtful whether he ever vifited the ancient capital of the.

empire. Even on that memorable occafion his ſtay did not exceed

two months. Difgufted with the licentious familiarity ofthe people,,

he quitted Rome with precipitation thirteen days before it was ex-

pected that he ſhould have appeared in the fenate, inveſted with the

enfigns of the confular dignity ".

Debaſement
of Rome and The diflike expreffed by Diocletian towards Rome and Roman
of the fe-
freedom, was not the effect of momentary caprice, but the refult:
nate.
of the moſt artful policy. That crafty prince had framed a new

fyftem of Imperial government, which was afterwards completed

by the family of Conftantine ; and as the image of the old con--

ftitution was religioufly preferved in the fenate, he refolved to

deprive that order of its fmall remains of power and confideration ..

We may recollect, about eight years before the elevation of Diocle-

tian, the tranfient greatneſs, and the ambitious hopes, of the

Roman fenate. As long as that enthuſiaſm prevailed, many of the

nobles imprudently difplayed their zeal in the caufe of freedom ;

and after the fucceffors of Probus had withdrawn their countenance

from the republican party, the ſenators were unable to diſguiſe their

impotent reſentment. As the fovereign of Italy, Maximian was

intruſted with the care of extinguiſhing this troubleſome, rather

than dangerous , fpirit, and the tafk was perfectly fuited to his
cruel temper. The moſt illuftrious members of the fenate, whom

Diocletian always affected to eſteem, were involved, by his col--

league, in the accufation of imaginary plots ; and the poffeffion of

92 Lactant. de M. P. c. 17. On a fimilar plebis, as not very agreeable to an Imperial .

occafion Ammianus mentions the dicacitas ear. (See 1. xvi . c. 10.).

5. an
 OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 459

an elegant villa , or a well cultivated eftate, was interpreted as a CHA P.

XIII.
convincing evidence of guilt " . The camp of the Prætorians ,

which had fo long oppreffed, began to protect, the majefty of Rome ;

and as thofe haughty troops were confcious of the decline of their

power, they were naturally difpofed to unite their ſtrength with the

authority of the fenate. By the prudent meaſures of Diocletian,

the numbers of the Prætorians were infenfibly reduced , their pri-

vileges aboliſhed "*, and their place fupplied by two faithful legions New bodies
of guards ,
of Illyricum, who, under the new titles of Jovians and Herculians, Jovians and
Herculians.
were appointed to perform the fervice of the Imperial guards " .•

But the moſt fatal though fecret wound, which the fenate received
from the hands of Diocletian and Maximian , was inflicted by the in-

evitable operation of their abfence. As long as the emperors refided

at Rome, that affembly might be oppreffed , but it could fcarcely be

neglected . The fucceffors of Auguftus exerciſed the power of dictat-

ing whatever laws their wisdom or caprice might fuggeft ; but thofe

laws were ratified by the fanction of the fenate. The model of an-

cient freedom was preferved in its deliberations and decrees ; and wiſe

princes, who refpected the prejudices of the Roman people, were in

fome meaſure obliged to affume the language and behaviour ſuitable

to the general and firſt magiſtrate of the republic. In the armies and

in the provinces, they diſplayed the dignity of monarchs ; and when

they fixed their refidence at a diſtance from the capital, they for ever

laid afide the diffimulation which Auguftus had recommended to his

93 Lactantius accufes Maximian of destroy-
ing fictis criminationibus lumina fenatus (De
M. P. c. 8. ) . Aurelius Victor ſpeaks very
doubtfully of the faith of Diocletian towards
his friends.
94 Truncatæ vires urbis, imminuto præto-
riarum cohortium atque in armis vulgi nu-
mero. Aurelius Victor. Lactantius attri-
butes to Galerius the profecution of the fame
plan (c. 26. ) .
95 They were old corps ftationed in Illy-
ricum ; and according to the ancient eſtabliſh-
ment, they each confifted of fix thouſand men .
They had acquired much reputation by the
ufe ofthe plumbatæ, or darts loaded with lead .
Each foldier carried five of thefe, which he
darted from a confiderable distance, with
great ftrength and dexterity. See Vegetius,
i . 17 .

3 N 2 fucceffors.
 460 THE DECLINE AND FALL

! CHA P. fucceffors. In the exerciſe of the legiſlative as well as the executive

XIII .
power, the fovereign adviſed with his minifters, inſtead of conſulting
the great council of the nation. The name of the fenate was men-

tioned with honour till the laſt period of the empire ; the vanity of

its members was ftill flattered with honorary diſtinctions " ; but the

affembly which had ſo long been the fource, and fo long the inſtru-
ment of power, was refpectfully fuffered to fink into oblivion. The

fenate of Rome, lofing all connection with the Imperial court and the

actual conſtitution, was left a venerable but uſeleſs monument of anti-

quity on the Capitoline hill.

Civil magi-
When the Roman princes had loft fight of the fenate and of their
ftracies laid
afide. ancient capital, they eafily forgot the origin and nature of their

legal power. The civil offices of conful, of proconful, of cenfor,

and of tribune, by the union of which it had been formed, betrayed

to the people its republican extraction . Thofe modeft titles were

laid aſide " ; and if they ftill diſtinguiſhed their high ftation by the
appellation of Emperor, or IMPERATOR, that word was underſtood

in a new and more dignified ſenſe, and no longer denoted the gene-

ral of the Roman armies, but the ſovereign of the Roman world .

Imperial dig- The name of Emperor, which was at firft of a military nature, was
nity and
tittes . affociated with another of a more fervile kind. The epithet of

DOMINUS , or Lord, in its primitive fignification , was expreffive,

not of the authority of a prince over his fubjects , or of a com-

mander over his foldiers, but of the defpotic power of a maſter over
his domeſtic flaves 98. Viewing it in that odious light, it had been
rejected with abhorrence by the firft Cæfars. Their refiftance infen-

96 See the Theodofian Code, 1. vi. tit. ii. 98 Pliny (in Panegyr. c. 3. 55 , &c . ) fpeaks
with Godefroy's commentary. of Dominus with execration , as fynonymous to
97 See the 12th differtation in Spanheim's Tyrant, and oppofite to Prince . And the
excellent work De Ufu Numifmatum. From fame Pliny regularly gives that title (in the
medals, infcriptions, and hiftorians , he ex- tenth book of the epiftles) to his friend rather
amines every title feparately, and traces it than mafter, the virtuous Trajan . This strange
from Auguftus to the moment of its difap- contradiction puzzles the commentators, who
pearing. think , and the tranflators , who can write.

fibly
 OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 46x

fibly became more feeble, and the name leſs odious ; till at length CHA
XIII. P.
the ſtyle of our Lord and Emperor was not only beſtowed by flat-

tery, but was regularly admitted into the laws and public monu-
ments. Such lofty epithets were fufficient to elate and fatisfy the

moſt exceffive vanity ; and if the fucceffors of Diocletian ſtill de-

clined the title of King, it ſeems to have been the effect not ſo much

of their moderation as of their delicacy. Wherever the Latin

tongue was in ufe (and it was the language of government through-

out the empire) , the Imperial title, as it was peculiar to themſelves,

conveyed a more refpectable idea than the name of King, which

they muſt have fhared with an hundred barbarian chieftains ; or

which, at the beft, they could derive only from Romulus or from

Tarquin. But the fentiments of the Eaft were very different from

thoſe of the Weft. From the earlieſt period of hiſtory, the fove-

reigns of Afia had been celebrated in the Greek language by the

title of BASILEUs , or King ; and fince it was confidered as the

firſt diſtinction among men , it was foon employed by the fervile

provincials of the Eaft, in their humble addreffes to the Roman

throne ". Even the attributes, or at leaſt the titles of the DIVINITY,

were ufurped by Diocletian and Maximian, who tranfmitted them

100
to a fucceffion of Chriftian emperors · Such extravagant compli-

ments, however, foon lofe their impiety by lofing their meaning ;

and when the ear is once accuſtomed to the ſound , they are heard

with indifference as vague though exceffive profeffions of refpect.

From the time of Auguftus to that of Diocletian, the Roman Diocletian

aflumes the
princes converfing in a familiar manner among their fellow-citi- diadem, and
introduces
zens, were faluted only with the fame reſpect that was ufually paid the Perfian.
ceremonial..
99 Synefius de Regno, Edit . Petav . p . 15 . men, facred majesty, divine oracles, &c. Ac-
I am indebted for this quotation to the Abbé cording to Tillemont, Gregory of Nazianzen
de la Bleterie . complains most bitterly of the profanation ,
100 See Vendale de Confecratione, p. 354, especially when it was practifed by an Arian
&c. It was cuftomary for the emperors to emperor.
mention (in the preamble of laws) their nike
 E
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462 THE DEC AND FAL

CHAP.
XIII. to fenators and magiftrates. Their principal diftinction was the
Imperial or military robe of purple ; whilft the fenatorial gar-
ment was marked by a broad, and the equeftrian by a narrow, band

ar ftripe of the fame honourable colour. The pride, or rather the

policy, of Diocletian, engaged that artful prince to introduce the
101
ftately magnificence of the court of Perfia 1. He ventured to

affume the diadem , an ornament detefted by the Romans as the

odious enfign of royalty, and the ufe of which had been confidered

as the moſt deſperate act of the madneſs of Caligula. It was no

more than a broad white fillet fet with pearls, which encircled the

emperor's head. The fumptuous robes of Diocletian and his fuc-

ceffors were of filk and gold ; and it is remarked with indignation ,

that even their fhoes were ftudded with the most precious gems.

The accefs to their facred perfon was every day rendered more diffi-

cult, by the inftitution of new forms and ceremonies. The ave-

nues of the palace were ftrictly guarded by the various ſchools, as

they began to be called, of domeftic officers. The interior apart-

ments were intrufted to the jealous vigilance of the eunuchs ; the in-
creaſe of whofe numbers and influence was the moſt infallible fymp-

tom of the progrefs of defpotifm . When a fubject was at length

admitted to the Imperial preſence, he was obliged, whatever might

be his rank, to fall proftrate on the ground, and to adore, accord-

ing to the eaſtern faſhion, the divinity of his lord and mafter 10².•

Diocletian was a man of fenfe, who, in the courſe of private as well as

public life, had formed a juft eftimate both of himſelf and of man-

kind : nor is it eaſy to conceive, that in ſubſtituting the manners of

Perſia to thoſe of Rome, he was feriouſly actuated by fo mean a prin-

ciple as that of vanity. He flattered himſelf, that an oftentation of

101 See Spanheim de Ufu Numifmat. Dif- appears by the Panegyrifts, that the Romans
fert. xii. were foon reconciled to the name and cere-
102 Aurelius Victor. Eutropius ix. 26. It mony of adoration .

fplendour
 OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 463

fplendour and luxury would fubdue the imagination of the multi- CHA P.
XIII .
tude ; that the monarch would be lefs expofed to the rude licence

of the people and the foldiers, as his perſon was fecluded from the
public view ; and that habits of fubmiffion would infenfibly be pro-

ductive of fentiments of veneration . Like the modefty affected

by Auguftus, the flate maintained by Diocletian was a theatrical-

repreſentation ; but it muſt be confeffed, that of the two comedies ,

the former was of a much more liberal and manly character than the

latter. It was the aim of the one to diſguiſe , and the object of the
other to diſplay, the unbounded power which the emperors poffeffed
over the Roman world.

Oftentation was the firſt principle of the new ſyſtem inftituted by New form of
adminiftra-
Diocletian. The fecond was divifion. He divided the empire, the tion, two
Augufti, and.
provinces, and every branch of the civil as well as military admi- two Cæfars.

niſtration. He multiplied the wheels of the machine of govern-

ment, and rendered its operations lefs rapid but more fecure.
Whatever advantages, and whatever defects might attend theſe
innovations, they must be afcribed in a very great degree to the

first inventor ; but as the new frame of policy was gradually

improved and completed by fucceeding princes, it will be more
fatisfactory to delay the confideration of it till the feafon of its full

maturity and perfection 103. Reſerving, therefore, for the reign of

Conftantine a more exact picture of the new empire, we fhall con-

tent ourſelves with defcribing the principal and decifive outline, as

it was traced by the hand of Diocletian. He had affociated three

colleagues in the exerciſe of the fupreme power ; and as he was

convinced that the abilities of a ſingle man were inadequate to the

public defence, he confidered the joint adminiſtration of four princes

103 The innovations introduced by Dio- the Theodofian code, appear already efta-
cletian, are chiefly deduced, 1ft, from fome blifhed in the beginning of the reign of Con-
very strong paffages in Lactantius ; and, 2dly, ftantine .
from the new and various offices, which, in
not

•
464 THE DECLINE AND FALL

CHAP.
XIII. not as a temporary expedient, but as a fundamental law of the con-
ftitution. It was his intention, that the two elder princes fhould

be diftinguiſhed by the ufe of the diadem, and the title of Augufti :

that, as affection or eſteem might direct their choice, they ſhould

regularly call to their affiftance two fubordinate colleagues ; and

that the Cafars, rifing in their turn to the firſt rank, fhould fupply

an uninterrupted fucceffion of emperors. The empire was divided

into four parts. The Eaft and Italy were the moſt honourable, the
Danube and the Rhine the moſt laborious ftations. The former

claimed the prefence of the Augufti, the latter were intrufted to the

adminiſtration of the Cafars. The ftrength of the legions was in

the hands of the four partners of fovereignty, and the deſpair of

fucceffively vanquishing four formidable rivals, might intimidate

the ambition of an afpiring general. In their civil government, the

emperors were fuppofed to exercife the undivided power of the

monarch , and their edicts, infcribed with their joint names,

were received in all the provinces, as promulgated by their mutual

councils and authority. Notwithſtanding theſe precautions, the po-

litical union of the Roman world was gradually diffolved, and a

principle of divifion was introduced , which , in the courſe of a few

years, occafioned the perpetual feparation of the eaſtern and weſtern

empires.
Increaſe of The fyftem of Diocletian was accompanied with another very
taxes.
material difadvantage, which cannot even at prefent be totally over-

looked ; a more expenſive eſtabliſhment, and conſequently an in-

Inftead of a
creafe of taxes, and the oppreffion of the people.

modeft family of flaves and freedmen , fuch as had contented the

fimple greatnefs of Auguftus and Trajan, three or four magnificent

courts were eſtabliſhed in the various parts of the empire, and as
many Roman kings contended with each other and with the Perfian

monarch for the vain fuperiority of pomp and luxury. The num-

ber of minifters , of magiftrates , of officers, and of fervants, who

6 filled
 OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 465

filled the different departments of the ftate, was multiplied beyond CHAP.
XIII.
the example of former times ; and (if we may borrow the warm ex-
preffion of a contemporary) , " when the proportion of thoſe who

" received, exceeded the proportion of thoſe who contributed , the

" provinces were oppreffed by the weight of tributes 14."
· From this

period to the extinction of the empire, it would be eaſy to deduce

an uninterrupted ſeries of clamours and complaints. According

to his religion and fituation, each writer chufes either Diocle-

tian, or Conftantine, or Valens, or Theodofius, for the object of

his invectives ; but they unanimoufly agree in repreſenting the bur-

den of the public impofitions, and particularly the land - tax and
capitation , as the intolerable and increafing grievance of their own

times. From fuch a concurrence, an impartial hiftorian , who is

obliged to extract truth from fatire, as well as from panegyric, will
be inclined to divide the blame among the princes whom they ac-

cufe, and to afcribe their exactions much lefs to their perfonal vices,

than to the uniform fyftem of their adminiftration. The emperor

Diocletian was indeed the author of that fyftem ; but during his

reign, the growing evil was confined within the bounds of modeſty

and diſcretion, and he deferves the reproach of eſtabliſhing pernicious

precedents, rather than of exerciſing actual oppreffion 105. It may be

added, that his revenues were managed with prudent œconomy ; and
+
that after all the current expences were diſcharged, there ftill re-

mained in the Imperial treaſury an ample provifion either for judicious

liberality or for any emergency of the ſtate.

It was in the twenty-firft year of his reign that Diocletian exe- Abdication
of Diocle-
cuted his memorable refolution of abdicating the empire ; an action tian and
Maximian .
more naturally to have been expected from the elder or the younger

104 Lactant. de M. P. c . 7. ceffit. Aurel . Victor, who has treated the

105 Indicta lex nova quæ fane illorum tem- character of Diocletian with good ſenſe, though
porum modeftiâ tolerabilis, in perniciem pro- in bad Latin .

VOL. I. 30 Antoninus ,
 E
LIN L
466 THE DEC AND FAL

never practifed the leffons

XIIL P. Antoninus, than from a prince who had
CHA

of philoſophy either in the attainment or in the uſe of fupreme

power. Diocletian acquired the glory of giving to the world the

first example of a refignation 10%, which has not been very fre-

Refemblance quently imitated by fucceeding monarchs. The parallel of Charles

to Charles
the Fifth. the Fifth, however, will naturally offer itſelf to our mind, not only

fince the eloquence of a modern hiftorian has rendered that name

fo familiar to an Engliſh reader, but from the very ſtriking refem-

blance between the characters of the two emperors, whofe political

abilities were fuperior to their military genius, and whoſe ſpecious

virtues were much leſs the effect of nature than of art. The abdi-

cation of Charles appears to have been haftened by the viciffitude

of fortune ; and the diſappointment of his favourite fchemes urged.

him to relinquiſh a power which he found inadequate to his am-

bition. But the reign of Diocletian had flowed with a tide of unin-

terrupted fuccefs ; nor was it till after he had vanquifhed all his

enemies, and accompliſhed all his defigns, that he ſeems to have.

entertained any ſerious thoughts of refigning the empire. Neither

Charles nor Diocletian were arrived at a very advanced period of life ;

fince the one was only fifty-five, and the other was no more than
fifty-nine years of age ; but the active life of thofe princes, their

wars and journies, the cares of royalty, and their application to bu-

finefs, had already impaired their conftitution, and brought on the

107
infirmities of a premature old age
A. D. 304.
Notwithſtanding the feverity of a very cold and rainy winter, Dio-
Long illness
of Diocle-
cletian left Italy foon after the ceremony of his triumph, and began
tian .
his progreſs towards the Eaft round the circuit of the Illyrian pro-

106 Solus omnium, poft conditum Roma- nefs are taken from Lactantius ( c. 17. ) , who
num Imperium, qui ex tanto faftigio fponte may fometimes be admitted as an evidence of
ad privatæ vitæ ftatum civilitatemque reme- public facts, though very feldom of private
aret. Eutrop . ix. 28 . anecdotes.
107 The particulars of the journey and ill-

5: vinces..
 OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 467

vinces. From the inclemency of the weather, and the fatigue of the CHA P.
XIII.
journey, he foon contracted a flow illneſs ; and though he made eafy

marches, aud was generally carried in a cloſe litter, his diſorder, be-

fore he arrived at Nicomedia, about the end of the fummer, was

become very ſerious and alarming. During the whole winter he was

confined to his palace ; his danger infpired a general and unaffected

concern ; but the people could only judge of the various alterations of

his health, from the joy or confternation which they difcovered in

the countenances and behaviour of his attendants. The rumour of

his death was for fome time univerfally believed, and it was fuppofed

to be concealed, with a view to prevent the troubles that might have

happened during the abfence of the Cæfar Galerius. At length,

however, on the first of March, Diocletian once more appeared in

public, but fo pale and emaciated, that he could fcarcely have been

recogniſed by thofe to whom his perſon was the moft familiar. It was His pra-
dence.
time to put an end to the painful ftruggle, which he had fuftained

during more than a year, between the care of his health and that of

his dignity. The former required indulgence and relaxation , the

latter compelled him to direct, from the bed of fickneſs, the admini-

ſtration of a great empire. He reſolved to paſs the remainder of his

days in honourable repofe, to place his glory beyond the reach of

fortune, and to relinquiſh the theatre of the world to his younger and
108
more active aſſociates

The ceremony of his abdication was performed in a ſpacious

plain, about three miles from Nicomedia. The emperor afcended

a lofty throne, and in a ſpeech, full of reafon and dignity, declared

his intention, both to the people and to the foldiers who were

affembled on this extraordinary occafion. As foon as he had divefted A. D. 305 .

May 1 .

cs Aurelius Victor afcribes the abdication, pending troubles. One of the panegyrifts
which had been fo varioufly accounted for, to (vi. 9. ) mentions the age and infirmities of
two cauſes. 1ft, Diocletian's contempt of am- Diocletian, as a very natural reafon for his
bition ; and 2dly, His apprehenfion of im- retirement .
302 himfelf
 E
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468 THE DEC AND FAL

CHA P. himſelf of the purple, he withdrew from the gazing multitude ; and
XIII.
traverfing the city in a covered chariot, proceeded, without delay, to

the favourite retirement which he had chofen in his native country

109
of Dalmatia. On the fame day, which was the firſt of May
Compliance Maximian, as it had been previouſly concerted, made his refignation
ofMaximian .
of the Imperial dignity at Milan. Even in the ſplendour of the

Roman triumph, Diocletian had meditated his defign of abdicating

the government. As he wished to fecure the obedience of Maxi-

mian, he exacted from him, either a general affurance that he would

ſubmit his actions to the authority of his benefactor, or a particular

promiſe that he would defcend from the throne, whenever he ſhould.

receive the advice and the example. This engagement, though it

was confirmed by the folemnity of an oath before the altar of the

110
Capitoline Jupiter "o, would have proved a feeble reſtraint on the

fierce temper of Maximian ,, whofe paffion was the love of power,

and who neither defired preſent tranquillity nor future reputation ..

But he yielded, however reluctantly, to the afcendant which his

wifer colleague had acquired over him, and retired, immediately

after his abdication , to a villa in Lucania, where it was almoſt

impoffible that ſuch an impatient fpirit could find any laſting tran-

quillity.
Retirement Diocletian, who, from a fervile origin, had raiſed himſelf to the
ofDiocletian
at Salona. throne, paſſed the nine laft years of his life in a private condition..

Reafon had dictated, and content feems to have accompanied, his

retreat, in which he enjoyed for a long time the reſpect of thoſe

princes to whom he had refigned the poffeffion of the world "

".
It

109 The difficulties as well as miftakes at- 110 See Panegyr. Veter. vi. 9. The ora-
tending the dates both of the year and ofthe tion was pronounced after Maximian had re-
day of Diocletian's abdication , are perfectly affumed the purple.
cleared up by Tillemont, Hift. des Empe- Eumenius pays him a very fine compli-
reurs, tom. iv. p. 525. Note 19, and by Pagi ment : " At enim divinum illum virum, qui
ad annum. ""
primus imperium et participavit et pofuit,,
" confilü
 OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE.
459

It is feldom that minds, long exerciſed in bufinefs, have formed CHA P.

XIII.
any habits of converfing with themſelves, and in the lofs of power
they principally regret the want of occupation. The amuſements

of letters and of devotion, which afford fo many reſources in

folitude, were incapable of fixing the attention of Diocletian ;

but he had preſerved, or at leaſt he foon recovered , a taſte for the

moſt innocent as well as natural pleaſures, and his leiſure hours

were fufficiently employed in building, planting, and gardening.

His answer to Maximian is deſervedly celebrated. He was folicited His philo-

fophy,
by that reſtleſs old man to re-affume the reins of government and

the Imperial purple. He rejected the temptation with a ſmile of

pity, calmly obferving, that if he could fhew Maximian the cab-

bages which he had planted with his own hands at Salona, he

fhould no longer be urged to relinquish the enjoyment of happineſs

112
for the purſuit of power · In his converfations with his friends,

he frequently acknowledged, that of all arts, the moſt difficult was

the art of reigning ; and he expreffed himſelf on that favourite topic

with a degree of warmth which could be the reſult only of ex-

perience. " How often, was he accuftomed to fay, is it the intereſt

" of four or five minifters to combine together to deceive their

<<
fovereign ! Secluded from mankind by his exalted dignity, the

" truth is concealed from his knowledge ; he can ſee only with

" their eyes, he hears nothing but their miſrepreſentations. He

" confers the most important offices upon vice and weakneſs , and

difgraces the moft virtuous and deferving among his fubjects.

" By fuch infamous arts, added Diocletian, the beſt and wifeſt
ઃઃ
princes are fold to the venal corruption of their courtiers " 3 "

" confilii et faci fui non pœnitet ; nec ami-
fiffe fe putat quod fponte tranfcripfit. Fe-
lix beatufque vere quem veftra, tantorum
principum, colunt obfequia privatum. "
Panegyr. Vet . vii. 15.
112 We are obliged to the younger Victor
for this celebrated bon môt. Eutropius men-
tions the thing in a more general manner.
113 Hift. Auguft. p . 223, 224. Vopifcus
had learned this converfation from his father.

A juſt
470 THE DECLINE AND FALL

CHAP.
XIII. A juſt eftimate of greatnefs , and the affurance of immortal fame,

improve our relish for the pleaſures of retirement ; but the Roman

emperor had filled too important a character in the world, to enjoy

without allay the comforts and fecurity of a private condition.

It was impoffible that he could remain ignorant of the troubles

which afflicted the empire after his abdication. It was impoffible

that he could be indifferent to their confequences. Fear, forrow, and

difcontent, fometimes purfued him into the folitude of Salona. His

tenderneſs, or at leaſt his pride, was deeply wounded by the misfor-

tunes of his wife and daughter ; and the laſt moments of Diocletian

were embitttered by fome affronts, which Licinius and Conftantine

might have ſpared the father of fo many emperors, and the firſt author
and death . of their own fortune. A report, though of a very doubtful nature,
A. D. 313 .
has reached our times, that he prudently withdrew himſelf from their
114
power by a voluntary death "

Deſcription Before we diſmiſs the confideration of the life and character of

ofSalona and
the adjacent Diocletian, we may, for a moment, direct our view to the place of
country.
his retirement. Salona, a principal city of his native province of
Dalmatia, was near two hundred Roman miles (according to the

meaſurement of the public highways ) from Aquileia and the con-

fines of Italy, and about two hundred and feventy from Sirmium,

the uſual refidence of the emperors whenever they vifited the

115
Illyrian frontier • A miferable village ftill preferves the name of

Salona ; but fo late as the fixteenth century, the remains of a theatre,

and a confuſed profpect of broken arches and marble columns, con-

116
tinued to atteft its ancient fplendour ' · About fix or feven miles

114 The younger Victor flightly mentions 115 See the Itiner. p. 269. 272. Edit .Weffel .
the report. But as Diocletian had diſobliged 116 The Abate Fortis , in his Viaggio in
a powerful and fuccefsful party, his memoryDalmazia, p . 43. (printed at Venice in the
has been loaded with every crime and misfor-
year 1774 , in two ſmall volumes in quarto)
tune. It has been affirmed that he died rav-
quotes a MS. account of the antiquities of
ing mad, that he was condemned as a crimi- Salona, compofed by Giambattista Giuftini-
nal by the Roman fenate, &c. ani about the middle of the xvith century.

from
 OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 475

from the city, Diocletian conftructed a magnificent palace, and CHA

XIII. P.
we may infer, from the greatneſs of the work, how long he had

meditated his defign of abdicating the empire. The choice of a

fpot which united all that could contribute either to health or to
luxury, did not require the partiality of a native. " The foil was
Ex.
dry and fertile, the air is pure and wholefome, and though ex-

" tremely hot during the fummer months, this country feldom
" feels thofe fultry and noxious winds, to which the coafts of
" Iftria and fome parts of Italy are expofed . The views from

" the palace are no leſs beautiful than the foil and climate were in-
« viting. Towards the weft lies the fertile fhore that ftretches

" along the Hadriatic, in which a number of fmall islands are

" fcattered in fuch a manner, as to give this part of the fea the
66
appearance of a great lake. On the north fide lies the bay,
" which led to the ancient city of Salona ; and the country be-

" yond it, appearing in fight, forms a proper contraft to that

66
more extenfive proſpect of water, which the Hadriatic preſents
" both to the fouth and to the eaft. Towards the north, the view

" is terminated by high and irregular mountains , fituated at a proper

" diſtance, and, in many places, covered with villages, woods, and
99
" vineyards " ."

Though Conftantine, from a very obvious prejudice, affects to Of Diocle-

118 tian's palace.
mention the palace : of Diocletian with contempt , yet one of their

fucceffors, who could only fee it in a neglected and mutilated ſtate,

117 Adam's antiquities of Diocletian's pa- (p. 38. ) obferves, that a tafte for agriculture
lace at Spalatro, p. 6. We may add a cir- is reviving at Spalatro ; and that an experi-
cumftance or two from the Abate Fortis : the mental farm has lately been eſtabliſhed near
little ftream of the Hyader, mentioned by Lu- the city, by a fociety of Gentlemen.
118 Conftantin. Orat. ad Cœtum San& t . c. "
can, produces most exquisite trout, which a fa-
gacious writer, perhaps a monk, fuppofes to 25. In this fermon, the emperor, or the
have been one of the principal reafons that bishop who compofed it for him, affects to
determined Diocletian in the choice of his re- relate the miferable end of all the perfecutors
tirement. Fortis , p . 45. The fame author of the church .
celebrates-
472 THE DECLINE AND FALL

CHA P. celebrates its magnificence in terms of the higheſt admiration " • It

XXI.
covered an extent of ground confifting of between nine and ten Eng-

lifh acres. The form was quadrangular, flanked with fixteen towers.
Two ofthe fides were near fix hundred, and the other two near ſeven

hundred feet in length. The whole was conftructed of a beautiful

free-ftone, extracted from the neighbouring quarries of Trau or

Tragutium, and very little inferior to marble itſelf. Four streets,

interfecting each other at right angles, divided the feveral parts of

this great edifice , and the approach to the principal apartment

was from a very ſtately entrance, which is ftill denominated the Golden

Gate. The approach was terminated by a periftylium of granite

columns, on one fide of which we difcover the fquare temple of

Efculapius, on the other the octagon temple of Jupiter. The

latter of thoſe deities Diocletian revered as the patron of his for-

tunes, the former as the protector of his health. By comparing

the preſent remains with the precepts of Vitruvius, the feveral

parts of the building, the baths, bedchamber, the atrium, the bafilica,

and the Cyzicene, Corinthian , and Egyptian halls, have been

defcribed with fome degree of preciſion, or at leaſt of probability.

Their forms were various, their proportions juft, but they were

all attended with two imperfections, very repugnant to our modern

notions of taſte and conveniency. Theſe ſtately rooms had

neither windows nor chimnies. They were lighted from the

top (for the building feems to have confifted of no more than one

ſtory), and they received their heat by the help of pipes that were

conveyed along the walls. The range of principal apartments was

protected towards the fouth-weft, by a portico five hundred and

feventeen feet long, which muſt have formed a very noble and de-

lightful walk, when the beauties of painting and ſculpture were added
to thofe ofthe profpect.

119 Conftantin. Porphyr. de Statu Imper. p. 86.

Had
 OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 473

Had this magnificent edifice remained in a folitary country, it CHA

XIII. P.
would have been expofed to the ravages of time ; but it might, per-

haps, have efcaped the rapacious induftry of man . The village of

Afpalathus 20, and long afterwards the provincial town of Spalatro,

have grown out of its ruins. The golden gate now opens into

the market-place. St. John the Baptift has ufurped the honours of

Efculapius : and the temple of Jupiter, under the protection of the

Virgin, is converted into the cathedral church . For this account

of Diocletian's palace, we are principally indebted to an ingenious

artiſt of our own time and country, whom a very liberal curiofity car-

ried into the heart of Dalmatia " . But there is room to fufpe &
t , that

the elegance of his deſigns and engraving has fomewhat flattered

the objects which it was their purpoſe to reprefent. We are in- the
Decline
arts. of
formed by a more recent and very judicious traveller, that the awful

ruins of Spalatro are not lefs expreffive of the decline of the arts,

than of the greatneſs of the Roman empire in the time of Diocle-

tian 22. If fuch was indeed the ftate of architecture, we muſt na-

turally believe that painting and fculpture had experienced a ftill

more ſenſible decay. The practice of architecture is directed by a

few general and even mechanical rules. But fculpture, and above

all, painting, propoſe to themſelves the imitation not only of the

forms of nature, but of the characters and paffions of the human I

foul. In thofe fublime arts, the dexterity of the hand is of little

avail, unleſs it is animated by fancy, and guided by the moſt correct

tafte and obfervation.

120 D'Anville, Geographie Ancienne, tom.
i . p . 162 .
121 Meffieurs Adam and Cleriffeau , at-
tended by two draughtsmen , vifited Spala-
tro in the month of July 1757. The mag-
nificent work which their journey produced,
was publiſhed in London ſeven years after-
wards.
122 I fhall quote the words of the Abate
VOL. I. 3 P
Fortis . " E'baftevolmente nota agli amatori
" dell' Architettura , e dell' Antichità , l'ope-
""
ra del Signor ADAMS, che a donato molto
" a que' fuperbi veftigi coll' abituale eleganza
" del fuo toccalapis e del bulino. In gene-
" rale la rozzezza del fcalpello, e'l cativo
" gufto del fecolo vi gareggiano colla mag-
" nificenza del fabricato." See Viaggio in
Dalmazia , p . 40 .
It
474 THE DECLINE AND FALL

CHAP.
XIII. It is almoſt unneceffary to remark, that the civil diſtractions of the

empire, the licence of the foldiers, the inroads of the barbarians , and
Of letters.
the progreſs of defpotifm , had proved very unfavourable to genius, and
even to learning. The fucceffion of Illyrian princes reftored the

empire, without reſtoring the ſciences. Their military education was

not calculated to inſpire them with the love of letters ; and even the

mind of Diocletian, however active and capacious in buſineſs, was

totally uninformed by ftudy or fpeculation . The profeffions of law

and phyfic are of fuch common ufe and certain profit, that they will

always fecure a fufficient number of practitioners , endowed with a

reaſonable degree of abilities and knowledge ; but it does not appear

that the ftudents in thoſe two faculties appeal to any celebrated maf-
ters who have flouriſhed within that period. The voice of poetry

was filent. Hiſtory was reduced to dry and confuſed abridgments,

alike deftitute of amuſement and inftruction . A languid and affected

eloquence was ftill retained in the pay and fervice of the emperors,

who encouraged not any arts except thofe which contributed to the
123
gratification of their pride, or the defence of their power ¹¹³ .
The new The declining age of learning and of mankind is marked, how-
Flatonifts .
ever, by the rife and rapid progrefs of the new Platonifts. The ſchool
of Alexandria filenced thofe of Athens ; and the ancient fects enrolled

themſelves under the banners of the more fashionable teachers, who

recommended their fyftem by the novelty of their method, and the

aufterity of their manners. Several of thefe mafters, Ammonius,

Plotinus, Amelius, and Porphyry 14, were men of profound thought,

123 The orator Eumenius was fecretary to randis fcholis ; which, though not exemptfrom
the emperors Maximian and Conftantius, and vanity, may atone for his panegyrics.
Profeffor of Rhetoric in the college of Autun . 124 Porphyry died about the time of Dio-
His falary was fix hundred thouſand fefterces, cletian's abdication . The life of his maſter
which, according to the lowest computation Plotinus, which he compofed, will give us
of that age, muft have exceeded three thou- the most complete idea of the genius of the
fand pounds a year . He generously request- fect, and the manners of its profeffors . This
ed the permiffion of employing it in rebuild- very curious piece is inferted in Fabricius ,
ing the college. See his Oration De reftau- Bibliotheca Græca, tom . iv . p . 88-148 .
and
 OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 475

and intenſe application ; but by miſtaking the true object of philo- CHA P.
XIII.
ſophy, their labours contributed much leſs to improve than to corrupt

the human underſtanding. The knowledge that is fuited to our

fituation and powers, the whole compaſs of moral, natural, and ma-

thematical ſcience, was neglected by the new Platoniſts ; whilft they

exhauſted their ftrength in the verbal diſputes of metaphyſics, at-

tempted to explore the fecrets of the invifible world, and ftudied to

reconcile Ariſtotle with Plato, on ſubjects of which both theſe philo-

fophers were as ignorant as the rest of mankind. Confuming their

reafon in theſe deep but unfubftantial meditations , their minds were

expoſed to illufions of fancy. They flattered themſelves that they

poffeffed the fecret of difengaging the foul from its corporeal prifon ;
claimed a familiar intercourfe with dæmons and fpirits ; and, by a

very ſingular revolution , converted the ſtudy of philoſophy into that

of magic. The ancient fages had derided the popular ſuperſtition ;

after difguifing its extravagance by the thin pretence of allegory, the

difciples of Plotinus and Porphyry became its moſt zealous defenders.

As they agreed with the Chriſtians in a few myſterious points of faith ,

they attacked the remainder of their theological fyftem with all the
fury of civil war. The new Platonifts would ſcarcely deferve a place

in the hiftory of fcience, but in that of the church the mention of

them will very frequently occur.

3 P 2
 E
E LIN D L
476 TH DEC AN FAL

CHAP . XIV.

Troubles after the Abdication of Diocletian.- Death of

Conftantius.- Elevation of Conftantine and Maxentius:

-Six Emperors at the fame Time. - Death of Max-

imian and Galerius. -Victories of Conftantine over

Maxentius and Licinius. - Re - union of the Empire

under the Authority of Conftantine.

CHAP . HE balance of power eſtabliſhed by Diocletian fubfifted no

XIV .
T
longer than while it was ſuſtained by the firm and dexterous
Period of
civil wars hand of the founder. It required fuch a fortunate mixture of
and confu- different tempers
tempers and abilities, as could fcarcely be found or even
fion .
A.D.305- expected a ſecond time ; two emperors without jealouſy, two Cæfars
323.
without ambition, and the fame general intereft invariably purſued

by four independent princes. The abdication of Diocletian and Maxi-

mian was fucceeded by eighteen years of difcord and confufion . The

empire was afflicted by five civil wars ; and the remainder of the

time was not ſo much a ſtate of tranquillity as a fuſpenſion of arms

between ſeveral hoftile monarchs, who, viewing each other with an

eye of fear and hatred , ftrove to increaſe their reſpective forces at the
expence of their fubjects .

Character As foon as Diocletian and Maximian had refigned the purple,

and fituation
of Conftan- their ftation, according to the rules of the new conftitution , was
tius.
filled by the two Cæfars, Conftantius and Galerius, who imme-

diately affumed the title of Auguftus ' . The honours of feniority

M. de Montefquieu ( Confiderations fur pire, for the firft time, was really divided in-
la Grandeur et la Decadence des Romains , to two parts. It is difficult, however, to dif
c. 17. ) fuppofes, on the authority of Orofius cover in what refpe& t the plan of Galerius
and Eufebius, that, on this occafion , the em- differed from that of Diocletian.
and
1
 OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE . 477

and precedence were allowed to the former of thofe princes, and CHA P.
XIV .
he continued, under a new appellation , to adminifter his ancient

department of Gaul, Spain, and Britain. The government of

thofe ample provinces was fufficient to exerciſe his talents, and to

fatisfy his ambition. Clemency, temperance, and moderation , dif-

tinguished the amiable character of Conftantius, and his fortunate

fubjects had, frequently occafion to compare the virtues of their

foyereign with the paffions of Maximian , and even with the arts of

Diocletian . Inftead of imitating their eaſtern pride and magni-

ficence, Conftantius preferved the modefty of a Roman prince.

He declared, with unaffected fincerity, that his most valued treaſure

was in the hearts of his people, and that, whenever the dignity of
the throne, or the danger of the ftate, required any extraordinary

ſupply, he could depend with confidence on their gratitude and

liberality . The provincials of Gaul, Spain, and Britain, fenfible

of his worth and of their own happineſs, reflected with anxiety on

the declining health of the emperor Conftantius, and the tender

age of his numerous family, the iffue of his fecond marriage with the

daughter of Maximian.

The ftern temper of Galerius was caft in a very different mould ; Of Galerius.
and while he commanded the efteem of his fubjects, he feldom con-
defcended to folicit their affections. His fame in arms, and above

all, the fuccefs of the Perfian war, had elated his haughty mind,

which was naturally impatient of a fuperior, or even of an equal.

If it were poffible to rely on the partial teftimony of an injudicious

2 Hic non modo amabilis , fed etiam vene- non admodum affectans ; ducenfque melius
rabilis Gallis fuit ; præcipue quòd Diocleti- publicas opes a privatis haberi, quam intra
ani fufpectam prudentiam, et Maximiani fan- unum clauftrum refervari. Id. ibid . He
guinariam violentiam imperio ejus evaferant. carried this maxim fo far, that whenever he
Eutrop. Breviar. x. 1 . gave an entertainment, he was obliged to
3 Divitiis Provincialium (mel. provincia- borrow a fervice of plate..
rum) ac privatorum ftudens, fifci commoda.
writer,
478 THE DECLINE AND FALL

CHAP. writer, we might afcribe the abdication of Diocletian to the me-

XIV .
naces of Galerius, and relate the particulars of a private conver-

fation between the two princes, in which the former diſcovered

as much pufillanimity as the latter diſplayed ingratitude and arro-

gance *. But theſe obfcure anecdotes are fufficiently refuted by an

impartial view of the character and conduct of Diocletian. What-

ever might otherwiſe have been his intentions, if he had apprehended

any danger from the violence of Galerius, his good fenfe would

have inſtructed him to prevent the ignominious conteſt ; and as he

had held the fceptre with glory, he would have refigned it without

difgrace.
The two After the elevation of Conftantius and Galerius to the rank of
Cæfars , Se-
verus and Augufti, two now Cafars were required to fupply their place, and
Maximin .
to complete the fyftem of the Imperial government. Diocletian was

fincerely defirous of withdrawing himſelf from the world ; he con-

fidered Galerius, who had married his daughter, as the firmeft fup-

port of his family and of the empire ; and he confented, without re-
luctance, that his fucceffor fhould affume the merit as well as the

envy of the important nomination. It was fixed without confulting

the intereſt or inclination of the princes of the Weft. Each of

them had a fon who was arrived at the age of manhood, and who

might have been deemed the moſt natural candidates for the vacant
honour. But the impotent refentment of Maximian was no longer to

be dreaded ; and the moderate Conftantius, though he might deſpiſe

the dangers, was humanely apprehenfive of the calamities of civil war.

The two perfons whom Galerius promoted to the rank of Cæfar, were

much better fuited to ferve the views of his ambition ; and their prin-

Lactantius de Mort. Perfecutor. c. 18 . hiftorians who put us in mind of the admi-

Were the particulars of this conference more rable faying of the great Condè to cardinal de
confiftent with truth and decency, we might Retz ; " Ces coquins nous font parler et agir,
ftill afk, how they came to the knowledge of " comme ils auroient fait eux-memes à notre
an obfcure rhetorician ? But there are many " place. "

7 cipal
 OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 479

cipal recommendation feems to have confifted in the want of merit or CHA P.

XIV .
perfonal confequence. The firft of thefe was Daza, or, as he was af-
terwards called, Maximin , whofe mother was the fifter of Galerius.

The unexperienced youth ftill betrayed by his manners and lan-

guage his ruftic education , when, to his own aftoniſhment as well as

that of the world, he was inveſted by Diocletian with the purple, ex-

alted to the dignity of Cæfar, and intrufted with the fovereign

command of Egypt and Syria ' . At the fame time, Severus ,
a faithful ſervant, addicted to pleaſure, but not incapable of buſi-
nefs, was fent to Milan, to receive from the reluctant hands of

Maximian the Cæfarean ornaments, and the poffeffion of Italy and

Africa . According to the forms of the conftitution , Severus

acknowledged the fupremacy of the western emperor ; but he was
abfolutely devoted to the commands of his benefactor Galerius, who,

reſerving to himſelf the intermediate countries from the confines of

Italy to thofe of Syria, firmly eſtabliſhed his power over three-

fourths of the monarchy. In the full confidence, that the ap-
proaching death of Conftantius would leave him fole mafter of the

Roman world, we are affured that he had arranged in his mind a

long fucceffion of future princes, and that he meditated his own re-

treat from public life, after he ſhould have accompliſhed a glorious

reign of about twenty years '.

But within less than eighteen months, two unexpected revolutions Ambition of
Galerius dif-
overturned the ambitious ſchemes of Galerius. The hopes of unit- appointed by

ing the weſtern provinces to his empire, were diſappointed by the two revolu
tions.
elevation of Conftantine, whilſt Italy and Africa were loft by the
fuccefsful revolt of Maxentius.

5 Sublatus nuper a pecoribus et filvis (fays His diligence and fidelity are acknow-
Lactantius de M. P. c . 19. ) ftatim Scutarius,ledged even by Lactantius, de M. P. c . 18.
continuo Protector, mox Tribunus, poftridie 7 Thefe fchemes, however, reft only on the
Cæfar, accepit Orientem. Aurelius Victor is very doubtful authority of Lactantius, de
too liberal in giving him the whole portion of M. P. c . zo .
Diocletian.

1. The
 INE
480 THE DECL AND FALL

СНАР .
XIV . I. The fame of Conftantine has rendered pofterity attentive to the
moſt minute circumftances of his life and actions. The place of
Birth, edu-
cation, and his birth, as well as the condition of his mother Helena, have been
efcape of
Conftantine. the ſubject not only of literary but of national diſputes. Notwith-
A. D. 274 .
ſtanding the recent tradition, which affigns for her father, a

British king, we are obliged to confefs, that Helena was the

daughter of an innkeeper ; but at the fame time we may defend

the legality of her marriage, againſt thoſe who have repreſented her
as the concubine of Conftantius '. The great Conftantine was moſt

probably born at Naiffus, in Dacia 10 ; and it is not furprifing,

that in a family and province diſtinguiſhed only by the profeffion of

arms, the youth ſhould diſcover very little inclination to improve his

This tradition , unknown to the contem- the nativity of Conflantine. 2. Some of the.
poraries of Conftantine, was invented in the modern Greeks have aſcribed the honour of
darkness of monafteries , was embellished by his birth to Drepanum, a town on the gulf
Jeffrey of Monmouth, and the writers of the of Nicomedia ( Cellarius , tom . ii . p . 174. ) ,
xiith century, has been defended by our anti- which Conftantine dignified with the name of
quarians of the last age, and is feriously re- Helenopolis, and Juftinian adorned with ma-
lated in the ponderous hiftory of England, ny fplendid buildings ( Procop . de Edificiis
compiled by Mr. Carte ( vol. i . p . 147.). He v. 2. ). It is indeed probable enough, that
tranfports, however, the kingdom of Coil , Helena's father kept an inn at Drepanum ;
the imaginary father of Helena, from Effex and that Conftantius might lodge there when
to the wall of Antoninus. he returned from a Perfian embaffy in the
? Eutropius (x. 2. ) expreffes, in a few reign of Aurelian . But in the wandering
words, the real truth, and the occafion of the life of a foldier, the place of his marriage,
66
error, ex obfcuriori matrimonio ejus filius . " and the places where his children are born,
Zofimus (1. ii. p. 78. ) eagerly feized the moſt have very little connection with each other.
unfavourable report, and is followed by 3. The claim of Naiffus is fupported by the
Orofius (vii . 25. ) , whofe authority is oddly anonymous writer, publiſhed at the end of
enough overlooked by the indefatigable but Ammianus, p. 710, and who in general co-
partial Tillemont. By infifling on the di- pied very good materials ; and it is confirmed
vorce of Helena , Diocletian acknowledged by Julius Firmicius ( de Aftrologiâ, 1. i .
her marriage . c. 4.) , who flouriſhed under the reign of Con-
10 There are three opinions with regard to ftantine himſelf. Some objections have been
the place of Conftantine's birth . 1. Our raiſed against the integrity of the text, and
English antiquarians were ufed to dwell with the application of the paffage of Firmicius ;
rapture on the words of his panegyrift ; but the former is eſtabliſhed by the beft MSS.
Britannias illic oriendo nobiles fecifti ." and the latter is very ably defended by Lip-
But this celebrated paffage may be referred fius de Magnitudine Romana, 1. iv. c. 11. et
with as much propriety to the acceffion as to Supplement.

mind
 OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 481

mind by the acquifition of knowledge ". He was about eighteen CHA P.

XIV .
of age when his father was promoted to the rank of Cæſar ;
years
A. D. 292 .
but that fortunate event was attended with his mother's divorce ;

and the fplendour of an Imperial alliance reduced the fon of Helena

to a ſtate of diſgrace and humiliation . Inftead of following Con-

ftantius in the Weft, he remained in the fervice of Diocletian ,

ſignalized his valour in the wars of Egypt and Perfia, and gradually
rofe to the honourable ſtation of a tribune of the firft order. The

figure of Conftantius was tall and majeſtic ; he was dexterous in all

his exerciſes, intrepid in war, affable in peace ; in his whole con-

duct, the active ſpirit of youth was tempered by habitual prudence ;

and while his mind was engroffed by ambition , he appeared cold

and infenfible to the allurements of pleaſure. The favour of the

people and foldiers, who had named him as a worthy candidate for
the rank of Cæfar, ferved only to exafperate the jealoufy of Ga-

lerius ; and though prudence might reſtrain him from exercifing

any open violence, an abfolute monarch is feldom at a lofs how to

execute a fure and fecret revenge ". Every hour increafed the

danger of Conftantine, and the anxiety of his father, who, by

repeated letters, expreffed the warmeft defire of embracing his fon.

For fome time the policy of Galerius fupplied him with delays

and excuſes, but it was impoffible long to refuſe ſo natural a requeſt

of his affociate, without maintaining his refuſal by arms. The

permiffion of the journey was reluctantly granted, and whatever

precautions the emperor might have taken to intercept a return ,

the confequences of which, he, with ſo much reaſon , apprehended,

they were effectually difappointed by the incredible diligence of

Literis minus inftructus . Anonym. ad
Ammian . p . 710 .
12 Galerius, or perhaps his own courage,
expofed him to fingle combat with a Sarma-
tian (Anonym . p. 710. ) and with a mon-
VOL. I.
3 &
ftrous lion. See Praxagoras apud Photium,
p. 63. Praxagoras, an Athenian philofo-
pher, had written a life of Conftantine, in
two books, which are now loft. He was a
contemporary.
Conftantine.
 NE
482 THE DECLI AND FALL

CHAP. Conftantine " . Leaving the palace of Nicomedia in the night, he

XIV .
travelled poft through Bithynia, Thrace, Dacia, Pannonia, Italy,

and Gaul, and amidſt the joyful acclamations of the people, reached
the port of Boulogne, in the very moment when his father was pre-

paring to embark for Britain ".

Death of The Britiſh expedition , and an eaſy victory over the barbarians
Conftantius ,
and eleva- of Caledonia, were the laft exploits of the reign of Conftantius.
tion of Con- He ended his life in the Imperial palace of York, fifteen months
ftantine.
A. D. 306.
July 25. after he had received the title of Auguftus, and almoſt fourteen:

years and a half after he had been promoted to the rank of Cæfar..

His death was immediately fucceeded by the elevation of Conftan-

tine. The ideas of inheritance and fucceffion are fo very familiar,.

that the generality of mankind confider them as founded, not only in.

reafon, but in nature itſelf. Our imagination readily transfers the

fame principles from private property to public dominion : and when-

ever a virtuous father leaves behind him a fon whofe merit feems to

juſtify the eſteem , or even the hopes of the people, the joint influence

of prejudice and of affection operates with irreſiſtible weight. The

flower ofthe weſtern armies had followed Conftantius into Britain ,

and the national troops were reinforced by a numerous body of

Alemanni, who obeyed the orders of Crocus , one of their hereditary

chieftains ". The opinion of their own importance, and the af

furance that Britain , Gaul, and Spain would acquiefce in their no-

mination, were diligently inculcated to the legions by the adherents

13 Zofimus, 1. ii . p . 78 , 79. Lactantius c. 24. fuppofe, with lefs accuracy, that he

de M. P. c . 24. The former tells a very fool- found his father on his death -bed .
ifh ftory, that Conftantine caufed all the poſt- 15 Cunctis qui aderant annitentibus , fed
horfes, which he had uſed, to be hamitrung. præcipue Croco ( alii Eroco) Alamannorum
Such a bloody execution , without preventing Rege, auxilii gratiâ Conftantium comitato,.
a purfuit, would have fcattered fufpicions, imperium capit. Victor Junior, c . 41. This.
and might have ftopped his journey. is perhaps the firft inftance of a barbarian
14 Anonym. p . 710. Panegyr. Veter . vii . 4 . king, who affifted the Roman arms with an
But Zofimus , 1. ii . p . 79. Eufebius de Vit. independent body of his own fubjects . The
Conftant. 1. i . c. 21. and Lactantius de M. P. practice grew familiar, and atlaft became fatal.
of
 OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 483

of Conftantine. The foldiers were aſked, Whether they could hefi- CHA
XIV . P.
tate a moment between the honour of placing at their head the

worthy ſon of their beloved emperor, and the ignominy of tamely

expecting the arrival of ſome obſcure ſtranger, on whom it might

pleaſe the fovereign of Afia to beſtow the armies and provinces of

the Weft. It was infinuated to them, that gratitude and liberality

held a diſtinguiſhed place among the virtues of Conftantine ; nor

did that artful prince fhew himſelf to the troops, till they were

prepared to falute him with the names of Auguftus and Emperor.

The throne was the object of his defires ; and had he been leſs ac-

tuated by ambition , it was his only means of fafety. He was well

acquainted with the character and fentiments of Galerius, and fuffi-

ciently apprized , that if he wished to live he muſt determine to

reign. The decent and even obftinate reſiſtance which he choſe to

affect ", was contrived to justify his ufurpation ; nor did he yield
to the acclamations of the army, till he had provided the proper

materials for a letter, which he immediately difpatched to the em-

peror of the Eaft. Conftantine informed him of the melancholy

event of his father's death, modeftly afferted his natural claim to

the fucceffion, and reſpectfully lamented, that the affectionate vio-

lence of his troops had not permitted him to folicit the Imperial
purple in the regular and conftitutional manner. The firft emotions

of Galerius were thofe of furprife, difappointment , and rage ; and

as he could feldom reftrain his paffions, he loudly threatened, that

he would commit to the flames both the letter and the meffenger.

and when he recollected the He is ac-

But his refentment infenfibly fubfided ;
knowledged
doubtful chance of war, when he had weighed the character and by Galerius ,
who gives
ftrength of his adverfary, he confented to embrace the honourable
him only the
n
accommodatio which the prudence of Conftantine had left open to title of Ca-
far, and that
of Auguftus
16 His panegyrift Eumenius (vii. 8. ) ven- but in vain, to efcape from the hands of his to Severus.
tures to affirm, in the prefence of Conftan- foldiers.
tine, that he put fpurs to his horfe, and tried, I

3Q 2 him .
484 THE DECLINE AND FALL

CHA P. him. Without either condemning or ratifying the choice of the

XIV .
-Britiſh army, Galerius accepted the fon of his deceafed colleague,

as the fovereign of the provinces beyond the Alps ; but he gave him
only the title of Cæfar, and the fourth rank among the Roman

princes, whilſt he conferred the vacant place of Auguſtus on his

favourite Severus. The apparent harmony of the empire was ſtill

preſerved, and Conſtantine, who already poffeffed the ſubſtance,

expected, without impatience, an opportunity of obtaining the ho-

nours, of fupreme power ".
The brothers
The children of Conftantius by his fecond marriage were fix in
and fifters of
Conftantine. number, three of either fex, and whofe Imperial deſcent might

have folicited a preference over the meaner extraction of the ſon of

Helena. But Conftantine was in the thirty-fecond year of his age,

in the full vigour both of mind and body, at the time when the

eldeſt of his brothers could not poffibly be more than thirteen years

old. His claim of fuperior merit had been allowed and ratified by

the dying emperor ". In his laſt moments, Conftantius bequeathed

to his eldeſt ſon the care of the ſafety as well as greatneſs of the fa-
mily ; conjuring him to affume both the authority and the fenti-
ments of a father with regard to the children of Theodora. Their

liberal education , advantageous marriages, the fecure dignity of their

lives, and the first honours of the ſtate with which they were in-

vefted, atteft the fraternal affection of Conftantine ; and as thofe

princes poffeffed a mild and grateful difpofition, they ſubmitted with-

out reluctance to the fuperiority of his genius and fortune ".

17 Lactantius de M. P. c. 25. Eumenius febius (in Vit. Conftantin . 1. i . c . 18. 21. )

(vii. 8. ) gives a rhetorical turn to the whole
tranfaction.
18 The choice of Conftantine, by his dying
father , which is warranted by reafon , and in-
finuated by Eumenius, feems to be confirmed
by the most unexceptionable authority, the
concurring evidence of Lactantius ( de M. P.
c. 24. ) and of Libanius (Oration i. ) ; of Eu-
and of Julian (Oration i. ) .
19 Of the three fifters of Conftantine , Con-
ftantia married the emperor Licinius, Anaſta-
fiathe Cæfar Baffianus, and Eutropia the con-
ful Nepotianus. The three brothers were,
Dalmatius, Julius Conftantius, and Anniba-
lianus, of whom we fhall have occafion to
fpeak hereafter.
II. The
 OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 485

II. The ambitious ſpirit of Galerius was fcarcely reconciled to the CHA P.
XIV .
diſappointment of his views upon the Gallic provinces, before the Diſcontent

unexpected loss of Italy wounded his pride as well as power in a of the Ro-
mans at the
ftill more fenfible part. The long abſence of the emperors had
apprehenfion
of taxes .
filled Rome with difcontent and indignation ; and the people gra-

dually diſcovered, that the preference given to Nicomedia and Milan,

was not to be afcribed to the particular inclination of Diocletian ,

but to the permanent form of government which he had inſtituted.

It was in vain that, a few months after his abdication , his fuccef-

fors dedicated, under his name, thofe magnificent baths, whoſe

ruins ftill fupply the ground as well as the materials for fo many
churches and convents 20. The tranquillity of thofe elegant

receffes of eaſe and luxury was diſturbed by the impatient

murmurs of the Romans ; and a report was infenfibly circu-

lated, that the fums expended in erecting thoſe buildings, would

foon be required at their hands. About that time the avarice of

Galerius, or perhaps the exigencies of the ftate, had induced him

to make a very ſtrict and rigorous inquifition into the property of

his fubjects for the purpoſe of a general taxation, both on their

lands and on their perfons. A very minute ſurvey appears to have

been taken of their real eſtates ; and wherever there was the flighteſt

fufpicion of concealment, torture was very freely employed to ob--

tain a fincere declaration of their perſonal wealth ". The privi-

leges which had exalted Italy above the rank of the provinces,

were no longer regarded : and the officers of the revenue al-

ready began to number the Roman people, and to ſettle the pro-

20 See Gruter Infcrip . p. 178. The fix cularly Donatus and Nardini, have aſcertain-
princes are all mentioned, Diocletian and ed the ground which they covered. One of
Maximian as the ſenior Augufti and fathers of the great rooms is now the Carthufian church ;.
the emperors. They jointly dedicate, for the and even one of the porter's lodges is fuf-
ufe of their own Romans, this magnificent edi- ficient to form another church, which belongs
fice. The architects have delineated the ruins to the Feuillans.
oftheſe Therma ; and the antiquarians, parti 21 See Lactantius de M. P. c. 26. 31 .
I portion
 E
LIN L
485 THE DEC AND FAL

CHAP. portion of the new taxes. Even when the fpirit of freedom had
XIV .
been utterly extinguiſhed , the tameft fubjects have fometimes ven-

tured to refift an unprecedented invafion of their property ; but on

this occafion the injury was aggravated by the infult, and the ſenſe

of private intereſt was quickened by that of national honour . The

conqueft of Macedonia , as we have already obferved , had delivered
the Roman people from the weight of perfonal taxes. Though they

had experienced every form of defpotifm , they had now enjoyed that

exemption near five hundred years ; nor could they patiently brook

the infolence of an Illyrian peaſant , who , from his diſtant reſidence

in Afia, prefumed to number Rome among the tributary cities of his

empire. The rifing fury of the people was encouraged by the autho-

rity, or at leaft the connivance, of the fenate ; and the feeble remains

of the Prætorian guards, who had reafon to apprehend their own

diffolution , embraced fo honourable a pretence, and declared their

readineſs to draw their fwords in the ſervice of their oppreffed coun-

try. It was the wifh , and it foon became the hope, of every citizen ,

that after expelling from Italy their foreign tyrants, they fhould elect

a prince who, by the place of his refidence , and by his maxims of

government, might once more deſerve the title of Roman emperor.

The name, as well as the fituation , of Maxentius , determined in his

favour the popular enthuſiaſm .

Maxentius
declared em- Maxentius was the fon of the emperor Maximian , and he had
peror at married the daughter of Galerius. His birth and alliance feemed
Rome.
A. D. 306. to offer him the fairest promife of fucceeding to the empire ; but
28th Oct.
his vices and incapacity procured him the fame exclufion from
the dignity of Cæfar, which Conftantine had deferved by a danger-

ous fuperiority of merit. The policy of Galerius preferred fuch

affociates, as would never difgrace the choice, nor difpute the com-
mands of their benefactor. An obfcure ftranger was therefore

raifed to the throne of Italy, and the fon of the late emperor of

the
 OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE.
487

the Weft was left to enjoy the luxury of a private fortune in a villa CHA P.
XIV .
a few miles diftant from the capital. The gloomy paffions of his

foul, fhame, vexation , and rage, were inflamed by envy on the

news of Conſtantine's fuccefs ; but the hopes of Maxentius revived

with the public difcontent, and he was eafily perfuaded to unite his

perſonal injury and pretenfions with the cauſe of the Roman peo-

ple. Two Prætorian tribunes and a commiffary of provifions under-

took the management of the confpiracy ; and as every order of

men was actuated by the fame fpirit, the immediate event was nei-

ther doubtful nor difficult. The præfect of the city, and a few
magiſtrates, who maintained their fidelity to Severus, were maf-
facred by the guards ; and Maxentius, invefted with the Imperial
ornaments, was acknowledged by the applauding ſenate and people

as the protector of the Roman freedom and dignity. It is uncertain.

whether Maximian was previouſly acquainted with the confpi-
racy ; but as foon as the ſtandard of rebellion was erected at Rome, Maximian
re-affumes
the old emperor broke from the retirement where the authority of the purple.
Diocletian had condemned him to paſs a life of melancholy foli-

tude, and concealed his returning ambition under the diſguiſe of pa-

ternal tenderneſs. At the requeſt of his ſon and of the ſenate, he

condefcended to re-affume the purple. His ancient dignity, his ex-

perience, and his fame in arms, added ftrength. as well as reputation
to the party of Maxentius 22.

According to the advice, or rather the orders, of his colleague, Defeat and
death of Se-
the emperor Severus immediately haftened to Rome, in the full verus.

confidence, that, by his unexpected celerity, he ſhould eaſily ſup-

preſs the tumult of an unwarlike populace, commanded by a licen-

tious youth. But he found on his arrival the gates of the city ſhut

22 The vith Panegyric reprefents the con- that he contrived, or that he oppofed, the
duct ofMaximian in the most favourable light ; confpiracy. See Zofimus , 1. ii . p. 79. and
and the ambiguous expreffion of Aurelius Vic- Lactantius de M. P. c. 26.
tor, " retractante diu, " may fignify, either

5 againſt
 THE CL
DEC INE
LI AND FALL
488

CHAP
XIV . . againſt him, the walls filled with men and arms, an experienced

general at the head of the rebels, and his own troops without

ſpirit or affection. A large body of Moors deferted to the enemy,

allured by the promiſe of a large donative ; and , if it be true that

they had been levied by Maximian in his African war, preferring

the natural feelings of gratitude to the artificial ties of allegiance.

Anulinus, the Prætorian præfect, declared himſelf in favour of Max-

entius, and drew after him the moſt confiderable part of the troops,

accuſtomed to obey his commands. Rome, according to the expreffion

of an orator, recalled her armies ; and the unfortunate Severus, defti-

tute of force and of counfel, retired , or rather fled, with precipitation

to Ravenna. Here he might for fome time have been fafe. The
fortifications of Ravenna were able to reſiſt the attempts, and the

moraffes that ſurrounded the town were fufficient to prevent the

approach, of the Italian army. The fea, which Severus commanded

with a powerful fleet, fecured him an inexhauſtible ſupply of pro-

vifions, and gave a free entrance to the legions , which, on the re-

turn of fpring, would advance to his affiftance from Illyricum and

the Eaft. Maximian, who conducted the fiege in perfon, was

foon convinced that he might wafte his time and his army in the

fruitless enterpriſe, and that he had nothing to hope either from

force or famine. With an art more fuitable to the character of

Diocletian than to his own, he directed his attack, not fo much

againſt the walls of Ravenna, as againſt the mind of Severus. The

treachery which he had experienced, difpofed that unhappy prince

•
to diſtruſt the moft fincere of his friends and adherents. The emif-

faries of Maximian eaſily perfuaded his credulity, that a conſpiracy

was formed to betray the town, and prevailed upon his fears not

to expoſe himſelf to the difcretion of an irritated conqueror, but to

accept the faith of an honourable capitulation. He was at firſt re-

ceived with humanity, and treated with refpect. Maximian con-

ducted
 OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE.
489

ducted the captive emperor to Rome, and gave him the moft fo- CHA P.
XIV .
lemn affurances that he had fecured his life by the refignation of the

purple. But Severus could obtain only an eafy death and an Impe-
rial funeral. When the ſentence was figned to him, the manner A. D. 307.
February.
of executing it was left to his own choice ; he preferred the favourite

mode of the ancients, that of opening his veins and as ſoon as he

expired, his body was carried to the fepulchre which had been con-
ſtructed for the family of Gallienus 23.

Though the characters of Conftantine and Maxentius had very Maximian

gives his
little affinity with each other, their fituation and intereft were the daughter
Faufta, and
fame ; and prudence feemed to require that they ſhould unite their the title of

forces againſt the common enemy. Notwithſtanding the fuperiority Auguftus, to

Conftantine.
of his age and dignity, the indefatigable Maximian paffed the Alps, A. D. 307.
31ft March.
H
and courting a perſonal interview with the fovereign of Gaul, car-

ried with him his daughter Fauſta as the pledge of the new alliance.

The marriage was celebrated at Arles with every circumftance of

magnificence ; and the ancient colleague of Diocletian , who again

afferted his claim to the weſtern empire , conferred on his fon-in-

law and ally the title of Auguftus. By confenting to receive that

honour from Maximian , Conftantine feemed to embrace the cauſe of

Rome and of the fenate ; but his profeffions were ambiguous, and
his affiftance flow and ineffectual. He confidered with attention the

approaching conteft between the mafters of Italy and the emperor of

the Eaft, and was prepared to confult his own fafety or ambition in
the event of the war .

The importance of the occafion called for the prefence and abi- Galerias in-
lities of Galerius. At the head of a powerful army collected from vades Italy.

23 The circumſtances of this war, and the 247he vith Panegyric was pronounced to
death of Severus, are very doubtfully and va- celebrate the elevation of Conftantine ; but
riously told in our ancient fragments (fee Til- the prudent orator avoids the mention either
lemont, Hift. des Empereurs, tom . iv. parti . of Galerius or of Maxentius. He introduces
P. 555. ). I have endeavoured to extract from only one flight allufion to the actual troubles ,
them a confiftent and probable narration . and to the majefty of Rome.
VOL. I. 3 R Illyricum
490 THE DECLINE AND FALL

CHAP.
XIV. Illyricum and the Eaft, he entered Italy, refolved to revenge the
death of Severus, and to chaſtiſe the rebellious Romans ; or, as he

expreffed his intentions, in the furious language of a barbarian, to

extirpate the fenate, and to deftroy the people by the fword. But

the ſkill of Maximian had concerted a prudent ſyſtem of defence.

The invader found every place hoftile , fortified , and inacceffible ;

and though he forced his way as far as Narni, within fixty miles

of Rome, his dominion in Italy was confined to the narrow

limits of his camp. Senfible of the increaſing difficulties of his

enterprife, the haughty Galerius made the firft advances towards a

reconciliation, and diſpatched two of his moft confiderable officers

to tempt the Roman princes by the offer of a conference and the

declaration of his paternal regard for Maxentius, who might obtain

much more from his liberality than he could hope from the doubtful

chance of war ". The offers of Galerius were rejected with firm-

nefs, his perfidious friendship refufed with contempt, and it was

not long before he diſcovered , that , unleſs he provided for his fafety
by a timely retreat, he had fome reaſon to apprehend the fate of

Severus. The wealth , which the Romans defended againſt his ra-
pacious tyranny, they freely contributed for his deftruction. The

name of Maximian, the popular arts of his fon , the fecret diftri-

bution of large fums, and the promife of ftill more liberal rewards,

checked the ardour, and corrupted the fidelity of the Illyrian le-

gions ; and when Galerius at length gave the fignal of the retreat,

it was with fome difficulty that he could prevail on his veterans not

to defert a banner which had fo often conducted them to victory

and honour. A contemporary writer affigns two other caufes for

the failure of the expedition ; but they are both of fuch a nature,

25 With regard to this negotiation, fee the Ammianus Marcellinus, p. 711. Thefe frag-
fragments of an anonymous Hiftorian, pub- ments have furnished us with feveral curious,
lithed by Valefius at the end of his edition of and as it fhould feem authentic, anecdotes.

I that
 OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE.
491

that a cautious hiftorian will ſcarcely venture to adopt them . We CHAP. 霎

XIV .
are told that Galerius, who had formed a very imperfect notion of

the greatness of Rome by the cities of the Eaft, with which he was

acquainted, found his forces inadequate to the fiege of that

immenfe capital. But the extent of a city ferves only to render

it more acceffible to the enemy ; Rome had long fince been accuf-
tomed to fubmit on the approach of a conqueror ; nor could the

temporary enthuſiaſm of the people have long contended againſt

the difcipline and valour of the legions. We are likewife in-

formed, that the legions themfelves were ftruck with horror and

remorſe, and that thofe pious fons of the republic refuſed to vio-
26
late the fanctity of their venerable parent ". But when we recollect
with how much eafe , in the more ancient civil wars, the zeal of

party, and the habits of military obedience had converted the

native citizens of Rome into her moft implacable enemies, we

fhall be inclined to diftruft this extreme delicacy of ftrangers and

barbarians, who had never beheld Italy, till they entered it in a ho-
Aile manner . Had they not been reftrained by motives of a more

intereſted nature, they would probably have anfwered Galerius in

the words of Cæfar's veterans ; " If our general wishes to lead us

to the banks of the Tyber, we are prepared to trace out his camp.

" Whatſoever walls he has determined to level with the ground,

(
our hands are ready to work the engines : nor fhall we heſitate,

" fhould the name of the devoted city be Rome itſelf." Thefe are

indeed the expreffions of a poet ; but of a poct who has been dif-
tinguiſhed and even cenfured for his ftrict adherence to the truth of

history ".
26 Lactantius de M. P. c. 28. The former Hefperios audax veniam metator in agros.
of theſe reaſons is probably taken from Vir. Tu quofcunque voles in planum effundere
gil's Shepherd ; " Illam ego huic noftræ fi- muros,
" milem Melibœe putavi, & c. " Lactantius His aries actus difperget faxa lacertis ;
delights in thefe poetical allufions. Illa licet penitus tolli quam jufleris urbem
Caftra fuper Tufci fi ponere Tybridis Roma fit. Lucan. Pharfal . i . 381 .
undas ; (jubeas )
3 R 2 The
492 THE DECLINE AND FALL

CHAP.
XIV . The legions of Galerius exhibit a very melancholy proof of

their diſpoſition , by the ravages which they committed in their

His retreat.
retreat. They murdered, they raviſhed , they plundered, they

drove away the flocks and herds of the Italians, they burnt the

villages through which they paffed, and they endeavoured to

deftroy the country which it had not been in their power to

fubdue. During the whole march, Maxentius hung on their rear,

but he very prudently declined a general engagement with thoſe

brave and defperate veterans.. His father had undertaken a fecond

journey into Gaul, with the hope of perfuading Conftantine, who

had affembled an army on the frontier, to join the purfuit and to

complete the victory. But the actions of Conftantine were guided

by reafon and not by refentment. He perfifted in the wiſe reſolu-

tion of maintaining a balance of power in the divided empire, and

he no longer hated Galerius, when that aſpiring prince had ceaſed

to be an object of terror ".

Elevation of The mind of Galerius was the moſt ſuſceptible of the ſterner
Licinius to
the rank of paffions, but it was not however incapable of a fincere and laſting
Auguftus ;
A. D. 307. friendship . Licinius, whofe manners as well as character were
Nov. 11.
not unlike his own, feems to have engaged both his affection and
efteem . Their intimacy had commenced in the happier period

perhaps of their youth and obfcurity. It had been cemented by

the freedom and dangers of a military life ; they had advanced,.

almoſt by equal ſteps , through the fucceffive honours of the fer-

vice ; and as foon as Galerius was inveſted with the Imperial

dignity, he ſeems to have conceived the defign of raifing his com-

panion to the fame rank with himſelf. During the fhort period of

his profperity, he confidered the rank of Cæfar as unworthy of

the age and merit of Licinius, and rather chofe to referve for him

28 Lactantius de M. P. c. 27. Zofim.l.ii. tine, in his interview with Maximian, had

p. 82. The latter infinuates, that Conftan- promifed to declare war against Galerius.
the
 OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 493

the place of Conftantius, and the empire of the Weft. While the CHAP.
XIV .
emperor was employed in the Italian war, he intrufted his friend

with the defence of the Danube ; and immediately after his return
.

from that unfortunate expedition , he invefted Licinius with the

vacant purple of Severus, refigning to his immediate command the

provinces of Illyricum ". The news of his promotion was no foon- and of Max-
imin.
er carried into the Eaft, than Maximin , who governed, or rather
oppreffed, the countries of Egypt and Syria, betrayed his envy and

diſcontent, difdained the inferior name of Cæfar, and notwithſtand-

ing the prayers as well as arguments of Galerius, exacted , almoſt

by violence, the equal title of Auguftus " . For the firſt, and indeed

for the laſt time, the Roman world was adminiſtered by fix empe-
rors. In the Weft, Conſtantine and Maxentius affected to reve- Sixemperors ,
A. D. 308.-
rence their father Maximian. In the Eaft, Licinius and Maximin

honoured with more real confideration their benefactor Galerius.

The oppofition of intereſt, and the memory of a recent war, di-

vided the empire into two great hoftile powers ; but their mutual

fears produced an apparent tranquillity, and even a feigned recon-

ciliation, till the death of the elder princes , of Maximian, and more

particularly of Galerius, gave a new direction to the views and paf-

fions of their furviving affociates.

When Maximian had reluctantly abdicated the

empire, the Misfortunes
ofMaximian.
venal orators of the times applauded his philofophic moderation.
When his ambition excited, or at leaft encouraged, a civil war,

they returned thanks to his generous patriotiſm , and gently cen-

fured that love of eafe and retirement which had withdrawn him

29 M. de Tillemont ( Hift. des Empereurs, felf, he tried to ſatisfy his younger affociates,
tom. iv. part i. p. 559. ) has proved, that Li- by inventing, for Conftantine and Maximin
cinius, without paffing through the interme- ( not Maxentius, fee Baluze, p. 81. ) the new
diate rank of Cafar, was declared Auguftus, title of fons of the Augufti . But when Maxi-
the 11th of November, A. D. 307, after the min acquainted him that he had been faluted
return of Galerius from Italy. Auguftus by the army, Galerius was obliged
30 Lactantius de M. P. c. 32. When Ga- to acknowledge him, as well as Conftantine,
lerius declared Licinius Auguſtus with him as equal affociates in the Imperial dignity..
from
 THE DECLINE AND FALL
494

CHAP.
XIV . from the public fervice ". But it was impoffible, that minds like
thofe of Maximian and his fon, could long poffefs in harmony an
undivided power. Maxentius confidered himſelf as the legal

fovereign of Italy, elected by the Roman fenate and people ; nor

would he endure the controul of his father, who arrogantly de-

clared, that by his name and abilities the rafh youth had been
eftabliſhed on the throne. The cauſe was folemnly pleaded before

the Prætorian guards, and thofe troops, who dreaded the feverity of
the old emperor, efpoufed the party of Maxentius " . The life and

freedom of Maximian were however reſpected, and he retired from

Italy into Illyricum, affecting to lament his paft conduct, and fecretly

contriving new mifchiefs. But Galerius, who was well acquainted

with his character, foon obliged him to leave his dominions, and

the laft refuge of the difappointed Maximian was the court of his

fon-in-law Conftantine " . He was received with reſpect by that

artful prince, and with the appearance of filial tenderneſs by the

emprefs Faufta. That he might remove every fufpicion , he re-

figned the Imperial purple a fecond time ", profeffing himſelf at

length convinced of the vanity of greatnefs and ambition . Had

he perfevered in this refolution , he might have ended his life with

lefs dignity indeed than in his first retirement, yet, however, with

comfort and reputation . But the near profpect of a throne brought

back to his remembrance the ftate from whence he was fallen , and

he refolved, by a defperate effort, either to reign or to perish.

31 See Panegyr. Vet. vi . 9. Audi doloris 3 Ab urbe pulfum, ab Italia fugatum, ab

noftri liberam vocem, &c. The whole paffage
is imagined with artful flattery, and expreffed
with an eafy flow of eloquence .
32 Lactantius de M. P. c . 28. Zofim . 1. ii.
p. 82. A report was fpread, that Maxentius
was the fon of fome obfcure Syrian , and had
been fubftituted by the wife of Maximian as
her own child. See Aurelius Victor, Ano-
nym. Valefian . and Panegyr. Vet. ix . 3, 4.
Illyrico repudiatum, tuis provinciis, tuis co-
piis, tuo palatio recepifti . Eumen. in Pane-
gyr. Vet. vii. 14.
34 Lactantius de M. P. c. 29. Yet after
the refignation ofthe purple, Conftantine ftill
continued to Maximian the pomp and ho-
nours of the Imperial dignity ; and on all
public occafions gave the right-hand place to
his father-in-law . Panegyr . Vet. vii. 15 .
An
 OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE..
495

An incurfion of the Franks had fummoned Conftantine, with a СНАР .

XIV .
part of his army, to the banks of the Rhine ; the remainder of

the troops were ſtationed in the ſouthern provinces of Gaul, which

lay expoſed to the enterpriſes of the Italian emperor, and a con-

fiderable treaſure was depofited in the city of Arles. Maximian

either craftily invented, or haftily credited, a vain report of the

death of Conftantine. Without heſitation he afcended the throne,,

feized the treaſure, and ſcattering it with his accuſtomed profuſion

among the foldiers, endeavoured to awake in their minds the

memory of his ancient dignity and exploits. Before he could

eſtabliſh his authority, or finifh the negotiation which he appears

to have entered into with his fon Maxentius, the celerity of Con-

ſtantine defeated all his hopes. On the firſt news of his perſidy and

ingratitude, that prince returned by rapid marches from the Rhine to

the Saone, embarked on the laft mentioned river at Chalons,:

and at Lyons trufting himſelf to the rapidity of the Rhone, arrived

at the gates of Arles, with a military force which it was im-

poffible for Maximian to refift, ' and which. fcarcely permitted him to

take refuge in the neighbouring city of Marſeilles . The narrow neck.

of land which joined that place to the continent was fortified againſt
the befiegers, whilft the fea was open, either for the efcape of

Maximian, or for the fuccours of Maxentius, if the latter fhould

chufe to diſguiſe his invafion of Gaul, under the honourable ·

pretence of defending a diſtreſſed , or, as he might allege, an

injured father. Apprehenfive of the fatal confequences of delay,.

Conftantine gave orders for an immediate affault ; but the fcaling ---

ladders were found too fhort for the height of the walls, and

Marſeilles might have ſuſtained as long a fiege as it formerly did

againſt the arms of Cæfar, if the garrifon, confcious either of their

fault or of their danger, had not purchafed their pardon by de-.

livering up the city and the perfon of Maximian. A fecret but His death:
irrevocable fentence of death was pronounced against the ufurper, A. D. 310
February.
·
he...
 E
THE LIN L
496 DEC AND FAL

CHAP.
XIV . he obtained only the fame favour which he had indulged to Severus,
and it was publiſhed to the world, that, oppreffed by the remorfe
of his repeated crimes, he ſtrangled himſelf with his own hands.

After he had loft the affiftance, and difdained the moderate coun-

fels, of Diocletian, the fecond period of his active life was a feries

of public calamities and perfonal mortifications, which were termi-

nated, in about three years, by an ignominious death. He deſerved

his fate ; but we ſhould find more reafon to applaud the humanity
of Conſtantine, if he had fpared an old man , the benefactor of his

father, and the father of his wife. During the whole of this me-
lancholy tranſaction, it appears that Faufta facrificed the ſentiments

of nature to her conjugal duties ".

Death of The laſt years of Galerius were lefs fhameful and unfortunate ;
Galerius.
A. D. 311 . and though he had filled with more glory the fubordinate ſtation of
May.
Cæfar, than the fuperior rank of Auguftus, he preferved, till the

moment of his death , the firſt place among the princes of the Roman
world. He furvived his retreat from Italy about four years, and wife-

ly relinquishing his views of univerfal empire, he devoted the re-

mainder of his life to the enjoyment of pleaſure, and to the execution

of fome works of public utility, among which we may diftinguiſh the

difcharging into the Danube the fuperfluous waters of the lake Pelfo,

and the cutting down the immenfe forefts that encompaſſed it ; an ope-

ration worthy of a monarch, fince it gave an extenſive country to the

agriculture of his Pannonian fubjects ". His death was occafioned by a

35 Zofim. 1. ii. p . 82. Eumenius in Pa-
negyr. Vet. vii . 16-21 . The latter of thefe
has undoubtedly reprefented the whole affair
in the moſt favourable light for his fovereign.
Yet even from this partial narrative we may
conclude, that the repeated clemency of Con-
ftantine, and the reiterated treafons of Maxi-
mian, as they are defcribed by Lactantius (de
M. P. c. 29 , 30. ) , and copied by the moderns,
are deftitute of any hiftorical foundation.
36 Aurelius Victor , c. 40. But that lake
was fituated on the Upper Pannonia, near the
borders of Noricum ; and the province of
Valeria ( a name which the wife of Galerius
gave to the drained country) undoubtedly
lay between the Drave and the Danube ( Sex-
tus Rufus, c. 9 ) . I fhould therefore fufpect
that Victor has confounded the lake Pelfo
with the Volocean marches, or, as they are
now called, the lake Sabaton. It is placed
in the heart of Valeria, and its prefent extent
is not lefs than 12 Hungarian miles (about
70 English ) in length, and two in breadth.
See Severini Fannonia, 1. i. c . 9.
very
 OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. · 497

very painful and lingering diforder. His body, fwelled by an intem- CHAP.
XIV .
perate courſe of life to an unwieldy corpulence, was covered with

ulcers, and devoured by innumerable fwarms of thofe infects, who

have given their name to a moft loathfome difeafe "; but as Gale-

rius had offended a very zealous and powerful party among his fub-

jects, his fufferings, inſtead of exciting their compaffion, have been

•
celebrated as the viſible effects of divine juftice 3. He had no fooner His domi-
nion fhared
expired in his palace of Nicomedia, than the two emperors who were between
Maximin
indebted for their purple to his favour, began to collect their forces , and Licinius.

with the intention either of difputing, or of dividing , the dominions

which he had left without a mafter. They were perfuaded however

to defift from the former defign, and to agree in the latter. The

provinces of Afia fell to the fhare of Maximin, and thofe of Europe

augmented the portion of Licinius. The Hellefpont and the Thra-

cian Boſphorus formed their mutual boundary, and the banks of thoſe
narrow feas, which flowed in the midst of the Roman world, were

covered with foldiers, with arms, and with fortifications . The deaths

of Maximian and of Galerius reduced the number of emperors to

four. The fenſe of their true intereft foon connected Licinius and

Conftantine ; a fecret alliance was concluded between Maximin and

Maxentius, and their unhappy fubjects expected with terror the

bloody confequences of their inevitable diffenfions, which were no

longer reftrained by the fear or the reſpect which they had enter-
tained for Galerius 39.

Among fo many crimes and misfortunes occafioned by the Adminiftra-

tion ofCon-
pallions of the Roman princes , there is fome pleaſure in difcovering a ftantine in
Gaul.
A. D. 306-
27 Lactantius ( de M. P. c . 33. ) and Eufe- derful deaths of the perfecutors, I would re- 312 .
bius ( 1. viii . c. 16. ) defcribe the fymptoms commend to their perufal an admirable paf-
and progrefs of his diforder with fingular ac- fage of Grotius (Hift. 1. vii. p . 332. ) con-
curacy and apparent pleasure. cerning the last illness of Philip II . of Spain .
36 If any (like the late Dr. Jortin , Re- * See Eufebius, 1. ix. 6. 10. Lactantius de
marks on Ecclefiaftical History, vol . ii . p . M. P. c. 36. Zofimus is lefs exact, and evi-
307-356. ) ftill delight in recording the won- dently confounds Maximian with Maximin .
VOL. I. 3 S fingle
 THE DECLINE AND FALL
498

CHA P. fingle action which may be afcribed to their virtue. In the fixth
XIV. e
year of his reign, Conftantin vifited the city of Autun , and gene-
rouſly remitted the arrears of tribute , reducing at the fame time the

proportion of their aſſeſſment, from twenty-five to eighteen thousand

heads, fubject to the real and perfonal capitation 40. Yet even this
indulgence affords the moſt unquestionable proof of the public
mifery. This tax was fo extremely oppreffive , either in itſelf
or in the mode of collecting it, that whilft . the , revenue was

increaſed by extortion , it was diminiſhed by deſpair : a conſider-

able part of the territory of Autun was left uncultivated ; and great

numbers of the provincials rather chofe to live as exiles and

outlaws , than to fupport the weight of civil fociety. It is

but too probable , that the bountiful emperor relieved, by a par-

tial act of liberality , one among the many evils which he had
cauſed by his general maxims of adminiſtration . But even thoſe
maxims were lefs the effect of choice than of neceffity. And if
we except the death of Maximian , the reign of Conſtantine in Gaul

feems to have been the moſt innocent and even virtuous period of

his life. The provinces were protected by his preſence from the
inroads of the barbarians , who either dreaded or experienced his

active valour . After a ſignal victory over the Franks and Ale-

manni , feveral of their princes were expofed by his order to the

wild beaſts in the amphitheatre of Treves , and the people feem to

have enjoyed the fpectacle , without diſcovering , in fuch a treatment

of royal captives , any thing that was repugnant to the laws of nations

or of humanity ".
The virtues of Conftantine were rendered more illuftrious by the
Tyranny of
Maxentius in vices of Maxentius . Whilft the Gallic provinces enjoyed as much
Italy and
Africa.
A. D. 306- 41 Eutropius , x. 3. Panegyr . Veter. vii. 10,
40 See the viiith Panegyr . in which Eume-
312. 11 , 12. A great number of the French youth
nius diſplays , in the preſence of Conftantine,
were likewife expofed to the fame cruel and
the mifery and the gratitude of the city of
ignominious death.
Autun.
happineſs
5
 OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 499

happineſs as the condition of the times was capable of receiving, CHA P.

XIV.
Italy and Africa groaned under the dominion of a tyrant as con-
temptible as he was odious. The zeal of flattery and faction has

indeed too frequently facrificed the reputation of the vanquished to

the glory of their fuccefsful rivals ; but even thofe writers who

have revealed, with the moft freedom and pleaſure, the faults of

Conftantine, unanimoufly confefs, that Maxentius was cruel, ra-

pacious, and profligate ". He had the good fortune to fupprefs

a flight rebellion in Africa. The governor and a few adherents

had been guilty ; the province fuffered for their crime. The

flouriſhing cities of Cirtha and Carthage, and the whole extent

of that fertile country, were wafted by fire and fword. The abuſe

of victory was followed by the abuſe of law and juftice. A for-

midable army of fycophants and delators invaded Africa ; the rich

and the noble were eafily convicted of a connexion with the

rebels ; and thoſe among them experienced the emperor's

who
43
clemency, were only puniſhed by the confifcation of their eftates " .

So fignal a victory was celebrated by a magnificent triumph, and

Maxentius expoſed to the eyes of the people the ſpoils and cap-

tives of a Roman province. The ftate of the capital was no leſs

deferving of compaffion than that of Africa. The wealth of Rome

ſupplied an inexhauftible fund for his vain and prodigal expences,

and the minifters of his revenue were fkilled in the arts of rapine.

It was under his reign that the method of exacting a free gift

from the ſenators was firft invented ; and as the fum was infenfibly

increaſed, the pretences of levying it, a victory, a birth, a marriage, or

an Imperial confulfhip, were proportionably multiplied **. Maxentius

42 Julian excludes Maxentius from the ban-
quet ofthe Cæfars with abhorrence and con-
tempt ; and Zofimus ( 1. ii . p. 85. ) accufes
him of every kind of cruelty and profligacy.
43 Zofimus, l . ii . p . 83-85 . Aurelius
Victor.
352
44 The paffage of Aurelius Victor ſhould
be read in the following manner. Primus
inftituto peffimo, munerum fpecie, Patres Ora-
torefque pecuniam conferre prodigenti fibi co-
geret.
had
500 THE DECLINE AND FALL

CHA
XIV . P. had imbibed the fame implacable averfion to the fenate, which had
characterized moſt of the former tyrants of Rome : nor was it poffible

for his ungrateful temper to forgive the generous fidelity which

had raiſed him to the throne, and fupported him againſt all his
enemies. The lives of the fenators were expofed to his jealous.

fufpicions, the diſhonour of their wives and daughters heightened

the gratification of his fenfual paffions ". It may be prefumed ,.

that an Imperial lover was feldom reduced to figh in vain ; but

whenever perfuafion proved ineffectual, he had recourfe to violence ;

and there remains one memorable example of a noble matron ,

who preſerved her chaſtity by a voluntary death. The foldiers

were the only order of men whom he appeared to refpect, or

ftudied to pleaſe. He filled Rome and Italy with armed troops ,.
connived at their tumults, fuffered them with impunity to plunder,

and even to maffacre, the defenceless people " ; and indulging

them in the fame licentioufnefs which their emperor enjoyed ,:

Maxentius often beſtowed on his military favourites the ſplendid .

villa, or the beautiful wife, of a fenator. · A prince of fuch a

character, alike incapable of governing either in peace or in war,

might purchaſe the fupport, but he could never obtain the eſteem ,
of the army. Yet his pride was equal to his other vices.. Whilft

he paffed his indolent life, either within the walls of his palace,

or in the neighbouring gardens of Salluft, he was repeatedly heard

to declare, that be alone was emperor, and that the other princes
were no more than his lieutenants, on whom he had devolved the

defence of the frontier provinces, that he might enjoy without inter-

45 Panegyr. Vet. ix. 3. Eufeb. Hift . Ec-
clef. viii. 14. et in Vit. Conftant . i . 33 , 34 .
Rufinus, c. 17. The virtuous matron , who
ſtabbed herſelf to eſcape the violence of Max-
entius, was a Chriſtian , wife to the præfect of
the city, and her name was Sophronia. It
ill remains a queftion among the cafuifts,
whether, onfuch occafions,fuicide is juſtifiable.
46 Prætorianis cædem vulgi quondam an-
nueret, is the vague expreffion of Aurelius
Victor. See more particular, though ſome-
what different, accounts ofa tumult and maf-
facre, which happened at Rome, in Eufebi-
us (1. viii. c. 14. ) and in Zofimus (l . ii . p . 84.) .
ruption
 OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE.
501

ruption the elegant luxury of the capital. Rome, which had fo CHA P.
XIV.
long regretted the abfence, lamented , during the fix years of his reign ,
47
the prefence of her ſovereign “ .

Though Conftantine might view the conduct of Maxentius with Civil war
between
- abhorrence, and the ſituation of the Romans with compaffion , we have Conftantine
and Maxen-
no reaſon to preſume that he would have taken up arms to punith tius.
A. D. 312 .
the one, or to relieve the other. But the tyrant of Italy rafhly

ventured to provoke a formidable enemy, whofe ambition had been

hitherto reftrained by confiderations of prudence, rather than by

principles of juftice " . After the death of Maximian , his titles ,

according to the eſtabliſhed cuftom , had been erafed , and his ftatues

thrown down with ignominy. His fon, who had perfecuted and

deferted him when alive, affected to difplay the moft pious re-
gard for his memory , and gave orders that a fimilar treatment ſhould

be immediately inflicted on all the ftatues that had been erected in

Italy and Africa to the honour of Conftantine. That wife prince ,

who fincerely wished to decline a war, with the difficulty and im-

portance of which he was fufficiently acquainted , at firſt diſ-

fembled the infult, and fought for redrefs by the milder ex-
pedients of negotiation , till he was convinced, that the hoftile and

ambitious deſigns of the Italian emperor made it neceffary for him

to arm in his own defence. Maxentius, who openly avowed his

pretenſions to the whole monarchy of the Weſt, had already pre-

pared a very confiderable force to invade the Gallic provinces on the

fide of Rhætia ; and though he could not expect any affiftance from

Licinius, he was flattered with the hope that the legions of Illyri-

47 See in the Panegyrics ( ix. 14. ) , a lively
description of the indolence and vain pride of
Maxentius . In another place, the orator
obferves, that the riches which Rome had ac-
cumulated in a period of 1060 years, were la-
vished by the tyrant on his mercenary bands ;
redemptis ad civile latrocinium manibus in-
gefferat.
4 After the victory of Conftantine, it
was univerfally allowed, that the motive of
delivering the republic from a detested
tyrant, would, at any time, have juftified
his expedition into Italy. Eufeb. in Vit.
Conftantin . 1. i. c . 26. Panegyr. Vet..
ix. 2 .
cum,.
 502 THE DECLINE AND FALL

CHAP. prefents and promiſes, would defert the

cum, allured by his
XIV .
ſtandard of that prince, and unanimoufly declare themſelves his

foldiers and ſubjects " . Conftantine no longer heſitated. He had

deliberated with caution , he acted with vigour. He gave a pri-

vate audience to the ambaffadors , who, in the name of the fenate

and people, conjured him to deliver Rome from a detefted tyrant ;

and, without regarding the timid remonftrances of his council , he

refolved to prevent the enemy, and to carry the war into the

heart of Italy 5°.

Preparations. The enterpriſe was as full of danger as of glory ; and the un-

fucceſsful event of two former invafions was fufficient to infpire

the moſt ſerious apprehenfions. The veteran troops who revered

the name of Maximian, had embraced in both thoſe wars the party

of his fon, and were now reftrained by a ſenſe of honour, as well as

of intereft, from entertaining an idea of a fecond defertion. Max-

entius, who confidered the Prætorian guards as the firmeft defence

of his throne, had increaſed them to their ancient eſtabliſhment ;

and they compoſed, including the reft of the Italians who were in-

lifted into his fervice, a formidable body of fourfcore thouſand men.

Forty thouſand Moors and Carthaginians had been raiſed ſince the
reduction of Africa. Even Sicily furnished its proportion of troops ;

and the armies of Maxentius amounted to one hundred and

feventy thousand foot, and eighteen thousand horfe. The wealth

of Italy fupplied the expences of the war ; and the adjacent pro-

vinces were exhauſted, to form immenfe magazines of corn and

every other kind of provifions. The whole force of Conftantine

49 Zofimus, 1. ii . p . 84 , 85. Nazarius in mans is mentioned only by Zonaras (1. xiii . )

Panegyr. x. 7-13 .
50 See Panegyr . Vet. ix . 2. Omnibus fere
tuis Comitibus et Ducibus non folum tacite
!
muffantibus, fed etiam aperte timentibus ;
contra confilia hominum , contra Harufpicum
monita, ipfe per temet liberandæ urbis tem-
pus veniffe fentires. The embaffy of the Ro-
and by Cedrenus (inCompend. Hift. p. 270. ) :
but thofe modern Greeks had the opportunity
of confulting many writers which have fince
been loft, among which we may reckon the
life of Conftantine by Praxagoras. Photius
(p . 63. ) has made a ſhort extract from that
hiftorical work.
confifted
 OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 503

51
confifted of ninety thouſand foot and eight thouſand horſe ; and CHA P..
XIV .
as the defence of the Rhine required an extraordinary attention

during the abſence of the emperor, it was not in his power to

employ above half his troops in the Italian expedition , unleſs he

52
facrificed the public fafety to his private quarrel ". At the head of
about forty thouſand foldiers, he marched to encounter an enemy
whoſe numbers were at leaft four times fuperior to his own. But

the armies of Rome, placed at a fecure diftance from danger, were

enervated by indulgence and luxury. Habituated to the baths and

theatres of Rome, they took the field with reluctance, and were

chiefly compofed of veterans who had almoft forgotten , or of new

levies, who had never acquired, the ufe of arms and the practice
of war. The hardy legions of Gaul had long defended the fron-

tiers of the empire againſt the barbarians of the North ; and in the

performance of that laborious fervice, their valour was exerciſed

and their diſcipline confirmed. There appeared the fame difference

between the leaders as between the armies. Caprice or flattery had

tempted Maxentius with the hopes of conqueft ; but theſe aſpiring

hopes foon gave way to the habits of pleaſure and the conſciouſneſs

of his inexperience. The intrepid mind of Conftantine had been

trained from his earlieft youth to war, to action, and to military com-
mand.

When Hannibal marched from Gaul into Italy, he was obliged, Conftantine:
paffes the
firſt, to diſcover, and then to open, a way over mountains and Alps.

through favage nations, that had never yielded a paffage to a regular

si Zofimus (1. ii. p. 86. ) has given us this
curious account of the forces on both fides.
He makes no mention of any naval arma-
ments , though we are affured (Panegyr.
Vet. ix. 25. ) that the war was carried on by
fea as well as by land ; and that the fleet of
Conftantine took poffeffion of Sardinia, Cor-
fica, and the ports ofItaly.
5 Panegyr. Vet. ix. 3. It is not fur-
prifing that the orator ſhould diminiſh the
numbers with which his fovereign atchiev-
ed the conqueft of Italy ; but it appears
fomewhat fingular, that he should eſteem
the tyrant's army at no more than 100,000
men..

army.

:
 THE DECLINE AND FALL
594

CHA
XIV. P. army " . The Alps were then guarded by nature, they are now forti-
fied by art. Citadels conftructed with no lefs fkill than labour and

expence, command every avenue into the plain , and on that fide

render Italy almoft inacceffible to the enemies of the king of Sar-

54
dinia +. But in the courſe of the intermediate period , the generals ,

who have attempted the paffage, have feldom experienced any dif-

ficulty or refiftance. In the age of Conftantine, the peaſants of

the mountains were civilized and obedient fubjects ; the country

was plentifully stocked with provifions, and the ftupendous high-

ways which the Romans had carried over the Alps, opened feveral
communications between Gaul and Italy ". Conftantine preferred

the road of the Cottian Alps, or, as it is now called, of Mount

Cenis, and led his troops with fuch alive diligence, that he de-

fcended into the plain of Piedmont before the court of Maxentius

had received any certain intelligence of his departure from the

banks ofthe Rhine. The city of Sufa , however, which is fituated

at the foot of Mount Cenis, was furrounded with walls, and pro-

vided with a garrifon fufficiently numerous to check the progrefs of

an invader ; but the impatience of Conftantine's troops difdained

the tedious forms of a ficge. The fame day that they appeared be-

fore Sufa, they applied fire to the gates, and ladders to the walls ;
and mounting to the affault amidft a fhower of ftones and arrows,

they entered the place fword in hand, and cut in pieces the greateſt

part of the garrifon. The flames were extinguished by the care of

53 The three principal paffages of the Alps
between Gaul and Italy, are thofe of Mount
St. Bernard, Mount Cenis, and Mount Ge-
nevre . Tradition , and a refemblance of names
( Alpes Pennina) , had affigned the firſt of theſe
for the march of Hannibal ( fee Simler de
Alpibus) . The Chevalier de Folard (Po-
lybe, tom . iv.) and M. d'Anville have led him
over Mount Genevre . But notwithstanding
the authority of an experienced officer and a
learned geographer , the pretenfions of Mount
Cenis are fupported in a fpecious, not to fay
a convincing, manner by M. Grofley, Ob-
fervations fur l'Italie, tom. i . p. 40 , & c.
5+ La Brunette near Sufe , Demont, Exiles,
Fenestrelles , Coni , & c .
55 See Ammian. Marcellin. xv . 10. His
defcription of the roads over the Alps, is
clear, lively, and accurate.

Conftantine,
 OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE.
505

Conftantine, and the remains of Sufa preſerved from total deftruc- CHAP.
XIV .
tion. About forty miles from thence, a more fevere conteſt awaited
him. A numerous army of Italians was affembled under the lieu- Battle of
Turin.
tenants of Maxentius in the plains of Turin. Its principal ſtrength

confifted in a ſpecies of heavy cavalry, which the Romans, fince

the decline of their diſcipline, had borrowed from the nations of the

Eaft. The horſes, as well as the men, were clothed in complete

armour, the joints of which were artfully adapted to the motions.

of their bodies. The aſpect of this cavalry was formidable, their

weight almoſt irreſiſtible ; and as , on this occafion , their generals

had drawn them up in a compact column or wedge, with a fharp

point, and with ſpreading flanks, they flattered themſelves that they

fhould eaſily break and trample down the army of Conftantine.

They might perhaps have fucceeded in their defign, had not
their experienced adverfary embraced the fame method of defence,

which in fimilar circumftances had been practifed by Aurelian.

The ſkilful evolutions of Conſtantine divided and baffled this maſſy

column of cavalry. The troops of Maxentius fled in confufion to-

wards Turin ; and as the gates of the city were fhut against them,

very few eſcaped the fword of the victorious purfuers. By this

important fervice, Turin deferved to experience the clemency and

even favour of the conqueror. He made his entry into the Imperial

palace of Milan, and almoſt all the cities of Italy between the Alps

and the Po not only acknowledged the power, but embraced with
zeal the party, of Conftantine ".

From Milan to Rome, the Emilian and Flaminian highways offer- Siege and
battle of
ed an eaſy march of about four hundred miles ; but though Conftan- Verona.

tine was impatient to encounter the tyrant, he prudently directed

36 Zofimus as well as Eufebius haften from negyrics, for the intermediate actions of Con-
the paffage of the Alps , to the decifive action ftantine.
near Rome. We must apply to the two Pa-
VOL. I. 3 T his
506 THE DECLINE AND FALL

CHAP.
XIV . his operations againſt another army of Italians, who, by their

ftrength and poſition, might either oppoſe his progreſs , or, in caſe
of a misfortune, might intercept his retreat. Ruricius Pompeianus ,

a general diſtinguiſhed by his valour and ability, had under his

command the city of Verona, and all the troops that were ſtationed

in the province of Venetia. As foon as he was informed that Con-

ftantine was advancing towards him , he detached a large body of

cavalry, which was defeated in an engagement near Breſcia, and

purfued by the Gallic legions as far as the gates of Verona. The

neceflity, the importance, and the difficulties of the ſiege of Verona,

immediately preſented themſelves to the fagacious mind of Con-

ftantine ". The city was acceffible only by a narrow peninſula to-

wards the weft, as the other three fides were furrounded by the

Adige, a rapid river which covered the province of Venetia, from

whence the befieged derived an inexhauftible fupply of men and

provifions. It was not without great difficulty, and after ſeveral

fruitless attempts , that Conftantine found means to paſs the river

at fome diftance above the city, and in a place where the torrent

was lefs violent. He then encompaffed Verona with ftrong lines ,

pushed his attacks with prudent vigour, and repelled a defperate
fally of Pompeianus. That intrepid general, when he had ufed

every means of defence that the ftrength of the place or that of the

garrifon could afford, fecretly efcaped from Verona, anxious not for

his own but for the public fafety. With indefatigable diligence he
foon collected an army fufficient either to meet Conftantine in the

field, or to attack him if he obftinately remained within his lines.

The emperor, attentive to the motions, and informed of the ap-

57 The Marquis Maffei has examined the conftructed by Gallienus, were lefs extenſive
fiege and battle of Verona, with that degree than the modern walls, and the Amphitheatre
of attention and accuracy, which was due to was not included within their circumference .
a memorable action that happened in his na- See Verona Illuftrata , Part i. p. 142. 150.
tive country. The fortifications of that city,

proach,
 OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 507

СНАР.
proach, of fo formidable an enemy, left a part of his legions to XIV .
continue the operations of the fiege , whilft, at the head of thoſe

troops on whofe valour and fidelity he more particularly depended ,

he advanced in perſon to engage the general of Maxentius. The

army of Gaul was drawn up in two lines, according to the uſual

practice of war ; but their experienced leader, perceiving that the

numbers of the Italians far exceeded his own, fuddenly changed

his diſpoſition , and reducing the fecond, extended the front of his

firſt, line to a juft proportion with that of the enemy. Such evo-
lutions, which only veteran troops can execute without confufion

in a moment of danger, commonly prove decifive : but as this en-

gagement began towards the cloſe of the day, and was contefted

with great obftinacy during the whole night, there was lefs room
for the conduct of the generals than for the courage of the fol-

diers. The return of light difplayed the victory of Conſtantine,

and a field of carnage covered with many thouſands of the van-

quiſhed Italians. Their general Pompeianus was found among the

flain ; Verona immediately ſurrendered at difcretion, and the gar-

rifon was made prifoners of war ". When the officers of the vic-

torious army congratulated their maſter on this important fuccefs,

they ventured to add ſome reſpectful complaints, of fuch a nature,

however, as the moft jealous monarchs will liften to without dif-

pleaſure. They reprefented to Conftantine, that, not contented with

performing all the duties of a commander, he had expofed his own

perſon with an exceſs of valour which almoft degenerated into raſh-

nefs ; and they conjured him for the future to pay more regard to

the preſervation of a life, in which the fafety of Rome and of the

empire was involved " .

58 They wanted chains for ſo great a mul- fetters the fwords of the vanquished . Pane-
titude of captives ; and the whole council was gyr. Vet. ix. 11 .
at a lofs ; but the fagacious conqueror ima- 59 Panegyr. Vet. ix. 10.
gined the happy expedient of converting into
3 T 2 While
 INE
508
THE DECL AND FALL

СНАР . While Conſtantine fignalized his conduct and valour in the field ,
XIV .
the fovereign of Italy appeared infenfible of the calamities and
Indolence
and fears of danger of a civil war which raged in the heart of his dominions.
Maxentius .
Pleaſure was ftill the only buſineſs of Maxentius. Concealing, or

at leaſt attempting to conceal, from the public knowledge the mif-

fortunes of his arms " , he indulged himſelf in a vain confidence,

which deferred the remedies of the approaching evil, without

deferring the evil itſelf ". The rapid progreſs of Conſtantine "*

was fcarcely fufficient to awaken him from this fatal fecurity ; he

flattered himſelf, that his well-known liberality, and the majesty

of the Roman name, which had already delivered him from two

invaſions, would diffipate with the fame facility the rebellious army

of Gaul. The officers of experience and ability, who had ferved

under the banners of Maximian, were at length compelled to in-

form his effeminate fon of the imminent danger to which he was.

reduced ; and, with a freedom that at once ſurpriſed and convinced

him , to urge the neceffity of preventing his ruin, by a vigorous ex-

ertion of his remaining power. The refources of Maxentius, both

of men and money, were ftill confiderable. The Prætorian guards

felt how ftrongly their own intereft and fafety were connected with

his caufe ; and a third army was foon collected , more numerous
than thofe which had been loft in the battles of Turin and Verona.

It was far from the intention of the emperor to lead his troops in

perfon . A firanger to the exercifes of war, he trembled at the ap-

prehenfion of fo dangerous a conteft ; and as fear is commonly fuper-

ftitious, he liftened with melancholy attention to the rumours of

omens and prefages which feemed to menace his life and empire.

60 Literas calamitatum fuarum indices fup- tremely probable that Conſtantine was ſtill at
primebat. Panegyr. Vet . ix. 15 . Verona, the ft of September, A. D. 312 ,
61
Remedia malorum potius quam mala and that the memorable æra of the indictions
differebat, is the fine cenfure which Tacitus was dated from his conqueft of the Cifalpine
paffes on the fupine indolence of Vitellius. Gaul.
The Marquis Maffei has made it ex-
Shame
 OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 509

Shame at length ſupplied the place of courage, and forced him to CHA P.
XIV .
take the field. He was unable to fuftain the contempt of the Roman

people. The circus refounded with their indignant clamours, and

they tumultuouſly befieged the gates of the palace, reproaching the

pufillanimity of their indolent fovereign , and celebrating the heroic

fpirit of Conftantine " . Before Maxentius left Rome, he confulted

the Sibylline books. The guardians of theſe ancient oracles were as

well verfed in the arts of this world, as they were ignorant of the

ſecrets of fate ; and they returned him a very prudent anſwer,

which might adapt itſelf to the event, and fecure their reputation
64
whatever ſhould be the chance of arms .

The celerity of Conftantine's march has been compared to the Victory of

Conftantine
rapid conqueft of Italy by the firſt of the Cæfars ; nor is the flatter- near Rome.
A. D. 312 .
ing parallel repugnant to the truth of hiſtory, fince no more than 28th Oa.
fifty- eight days elapfed between the furrender of Verona and the
final decifion of the war. Conftantine had always apprehended that

the tyrant would confult the dictates of fear, and perhaps of pru-

dence ; and that, inftead of rifking his laft hopes in a general en-

gagement, he would fhut himfelf up within the walls of Rome..

His ample magazines fecured him againſt the danger of famine ;

and as the fituation of Conftantine admitted not of delay, he might

have been reduced to the fad neceffity of deftroying with fire and

fword the Imperial city, the nobleft reward of his victory, and the de-
liverance of which had been the motive, or rather indeed the pretence ,

of the civil war . It was with equal furprife and pleaſure, that on his.
66
arrival at a place called Saxa Rubra, about nine miles from Rome'
he

63 See Panegyr. Vet. xi. 16. Lactantius

of corn , which Maxentius had collected from
de M. P. c. 44 .
Africa and the Iflands . And yet, if there is
64 Illo die hoftem Romanorum effe peritu- any truth in the ſcarcity mentioned by Eufe-
rum . The vanquished prince became of
bius (in Vit. Conftantin. 1. i . c. 36. ) , the Im--
courfe the enemy of Rome .
perial granaries must have been open only to
5 See Panegyr. Vet . ix . 16. x. 27. The the foldiers .
former of thefe orators magnifies the hoards 66 Maxentius · • • tandem urbe in Saxa
Rubra,
510 THE DECLINE AND FALL

CHAP. he diſcovered the army of Maxentius prepared to give him battle " .
XIV .
Their long front filled a very ſpacious plain, and their deep array

reached to the banks of the Tyber, which covered their rear, and
forbade their retreat. We are informed, and we may believe, that

Conſtantine difpofed his troops with confummate ſkill, and that he

choſe for himſelf the poſt of honour and danger. Diſtinguiſhed

by the ſplendour of his arms, he charged in perfon the cavalry of

his rival ; and his irrefiftible attack determined the fortune of the

day. The cavalry of Maxentius was principally compofed either

of unwieldy cuiraffiers, or of light Moors and Numidians. They

yielded to the vigour of the Gallic horſe, which poffeffed more acti-
vity than the one, more firmnefs than the other. The defeat of

the two wings left the infantry without any protection on its

flanks , and the undiſciplined Italians fled without reluctance from

the ſtandard of a tyrant whom they had always hated , and whom
they no longer feared . The Prætorians, confcious that their of-

fences were beyond the reach of mercy, were animated by revenge

and deſpair. Notwithſtanding their repeated efforts , thoſe brave ve-

terans were unable to recover the victory : they obtained, however,

an honourable death ; and it was obferved, that their bodies covered

the fame ground which had been occupied by their ranks " . The con-

fufion then became general, and the difmayed troops of Maxentius,

purſued by an implacable enemy, rufhed by thouſands into the deep

and rapid ſtream of the Tyber. The emperor himſelf attempted to

eſcape back into the city over the Milvian bridge, but the crowds which

preffed together through that narrow paffage, forced him into the

Rubra, millia ferme novem ægerrime pro-
greffus. Aurelius Victor. See Cellarius Geo-
graph. Antiq . tom . i . p. 43. Saxa Rubra
was in the neighbourhood of the Cremera, a
trifling rivulet, illuftrated by the valour and
glorious death of the three hundred Fabii.
67 The poft which Maxentius had taken,
with the Tyber in his rear, is very clearly
defcribed by the two Panegyrists, ix. 16.
x . 28 .
68 Exceptis latrocinii illius primis aucto-
ribus, qui defperatâ veniâ, locum quem pug-
næ fumpferant texere corporibus . Panegyr.
Vet. ix. 17 .
river,
 OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 511

river, where he was immediately drowned by the weight of his CHAP.

XIV .
armour " . His body, which had funk very deep into the mud,

was found with fome difficulty the next day. The fight of his head,

when it was expofed to the eyes of the people, convinced them of

their deliverance, and admonished them to receive, with acclama-

tions of loyalty and gratitude, the fortunate Conftantine , who thus

atchieved by his valour and ability the moſt ſplendid enterpriſe of

his life ".

In the uſe of victory, Conſtantine neither deferved the praiſe of His recep-
tion,
clemency, nor incurred the cenfure of immoderate rigour ". He in-
flicted the fame treatment, to which a defeat would have expoſed his

own perſon and family, put to death the two fons of the tyrant, and

carefully extirpated his whole race. The most diftinguiſhed adhe-

rents of Maxentius muſt have expected to fhare his fate, as they

had ſhared his profperity and his crimes ; but when the Roman

people loudly demanded a greater number of victims , the conqueror

reſiſted, with firmneſs and humanity, thoſe fervile clamours which
were dictated by flattery as well as by refentment. Informers were
puniſhed and difcouraged ; the innocent, who had fuffered under

the late tyranny, were recalled from exile, and reftored to their

❝ A very idle rumour foon prevailed, that
Maxentius, who had not taken any precaution
for his own retreat , had contrived a very art-
ful fnare to deftroy the army of the purfuers ;
but that the wooden bridge which was to have
been loosened on the approach of Conftantine,
unluckily broke down under the weight of
the flying Italians . M. de Tillemont ( Hift.
des Empereurs , tom . iv. part i. p. 576. ) very
feriously examines whether, in contradiction
to common fenfe, the teftimony of Eufebius
and Zofimus ought to prevail over the filence
of Lactantius, Nazarius, and the anonymous ,
but contemporary orator, who compofed the
ninth panegyric .
70 Zofimus, 1. ii . p. 86-88 , and the two
Panegyrics, the former of which was pro-
nounced a few months afterwards , afford the
cleareſt notion of this great battle . Lactan-
tius, Eufebius , and even the Epitomes, fup-
ply ſeveral uſeful hints.
71 Zofimus, the enemy of Conftantine, al-
lows ( 1. ii . p . 88. ) , that only a few of the
friends of Maxentius were put to death ; but
we may remark the expreffive paffage of Na-
zarius ( Panegyr. Vet. x. 6. ) , Omnibus qui
labefactari ftatum ejus poterant cum ftirpe de-
letis. The other orator ( Panegyr. Vet. ix .
20, 21. ) contents himfelf with obferving,
that Conftantine, when he entered Rome, did
not imitate the cruel maflacres of Cinna, of
Marius, or of Sylla.
eftates.
512 THE DECLINE AND FALL

CHAP.
XIV. eftates . A general act of oblivion quieted the minds and fettled
the property of the people, both in Italy and in Africa ". The

firſt time that Conftantine honoured the fenate with his prefence,

he recapitulated his own fervices and exploits in a modeft oration,

affured that illuftrious order of his fincere regard, and promiſed

to re-eſtabliſh its ancient dignity and privileges. The grateful

fenate repaid theſe unmeaning profeffions by the empty titles of

honour, which it was yet in their power to beſtow ; and without

prefuming to ratify the authority of Conftantine, they paffed a

decree to affign him the firſt rank among the three Augufti who

governed the Roman world ". Games and feſtivals were inflituted

to preſerve the fame of his victory, and ſeveral edifices raiſed

at the expence of Maxentius, were dedicated to the honour of

his fuccefsful rival. The triumphal arch of Conftantine ftill re-

mains a melancholy proof of the decline of the arts, and a fingular

teftimony of the meaneft vanity. As it was not poffible to find in the

capital of the empire, a fculptor who was capable of adorning that

public monument ; the arch of Trajan, without any reſpect either

for his memory or for the rules of propriety, was ſtripped of its
moſt elegant figures. The difference of times and perfons, of

actions and characters, was totally difregarded. The Parthian

captives appear proftrate at the feet of a prince who never carried his

arms beyond the Euphrates ; and curious antiquarians can ftill

diſcover the head of Trajan on the trophies of Conftantine . The

new ornaments which it was neceffary to introduce between the va-

cancies of ancient fculpture, are executed in the rudeſt and moſt un-
fkilful manner ".

72 See the two Panegyrics, and the laws of 74 Adhuc cuncta opera quæ magnifice con-
this and the enfuing year, in the Theodofian ftruxerat, urbis fanum, atque bafilicam, Fla-
Code. vii meritis patres facravere. Aurelius Victor.
73 Panegyr. Vet. ix. 20. Lactantius de With regard to the theft of Trajan's trophies,
M. P. c. 44. Maximin, who was confeffed- confult Flaminius Vacca, apud Montfaucon,
ly the eldeſt Cæfar , claimed, with fome fhew Diarium Italicum, p. 250, and l'Antiquité
of reafon, the firft rank among the Augufti. Expliquée of the latter, tom. iv. p. 171.
The
3
 OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 513

The final abolition of the Prætorian guards was a meaſure of CHAP.

XIV .
prudence as well as of revenge. Thoſe haughty troops, whoſe
and conduct
numbers and privileges had been reſtored, and even augmented, by at Rome.

Maxentius, were for ever fuppreffed by Conftantine. Their fortified

camp was deſtroyed, and the few Prætorians who had eſcaped the

fury of the fword, were diſperſed among the legions, and baniſhed

to the frontiers of the empire, where they might be ſerviceable

without again becoming dangerous ". By fuppreffing the troops

which were uſually ſtationed in Rome, Conftantine gave the fatal

blow to the dignity of the fenate and people, and the diſarmed

capital was expoſed without protection to the infults or neglect of

its diftant maſter. We may obferve, that in this laſt effort to

preſerve their expiring freedom, the Romans, from the appre-

henfion of a tribute, had raiſed Maxentius to the throne. He ex-

acted that tribute from the fenate under the name of a free gift.

They implored the affiftance of Conftantine. He vanquished the

tyrant, and converted the free gift into a perpetual tax. The

fenators, according to the declaration which was required of their

property, were divided into ſeveral claffes. The moſt opulent paid

annually eight pounds of gold, the next clafs paid four, the laſt

two, and thoſe whoſe poverty might have claimed an exemption,

were affeffed however at ſeven pieces of gold. Befides the regular

members of the fenate, their fons, their defcendants, and even their

relations, enjoyed the vain privileges, and ſupported the heavy

burdens, of the fenatorial order ; nor will it any longer excite

our furpriſe, that Conftantine fhould be attentive to increaſe the

number of perfons who were included under ſo uſeful a deſcrip-

75 Prætoriæ legiones ac fubfidia factionibus mentions this fact as an hiftorian ; and it is

aptiora quam urbi Romæ, fublata penitus ; very pompously celebrated in the ninth Pane-
fimul arma atque ufus indumenti militaris. gyric.
Aurelius Victor. Zofimus (1. ii. p. 89.)

VOL. I. 3 U tion.
514 THE DECLINE AND FALL

CHAP. tion ". After the defeat of Maxentius, the victorious emperor
XIV .
paffed no more than two or three months in Rome, which he
vifited twice during the remainder of his life, to celebrate the folemn

feftivals of the tenth and of the twentieth years of his reign.

Conftantine was almoft perpetually in motion to exercife the legions,

or to infpect the ftate of the provinces. Treves, Milan , Aquileia ,

Sirmium, Naiffus, and Theffalonica, were the occafional places of
his refidence, till he founded a NEW ROME on the confines of
Europe and Afia ".

His alliance Before Conftantine marched into Italy, he had fecured the friend-
with Lici-
nius. fhip, or at leaft the neutrality, of Licinius, the Illyrian emperor.
A. D. 313.
March. He had promiſed his fifter Conftantia in marriage to that prince ;

but the celebration of the nuptials was deferred till after the con-
clufion of the war, and the interview of the two emperors at

Milan, which was appointed for that purpoſe, appeared to cement

the union of their families and interefts ". In the midſt of the public
feſtivity they were fuddenly obliged to take leave of each other. An

inroad of the Franks fummoned Conftantine to the Rhine, and the

hoftile approach of the fovereign of Afia demanded the immediate

War between prefence of Licinius. Maximin had been the fecret ally of Maxentius ,
Maximin and
Licinius. and without being difcouraged by his fate, he refolved to try the
A. D. 313-
fortune of a civil war. He moved out of Syria towards the frontiers

75 Ex omnibus provinciis optimates viros
Curiæ tuæ pigneraveris ; ut Senatûs dignitas
ex totius Orbis flore confifteret. Na-
zarius in Panegyr: Vet. x. 35. The word
pigneraveris might almoft feem maliciously
chofen. Concerning the fenatorial tax, fee
Zofimus, 1. ii. p. 115. the fecond title of the
fixth book of the Theodofian, Code, with
Godefroy's Commentary, and Memoires de
P'Academie des Infcriptions, tom. xxviii. p.
726.
77 From the Theodofian Code, we may now
begin to trace the motions of the emperors ;
but the dates both of time and place have
frequently been altered by the carelefineſs of
tranfcribers.
78 Zofimus (1. ii . p. 89. ) obferves, that
before the war , the fifter of Conftantine had
been betrothed to Licinius. According to
the younger Victor, Diocletian was invited to
the nuptials ; but having ventured to plead
his age and infirmities, he received a fecond
letter filled with reproaches for his fuppofed
partiality to the cauſe of Maxentius and Max-
imin.
of
 OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 515

of Bythynia in the depth of winter. The feafon was fevere and CHAP.
XIV.
tempeftuous ; great numbers of men as well as horfes perifhed

in the fnow ; and as the roads were broken up by inceffant rains,

he was obliged to leave behind him a confiderable part of the

heavy baggage, which was unable to follow the rapidity of his forced

marches. By this extraordinary effort of diligence, he arrived ,

with a haraffed but formidable army, on the banks of the Thracian

Bofphorus, before the lieutenants of Licinius were apprifed of his

hoſtile intentions. Byzantium furrendered to the power of Max-

imin, after a ſiege of eleven days. He was detained fome days

under the walls of Heraclea ; and he had no fooner taken poffeffion

of that city, than he was alarmed by the intelligence, that Licinius

had pitched his camp at the diſtance of only eighteen miles. After The defeat,
April 30,
a fruitlefs negociation , in which the two princes attempted to

feduce the fidelity of each other's adherents, they had recourfe

to arms. The emperor of the Eaft commanded a difciplined and

veteran army of above ſeventy thouſand men, and Licinius, who

had collected about thirty thouſand Illyrians, was at firſt oppreffed

by the ſuperiority of numbers. His military fkill, and the firmness

of his troops, reftored the day, and obtained a decifive victory. The
incredible ſpeed which Maximin exerted in his flight, is much more

celebrated than his prowess in the battle. Twenty- four hours after-

wards he was ſeen pale, trembling, and without his Imperial orna-

ments, at Nicomedia, one hundred and fixty miles from the place of

his defeat. The wealth of Afia was yet unexhauſted ; and though the

flower of his veterans had fallen in the late action, he had ftill power,

if he could obtain time, to draw very numerous levies from Syria and

Egypt. But he furvived his misfortune only three or four months. and death of
the former.
His death, which happened at Tarfus, was variouſly aſcribed to deſpair, Auguft.

to poiſon, and to the divine juftice. As Maximin was alike deſtitute

of abilities and of virtue, he was lamented neither by the people nor

by the foldiers. The provinces of the Eaft, delivered from the

3 U 2 terrors
 E
516 THE DECLIN AND FALE

CHAP.
XIV . terrors of civil war, cheerfully acknowledged the authority of Li-
cinius ".
Cruelty of
The vanquished emperor left behind him two children, a boy of
Licinius.
about eight, and a girl of about feven, years old. Their inoffenfive

age might have excited compaffion ; but the compaffion of Licinius

was a very feeble reſource, nor did it reſtrain him from extinguiſhing
,

the name and memory of his adverfary. The death of Severianus.

will admit of lefs excufe, as it was dictated neither by revenge

nor by policy. The conqueror had never received any injury from

the father of that unhappy youth, and the ſhort and obfcure reign.

of Severus in a diſtant part of the empire was already forgotten..

But the execution of Candidianus was an act of the blackeft cruelty

and ingratitude. He was the natural fon of Galerius, the friend

and benefactor of Licinius. The prudent father had judged him too
young to fuftain the weight of a diadem ; but he hoped that under

the protection of princes, who were indebted to his favour for the Im-

perial purple, Candidianus might pafs a fecure and honourablelife .

He was now advancing towards the twentieth year of his age, and

the royalty of his birth, though unſupported either by merit or am-

80
bition, was fufficient to exaſperate the jealous mind of Licinius
To theſe innocent and illuftrious victims of his tyranny, we muſt

add the wife and daughter of the emperor Diocletian. When that .

prince conferred on Galerius the title of Cæfar, he had given him in.

marriage his daughter Valeria, whofe melancholy adventures might

Unfortunate furniſh a very fingular fubject for tragedy. She had fulfilled and even
fate of the
emprefs Va- furpaffed the duties of a wife. As fhe had not any children her-
leria and her
mother. felf, the condefcended to adopt the illegitimate fon of her huſband,.

and invariably difplayed towards the unhappy Candidianus the

79 Zofimus mentions the defeat and death was one of the protectors of the church.
of Maximin as ordinary events : but Lactan- 80 Lactantius de M. P. c. 50. Aurelius .
tius expatiates on them (de M. P. c. 45-50. ), Victor touches on the different conduct ofLi-
afcribing them to the miraculous interpo- cinius, and of Conftantine, in the ufe of
fition of Heaven . Licinius at that time victory.
tenderneſs :
 OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE.
517

tenderneſs and anxiety of a real mother. After the death of Ga- CHAP.
XIV .
lerius, her ample poffeffions provoked the avarice, and her perfonal
attractions excited the defires, of his fucceffor Maximin ". He

had a wife ftill alive, but divorce was permitted by the Roman law,

and the fierce paffions of the tyrant demanded an immediate gra-

tification. The anſwer of Valeria was fuch as became the daughter

and widow of emperors ; but it was tempered by the prudence

which her defenceleſs condition compelled her to obferve. She re-

preſented to the perfons whom Maximin had employed on this

occafion , that even if honour could permit a woman of her

" character and dignity to entertain a thought of fecond nuptials,

" decency at leaſt muſt forbid her to liften to his addreffes at a

" time when the afhes of her huſband and his benefactor were

" ſtill warm ; and while the forrows of her mind were ftill expreffed

" by her mourning garments. She ventured to declare , that ſhe

" could place very little confidence in the profeffions of a man,

" whofe cruel inconftancy was capable of repudiating a faithful

" and affectionate wife "." On this repulfe, the love of Maximin

was converted into fury, and as witneffes and judges were always

at his diſpoſal, it was eafy for him to cover his fury with an
appearance of legal proceedings, and to affault the reputation as

well as the happineſs of Valeria. Her eftates were confifcated , her

eunuchs and domeftics devoted to the moſt inhuman tortures, and

feveral innocent and reſpectable matrons, who were honoured with

her friendſhip, fuffered death, on a falfe accufation of adultery.

The empress herſelf, together with her mother Prifca, was con-

" The fenfual appetites of Maximin were and the obftinate fair one was condemned ' to
gratified at the expence of his fubjects . His be drowned . A cuftom was gradually intro-
eunuchs , who forced away wives and virgins , duced, that no perfon fhould marry a wife
examined their naked charms with anxious without the permiffion of the emperor, 6 ut
curiofity, left any part of their body ſhould be ipfe in omnibus nuptiis præguftator effer.”
found unworthy of the royal embraces. Coy- Lactantius de M. P. c. 38.
nefs and disdain were confidered as treafon,, 82 Lactantius de M. P. c. 39.
demned
 E
LIN AND FAL
L
$ 18. THE DEC

CHAP. demned to exile ; and as they were ignominioufly hurried from

XIV .
place to place before they were confined to a fequeſtered village in
H
the deferts of Syria, they expoſed their ſhame and diſtreſs to the

provinces of the Eaft, which, during thirty years, had refpected their
auguft dignity. Diocletian made feveral ineffectual efforts to alle-

viate the misfortunes of his daughter ; and, as the laſt return that

he expected for the Imperial purple, which he had conferred upon

Maximin, he entreated that Valeria might be permitted to ſhare his

retirement of Salona, and to cloſe the eyes of her afflicted father ".
He entreated, but as he could no longer threaten, his prayers were

received with coldness and difdain ; and the pride of Maximin was

gratified, in treating Diocletian as a fuppliant, and his daughter as a

criminal. The death of Maximin feemed to affure the empreffes of

a favourable alteration in their fortune. The public diſorders relaxed

the vigilance of their guard, and they eaſily found means to eſcape

from the place of their exile, and to repair, though with fome
precaution, and in difguife, to the court of Licinius. His be-

haviour, in the first days of his reign, and the honourable re-

ception which he gave to young Candidianus, infpired Valeria

with a ſecret ſatisfaction, both on her own account, and on that of

her adopted fon. But theſe grateful profpects were foon fucceeded

by horrour and aftoniſhment, and the bloody executions which

ſtained the palace of Nicomedia, fufficiently convinced her, that the

throne of Maximin was filled by a tyrant more inhuman than

himfelf. Valeria confulted her fafety by a hafty flight, and, ftill

accompanied by her mother Prifca, they wandered above fifteen

84
months through the provinces, concealed in the difguiſe of

plebeian

83 Diocletian at laſt fent cognatum fuum , + Valeria quoque per varias provincias
quendam militarem ac potentem virum , to in- quindecim menfibus plebeio cultû pervagata .
tercede in favour of his daughter (Lactantius Lactantius de M. P. c. 51. There is fome
de M. P. c. 41. ) . We are not fufficiently doubt whether we ſhould compute the fifteen
acquainted with the hiſtory of theſe times, to months from the moment of her exile, or from
point out the perfon who was employed. that of her escape. The expreffion ofperva-
7 gata
 OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE.
519

-СНАР.
plebeian habits. They were at length difcovered at Theffalonica ;
XIV.
and as the fentence of their death was already pronounced, they

were immediately beheaded, and their bodies thrown into the fea.

The people gazed on the melancholy fpectacle ; but their grief and

indignation were fuppreffed by the terrors of a military guard . Such

was the unworthy fate of the wife and daughter of Diocletian. We

lament their misfortunes, we cannot diſcover their crimes, and what-

ever idea we may juftly entertain of the cruelty of Licinius, it remains

a matter of furpriſe, that he was not contented with fome more fecret
and decent method of revenge ".

The Roman world was now divided between Conftantine and Quarrel be-
tween Con-
Licinius, the former of whom was mafter of the Weft, and the ftantine and
Licinius.
latter of the Eaſt. It might perhaps have been expected that the A. D. 314 .

conquerors, fatigued with civil war, and connected by a private as

well as public alliance, would have renounced, . or at leaft would

have fufpended, any farther deſigns of ambition. And yet a year ·

1
had fearcely elapfed after the death of Maximin, before the victo̟-

rious emperors turned their arms against each other. The genius,

the fuccefs, and the afpiring temper, of Conftantine, may feem to

mark him out as the aggreffor ; but the perfidious character of Li-

cinius juftifies the most unfavourable fufpicions, and by the faint

light which hiſtory reflects on this tranfaction " , we may difcover a

-confpiracy fomented by his arts againſt the authority of his col-

league. Conftantine had lately given his fifter Anaftafia in mar-

riage to Baffianus, a man of a confiderable family and fortune, and

gata feems to denote the latter ; but in that
cafe we muſt fuppofe, that the treatiſe of
Lactantius was written after the first civil war
between Licinius and Conftantine. See Cu-
per, p. 254.
*5 Ita illis pudicitia et conditio exitio fuit.
Lactantius de M. P. c. 51. He relates the
misfortunes of the innocent wife and daugh-
ter of Diocletian with a very natural mixture
of pity and exultation .
* The curious reader, who confults the
Valefian Fragment, p. 713 , will perhaps ac-
cufe me of giving a bold and licentious pa-
raphrafe ; but if he confiders it with atten-
tion, he will acknowledge that my interpret
ation is probable and confiftent.
had
520 THE DECLINE AND FALL

CHAP. had elevated his new kinfman to the rank of Cæfar. According to
XIV.
the ſyſtem of government inftituted by Diocletian, Italy, and per-

haps Africa, were defigned for his department in the empire.

But the performance of the promiſed favour was either attended

with fo much delay, or accompanied with fo many unequal con-

ditions, that the fidelity of Baffianus was alienated rather than

fecured by the honourable diftinction which he had obtained . His

nomination had been ratified by the conſent of Licinius, and that

artful prince, by the means of his emiffaries, foon contrived to

enter into a fecret and dangerous correfpondence with the new

Cæfar, to irritate his difcontents, and to urge him to the rafh

enterpriſe of extorting by violence what he might in vain folicit

from the juſtice of Conſtantine. But the vigilant emperor dif-

covered the conſpiracy before it was ripe for execution ; and, after
folemnly renouncing the alliance of Baffianus, defpoiled him of the

purple, and inflicted the deſerved puniſhment on his treafon and

ingratitude. The haughty refuſal of Licinius, when he was required

to deliver up the criminals, who had taken refuge in his dominions,

confirmed the ſuſpicions already entertained of his perfidy ; and the

indignities offered at Emona, on the frontiers of Italy, to the

ſtatues of Conſtantine, became the ſignal of diſcord between the two

princess .

First civil The firſt battle was fought near Cibalis, a city of Pannonia, fi-

war between tuated on the river Save, about fifty miles above Sirmium ". From
them .

*7 The fituation of Æmona, or, as it is now was fituated about fifty miles from Sirmium ,
called, Laybach, in Carniola (d'Anville Geo- the capital of Illyricum, and about one hun-
graphie Ancienne , tom. i . p. 187. ) , may fug- dred from Taurunum, or Belgrade, and the
geft a conjecture. As it lay to the north- eaft conflux of the Danube and the Save. The
of the Julian Alps, that important territory Roman garrifons and cities on thoſe rivers
became a natural object of difpute between are finely illuftrated by M. d'Anville, in a
the fovereigns of Italy and of Illyricum. memoir inferted in l'Academie des Infcrip-
" Cibalis or Cibala (whoſe name is ftill tions, tom. xxviii.
preferved in the obfcure ruins of Swilei)

4 the
 OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE.
521

the inconfiderable forces which in this important conteſt two fuch CHA
XIV . P.
powerful monarchs brought into the field, it may be inferred, that Battle of Ci
the one was fuddenly provoked, and that the other was unexpect- balis.
A. D. 315.
edly furpriſed. The emperor of the Weft had only twenty thou- 8th Oa

fand, and the fovereign of the Eaft no more than five and thirty

thoufand, men. The inferiority of number was, however, com-

penfated by the advantage of the ground. Conftantine had taken

poft in a defile about half a mile in breadth, between a ſteep hill

and a deep morafs, and in that fituation he ſteadily expected and

repulfed the firſt attack of the enemy. He purſued his fuccefs,

and advanced into the plain. But the veteran legions of Illyricum
rallied under the ftandard of a leader who had been trained to arms.

in the ſchool of Probus and Diocletian . The miffile weapons on

both fides were foon exhauſted ; the two armies, with equal valour,

ruſhed to a cloſer engagement of fwords and fpears, and the doubt-

ful conteft had already lafted from the dawn of the day to a late hour

of the evening, when the right wing , which Conſtantine led in

perfon, made a vigorous and decifive charge. The judicious retreat

of Licinius faved the remainder of his troops from a total defeat ;

but when he computed his lofs, which amounted to more than

twenty thousand men , he thought it unfafe to paſs the night in the

prefence of an active and victorious enemy. Abandoning his camp

and magazines, he marched away with fecrecy and diligence at the

head of the greateſt part of his cavalry, and was foon removed be-

yond the danger of a purfuit. His diligence preferved his wife, his

ſon , and his treaſures, which he had depofited at Sirmium. Licinius

paſſed through that city, and breaking down the bridge on the Save,

haftened to collect a new army in Dacia and Thrace. In his flight

he beſtowed the precarious title of Cæfar on Valens, his general of

the Illyrian frontier " .

89 Zofimus (1. ii . p . 90, 91.) gives a very fcriptions of Zofimus are rhetorical rather
particular account of this battle ; but the de- than military .
The
VOL. I. 3 X
522 THE DECLINE AND FALL

CHA P.
XIV . The ' plain of Mardia in Thrace was the theatre of a ſecond

Battle of battle no leſs obftinate and bloody than the former. The troops on
Mardia. both fides diſplayed the fame valour and diſcipline ; and the victory

was once more decided by the fuperior abilities of Conftantine,

who directed a body of five thousand men to gain an advantageous

height, from whence, during the heat of the action , they at-

tacked the rear of the enemy, and made a very confiderable flaugh-
ter. The troops of Licinius, however, preſenting a double front,

ftill maintained their ground, till the approach of night put an end

to the combat, and fecured their retreat towards the mountains of

90
Macedonia 20. The lofs of two battles, and of his braveft veterans ,

reduced the fierce fpirit of Licinius to fue for peace. His ambaf-
fador Miſtrianus was admitted to the audience of Conftantine ; he

expatiated on the common topics of moderation and humanity,

which are fo familiar to the eloquence of the vanquiſhed ; repre-

fented, in the moſt infinuating language, that the event of the

war was ftill doubtful, whilft its inevitable calamities were alike

pernicious to both the contending parties ; and declared , that he

was authoriſed to propofe a lafting and honourable peace in the

name of the two emperors his mafters. Conftantine received the

mention of Valens with indignation and contempt. " It was not

" for fuch a purpoſe," he fternly replied , “ that we have advanced

" from the fhores of the weſtern ocean in an uninterrupted courfe

" of combats and victories, that, after rejecting an ungrateful kinf-

66
man, we ſhould accept for our colleague a contemptible ſlave.
94 99
" The abdication of Valens is the firſt article of the treaty It

90 Zofimus, 1. ii . p . 92 , 93. Anonym . conjecture, that Conftantine, affuming the

Valefian . p. 713. The Epitomes furnish name as well as the duties of a father, had
fome circumſtances ; but they frequently con- adopted his younger brothers and fifters , the
found the two wars between Licinius and children of Theodora. But in the best au-
Conftantine. thors yapos fometimes fignifies a husband,
91 Petrus Fatricius in Excerpt. Legat. p . fometimes a father-in-law, and fometimes a
27. If it should be thought that yugos fig- kinfman in general . See Spanheim Obfer-
nifies more properly a fon-in -law, we might vat. ad Julian . Orat. i. p . 72 .
6 was
 OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 523

was neceſſary to accept this humiliating condition , and the unhappy CHA P.
XIV .
Valens, after a reign of a few days, was deprived of the purple

and of his life. As foon as this obftacle was removed , the tran-

quillity of the Roman world was eaſily reftored. The fucceflive

defeats of Licinius had ruined his forces, but they had difplayed his

courage and abilities. His fituation was almoſt deſperate, but the

efforts of deſpair are fometimes formidable ; and the good fenfe of

Conftantine preferred a great and certain advantage to a third trial of

the chance of arms. He confented to leave his rival, or, as he again Treaty of
peace.
'ftyled Licinius , his friend and brother, in the poffeffion of Thrace, December.

Afia Minor, Syria, and Egypt ; but the provinces of Pannonia, Dal-

matia, Dacia, Macedonia , and Greece, were yielded to the weſtern

empire, and the dominions of Conftantine now extended from the
confines of Caledonia to the extremity of Peloponnefus . It was fti-

pulated by the fame treaty, that three royal youths, the fons of the

emperors, ſhould be called to the hopes of the fucceffion . Crifpus

1
and the young Conftantine were foon afterwards declared Cæfars

in the , Weft, while the younger Licinius was inveſted with the fame 1
dignity in the Eaſt. In this double proportion of honours, the con-
92 ፡
queror afferted the fuperiority of his arms and power " .

The reconciliation of Conftantine and Licinius, though it was General

peace and
embittered by refentment and jealoufy, by the remembrance of re- laws of Con-
ftantine.
cent injuries, and by the apprehenfion of future dangers, main- A. D. 315—

tained, however, above eight years, the tranquillity of the Roman 323 .
world. As a very regular feries of the Imperial laws commences

about this period , it would not be difficult to tranſcribe the civil re-

92 Zofimus, l . ii . p . 93. Anonym. Va-
lefian . p. 713. Eutropius , x . 5. Aurelius
Victor, Eufeb . in Chron . Sozomen, 1. i . c . 2 .
Four of these writers affirm that the promo
tion of the Cæfars was an article of the trea-
ty. It is however certain , that the younger
Conftantine and Licinius were not yet born ;
and it is highly probable that the promotion
was made the 1st of March, A. D. 317 .
The treaty had probably ftipulated that two
Cæfars might be created by the weſtern, and
one only by the eastern emperor ; but each
of them referved to himſelf the choice of the
perfons.

3 X 2 gulations
524 THE DECLINE AND FALL

CHA
XIV . P. gulations which employed the leiſure of Conftantine. But the moſt

important of his inftitutions are intimately connected with the new

fyftem of policy and religion, which was not perfectly eſtabliſhed till

the laft and peaceful years of his reign. There are many of his

laws, which, as far as they concern the rights and property of indi-

viduals, and the practice of the bar, are more properly referred to

the private than to the public jurifprudence of the empire ; and he

publiſhed many edicts of fo local and temporary a nature, that they

would ill deferve the notice of a general hiftory. Two laws, how-

ever, may be ſelected from the crowd ; the one, for its importance,

the other, for its fingularity ; the former for its remarkable bene-

volence, the latter for its exceffive ſeverity. 1. The horrid practice,

fo familiar to the ancients, of expofing or murdering their new-

born infants, was become every day more frequent in the provinces,

and eſpecially in Italy. It was the effect of diftrefs ; and the dif-

treſs was principally occafioned by the intolerable burden of taxes,

and by the vexatious as well as cruel profecutions of the officers of

the revenue againſt their infolent debtors. The lefs opulent or lefs

induſtrious part of mankind, inſtead of rejoicing in an increaſe of

family, deemed it an act of paternal tenderneſs to releaſe their chil-

dren from the impending miſeries of a life which they themfelves

were unable to fupport. The humanity of Conftantine, moved,

perhaps, by fome recent and extraordinary.inftances of defpair, en-

gaged him to addreſs an edict to all the cities of Italy, and after-

wards of Africa, directing immediate and fufficient relief to be given

to thoſe parents who fhould produce, before the magiſtrates, the

children whom their own poverty would not allow them to educate.
But the promiſe was too liberal, and the proviſion too vague, to

effect any general or permanent benefit " . The law, though it

• Codex Theodofian . 1. xi. tit. 27. tom . iv. p . 188. with Godefry's obſervations . See
likewife, 1. v. tit. 7-8.

may
 OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 525

may merit fome praiſe, ſerved rather to diſplay than to alleviate the CHA P.
XIV .
public diftrefs. It ſtill remains an authentic monument to contradict
and confound thofe venal orators, who were too well fatisfied with
their own fituation to diſcover either vice or mifery under the govern-
94
ment of a generous fovereign ". 2. The laws of Conftantine

againſt rapes were dictated with very little indulgence, for the moſt

amiable weakneffes of human nature ; fince the defcription of that

crime was applied not only to the brutal violence which compelled,

but even to the gentle feduction which might perfuade, an un-

married woman, under the age of twenty-five, to leave the houſe
of her parents . " The fucceſsful raviſher was puniſhed with

“ death ; and as if fimple death was inadequate to the enormity

" of his guilt, he was either burnt alive, or torn in pieces by wild

" beaſts in the amphitheatre. The virgin's declaration that ſhe

" had been carried away with her own conſent, inſtead of ſaving

" her lover, expofed her to ſhare his fate. The duty of a public
" profecution was intrufted to the parents of the guilty or unfor-
66
tunate maid ; and if the ſentiments of Nature prevailed on them

" to diffemble the injury, and to repair by a fubfequent marriage the

" honour of their family, they were themſelves puniſhed by exile and
" confifcation. The flaves, whether male or female, who were con-

" victed of having been acceffary to the rape or feduction , were burnt

" alive, or put to death by the ingenious torture of pouring down

" their throats a quantity of melted lead. As the crime was of a

“ public kind , the accufation was permitted even to ſtrangers.

" The commencement of the action was not limited to any term of
66 years, and the conſequences of the ſentence were extended to the
" innocent offspring of fuch an irregular union "." But whenever

94 Omnia foris placita, domi profpera, an-
nonæ ubertate, fru&tuum copiâ, & c . Pane-
gyr. Vet . x . 38. This oration of Nazarius
was pronounced on the day ofthe Quinquen-
nalia ofthe Cæfars, the 1ft of March, A.D. 321 .
95 See the edict of Conftantine , addreſſed to
the Roman people, in the Theodofian Code,
1. ix. tit. 24. tom. iii. p. 189 .
the
 E
325 THE DECLIN AND FALL

CHAP.
XIV . the offence infpires lefs horror than the puniſhment, the rigour of

penal law is obliged to give way to the common feelings of man-

kind. The moft odious parts of this edict were foftened or re-
96
pealed in the fubfequent reigns " ; and even Conftantine himſelf

very frequently alleviated, by partial acts of mercy, the ſtern tem-

per of his general inftitutions. Such, indeed, was the fingular hu-

mour of that emperor, who fhewed himſelf as indulgent, and even

remifs, in the execution of his laws, as he was fevere, and even

cruel, in the enacting of them . It is fcarcely poffible to obferve a

more decifive fympton of weakneſs, either in the character of the
97
prince, or in the conftitution of the government ".
The Gothic
The civil adminiſtration was ſometimes interrupted by the mili-
war.
A. D. 322. tary defence of the empire. Crifpus, a youth of the moſt amiable

character, who had received with the title of Cæfar the command

of the Rhine, diftinguiſhed his conduct, as well as valour, in feveral

victories over the Franks and Alemanni ; and taught the barbarians
of that frontier to dread the eldeſt fon of Conftantine, and the
grandfon of Conftantius " . The emperor himſelf had affumed the

more difficult and important province of the Danube. The Goths,

who in the time of Claudius and Aurelian had felt the weight

of the Roman arms, refpected the power ofthe empire, even in the

midst of its inteftine divifions. But the ftrength of that warlike

nation was now reftored by a peace of near fifty years ; a new

generation had arifen, who no longer remembered the misfortunes

.

of ancient days : the Sarmatians of the lake Maotis followed the

Gothic ftandard either as fubjects or as allies, and their united

9 His fon very fairly affigns the true reafon ( 1. iv . c . 29. 54- ) and the Theodofian Code
"
of the repeal , " Ne fub fpecie atrocioris ju- will inform us, that this exceffive lenity was
dicii aliqua in ulcifcende crimine dilatio naf- not owing to the want either of atrocious cri-
ceretur." Cod. Theod . tom. iii . p . 193 . minals or of penal laws.
97 Eufebius (in Vitâ Conftant, 1. iii . c. 1. ) 98 Nazarius in Panegyr. Vet . x . The vic-
chooses to affirm , that in the reign of his tory of Crifpus over the Alemanni, is ex-
hero, the fword of justice hung idle in the preffed on fome medals.
hands of the magiftrates. Eufebius himſelf
force
 OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE.
527

force was poured upon the countries of Illyricum. Campona, CHA

XIV . P.
Margus, and Bononia, appear to have been the fcenes of feveral

memorable fieges and battles " ; and though Conftantine en-

countered a very obſtinate reſiſtance, he prevailed at length in the

conteſt , and the Goths were compelled to purchaſe an ignominious

retreat, by reſtoring the booty and prifoners which they had taken.

Nor was this advantage fufficient to fatisfy the indignation of the

emperor. He refolved to chaftife as well as to repulfe the infolent bar-
barians who had dared to invade the territories of Rome. At the head

of his legions he paffed the Danube, after repairing the bridge which

had been conſtructed by Trajan, penetrated into the ſtrongeſt receffes

of Dacia 10°,
> and when he had inflicted a fevere revenge, condefcended
to give peace to the fuppliant Goths, on condition that, as often

as they were required, they should fupply his armies with a body
101
of forty thouſand foldiers *°*. Exploits like theſe were no doubt
honourable to Conftantine, and beneficial to the ftate ; but it may

furely be queſtioned, whether they can juſtify the exaggerated af-

fertion of Eufebius, that ALL SCYTHIA, as far the extremity of

the North, divided as it was into fo many names and nations of the

moſt various and favage manners, had been added by his victorious
102
arms to the Roman empire

99 See Zofimus, 1. ii . p. 93 , 94 ; though Conftantine were like the gardens of Adonis ,

the narrative of that hiftorian is neither clear which fade and wither almoft the moment
nor confiftent. The Panegyric of Optatianus they appear.
(c. 23.) mentions the alliance ofthe Sarma- 101 Jornandes de Rebus Geticis, c . 21. I
tians with the Carpi and Getæ, and points know not whether we may entirely depend on
out the feveral fields of battle. It is fuppofed, his authority. Such an alliance has a very
that the Sarmatian games, celebrated in the recent air, and ſcarcely is ſuited to the max-
month of November, derived their origin ims of the beginning of the fourth century.
from the fuccefs of this war. 102 Eufebius in Vit. Conftantin. 1. i. c. 8.
100 In the Cæfars of Julian (p . 329. Com- This paffage, however, is taken from a ge
mentaire de Spanheim , p . 252. ) Conftantine neral declamation on the greatnefs of Con-
boaſts, that he had recovered the province ftantine, and not from any particular account...
( Dacia) which Trajan had fubdued . But it of the Gothic war.
is infinuated by Silenus, that the conquests of

Tre
 E
E LIN D L
528 TH DEC AN FAL

CHAP.
XIV . In this exalted ſtate of glory it was impoffible that Conſtantine
fhould any longer endure a partner in the empire. Confiding in the
Second civil
war between fuperiority of his genius and military power, he determined, with-
Constantine
and Licinius. out any previous injury, to exert them for the deftruction of Licinius,
A. D. 323.
whoſe advanced age and unpopular vices feemed to offer a very
eafy conqueft 103. But the old
But the old emperor, awakened by the approach-
ing danger, deceived the expectations of his friends as well as

of his enemies. Calling forth that ſpirit and thoſe abilities by which
he had deſerved the friendſhip of Galerius and the Imperial purple,

he prepared himſelf for the conteft, collected the forces of the

Eaft, and foon filled the plains of Hadrianople with his troops ,

and the Streights of the Hellefpont with his fleet. The army con-

fifted of one hundred and fifty thouſand foot, and fifteen thousand

horfe ; and as the cavalry was drawn , for the moſt part, from

Phrygia and Cappadocia , we may conceive a more favourable opinion

of the beauty of the horſes, than of the courage and dexterity of their

riders. The fleet was compofed of three hundred and fifty gallies
of three ranks of oars. An hundred and thirty of theſe were fur-

niſhed by Egypt, and the adjacent coaft of Africa. An hundred

and ten failed from the ports of Phoenicia and the iſle of Cyprus ;
and the maritime countries of Bithynia, Ionia, and Caria, were

likewife obliged to provide an hundred and ten gallies. The

troops of Conftantine were ordered to rendezvous at Theffalonica ;

they amounted to above an hundred and twenty thoufand horſe

104
and foot **. Their emperor was fatisfied with their martial ap-
pearance, and his army contained more foldiers, though fewer men ,

than that of his eaſtern competitor. The legions of Conftantine

were levied in the warlike provinces of Europe ; action had

103 Conftantinus tamen , vir ingens , et om- fimus, 1. ii . p . 89. The reaſons which they
nia efficere nitens que animo præparaffet, have affigned for the first civil war may, with
fimul principatum totius orbis affectans , Li- more propriety, be applied to the fecond .
ciaio bellum intulit. Eutropius, x. 5. Zo- 104 Zofimus , 1. ii. p . 94, 95 .
confirmed
 OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 529

confirmed their difcipline, victory had elevated their hopes, and CHAP.
XIV .
there were among them a great number of veterans, who, after

feventeen glorious campaigns under the fame leader, prepared them-

felves to deſerve an honourable difiniffion by a laft effort of their

valours. But the naval preparations of Conftantine were in every

refpect much inferior to thofe of Licinius. The maritime cities

of Greece fent their respective quotas of men and fhips to the

celebrated harbour of Piræus, and their united forces confifted of

no more than two hundred fmall veffels : a very feeble armament,

if it is compared with thoſe formidable fleets which were equipped

and maintained by the republic of Athens during the Peloponnefian

106
war Since Italy was no longer the feat of government, the

naval eſtabliſhments of Mifenum and Ravenna had been gradually

neglected ; and as the fhipping and mariners of the empire were

fupported by commerce rather than by war, it was natural that they

ſhould the moſt abound in the induftrious provinces of Egypt and

Afia. It is only ſurpriſing that the eaſtern emperor, who pof-

feffed fo great a fuperiority at ſea, ſhould have neglected the oppor-

tunity of carrying an offenfive war into the centre of his rival's
dominions.

Inſtead of embracing ſuch an active reſolution , which might have Battle of Ha-
drianople.
changed the whole face of the war, the prudent Licinius expected A. D. 323
.
the approach of his rival in a camp near Hadrianople, which he July 3 .
had fortified with an anxious care that betrayed his apprehenſion
of the event. Conftantine directed his march from Theffalonica

towards that part of Thrace, till he found himſelf ſtopped by the

105 Conftantine was very attentive to the three ranks of oars, all completely equipped
privileges and comforts of his fellow-veterans and ready for immediate fervice. The arfe-
(Conveterani) , as he now began to ftyle them . nal in the port of Piræus had coft the re-
See the Theodofian Code, 1. vii . tit. 20. tom. public a thouſand talents , about two hundred
ii. p. 419 , 429. and fixteen thousand pounds. See Thucy-
106 Whilſt the Athenians maintained the dides de Bel . Peloponn . 1. ii. c. 13. and
empire ofthe fea, their fleet confifted of three, Meurfius de Fortuna Attica, c. 19.
and afterwards of four, hundred gallies of
VOL. I. 3 Y broad
 THE DECLINE AND FALL
530

CHAP. broad and rapid ftream of the Hebrus, and diſcovered the numerous
XIV .
army of Licinius, which filled the ſteep afcent of the hill, from the
army

river to the city of Hadrianople. Many days were ſpent in doubt-

ful and diſtant ſkirmishes ; but at length the obſtacles of the paffage

and of the attack were removed by the intrepid conduct of Con-

ftantine. In this place we might relate a wonderful exploit of

Conftantine, which, though it can fcarcely be paralleled either in

poetry or romance, is celebrated, not by a venal orator devoted to

his fortune, but by an hiftorian, the partial enemy of his fame.

We are affured that the valiant emperor threw himſelf into the

river Hebrus, accompanied only by twelve horſemen, and that by

the effort or terror of his invincible arm, he broke, flaughtered ,

and put to flight a hoft of an hundred and fifty thouſand men .

The credulity of Zofimus prevailed fo ftrongly over his paffion,

that among the events of the memorable battle of Hadrianople, he

ſeems to have felected and embellished , not the most important,

but the moſt marvellous. The valour and danger of Conftantine

are atteſted by a flight wound which he received in the thigh , but it

may be diſcovered even from an imperfect narration, and perhaps a

corrupted text, that the victory was obtained no lefs by the conduct

of the general than by the courage of the hero ; that a body of

: five thoufand archers marched round to occupy a thick wood in

the rear of the enemy, whoſe attention was diverted by the con-
ftruction of a bridge, and that Licinius, perplexed by fo many artful

evolutions, was reluctantly drawn from his advantageous poft to

combat on equal ground in the plain. The conteft was no longer

equal. His confuſed multitude of new levies was eaſily vanquished

by the experienced veterans of the Weft. Thirty-four thoufand

men are reported to have been flain. The fortified camp of Lici-

nius was taken by affault the evening of the battle ; the greater part

of the fugitives, who had retired to the mountains, furrendered them-

felvés
 OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 531

felves the next day to the difcretion of the conqueror ; and his rival, CHAP.
XIV .
who could no longer keep the field , confined himſelf within the walls

of Byzantium 107.

The ſiege of Byzantium, which was immediately undertaken by Siege of By-

zantium , and
Conſtantine, was attended with great labour and uncertainty. In naval victory
of Crifpus .
the late civil wars, the fortifications of that place, ſo juſtly confidered

as the key of Europe and Aſia, had been repaired and ftrengthened ;

and as long as Licinius remained maſter of the fea, the garriſon

was much leſs expofed to the danger of famine than the army of

the befiegers. The naval commanders of Conftantine were fum-

moned to his camp, and received his poſitive orders to force the

paffage of the Hellefpont, as the fleet of Licinius, inſtead of feeking

and deſtroying their feeble enemy, continued inactive in thoſe nar-

row ſtreights where its fuperiority of numbers was of little uſe or

advantage. Crifpus, the emperor's eldeſt fon, was intrufted with

the execution of this daring enterpriſe, which he performed with

fo much courage and fuccefs, that he deſerved the efteem , and moſt

probably excited the jealouſy, of his father. The engagement

lafted two days, and in the evening of the first, the contending
fleets, after a confiderable and mutual lofs, retired into their

reſpective harbours of Europe and Afia. The fecond day about

noon a ſtrong fouth wind 108 fprang up, which carried the veſſels

of Crifpus againſt the enemy, and as the cafual advantage was im-

proved by his ſkilful intrepidity, he foon obtained a complete

victory. An hundred and thirty veffels were deftroyed , five thou-

107 Zofimus, 1. ii . p . 95 , 96. This greatfufum et fine ordine agentem vicit exercitum ;
battle is defcribed in the Valefian fragment leviter femore fauciatus. "
(p. 714.) in a clear though concife manner. 108 Zofimus, 1. ii . p . 97 , 98. The cur-
" Licinius vero circum Hadrianopolin maxi- rent always fets out of the Hellefpont ; and
mo exercitu latera ardui montis impleverat ; when it is affifted by a north wind, no veſſel
illuc toto agmine Conftantinus inflexit. Cum can attempt the paffage. A fouth wind ren-
bellum terrâ marique traheretur, quamvis per ders the force of the current almost imper-
arduum fuis nitentibus , attamen difciplinâ mi-ceptible. See Tournefort's Voyage au Le-
litari et felicitate, Conftantinus Licinii con-vant, Let. xi.
3 Y 2 fand

1
 [

1
532 THE DECLINE AND FALL

CHAP fand men were flain, and Amandus , the admiral of the Afiatic
XIV .
fleet, eſcaped with the utmoſt difficulty to the fhores of Chalcedon .
As foon as the Hellefpont was open, a plentiful convoy of pro-

vifions flowed into the camp of Conftantine, who had already

advanced the operations of the fiege. He conſtructed artificial

mounds of earth of an equal height with the ramparts of Byzan-

tium. The lofty towers which were erected on that foundation ,

galled the befieged with large ftones and darts from the military
engines, and the battering rams had fhaken the walls in feveral

places. If Licinius perfifted much longer in the defence, he ex-

poſed himſelf to be involved in the ruin , of the place. Before he

was furrounded he prudently removed his perfon and treaſures to

Chalcedon in Afia ; and as he was always defirous of affociating

companions to the hopes and dangers of his fortune, he now be-

ſtowed the title of Cæfar on Martinianus, who exerciſed one of the

moſt important offices of the empire¹º .

Battle of Such were ftill the refources, and fuch the abilities, of Licinius ,
Chryfopolis.
that, after ſo many fucceffive defeats, he collected in Bithynia a
new army of fifty or fixty thousand men, while the activity of Con-

ſtantine was employed in the fiege of Byzantium . The vigilant

emperor did not however neglect the laſt ſtruggles of his antagoniſt.

A confiderable part of his victorious army was tranſported over

the Bosphorus in fmall veffels, and the decifive engagement was

fought foon after their landing on the heights of Chryfopolis, or,

as it is now called , of Scutari. The troops of Licinius, though

they were lately raiſed, ill armed, and worfe difciplined , made head

againſt their conquerors with fruitlefs but defperate valour, tilk

a total defeat and the flaughter of five and twenty thousand men

109 Aurelius Victor. Zofimus , 1. ii . p. 98 .

tion in Greek) . Some medals feem to inti-
According to the latter, Martinianus was Ma- mate, that during his fhort reign he received
gifter Officiorum ( he ufes the Latin appella- the title of Auguftus.

irretrievably
 OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 533

He retired to СНАР.
irretrievably determined the fate of their leader "10.•
XIV .
Nicomedia, rather with the view of gaining fome time for nego-
Submiffion
tiation , than with the hope of any effectual defence . Conftantia , and death of
Licinius.
his wife and the fifter of Conftantine, interceded with her brother in

favour of her huſband , and obtained from his policy rather than from

his compaſſion , a folemn promiſe, confirmed by an oath, that after the

facrifice of Martinianus, and the refignation of the purple, Licinius

himſelf ſhould be permitted to paſs the remainder of his life in peace

and affluence. The behaviour of Conſtantia, and her relation to the

contending parties, naturally recals the remembrance of that vir-

tuous matron who was the fifter of Auguftus, and the wife of An-

tony. But the temper of mankind was altered, and it was no

longer efteemed infamous for a Roman to ſurvive his honour and

independence. Licinius folicited and accepted the pardon of his

offences, laid himſelf and his purple at the feet of his lord and mafter,

was raiſed from the ground with infulting pity, was admitted the fame

day to the Imperial banquet, and foon afterwards was fent away to

Theffalonica, which had been chofen for the place of his confine-
111
ment "" . His confinement was foon terminated by death , and it is

doubtful whether a tumult of the foldiers, or a decree of the fenate,

was fuggefted as the motive for his execution. According to the rules

of tyranny, he was accuſed of forming a confpiracy, and of holding

a treaſonable correfpondence with the barbarians ; but as he was

never convicted, either by his own conduct or by any legal evidence,

we may perhaps be allowed, from his weakneſs, to prefume his in-

112
nocence · The memory of Licinius was branded with infamy,

his

110 Eufebius (in Vitâ Conftantin . 1 ii. c.
16, 17. ) afcribes this decifive victory to the
pious prayers of the emperor. The Valefan
fragment (p. 714. ) mentions a body of Go-
thic auxiliaries, under their chief Aliquaca,
who adhered to the party of Licinius .
Zofimus , 1. ii . p . 102. Victor Junior
in Epitome. Anonym . Valefian . p. −14 14..
12 Contra religionem facramenti Theffalo-
nice privatus occifus eft. Eutropius x. 6. and
his evidence is confirmed by Jerome (in
Chronic. ) as well as by Zofimus, 1. ii. p.
102. The Valefian writer is the only one
who mentions the foldiers, and it is Zonaras
alone
534 THE DECLINE AND FALL

CHAP.
XIV . his ftatues were thrown down, and, by a hafty edict, of ſuch miſ-

chievous tendency that it was almoft immediately corrected , all

his laws, and all the judicial proceedings of his reign, were at once

Re-union of abolifhed ". By this victory of Conftantine, the Roman world was
the empire.
A. D. 324. again united under the authority of one emperor, thirty-feven years

after Diocletian had divided his power and provinces with his affo-
ciate Maximian.

The fucceffive fteps of the elevation of Conftantine, from his firft

affuming the purple at York, to the refignation of Licinius at Nico-

media, have been related with fome minutenefs and precifion, not

only as the events are in themſelves both interefting and important,

but ſtill more, as they contributed to the decline of the empire by the

expence of blood and treafure, and by the perpetual increaſe, as well

of the taxes, as of the military eſtabliſhment. The foundation of
Conftantinople, and the eſtabliſhment of the Chriftian religion , were

the immediate and memorable confequences of this revolution .

alone who calls in the affiftance of the fenate .
Eufebius prudently flides over this delicate
tranfaction. But Sozomen , a century after-
wards, ventures to affert the treaſonable prac-
tices of Licinius.
113 See the Theodofian Code, 1. 15. tit .
15. tom . v. p. 404 , 405. Theſe edicts of
Conftantine betray a degree of paffion and
precipitancy very unbecoming of the character
of a lawgiver.
 OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 535

CHA P. XV .

The Progrefs of the Chriftian Religion, and the Sentiments,

Manners, Numbers, and Condition, of the primitive

Chriftians.

CANDID but rational inquiry into the progreſs and eſtabliſh- CHAP.
XV.
A
ment of Chriſtianity, may be confidered as a very effential
Importance
part of the hiſtory of the Roman empire. While that great body of the in-

was invaded by open violence, or undermined by flow decay, a quiry.

pure and humble religion gently infinuated itſelf into the minds of

men, grew up in filence and obfcurity, derived new vigour from

oppoſition, and finally erected the triumphant banner of the croſs

on the ruins of the Capitol. Nor was the influence of Chriſtianity

confined to the period or to the limits of the Roman empire. After

a revolution of thirteen or fourteen centuries, that religion is ftill

profeffed by the nations of Europe, the moſt diſtinguiſhed portion of

human kind in arts and learning as well as in arms. By the in-

duſtry and zeal of the Europeans, it has been widely diffuſed to the
moft diftant ſhores of Afia and Africa ; and by the means of their

colonies has been firmly eſtabliſhed from Canada to Chili, in a world

unknown to the ancients.

But this inquiry, however uſeful or entertaining, is attended Its difficul

ties.
with two peculiar difficulties. The fcanty and fufpicious materials
of ecclefiaftical hiſtory ſeldom enable us to difpel the dark cloud

that hangs over the first age of the church. The great law of im-

partiality too often obliges us to reveal the imperfections of the

uninſpired teachers and believers of the gofpel ; and, to a careleſs

obferver, their faults may feem to caft a fhade on the faith which

3 they
522 THE DECLINE AND FALL

CHAP .
XIV . The plain of Mardia in Thrace was the theatre of a ſecond

battle no leſs obftinate and bloody than the former . The troops on
Battle of
Mardia.
both fides diſplayed the fame valour and diſcipline ; and the victory

was once more decided by the fuperior abilities of Conftantine,

who directed a body of five thousand men to gain an advantageous

height, from whence, during the heat of the action, they at-

tacked the rear of the enemy, and made a very confiderable flaugh-
ter. The troops of Licinius, however, preſenting a double front,

ftill maintained their ground, till the approach of night put an end

to the combat, and fecured their retreat towards the mountains of

Macedonia 20. The lofs of two battles, and of his braveft veterans,

reduced the fierce fpirit of Licinius to fue for peace. His ambaf-
fador Miſtrianus was admitted to the audience of Conftantine ; he

expatiated on the common topics of moderation and humanity,

which are fo familiar to the eloquence of the vanquished ; repre-

fented, in the moſt infinuating language, that the event of the

war was ftill doubtful, whilft its inevitable calamities were alike

pernicious to both the contending parties ; and declared , that he

was authoriſed to propoſe a lafting and honourable peace in the

name of the two emperors his mafters. Conftantine received the

mention of Valens with indignation and contempt. " It was not

" for fuch a purpoſe," he fternly replied, " that we have advanced
" from the fhores of the weſtern ocean in an uninterrupted courfe

" of combats and victories, that , after rejecting an ungrateful kinf-

(6
man, we ſhould accept for our colleague a contemptible flave.
99
" The abdication of Valens is the firſt article of the treaty ".•" It

90 Zofimus , l . ii . p . 92 , 93. Anonym . conjecture, that Conftantine, affuming the

Valefian. p. 713. The Epitomes furniſh name as well as the duties of a father, had
fome circumstances ; but they frequently con- adopted his younger brothers and fifters , the
found the two wars between Licinius and children of Theodora. But in the beft au-
Conftantine . thors yapos fometimes fignifies a husband,
91 Petrus Fatricius in Excerpt. Legat. p. fometimes a father-in-law, and fometimes a
27. If it should be thought that yugos fig- kinfman in general. See Spanheim Obfer-
nifies more properly a fon-in- law, we might vat. ad Julian . Orat. i. p . 72 .
6 was
 #
OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 523

was neceffary to accept this humiliating condition, and the unhappy CHAP.
XIV .
Valens, after a reign of a few days, was deprived of the purple
and of his life . As foon as this obftacle was removed, the tran-

quillity of the Roman world was eaſily reſtored . The fucceflive

defeats of Licinius had ruined his forces , but they had diſplayed his

courage and abilities. His fituation was almoſt deſperate, but the

efforts of deſpair are fometimes formidable ; and the good fenfe of

Conftantine preferred a great and certain advantage to a third trial of

the chance of arms. He confented to leave his rival, or, as he again Treaty of
peace.
ftyled Licinius, his friend and brother, in the poffeffion of Thrace, December.
Afia Minor, Syria, and Egypt ; but the provinces of Pannonia, Dal-

matia, Dacia, Macedonia, and Greece, were yielded to the weſtern

empire, and the dominions of Conftantine now extended from the
confines of Caledonia to the extremity of Peloponnefus. It was fti-

pulated by the fame treaty, that three royal youths , the fons of the

emperors, ſhould be called to the hopes of the fucceffion. Crifpus

and the young Conftantine were foon afterwards declared Cæfars

in the , Weft, while the younger Licinius was inveſted with the fame

dignity in the Eaft. In this double proportion of honours, the con-

92
queror afferted the fuperiority of his arms and power ".
The reconciliation of Conftantine 4 and Licinius, though it was General
peace and
embittered by refentment and jealoufy, by the remembrance of re- laws of Con-
ftantine.
cent injuries, and by the apprehenfion of future dangers, main- A. D. 315—
tained , however, above eight years, the tranquillity of the Roman 323 .
world. As a very regular feries of the Imperial laws commences

about this period, it would not be difficult to tranfcribe the civil re-

92 Zofimus , 1. ii . p . 93. Anonym. Va-
lefian . p. 713. Eutropius, x. 5. Aurelius
Victor, Eufeb. in Chron . Sozomen , l . i . c . 2 .
Four of these writers affirm that the promo
tion of the Cæfars was an article of the trea-
ty. It is however certain , that the younger
Conftantine and Licinius were not yet born ;
and it is highly probable that the promotion
was made the 1st of March, A. D. 317 .
The treaty had probably ftipulated that two
Cæfars might be created by the weſtern, and
one only by the eastern emperor ; but each
of them referved to himſelf the choice of the
perfons.

3 X 2 gulations
 524 THE DECLINE AND FALL

CHA
XIV . P. gulations which employed the leiſure of Conftantine. But the moſt

important of his inftitutions are intimately connected with the new

fyftem of policy and religion, which was not perfectly eſtabliſhed till

the laft and peaceful years of his reign. There are many of his

laws, which, as far as they concern the rights and property of indi-

viduals, and the practice of the bar, are more properly referred to

the private than to the public jurifprudence of the empire ; and he

publiſhed many edicts of fo local and temporary a nature, that they
would ill deferve the notice of a general hiſtory. Two laws, how-

ever, may be felected from the crowd ; the one, for its importance ,

the other, for its fingularity ; the former for its remarkable bene-

volence, the latter for its exceffive ſeverity. 1. The horrid practice,

fo familiar to the ancients, of expofing or murdering their new-

born infants, was become every day more frequent in the provinces,

and eſpecially in Italy. It was the effect of diftrefs ; and the dif-

treſs was principally occafioned by the intolerable burden of taxes,

and by the vexatious as well as cruel profecutions of the officers of

the revenue againſt their infolent debtors. The lefs opulent or lefs

induſtrious part of mankind, inſtead of rejoicing in an increaſe of

family, deemed it an act of paternal tenderneſs to releaſe their chil-

dren from the impending miſeries of a life which they themſelves

were unable to ſupport. The humanity of Conftantine, moved ,

perhaps, by fome recent and extraordinary. inftances of defpair, en-

gaged him to addreſs an edict to all the cities of Italy, and after-

wards of Africa, directing immediate and fufficient relief to be given

to thoſe parents who fhould produce, before the magiftrates, the

children whom their own poverty would not allow them to educate.
But the promiſe was too liberal, and the proviſion too vague, to

effect any general or permanent benefit ". The law, though it

• Codex Theodofian . 1. xi . tit. 27. tom. iv. p . 188. with Godefry's obſervations . See
likewife, 1. v. tit. 7-8.

may

:
 OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 525

may merit fome praiſe, ſerved rather to diſplay than to alleviate the CHA P.
XIV .
public diftrefs. It ftill remains an authentic monument to contradict

and confound thoſe venal orators, who were too well fatisfied with
their own fituation to diſcover either vice or mifery under the govern-

ment of a generous fovereign ". 2. The laws of Conftantine

againſt rapes were dictated with very little indulgence, for the moft

amiable weakneſſes of human nature ; fince the deſcription of that

crime was applied not only to the brutal violence which compelled,

but even to the gentle feduction which might perfuade, an un-

married woman, under the age of twenty-five, to leave the houſe

of her parents . " The fuccefsful raviſher was puniſhed with

death ; and as if fimple death was inadequate to the enormity

“ of his guilt, he was either burnt alive, or torn in pieces by wild

" beaſts in the amphitheatre. The virgin's declaration that the

" had been carried away with her own confent, inſtead of ſaving

" her lover, expofed her to fhare his fate. The duty of a public

proſecution was intruſted to the parents of the guilty or unfor-

" tunate maid ; and if the fentiments of Nature prevailed on them

" to diffemble the injury, and to repair by a fubfequent marriage the

" honour of their family, they were themſelves puniſhed by exile and
" confifcation. The flaves, whether male or female, who were con-

" victed of having been acceffary to the rape or feduction, were burnt

" alive, or put to death by the ingenious torture of pouring down

" their throats a quantity of melted lead. As the crime was of a

“ public kind , the accufation was permitted even to ſtrangers.

" The commencement of the action was not limited to any term of

66 years, and the confequences of the fentence were extended to the

" innocent offspring of fuch an irregular union " ." But whenever

94 Omnia foris placita, domi profpera, an- nalia ofthe Cæfars, the 1ft of March, A.D. 321 .
nonæ ubertate, fructuum copiâ, & c. Pane- 95 See the edict of Conftantine , addreſſed to
gyr. Vet. x. 38. This oration of Nazarius the Roman people, in the Theodofian Code,
was pronounced on the day of the Quinquen- 1. ix. tit. 24. tom . iii. p . 189 .
the
 INE
525 THE DECL AND FALL

CHAP. the offence infpires lefs horror than the puniſhment, the rigour of
XIV .
penal law is obliged to give way to the common feelings of man-

kind. The moft odious parts of this edict were ſoftened or re-
96
pealed in the ſubſequent reigns " ; and even Conftantine himſelf

very frequently alleviated, by partial acts of mercy, the ſtern tem-

per of his general inftitutions. Such, indeed, was the fingular hu-

mour of that emperor, who fhewed himſelf as indulgent, and even

remifs , in the execution of his laws, as he was ſevere , and even

cruel, in the enacting of them. It is fcarcely poffible to obſerve a

more decifive fymptoin of weakneſs, either in the character of the

prince , or in the conftitution of the government ".

The Gothic
The civil adminiftration was fometimes interrupted by the mili-
war.
A. D. 322. tary defence of the empire. Crifpus, a youth of the moſt amiable
character, who had received with the title of Cæfar the command

of the Rhine, diſtinguiſhed his conduct, as well as valour, in ſeveral

victories over the Franks and Alemanni ; and taught the barbarians

of that frontier to dread the eldeſt fon of Conftantine, and the

grandfon of Conftantius " . The emperor himſelf had affumed the

more difficult and important province of the Danube. The Goths,

who in the time of Claudius and Aurelian had felt the weight

of the Roman arms, refpected the power of the empire, even in the

midst of its inteftine divifions. But the ftrength of that warlike

nation was now reftored by a peace of near fifty years ; a new

generation had arifen, who no longer remembered the misfortunes

of ancient days : the Sarmatians of the lake Mootis followed the

Gothic ftandard either as fubjects or as allies, and their united

9 His fon very fairly affigns the true reafon
of the repeal, " Ne fub fpecie atrocioris ju-
dicii aliqua in ulcifcende crimine dilatio naf-
ceretur." Cod . Theod . tom . iii . p . 193 .
97 Eufebius (in Vità Conftant, 1. iii . c . 1. )
chooſes to affirm , that in the reign of his
hero, the fword of juftice hung idle in the
hands of the magiftrates . Eufebius himself
( 1. iv . c. 29. 54. ) and the Theodofian Code
will inform us, that this exceffive lenity was
not owing to the want either of atrocious cri-
minals or of penal laws .
98 Nazarius in Panegyr. Vet. x . The vic-
tory of Crifpus over the Alemanni, is ex-
prefied on fome medals.
force
 OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 527

force was poured upon the countries of Illyricum. Campona, CHA

XIV . P.
Margus, and Bononia, appear to have been the fcenes of feveral

memorable fieges and battles " ; and though Conftantine en-

countered a very obftinate reſiſtance, he prevailed at length in the

conteſt, and the Goths were compelled to purchaſe an ignominious

retreat, by reſtoring the booty and priſoners which they had taken.

Nor was this advantage fufficient to fatisfy the indignation of the

emperor. He refolved to chaſtiſe as well as to repulſe the infolent bar-
barians who had dared to invade the territories of Rome. At the head

of his legions he paſſed the Danube , after repairing the bridge which

had been conſtructed by Trajan, penetrated into the ſtrongeſt receſſes

of Dacia 100> and when he had inflicted a fevere revenge, condefcended

to give peace to the fuppliant Goths, on condition that, as often

as they were required, they ſhould fupply his armies with a body

of forty thouſand foldiers .

Exploits like theſe were no doubt
honourable to Conftantine, and beneficial to the ftate ; but it may

furely be queſtioned, whether they can juſtify the exaggerated aſ-

fertion of Eufebius, that ALL SCYTHIA, as far the extremity of

the North, divided as it was into fo many names and nations of the

moſt various and favage manners, had been added by his victorious
102
arms to the Roman empire

99 See Zofimus, 1. ii. p. 93 , 94 ; though
the narrative of that hiftorian is neither clear
nor confiftent . The Panegyric of Optatianus
(c. 23. ) mentions the alliance ofthe Sarma-
tians with the Carpi and Getæ, and points
out the feveral fields of battle. It is fuppofed,
that the Sarmatian games, celebrated in the
month of November, derived their origin
from the fuccefs of this war.
100 In the Cæfars of Julian (p. 329. Com-
mentaire de Spanheim, p . 252. ) Conftantine
boafts, that he had recovered the province
(Dacia) which Trajan had fubdued . But it
is infinuated by Silenus, that the conquests of
Conſtantine were like the gardens of Adonis,
which fade and wither almoft the moment
they appear.
101
Jornandes de Rebus Geticis, c. 21. I
know not whether we may entirely depend on
his authority. Such an alliance has a very
recent air, and ſcarcely is fuited to the max-
ims of the beginning of the fourth century.
102 Eufebius in Vit. Conftantin. 1. i . c. 8.
This paffage, however, is taken from a ge-
neral declamation on the greatness of Con-
ftantine, and not from any particular account
of the Gothic war.

Tre
 E
LIN AND FAL
L
528 THE DEC

CHAP.
XIV . In this exalted ſtate of glory it was impoffible that Conſtantine

Second civil fhould any longer endure a partner in the empire. Confiding in the

war between fuperiority of his genius and military power, he determined, with-
Conftantine
and Licinius. out any previous injury, to exert them for the deftruction of Licinius ,
A. D. 323.
whoſe advanced age and unpopular vices feemed to offer a very

eafy conqueft 10. But the old emperor, awakened by the approach-

ing danger, deceived the expectations of his friends as well as

of his enemies. Calling forth that ſpirit and thoſe abilities by which
he had deſerved the friendſhip of Galerius and the Imperial purple,

he prepared himſelf for the conteft, collected the forces of the

Eaft, and foon filled the plains of Hadrianople with his troops,

and the Streights of the Hellefpont with his fleet. The army con-

fifted of one hundred and fifty thouſand foot, and fifteen thouſand
horſe ; and as the cavalry was drawn, for the most part, from

Phrygia and Cappadocia, we may conceive a more favourable opinion

of the beauty of the horſes, than of the courage and dexterity of their

riders. The fleet was compoſed of three hundred and fifty gallies
of three ranks of oars. An hundred and thirty of theſe were fur-

niſhed by Egypt, and the adjacent coaſt of Africa. An hundred

and ten failed from the ports of Phoenicia and the iſle of Cyprus ;
and the maritime countries of Bithynia, Ionia, and Caria, were
likewife obliged to provide an hundred and ten gallies. The

troops of Conftantine were ordered to rendezvous at Theffalonica ;

they amounted to above an hundred and twenty thoufand horfe

and foot 104. Their emperor was fatisfied with their martial ap-

pearance, and his army contained more foldiers, though fewer men,

than that of his eaſtern competitor. The legions of Conſtantine

were levied in the warlike provinces of Europe ; action had

103 Comftantinus tamen, vir ingens, et om- fimus, 1. ii. p. 89. The reaſons which they
nia efficere nitens quæ animo præparaffet, have affigned for the first civil war may, with
fimul principatum totius orbis affectans , Li- more propriety, be applied to the fecond.
cinio bellum intulit. Eutropius, x. 5. Zo- 104 Zofimus , 1. ii . p . 94, 95 .
confirmed
 OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 529

confirmed their difcipline, victory had elevated their hopes, and CHAP.
XIV .
there were among them a great number of veterans, who, after

feventeen glorious campaigns under the fame leader, prepared them-

felves to deſerve an honourable difmiffion by a laſt effort of their

valour 10. But the naval preparations of Conftantine were in every

refpect much inferior to thoſe of Licinius. The maritime cities

of Greece fent their refpective quotas of men and fhips to the

celebrated harbour of Piræus, and their united forces confifted of
no more than two hundred ſmall veffels : a very feeble armament,

if it is compared with thoſe formidable fleets which were equipped

)
and maintained by the republic of Athens during the Peloponnefian
106
war · Since Italy was no longer the feat of government, the

naval eſtabliſhments of Miſenum and Ravenna had been gradually

neglected ; and as the fhipping and mariners of the empire were

ſupported by commerce rather than by war, it was natural that they

ſhould the moſt abound in the induſtrious provinces of Egypt and

Afia. It is only furpriſing that the eaſtern emperor, who poſ-

ſeſſed ſo great a fuperiority at ſea, ſhould have neglected the oppor-

tunity of carrying an offenfive war into the centre of his rival's
dominions.

Inftead of embracing fuch an active refolution , which might have Battle of Ha-
drianople.
changed the whole face of the war, the prudent Licinius expected A. D. 323 .

the approach of his rival in a camp near Hadrianople , which he July 3 .

had fortified with an anxious care that betrayed his apprehenſion
of the event. Conftantine directed his march from Theffalonica

towards that part of Thrace, till he found himſelf ſtopped by the

10s Conftantine was very attentive to the three ranks of oars, all completely equipped
privileges and comforts of his fellow-veterans and ready for immediate fervice. The arſe-
(Conveterani ) , as he now began to ſtyle them . nal in the port of Piraus had coft the re-
See the Theodofian Code, 1. vii. tit. 20. tom . public a thouſand talents, about two hundred
ii. p. 419 , 429. and fixteen thousand pounds. See Thucy-
106 Whilſt the Athenians maintained the dides de Bel. Peloponn . 1. ii. c . 13. and
empire ofthe fea, their fleet confifted of three, Meurfius de Fortuna Attica, c. 19.
and afterwards of four, hundred gallies of
VOL. I. 3 Y broad
 1

THE DECLINE AND FALL

530

CHAP. broad and rapid ftream of the Hebrus, and diſcovered the numerous
XIV .
army of Licinius, which filled the fteep afcent of the hill, from the

river to the city of Hadrianople. Many days were ſpent in doubt-

ful and diſtant ſkirmishes ; but at length the obftacles of the paffage

and of the attack were removed by the intrepid conduct of Con-

ftantine. In this place we might relate a wonderful exploit of

Conftantine, which, though it can fcarcely be paralleled either in

poetry or romance, is celebrated , not by a venal orator devoted to

his fortune, but by an hiſtorian, the partial enemy of his fame.

We are affured that the valiant emperor threw himſelf into the
river Hebrus, accompanied only by twelve horſemen, and that by
the effort or terror of his invincible arm, he broke, flaughtered ,

and put to flight a hoft of an hundred and fifty thouſand men.

The credulity of Zofimus prevailed fo ftrongly over his paffion ,

that among the events of the memorable battle of Hadrianople, he

feems to have felected and embellished , not the most important,

but the moſt marvellous. The valour and danger of Conftantine

are atteſted by a flight wound which he received in the thigh, but it

may be diſcovered even from an imperfect narration, and perhaps a

corrupted text, that the victory was obtained no leſs by the conduct

of the general than by the courage of the hero ; that a body of

five thoufand archers marched round to occupy a thick wood in

the rear of the enemy, whofe attention was diverted by the con-
ftruction of a bridge, and that Licinius, perplexed by fo many artful

evolutions, was reluctantly drawn from his advantageous poft to

combat on equal ground in the plain. The conteft was no longer

equal. His confuſed multitude of new levies was eaſily vanquiſhed

by the experienced veterans of the Weft. Thirty-four thoufand

men are reported to have been flain. The fortified camp of Lici-

nius was taken by affault the evening of the battle ; the greater part

of the fugitives, who had retired to the mountains, furrendered them-

felves
 OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 531

felves the next day to the diſcretion of the conqueror ; and his rival, CHA
XIV . P.
who could no longer keep the field, confined himſelf within the walls

of Byzantium 107.

The ſiege of Byzantium , which was immediately undertaken by Siege of By-

zantium , and
Conſtantine, was attended with great labour and uncertainty. In naval victory
of Crifpus.
the late civil wars, the fortifications of that place, ſo juſtly conſidered

as the key of Europe and Aſia, had been repaired and ſtrengthened ;

and as long as Licinius remained mafter of the fea, the garrifon

was much leſs expofed to the danger of famine than the army of

the befiegers. The naval commanders of Conftantine were fum-

moned to his camp, and received his pofitive orders to force the

paffage of the Hellefpont, as the fleet of Licinius, inſtead of feeking

and deſtroying their feeble enemy, continued inactive in thoſe nar-

row ftreights where its fuperiority of numbers was of little ufe or
advantage. Crifpus, the emperor's eldeft fon, was intrufted with

the execution of this daring enterpriſe, which he performed with

fo much courage and fuccefs, that he deſerved the efteem , and moſt

probably excited the jealouſy, of his father. The engagement

lafted two days, and in the evening of the firſt, the contending
fleets, after a confiderable and mutual lofs, retired into their

reſpective harbours of Europe and Afia. The fecond day about

108
noon a ftrong fouth wind 8 fprang up, which carried the veffels

of Criſpus againſt the enemy, and as the cafual advantage was im-

proved by his ſkilful intrepidity, he foon obtained a complete

victory. An hundred and thirty veffels were deſtroyed , five thou-

107 Zofimus, 1. ii . p . 95 , 96. This great fufum et fine ordine agentem vicit exercitum ;
battle is deſcribed in the Valeſian fragment leviter femore fauciatus . ”
(p. 714. ) in a clear though concise manner. 108 Zofimus, 1. ii . p . 97 , 98. The cur-
" Licinius vero circum Hadrianopolin maxi- rent always fets out of the Hellefpont ; and
mo exercitu latera ardui montis impleverat ; when it is affifted by a north wind, no veſſel
illuc toto agmine Conftantinus in flexit. Cum can attempt the paffage. A fouth wind ren-
bellum terrâ marique traheretur, quamvis per ders the force of the current almoft imper-
arduum fuis nitentibus, attamen difciplinâ mi-ceptible . See Tournefort's Voyage au Le-
vant, Let. xi.
litari et felicitate, Conftantinus Licinii con-
3Y 2 fand
532 THE DECLINE AND FALL

CHAP fand men were flain, and Amandus, the admiral of the Afiatic
XIV .
fleet, eſcaped with the utmoſt difficulty to the ſhores of Chalcedon .
As foon as the Hellefpont was open, a plentiful convoy of pro-

vifions flowed into the camp of Conftantine, who had already

advanced the operations of the fiege. He conſtructed artificial

mounds of earth of an equal height with the ramparts of Byzan-

tium. The lofty towers which were erected on that foundation ,

galled the befieged with large ftones and darts from the military
engines, and the battering rams had fhaken the walls in feveral

places. If Licinius perfifted much longer in the defence, he ex-

pofed himſelf to be involved in the ruin , of the place. Before he

was ſurrounded he prudently removed his perfon and treaſures to

Chalcedon in Afia ; and as he was always defirous of affociating

companions to the hopes and dangers of his fortune, he now be-

ftowed the title of Cæfar on Martinianus, who exerciſed one of the

moſt important offices of the empire ¹09.

Battle of Such were ftill the refources, and fuch the abilities, of Licinius ,
Chryfopolis.
that, after fo many fucceffive defeats, he collected in Bithynia a
new army of fifty or fixty thousand men, while the activity of Con-

ſtantine was employed in the fiege of Byzantium . The vigilant

emperor did not however neglect the laft ftruggles of his antagoniſt.

A confiderable part of his victorious army was tranſported over

the Bofphorus in fmall veffels, and the decifive engagement was

fought foon after their landing on the heights of Chryfopolis, or,

as it is now called , of Scutari. The troops of Licinius, though

they were lately raifed, ill armed, and worfe difciplined, made head

againſt their conquerors with fruitlefs but defperate valour, tilk

a total defeat and the flaughter of five and twenty thouſand men

9 Aurelius Victor. Zofimus, 1. ii . p. 98 . tion in Greek) . Some medals ſeem to inti-

According to the latter, Martinianus was Ma- mate, that during his fhort reign he received
gifter Officiorum the ufes the Latin appella- the title of Auguftus.

irretrievably
 OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 533

110 CHAP .
irretrievably determined the fate of their leader • He retired to
XIV .
Nicomedia, rather with the view of gaining fome time for nego
Submiffion
tiation, than with the hope of any effectual defence. Conftantia , and death of
Licinius.
his wife and the fiſter of Conftantine, interceded with her brother in

favour of her huſband , and obtained from his policy rather than from

his compaffion, a folemn promiſe , confirmed by an oath , that after the

facrifice of Martinianus, and the refignation of the purple, Licinius

himſelf ſhould be permitted to paſs the remainder of his life in peace

and affluence. The behaviour of Conftantia, and her relation to the

contending parties, naturally recals the remembrance of that vir-

tuous matron who was the fifter of Auguftus, and the wife of An-

tony. But the temper of mankind was altered, and it was no

longer efteemed infamous for a Roman to ſurvive his honour and

independence. Licinius folicited and accepted the pardon of his

offences , laid himſelf and his purple at the feet of his lord and mafter,

was raiſed from the ground with infulting pity, was admitted the fame

day to the Imperial banquet, and foon afterwards was fent away to
Theffalonica, which had been chofen for the place of his confine-
111
His confinement was foon terminated by death , and it is

doubtful whether a tumult of the foldiers, or a decree of the fenate,

was ſuggeſted as the motive for his execution. According to the rules
of tyranny, he was accuſed of forming a conſpiracy , and of holding
a treaſonable correfpondence with the barbarians ; but as he was
never convicted, either by his own conduct or by any legal evidence,

we may perhaps be allowed, from his weaknefs, to prefume his in-

112
nocence " The memory of Licinius was branded with infamy,
his
110 Eufebius (in Vitâ Conftantin . 1 i . c. in Epitome. Anonym . Valefian . p. −14 .
16, 17. ) afcribes this decifive victory to the 12 Contra religionem facramenti Theffalo-
pious prayers of the emperor. The Valefian nicæ privatus occifus eft . Eutropius x. 6. and
fragment (p. 714. ) mentions a body of Go- his evidence is confirmed by Jerome (in
thic auxiliaries, under their chief Aliquaca, Chronic . ) as well as by Zofimus, 1. ii . p.
who adhered to the party of Licinius. 102. The Valefian writer is the only one
Zofimus, 1. ii. p. 102. Victor Junior who mentions the foldiers, and it is Zonaras
alone

1
534 THE DECLINE AND FALL

CHAP.
XIV . his ftatues were thrown down, and, by a hafty edict, of ſuch mif-

chievous tendency that it was almoft immediately corrected, alf

his laws, and all the judicial proceedings of his reign, were at once

Re-union of abolished ". By this victory of Conftantine, the Roman world was
the empire.
A. D. 324. again united under the authority of one emperor, thirty-feven years

after Diocletian had divided his power and provinces with his affo-
ciate Maximian.

The fucceffive ſteps of the elevation of Conſtantine , from his firſt

affuming the purple at York, to the refignation of Licinius at Nico-

media, have been related with fome minutenefs and precifion, not

only as the events are in themſelves both interefting and important,

but ſtill more, as they contributed to the decline of the empire by the

expence of blood and treafure, and by the perpetual increaſe, as well

of the taxes, as of the military eſtabliſhment. The foundation of

Conftantinople, and the eſtabliſhment of the Chriſtian religion , were

the immediate and memorable confequences of this revolution .

alone who calls in the affitance of the fenate.
Eufebius prudently flides over this delicate
tranfaction . But Sozomen , a century after-
wards, ventures to affert the treasonable prac-
tices of Licinius .
113 See the Theodofian Code , 1. 15. tit .
15. tom . v. p. 404, 405. Thefe edicts of
Conftantine betray a degree of paffion and
precipitancy very unbecoming of the character
of a lawgiver.
 OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 535

СНА Р. XV .

The Progress ofthe Chriftian Religion, and the Sentiments,

Manners, Numbers, and Condition, of the primitive

Chriftians.

CANDID but rational inquiry into the progrefs and eſtabliſh- CHAP.
XV.
A ment of Chriſtianity, may be confidered as a very effential
Importance
part of the hiſtory of the Roman empire. While that great body of the in-
was invaded by open violence , or undermined by flow decay, a quiry.

pure and humble religion gently infinuated itfelf into the minds of

men, grew up in filence and obfcurity, derived new vigour from

oppoſition , and finally erected the triumphant banner of the croſs

on the ruins of the Capitol. Nor was the influence of Chriſtianity

confined to the period or to the limits of the Roman empire. After

a revolution of thirteen or fourteen centuries , that religion is ftill

profeffed by the nations of Europe, the moſt diſtinguiſhed portion of

human kind in arts and learning as well as in arms. By the in-

duſtry and zeal of the Europeans, it has been widely diffuſed to the
moſt diſtant ſhores of Afia and Africa ; and by the means of their

colonies has been firmly eſtabliſhed from Canada to Chili, in a world

unknown to the ancients.

But this inquiry, however uſeful or entertaining, is attended Its difficul

with two peculiar difficulties. The fcanty and fufpicious materials ties .
of ecclefiaftical hiſtory ſeldom enable us to diſpel the dark cloud

that hangs over the firſt age of the church. The great law of im-

partiality too often obliges us to reveal the imperfections of the

uninfpired teachers and believers of the gofpel ; and, to a careleſs

obferver, their faults may feem to caft a fhade on the faith which

3 they
536 THE DECLINE AND FALL

CHAP.
XV . they profeffed. But the fcandal of the pious Chriſtian, and the fal-

lacious triumph of the Infidel, fhould ceafe as foon as they recol-

lect not only by whom, but likewife to whom, the Divine Revelation

was given. The theologian may indulge the pleaſing taſk of de-

fcribing Religion as the defcended from Heaven, arrayed in her na-

tive purity. A more melancholy duty is impofed on the hiftorian.

He muft difcover the inevitable mixture of error and corruption ,

which the contracted in a long refidence upon earth, among a weak

and degenerate race of beings.

Five caufes of Our curiofity is naturally prompted to inquire by what means
the growth of
Christianity. the Chriftian faith obtained fo remarkable a victory over the eſta-
bliſhed religions of the earth. To this inquiry, an obvious but

fatisfactory anſwer may be returned ; that it was owing to the con-

vincing evidence of the doctrine itſelf, and to the ruling providence

of its great Author. But as truth and reaſon feldom find fo favour-

able a reception in the world, and as the wiſdom of Providence fre-

quently condefcends to uſe the paffions of the human heart, and

the general circumftances of mankind, as inftruments to execute its

purpoſe ; we may ſtill be permitted, though with becoming fub-

miffion , to afk, not indeed what were the firft, but what were the

fecondary cauſes of the rapid growth of the Chriftian church. It

will, perhaps, appear, that it was moft effectually favoured and

affifted by the five following caufes : I. The inflexible, and, if we

may uſe the expreffion , the intolerant zeal of the Chriftians, de-

rived, it is true, from the Jewish religion , but purified from the

narrow and unfocial fpirit, which, inſtead of inviting, had deterred

the Gentiles from embracing the law of Mofes. II. The doctrine

of a future life, improved by every additional circumftance

which could give weight and efficacy to that important truth.

III. The miraculous powers afcribed to the primitive church .

IV. The pure and auftere morals of the Chriftians. V. The union

and difcipline of the Chriftian republic, which gradually formed

7 an
 OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 537

an independent and increaſing ftate in the heart of the Roman CHA P.

XV.
empire.

I. We have already deſcribed the religious harmony of the ancient THE FIRST
CAUSE.
world, and the facility with which the moſt different and even hof- Zeal of the
Jews.
tile nations embraced , or at leaſt reſpected, each other's ſuperſtitions.

A ſingle people refuſed to join in the common intercourſe of man-

kind. The Jews, who, under the Affyrian and Perfian monarchies,

had languiſhed for many ages the moſt deſpiſed portion of their

flaves ' , emerged from obfcurity under the fucceffors of Alexander ;

and as they multiplied to a ſurpriſing degree in the Eaſt, and after-

wards in the Weft, they foon excited the curiofity and wonder

of other nations '. The fullen obftinacy with which they main-

tained their peculiar rites and unfocial manners, feemed to mark

them out a diftin & fpecies of men, who boldly profeffed, or who
faintly diſguiſed, their implacable hatred to the rest of human-kind '.

Neither the violence of Antiochus, nor the arts of Herod , nor the

example of the circumjacent nations, could ever perfuade the Jews

to affociate with the inftitutions of Mofes the elegant mythology

of the Greeks *. According to the maxims of univerſal toleration ,

the Romans protected a fuperftition which they defpifed '. The

' Dum Affyrios penes , Medofque, et Per- The letter of this law is not to be found in
fas Oriens fuit, defpeétiffima pars fervientium . the prefent volume of Mofes . But the wife,
Tacit. Hift. v. 8. Herodotus , who visited the humane Maimonides openly teaches, that
Afia whilſt it obeyed the laſt of thoſe empires, if an idolater fall into the water, a Jew ought
flightly mentions the Syrians of Palestine, not to fave him from initant death. See Baf
who, according to their own confeffion , had nage, Hiftoire des Juifs , 1. vi . c . 28 .
received from Egypt the rite of circumcifion . 4 A Jewish fect, which indulged them-
See 1. ii. c. 104. felves in a fort of occafional conformity, de-
2 Diodorus Siculus, 1. xl . Dion Caffius, rived from Herod, by whofe example and
1. xxxvii . p . 121. Tacit. Hift. v. 1-9 . Juf authority they had been feduced, the name
tin, xxxvi . 2, 3 . of Heredians . But their numbers were foin-
• Tradidit arcano quæcunque volumine confiderable, and their duration fo fhort, that
Mofes, Jofephus has not thought them worthy of his
Non monftrare vias eadem nifi facra co- notice . See Prideaux's Connection , vol . ii.
lenti, P. 285 .
Quaefitos ad fontes folos deducere verpas . 5 Cicero pro Flacco , c. 28 .
VOL. I. 3 Z polite
 E
IN
E CL D L
538 TH DE AN FAL

CHAP.
XV. polite Auguftus condefcended to give orders, that facrifices ſhould

be offered for his profperity in the temple of Jerufalem ; while

the meanest of the pofterity of Abraham , who ſhould have paid

the fame homage to the Jupiter of the Capitol, would have been an
object of abhorrence to himſelf and to his brethren. But the mode-

ration of the conquerors was infufficient to appeaſe the jealous pre-

judices of their fubjects, who were alarmed and fcandalized at the

enfigns of paganiſm , which neceffarily introduced themſelves into

a Roman province '. The mad attempt of Caligula to place his

own ſtatue in the temple of Jeruſalem, was defeated by the unani-

mous refolution of a people who dreaded death much leſs than fuch
an idolatrous profanation . Their attachment to the law of Mofes

was equal to their deteſtation of foreign religions. The current of

zeal and devotion, as it was contracted into a narrow channel, ran

with the ftrength, and ſometimes wirh the fury, of a torrent.

Its gradual This inflexible perfeverance, which appeared fo odious or fo ridi-

increaſe.
culous to the ancient world, affumes a more awful character, fince
Providence has deigned to reveal to us the myfterious hiftory of

the chofen people. But the devout and even fcrupulous attach-

ment to the Moſaic religion , ſo confpicuous among the Jews who

lived under the ſecond temple, becomes ftill more furpriſing, if it

is compared with the ftubborn incredulity of their forefathers.

When the law was given in thunder from Mount Sinai ; when the

tides of the ocean , and the courſe of the planets were fufpended

8
• Philo de Legatione. Auguftus left a foun- Jufli a Caio Cæfare, effigiem ejus in
dation for a perpetual facrifice. Yet he ap- templo locare arma potius fumpfere. Tacit.
proved of the neglect which his grandfon Hift. v. 9. Philo and Jofephus gave a very
Caius expreffed towards the temple of Jeru- circumftantial, but a very rhetorical, account
falem. See Sueton . in Auguft. c. 93. and of this tranfaction, which exceedingly per-
Cafaubon's notes on that paffage. plexed the governor of Syria. At the firft
7 See, in particular, Jofeph. Antiquitat. mention of this idolatrous propofal, King
xvii. 6. xviii . 3. and de Bel. Judaic. i. 33 . Agrippa fainted away ; and did not recover
and ii. 9. Edit. Havercamp. his fenfes till the third day.
for
1

OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE .. 539

for the convenience of the Ifraelites ; and when temporal rewards CHA P.
XV.
and puniſhments were the immediate confequences of their piety

or diſobedience, they perpetually relapſed into rebellion againſt the

viſible majeſty of their Divine King, placed the idols of the nations

in the fanctuary of Jehovah, and imitated every fantaftic ceremony

that was practiſed in the tents of the Arabs, or in the cities of

Phoenicia . As the protection of Heaven was deſervedly withdrawn

from the ungrateful race, their faith acquired a proportionable de-

gree of vigour and purity. The contemporaries of Mofes and

). Joshua had beheld with careleſs indifference the most amazing
miracles. Under the preffure of every calamity, the belief of thoſe

miracles has preſerved the Jews of a later period from the univerſal

contagion of idolatry ; and in contradiction to every known prin-

ciple of the human mind, that fingular people ſeems to have yielded

a ftronger and more ready affent to the traditions of their remote

ancestors, than to the evidence of their own fenfes " .

The Jewiſh religion was admirably fitted for defence, but it was Their reli-
gion better
never defigned for conqueft ; and it feems probable that the num- fuited to de-
fence than to
ber of profelytes was never much fuperior to that of apoftates. The conqueft.

divine promiſes were originally made, and the diftinguiſhing rite of

circumcifion was enjoined to a fingle family. When the pofterity

of Abraham had multiplied like the fands of the fea, the Deity,

from whoſe mouth they received a ſyſtem of laws and ceremonies,

declared himſelf the proper and as it were the national God of

Ifrael ; and with the moft jealous care ſeparated his favourite peo-

ple from the reſt of mankind . The conqueſt of the land of Canaan

9 For the enumeration of the Syrian and
Arabian deities , it may be obſerved , that
Milton has compriſed in one hundred and
thirty very beautiful lines, the two large and
learned fyntagmas, which Selden had com-
pofed on that abftrufe fubject.
" How long will this people provoke
66
me ? and how long will it be ere they be-
" lieve me, for all the figns which I have fhewn
" among them ?" (Numbers xiv . 11. ) It
would be eafy, but it would be unbecoming,
to juftify the complaint of the Deity from the
whole tenor of the Mofaic history,

322 was
$40 THE DECLINE AND FALL

CHAP.
was accompanied with fo many wonderful and with fo many bloody
XV .
circumſtances, that the victorious Jews were left in a ſtate of irre-

concilable hoftility with all their neighbours. They had been com-

manded to extirpate fome of the most idolatrous tribes, and the

execution of the Divine will had feldom been retarded by the

weakneſs of humanity. With the other nations they were forbidden

to contract any marriages or alliances, and the prohibition of re-

ceiving them into the congregation, which in fome cafes was per-

petual, almoſt always extended to the third, to the ſeventh, or even

to the tenth generation. The obligation of preaching to the Gen-

tiles the faith of Mofes, had never been inculcated as a precept of

the law, nor were the Jews inclined to impofe it on themſelves as

a voluntary duty. In the admiffion of new citizens, that unſocial

people was actuated by the ſelfiſh vanity of the Greeks, rather than
by the generous policy of Rome. The defcendants of Abraham

were flattered by the opinion , that they alone were the heirs of the
covenant, and they were apprehenfive of diminiſhing the value of

their inheritance, by fharing it too eaſily with the ſtrangers of the

earth. A larger acquaintance with mankind, extended their know-

ledge without correcting their prejudices ; and whenever the God of

Ifrael acquired any new votaries, he was much more indebted to the

inconſtant humour of polytheiſm than to the active zeal of his own

miffionaries " . The religion of Mafes feems to be inſtituted for a

particular country as well as for a fingle nation ; and if a ſtrict obe-

dience had been paid to the order, that every male, three times in
the year, ſhould prefent himſelf before the Lord Jehovah, it would

have been impoffible that the Jews could ever have ſpread themſelves

beyond the narrow limits of the promiſed land". That obftacle was

" All that relates to the Jewish profelytes 32 See Exod. xxiv. 23. Deut. xvi. 16. the
has been very ably treated by Bafnage , Hift. commentators, and a very fenfible note in the
des Juifs, 1. vi. c. 6, 7. Univerfal Hiftory, vol. i. p. 603. edit. fol.

indeed
 OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE.
541

indeed removed by the deſtruction of the temple of Jerufalem ; but CHAP.

XV.
the moſt confiderable part of the Jewish religion was involved in its

deſtruction ; and the pagans, who had long wondered at the ſtrange
report of an empty fanctuary ", were at a lofs to difcover what

could be the object, or what could be the inftruments, of a worship

which was deftitute of temples and of altars, of priests and of facri-

fices. Yet even in their fallen ftate, the Jews, ftill afferting their

lofty and excluſive privileges, fhunned, inſtead of courting , the fo-

ciety of ſtrangers. They ftill infifted with inflexible rigour on thoſe

parts of the law which it was in their power to practiſe. Their

peculiar diftinctions of days, of meats, and a variety of trivial though

burdenfome obfervances, were fo many objects of difguft and aver-

fion for the other nations, to whoſe habits and prejudices they were
diametrically oppofite. The painful and even dangerous rite of cir-

cumcifion was alone capable of repelling a willing profelyte from the

door of the fynagogue ”.

Under thefe circumſtances, Chriſtianity offered itſelf to the world,

More liberal
zeal of Chri-
armed with the ftrength of the Mofaic law, and delivered from the ftianity.

weight of its fetters. An exclufive zeal for the truth of religion ,

and the unity of God , was as carefully inculcated in the new as in

the ancient fyftem : and whatever was now revealed to mankind

concerning the nature and deſigns of the Supreme Being, was fit-
ted to increase their reverence for that myfterious doctrine. The

divine authority of Mofes and the prophets was admitted, and

even eſtabliſhed, as the firmeft bafis of Chriftianity. From the be-

ginning of the world, an uninterrupted ſeries of predictions had

13 When Pompey, ufing or abufing the
right of conqueft, entered into the Holy of
Holies, it was obferved with amazement,
" Nullâ intus Deûm effigie, vacuam fedem
❝et inania arcana. " Tacit. Hift. v. 9. It
was a popular faying, with regard to the Jews,
Nil præter nubes et cœli numen adorant.
14 A fecond kind of circumcifion was in-
flicted on a Samaritan or Egyptian profelyte.
The fullen indifference of the Talmudifts,
with reſpect to the converſion of ſtrangers,
may be ſeen in Bafnage, Hiftoire des Juifs,
1. vi. c. 6.
announced
542 THE DECLINE AND FALL

CHAP. announced and prepared the long expected coming of the Meffiah,
XV .
who, in compliance with the groſs apprehenſions of the Jews, had

been more frequently repreſented under the character of a King and

Conqueror, than under that of a Prophet, a Martyr, and the Son

of God. By his expiatory facrifice, the imperfect facrifices of the
temple were at once confummated and abolished. The ceremonial

law, which confifted only of types and figures, was fucceeded by a

pure and ſpiritual worship, equally adapted to all climates as well

as to every condition of mankind ; and to the initiation of blood,

was fubftituted a more harmleſs initiation of water. The promiſe of

divine favour, inſtead of being partially confined to the poſterity of

Abraham, was univerfally propofed to the freeman and the flave,

to the Greek and to the barbarian, to the Jew and to the Gentile.

Every privilege that could raiſe the profelyte from earth to Heaven,
that could exalt his devotion , fecure his happineſs, or even gratify

that fecret pride, which, under the femblance of devotion , infinuates

itſelf into the human heart, was ftill referved for the members of
the Chriftian church ; but at the fame time all mankind was per-

mitted, and even folicited, to accept the glorious diſtinction , which

was not only proffered as a favour, but impofed as an obligation .

It became the moft facred duty of a new convert to diffuſe among

his friends and relations the ineftimable bleffing which he had re-

ceived, and to warn them againſt a refufal that would be feverely

puniſhed as a criminal difobedience to the will of a benevolent but

all-powerful deity.
Obstinacy The enfranchiſement of the church from the bonds of the fyna-
and reafons
of the believ- gogue, was a work however of fome time and of fome difficulty.
ing Jews.
The Jewish converts, who acknowledged Jefus in the character of

the Meffiah foretold by their ancient oracles, refpected him as a

prophetic teacher of virtue and religion ; but they obftinately ad-

hered to the ceremonies of their anceſtors, and were defirous of

impofing
·
 OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 543

impofing them on the Gentiles , who continually augmented the CHA P.

XV .
number of believers. Thefe Judaifing Chriftians feem to have ar-

gued with ſome degree of plauſibility from the divine origin of the
Mofaic law, and from the immutable perfections of its great Author.

They affirmed, that if the Being, who is the fame through all
eternity, had defigned to abolish thofe fecred rites which had ferved

to diftinguiſh his chofen people, the repeal of them would have

been no leſs clear and folemn than their firſt promulgation that,

inſtead of thoſe frequent declarations, which either ſuppoſe or affert

the perpetuity of the Mofaic religion , it would have been re-

preſented as a provifionary ſcheme intended to laft only till the

coming of the Meffiah, who fhould inftruct mankind in a more

perfect mode of faith and of worſhip " : that the Meſſiah him-

felf, and his difciples who converfed with him on earth, inftead of

authorizing by their example the moſt minute obfervances of the

Mofaic law " , would have published to the world the abolition of
thoſe uſeleſs and obfolete ceremonies, without fuffering Chriſtianity

to remain during fo many years obfcurely confounded among the

fects of the Jewish church. Arguments like theſe appear to have

been uſed in the defence of the expiring cauſe of the Mofaic law ;
but the induſtry of our learned divines has abundantly explained the

ambiguous language of the Old Teftament, and the ambiguous con-

duct of the apoftolic teachers. It was proper gradually to unfold

the ſyſtem of the Goſpel, and to pronounce, with the utmoſt caution

and tenderneſs , a fentence of condemnation fo repugnant to the incli-

nation and prejudices of the believing Jews.

15 Thefe arguments were urged with great
ingenuity by the Jew Orobio, and refuted
with equal ingenuity and candour by the
Chriſtian Limborch . See the Amica Collatio
(it well deferves that name) , or account of
the difpute between them .
16 Jefus circumcifus erat ; cibis ute-
batur Judaicis ; veftitû fimili ; purgatos fcabie
mittebat ad facerdotes ; Pafchata et alios dies
feftos religiofé obfervabat : Si quos fanavit
fabatho, oftendit non tantum ex lege, fed et
exceptis fententiis talia opera fabatho non in-
terdicta . Grotius de veritate Religionis Chrif
tianæ, l. v. c. 7. A little afterwards ( c. 12. ) ,
he expatiates on the condefcenfion of the
apostles.
The
 THE DECLINE AND FALL
544

CHAP.
The hiſtory of the church of Jerulalem affords a lively proof.
XV.
of the neceffity of thoſe precautions, and of the deep impreffion
The Naza-
rene church which the Jewish religion had made on the minds of its fectaries.
of Jerufalem. The firſt fifteen bishops of Jerufalem were all circumcifed Jews ;

and the congregation over which they prefided, united the law of

Mofes with the doctrine of Chrift ". It was natural that the pri-
mitive tradition of a church which was founded only forty days

after the death of Chrift, and was governed almoſt as many years

under the immediate inſpection of his apoftle, fhould be received

as the ſtandard of orthodoxy ". The diftant churches very fre-

quently appealed to the authority of their venerable Parent, and

relieved her diftreffes by a liberal contribution of alms. But when

numerous and opulent focieties were eſtabliſhed in the great cities

of the empire, in Antioch , Alexandria, Ephefus , Corinth , and Rome,

the reverence which Jerufalem had infpired to all the Chriſtian co-
lonies infenfibly diminiſhed. The Jewish converts, or, as they were

afterwards called, the Nazarenes, who had laid the foundations of the

church, foon found themſelves overwhelmed by the increaſing mul-

titudes, that from all the various religions of polytheiſm inlifted

under the banner of Chrift : and the Gentiles, who, with the ap-

probation of their peculiar apoftle, had rejected the intolerable

weight of Mofaic ceremonies, at length refuſed to their more

fcrupulous brethren the fame toleration which at firft they had

humbly folicited for their own practice. The ruin of the temple,

of the city, and of the public religion of the Jews, was feverely

felt by the Nazarenes ; as in their manners, though not in their

faith, they maintained fo intimate a connexion with their impious

1

17 Pæne omnes Chriftum Deum fub legis performance, which I ſhall often have occa-
obfervatione credebant. Sulpicius Severus, ii. fion to quote, he enters much more fully into
31. See Eufebius, Hift . Ecclefiaft. 1. iv . c. 5 . the ſtate of the primitive church, than he has
18 Mosheim de Rebus Chriftianis ante Con- an opportunity of doing in his General Hif-
ftantinum Magnum, p. 153. In this masterly tory.
countrymen,
 OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 545

countrymen , whofe misfortunes were attributed by the Pagans to CHAP.

XV.
the contempt, and more juftly afcribed by the Chriftians to the

wrath, of the Supreme Deity. The Nazarenes retired from the ruins

of Jerufalem to the little town of Pella beyond the Jordan, where

that ancient church languiſhed above fixty years in folitude and

19
obfcurity ". They ftill enjoyed the comfort of making frequent
and devout viſits to the Holy City, and the hope of being one day

reftored to thoſe feats which both nature and religion taught them
to love as well as to revere. But at length, under the reign of Ha-

drian , the defperate fanaticiſm of the Jews filled up the meaſure

of their calamities ; and the Romans, exafperated by their re-

peated rebellions, exerciſed the rights of victory with unuſual rigour.

The emperor founded, under the name of Elia Capitolina, a new

city on Mount Sion 20, to which he gave the privileges of a colony ;

and denouncing the fevereft penalties againſt any of the Jewiſh

people who ſhould dare to approach its precincts , he fixed a vigilant

garriſon of a Roman cohort to enforce the execution of his orders.

The Nazarenes had only one way left to eſcape the common pro-

fcription, and the force of truth was on this occafion aflifted by the

influence of temporal advantages. They elected Marcus for their

biſhop, a prelate of the race of the Gentiles, and moſt probably a

native either of Italy or of ſome of the Latin provinces. At his

perfuafion, the moſt confiderable part of the congregation renounced

the Mofaic law, in the practice of which they had perfevered above

a century. By this facrifice of their habits and prejudices, they

19 Eufebius, 1. iii . c. 5. Le Clerc, Hift.
Ecclefiaft. p . 605. During this occafional ab-
fence, the bishop and church of Pella ftill re-
tained the title of Jerufalem . In the fame
manner, the Roman pontiffs refided feventy
years at Avignon ; and the patriarchs of Alex-
andria have long fince transferred their epif-
copal feat to Cairo.
20 Dion Caffius , 1. Ixix . The exile of the
Jewish nation from Jerufalem is attefted by
Arifto of Pella ( apud Eufeb, 1. iv. c. 6. ) , and
is mentioned by feveral ecclefiaftical writers ;
though fome of them too hastily extend this
interdiction to the whole country of Pale-
ftine.

VOL. I. 4 A purchafed
 E
IN L
E CL AN
D
FAL
546 TH DE

CHA XV . P. purchaſed a free admiffion into the colony of Hadrian, and more
21
firmly cemented their union with the Catholic church " .
The Ebio-
nites. When the name and honours of the church of Jerufalem had

been reftored to Mount Sion, the crimes of herefy and ſchifin were
imputed to the obfcure remnant of the Nazarenes, which refufed

to accompany their Latin bishop.

Latin biſhop. They ftill preſerved their former

habitation of Pella, fpread themſelves into the villages adjacent to

Damafcus, and formed an inconfiderable church in the city of Borea,

or, as it is now called, of Aleppo, in Syria . The name ofNazarenes

was deemed too honourable for thofe Chriftian Jews, and they foon

received from the fuppofed poverty of their underſtanding, as well

as of their condition, the contemptuous epithet of Ebionites ". In

a few years after the return of the church of Jerufalem, it became

a matter of doubt and controverſy, whether a man who fincerely

acknowledged Jefus as the Meffiah, but who ftill continued to ob-

ſerve the law of Mofes, could poffibly hope for falvation . The

humane temper of Juſtin Martyr inclined him to anſwer this queſ-

tion in the affirmative ; and though he expreffed himſelf with the

moft guarded diffidence, he ventured to determine in favour of fuch

an imperfect Chriſtian, if he were content to practiſe the Moſaic

ceremonies, without pretending to affert their general ufe or necef-

fity. But when Juftin was preffed to declare the fentiment of the

church, he confeffed that there were very many among the ortho-

21 Eufebius, 1. iv. c. 6. Sulpicius Severus , jecture, that the family of Jefus Chrift re-
ii. 31. By comparing their unfatisfactory ac- mained members , at least, of the latter and
counts, Mofheim (p. 327 , &c . ) has drawn more moderate party.
out a very diflinct reprefentation of the cir- 23 Some writers have been pleafed to cre-
cumftances and motives of this revolution . ate an Ebion, the imaginary author of their
22 Le Clerc (Hift. Ecclefiaft. p. 477. 535. ) fect and name . But we can more fafely rely
feems to have collected from Eufebius, Je- on the learnd Eufebius than on the vehement
rome, Epiphanius , and other writers , all the Tertullian, or the credulous Epiphanius . Ac-
principal circumstances that relate to the Na- cording to Le Clerc ,the Hebrew word Ebjonim
zarenes or Ebionites . The nature of their may be tranflated into Latin by that of Pau-
opinions foon divided them into a ftricter and peres. See Hift. Ecclefiaft. p. 477 .
a milder fect ; and there is ſome reaſon to con-
5 dox
 OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE.
547

dox Chriftians, who not only excluded their Judaifing brethren from CHA P.
XV.
the hope of falvation , but who declined any intercourſe with them in

the common offices of friendſhip, hofpitality, and focial life . The

more rigorous opinion prevailed, as it was natural to expect, over

the milder ; and an eternal bar of feparation was fixed between the

difciples of Mofes and thofe of Chrift. The unfortunate Ebionites,

rejected from one religion as apoftates, and from the other as heretics ,

found themſelves compelled to affume a more decided character ; and

although ſome traces of that obfolete fect may be difcovered as late as

the fourth century, they infenfibly melted away either into the church

or the fynagogue ".

While the orthodox church preferved a juft medium between The Gno-
ftics.
exceffive veneration and improper contempt for the law of Mofes,

the various heretics deviated into equal but oppofite extremes of

error and extravagance . From the acknowledged truth of the

Jewish religion, the Ebionites had concluded that it could never be

aboliſhed. From its fuppofed imperfectious the Gnoftics as haſtily

inferred that it never was inftituted by the wiſdom of the Deity.

There are fome objections against the authority of Mofes and the

prophets, which too readily preſent themſelves to the ſceptical mind ;

though they can only be derived from our ignorance of remote anti-

24 See the very curious Dialogue of Justin
Martyr with the Jew Tryphon . The confer-
ence between them was held at Ephefas, in
the reign of Antoninus Pius, and about
twenty years after the return of the church of
Pella to Jerufalem . For this date confult the
accurate note of Tillemont, Memoires Eccle-
fiafliques, tom. ii . p . 511 .
25 Of all the fyftems of Chriftianity, that
of Abyffinia is the only one which still ad-
heres to the Mofaic rites ( Geddes's Church
Hiftory of Ethiopia, and Differtations de le
Grand fur la Relation du P. Lobo . ) . The
eunuch of the queen Candace might fuggeft
fome fufpicions ; but as we are affured (So-
crates , i. 19. Sozomen, ii . 24. Ludolphus,
p . 281. ) , that the Æthiopians were not con-
verted till the fourth century ; it is more rea-
fonable to believe, that they reſpected the
Sabbath, and diftinguifhed the forbidden
meats , in imitation of the Jews, who, in a
very early period, were feated on both fides
of the Red Sea. Circumcifion had been
practifed by the most ancient Ethiopians,
from motives of health and cleanlinefs, which
feem to be explained in the Recherches Phi-
lofophiques fur les Americains, tom . ii.
. p. 117.

4 A 2 quity,
548 THE DECLINE AND FALL

CHA
XV . P. quity, and from our incapacity to form an adequate judgment of the
divine œconomy. Theſe objections were eagerly embraced and as
petulantly urged by the vain fcience of the Gnoftics ". As thoſe

heretics were, for the moſt part, averfe to the pleaſures of fenſe,

they morofely arraigned the polygamy of the patriarchs, the ga-

lantries of David, and the feraglio of Solomon. The conqueft of

the land of Canaan, and the extirpation of the unfufpecting natives,

they were at a lofs how to reconcile with the common notions of hu-

manity and juftice. But when they recollected the fanguinary lift
of murders, of executions, and of maffacres, which ſtain almoſt
every page of the Jewiſh annals , they acknowledged that the bar-

barians of Paleſtine had exerciſed as much compaffion towards their

idolatrous enemies, as they had ever fhewn to their friends or

countrymen . Paffing from the fectaries of the law to the law

itſelf, they afferted that it was impoffible that a religion which

confifted only of bloody facrifices and trifling ceremonies, and

whofe rewards as well as puniſhments were all of a carnal and

temporal nature, could infpire the love of virtue, or reſtrain the

impetuofity of paffion. The Mofaic account of the creation and

fall of man was treated with profane derifion by the Gnoftics, who

would not liften with patience to the repofe of the Deity after

fix days labour, to the rib of Adam, the garden of Eden , the
trees of life and of knowledge, the fpeaking ferpent, the forbidden
fruit, and the condemnation pronounced againſt human kind for the

venal offence of their firſt progenitors " . The God of Ifrael was

impioufly reprefented by the Gnoftics, as a being liable to paffion

26 Beaufobre, Hiftoire du Manicheifme,
1. i. c. 3. has stated their objections, particu-
larly thofe of Fauftus, the adverſary of Au-
guftin , with the most learned impartiality .
27 Apud ipfos fides obftinata, mifericordia
in promptû : adverfus omnes alios hoftile odi-
um. Tacit. Hift. v. 4. Surely Tacitus had
feenthe Jews with too favourable an eye. The
perufal of Jofephus muft have deſtroyed the
antithefis.
28 Dr. Burnet (Archæologia, 1. ii. c. 7.)
has difcuffed the firſt chapters of Genefis with
too much wit and freedom.
and
 OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 549

and to error, capricious in his favour, implacable in his refentment, CHA P.

XV.
meanly jealous of his fuperftitious worſhip , and confining his partial
providence to a ſingle people, and to this tranfitory life. In ſuch a

character they could difcover none of the features of the wife and

omnipotent father of the univerfe ". They allowed that the reli-

gion of the Jews was fomewhat lefs criminal than the idolatry of
the Gentiles ; but it was their fundamental doctrine, that the Chrift

whom they adored as the firft and brighteſt emanation of the Deity,

appeared upon earth to reſcue mankind from their various errors,

and to reveal a new fyftem of truth and perfection . The moſt

learned of the fathers, by a very fingular condefcenfion, have im-

prudently admitted the fophiftry of the Gnoftics. Acknowledging

that the literal fenſe is repugnant to every principle of faith as well

as reaſon, they deem themſelves fecure and invulnerable behind the

ample veil of allegory, which they carefully fpread over every ten-

der part of the Mofaic difpenfation 3º.

It has been remarked with more ingenuity than truth, that the Their fects,
progrefs, and
virgin purity of the church was never violated by fchifm or herefy influence .
before the reign of Trajan or Hadrian , about one hundred years af-

ter the death of Chrift ". We may obferve with much more propriety,

that, during that period, the difciples of the Meffiah were indulged

in a freer latitude both of faith and practice, than has ever been
allowed in fucceeding ages. As the terms of communion were

infenfibly narrowed, and the fpiritual authority of the prevailing

party was exerciſed with increaſing ſeverity, many of its moſt

refpectable adherents, who were called upon to renounce, were

29 The milder Gnoftics confidered Jeho- nions on this ſubject .

vah, the Creator, as a Being of a mixed na-
ture between God and the Dæmon. Others
confounded him with the evil principle. Con-
fult the ſecond century of the general hiſtory
of Mofheim, which gives a very diftinct,
though concife, account of their ſtrange opi-
30 See Beaufobre, Hift. du Manicheifme ,
1. i. c. 4. Origen and St. Auguftin were
among the Allegoriſts .
31 Hegefippus, ap. Eufeb. 1. iii . 32. iiv. 22 .
Clemens Alexandrin . Stromat. vii . 17 .
provoked .
550 THE DECLINE AND FALL

CHAP.
XV . provoked to affert their private opinions, to purfue the confequences

of their miſtaken principles , and openly to erect the ſtandard of

rebellion againſt the unity of the church. The Gnoftics were dif-

tinguiſhed as the most polite, the moſt learned, and the moſt

wealthy of the Chriftian name, and that general appellation which

expreffed a fuperiority of knowledge, was either affumed by their

own pride, or ironically beftowed by the envy of their adverfaries.

They were almoft without exception of the race of the Gentiles,

and their principal founders feem to have been natives of Syria

or Egypt, where the warmth of the climate difpofes both the mind

and the body to indolent and contemplative devotion. The Gnoftics

blended with the faith of Chrift many fublime but obfcure tenets ,

which they derived from oriental philofophy, and even from the re-

ligion of Zoroafter, concerning the eternity of matter, the exiſtence of

32
two principles, and the myfterious hierarchy of the invifible world ".

As foon as they launched out into that vaft abyfs, they delivered

themſelves to the guidance of a difordered imagination ; and as

the paths of error are various and infinite, the were

Gnoftics
33
imperceptibly divided into more than fifty particular fects ", of

whom the moft celebrated appear to have been the Bafilidians,

the Valentinians, the Marcionites, and, in a ftill later period, the

Manichæans. Each of theſe ſects could boaſt of its biſhops and

34
congregations, of its doctors and martyrs 3+, and, inftead of the

four gofpels adopted by the church, the heretics produced a mul-

titude of hiftories, in which the actions and difcourfes of Chrift and

32 In the account of the Gnoftics of the fe-
cond and third centuries, Mofheim is inge-
nious and candid ; Le Clerc dull, but exact ;
Beaufobre almoſt always an apologift ; and it
is much to be feared, that the primitive fa-
thers are very frequently calumniators .
33 See the catalogues of Irenæus and Epi-
phanius. It must indeed be allowed, that
thoſe writers were inclined to multiply the
number of fects which oppofed the unity of
the church .
34 Eufebius, 1. iv . c. 15. Sozomen . l.ii.c.32 .
See in Bayle, in the article of Marcion, a curi-
ous detail of a difpute on that fubject. It should
feem that fome of the Gnoftics (the Bafilidians)
declined, and even refufed, the honour of
martyrdom. Their reafons were fingular and
abftrufe. See Moßheim, p . 359 .
of
 OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 551

35
of his apoftles were adapted to their respective tenets ". The CHA P.
XV.
fuccefs of the Gnoftics was rapid and extenfive ". They covered

Afia and Egypt, eſtabliſhed themſelves in Rome, and fometimes

penetrated into the provinces of the Weſt. For the most part they

arofe in the ſecond century, flouriſhed during the third, and were

fuppreffed in the fourth or fifth, by the prevalence of more faſhion-

able controverfies, and by the fuperior afcendant of the reigning

power. Though they conftantly disturbed the peace, and fre-

quently difgraced the name, of religion , they contributed to affift

rather than to retard the progrefs of Chriftianity. The Gentile

converts, whofe ftrongeft objections and prejudices were directed

against the law of Mofes, could find admiffion into many Chriftian

focieties, which required not from their untutored mind any belief
of an antecedent revelation . Their faith was infenfibly fortified and

enlarged, and the church was ultimately benefited by the conquefts

of its moſt inveterate enemies 37.

But whatever difference of opinion might fubfift between the The demons
confidered as
Orthodox, the Ebionites, and the Gnoftics, concerning the divinity or the gods of

the obligation of the Mofaic law, they were all equally animated antiquity.
by the fame exclufive zeal, and by the fame abhorrence for idolatry

which had diftinguiſhed the Jews from the other nations of the

ancient world. The philofopher, who confidered the fyftem of

35 See a very remarkable paſſage of Origen
(Proem.adLucan . ) . That indefatigablewriter,
who had confumed his life in the study ofthe
fcriptures, relies for their authenticity on the
inſpired authority of the church. It was im-
poffible that the Gnostics could receive our
prefent goſpels, many parts of which ( parti-
cularly in the refurrection of Chrift ) are di-
rectly, and as it might feem defignedly, point-
ed against their favourite tenets. It is there-
fore fomewhat fingular that Ignatius (Epift.
ad Smyrn. Patr. Apoftol. tom . ii . p . 34. )
fhould chufe to employ a vague and doubtful
tradition , inſtead of quoting the certain tefti-
mony of the evangelifts.
36 Faciunt favos et vefpæ ; faciunt ecclefias
et Marcionitæ, is the ſtrong expreffion of Ter-
tullian , which I am obliged to quote from
memory. In the time of Epiphanius ( adverſ.
Hærefes, p . 302. ) the Marcionites were very
numerous in Italy, Syria, Egypt, Arabia,
and Perfia .
37 Auguftin is a memorable inftance of this
gradual progrefs from reafon to faith . He was,
during feveral years, engaged in the Mani-
chæan fe&t.
polytheifm
552 THE DECLINE AND FALL

CHAP. polytheifin as a compofition of human fraud and error, could dif-

guife a fimile of contempt under the mafk of devotion , without ap-

prehending that either the mockery, or the compliance, would ex-

pofe him to the refentment of any invifible, or, as he conceived them,

imaginary powers. But the eſtabliſhed religions of Paganiſm were

feen by the primitive Chriftians in a much more odious and formi-

dable light. It was the univerſal ſentiment both of the church and

of heretics , that the dæmons were the authors, the patrons, and

the objects of idolatry ". Thofe rebellious fpirits who had been
degraded from the rank of angels, and caft down into the infernal

pit, were ftill permitted to roam upon earth, to torment the bodies,
and to feduce the minds, of finful men. The dæmons foon diſcovered
" and abuſed the natural propenfity of the human heart towards
devotion, and, artfully withdrawing the adoration of mankind from

their Creator, they ufurped the place and honours of the Supreme

Deity. By the fuccefs of their malicious contrivances, they at once

gratified their own vanity and revenge , and obtained the only
comfort of which they were yet fufceptible, the hope of involving

the human ſpecies in the participation of their guilt and mifery.

It was confeffed , or at leaſt it was imagined, that they had dif

tributed among themſelves the moſt important characters of poly-

theifm , one dæmon affuming the name and attributes of Jupiter,

another of Æfculapius, a third of Venus, and a fourth perhaps of

Apollo " ; and that, by the advantage of their long experience and
aërial nature, they were enabled to execute, with fufficient fkill and

dignity, the parts which they had undertaken. They lurked

in the temples, inftituted feſtivals and facrifices, invented fables,

pronounced oracles, and were frequently allowed to perform

35 The unanimous fentiment of the primi-
tive church is very clearly explained by Juftin
Martyr. Apolog. Major, by Athenagoras Le-
gat. c . 22 , &c . and by Lactantius, Inftitut.
Divin . ii. 14-19 .
39 Tertullian (Apolog. c. 23. ) alleges the
confeffion of the Demons themselves as often
as they wereto rmented by the Chriftian ex-
orcifts .
miracles.
 OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE.
553

miracles. The Chriſtians, who, by the interpofition of evil CHA P.

XV .
fpirits, could fo readily explain every præternatural appear-

ance, were difpofed and even defirous to admit the moſt extra-
"
vagant fictions of the Pagan mythology. But the belief of the
Chriſtian was accompanied with horror. The moft trifling mark of

reſpect to the national worſhip he confidered as a direct homage

yielded to the dæmon, and as an act of rebellion againſt the majeſty

of God.

In confequence of this opinion , it was the firft but arduous duty Abhorrence
of the Chrif-
of a Chriſtian to preſerve himſelf pure and undefiled by the practice tians for ido-
latry.
of idolatry. The religion of the nations was not merely a ſpecu-
lative doctrine profeffed in the ſchools or preached in the temples.
The innumerable deities and rites of polytheifm were cloſely inter-

woven with every circumftance of buſineſs or pleaſure, of public

or of private life ; and it feemed impoffible to eſcape the obfervance

of them, without, at the fame time, renouncing the commerce of

mankind , and all the offices and amuſements of fociety " . The Ceremonies.

important tranſactions of peace and war were prepared or con-

cluded by folemn facrifices, in which the magiftrate, the fenator,

and the foldier, were obliged to prefide or to participate ". The

public fpectacles were an effential part of the cheerful devotion of

the Pagans, and the gods were ſuppoſed to accept, as the moſt
grateful offering, the games that the prince and people celebrated
42
in honour of their peculiar feſtivals " . The Chriſtian , who with

pious horror avoided the abomination of the circus or the theatre,

40 Tertullian has written a mof fevere
treatiſe againſt idolatry, to caution his bre-
thren against the hourly danger of incurring
that guilt. Recogita fylvam, et quantæ la-
titant fpine. De Coronâ Militis , c . 10 .
41 The Roman fenate was always held in a
temple or confecrated place (Aulus Gellius,
xiv. 7.). Before they entered on bufinefs,
every fenator dropt fome wine and frankin-
VOL. I. 4 B
cenfe on the altar. Sueton . in Auguft .
c. 35.
42 See Tertullian , De Spectaculis. This
fevere reformer fhews no more indulgence to
a tragedy of Euripides, than to a combat of
gladiators. The drefs of the actors particu-
larly offends him. By the ufe of the lofty
bufkin, they impiouſly ftrive to add a cubit
to their ftature , c . 23 .
found
554 THE DECLINE AND FALL

CHA P. found himſelf encompaffed with infernal fnares in every convivial

XV.
entertainment, as often as his friends, invoking the hofpitable
43
deities, poured out libations to each other's happineſs " . When

the bride, ſtruggling with well-affected reluctance, was forced in

44
hymenaal pomp over the threſhold of her new habitation , or

when the fad proceffion of the dead flowly moved towards the
funeral pile " ; the Chriftian, on thefe interefting occafions, was

compelled to defert the perfons who were the deareft to him, rather

than contract the guilt inherent to thofe impious ceremonies..

Arts. Every art and every trade that was in the leaſt concerned in the

framing or adorning of idols was polluted by the ftain of idola-

try " ; a ſevere ſentence, fince it devoted to eternal miſery the far

greater part of the community, which is employed in the exerciſe

of liberal or mechanic profeffions. If we caft our eyes over the

numerous remains of antiquity, we fhall perceive, that beſides the

i
immediate repreſentations of the Gods, and the holy inftruments

of their worſhip, the elegant forms and agreeable fictions con-

fecrated by the imagination of the Greeks, were introduced as

the richeſt ornaments of the houſes, the drefs , and the furniture,

of the Pagans " . Even the arts of mufic and painting, of eloquence

and poetry, flowed from the fame impure origin. In the ftyle

of the fathers, Apollo and the Mufes were the organs of the

43 The ancient practice of concluding the
entertainment with libations, may be found
in every claffic. Socrates and Seneca, in their
laft moments, made a noble application of
this cuftom. Poftquam ftagnum calidæ aquæ
introiit, refpergens proximos fervorum, addi-
tå voce, libare fe liquorem illum Jovi Libe
ratori . Tacit. Annal . xv. 64.
** See the elegant but idolatrous hymn of
Catullus, on the nuptials of Manlius and
Julia. O Hymen, Hymenæe Iö ! Quis huic
Deo compararier aufit ?
es The ancient funerals (in thofe of Miſe-
nus and Pallas) are no lefs accurately de-
fcribed by Virgil, than they are illuftrated by
his commentator Servius. The pile itself was
an altar, the flames were fed with the blood
of victims, and all the affiftants were fprin-
kled with luftral water.
46 Tertullian de Idololatria , c. II .
47 See every part of Montfaucon's Anti-
quities. Even the reverſes of the Greek and
Roman coins were frequently of an idolatrous
nature. Here indeed the ſcruples of the Chri-
ftian were fufpended by a stronger paffion.
infernal
 OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 555

infernal ſpirit, Homer and Virgil were the moſt eminent of his CHA P.
XV.
fervants, and the beautiful mythology which pervades and animates

the compofitions of their genius, is deftined to celebrate the glory

of the dæmons. Even the common language of Greece and Rome

abounded with familiar but impious expreffions , which the im-

prudent Chriftian might too carelessly utter, or too patiently

hear 48.

The dangerous temptations which on every fide lurked in Feſtivals.

ambuſh to ſurpriſe the unguarded believer, affailed him with re-

doubled violence on the days of folemn feftivals. So artfully

were they framed and difpofed throughout the year, that ſuper-

ftition always wore the appearance of pleaſure, and often of vir-

tue 49. Some of the moſt facred feſtivals in the Roman ritual were

deſtined to falute the new calends of January with vows of public

and private felicity, to indulge the pious remembrance of the dead

and living, to aſcertain the inviolable bounds of property, to hail ,

on the return of ſpring, the genial powers of fecundity, to per-

petuate the two memorable æras of Rome, the foundation of the

eity, and that of the republic, and to reſtore, during the humane

licenſe of the Saturnalia, the primitive equality of mankind. Some

idea may be conceived of the abhorrence of the Chriftians for fuch

impious ceremonies, by the fcrupulous delicacy which they dif-

played on a much lefs alarming occafion. On days of general

feftivity, it was the cuſtom of the ancients to adorn their doors

with lamps and with branches of laurel, and to crown their heads
with a garland of flowers. This innocent and elegant practice

might perhaps have been tolerated as a mere civil inftitution. But

48 Tertullian de Idololatria, c. 20 , 21 , 22 . his imperfect Fafti. He finished no more

If a Pagan friend ( on the occafion perhaps
of fneezing) ufed the familiar expreffion of
66
Jupiter bless you , " the Chriftian was ob-
liged to protest against the divinity of Jupiter.
* Confult the moſt laboured work of Ovid,
4 B 2
than the first fix months of the year. The
compilation of Macrobius is called the Saturn- A.
alia, but it is only a ſmall part of the firft
book that bears any relation to the title.
it
556 THE DECLINE AND FALL

CHA
XV. P. it most unluckily happened that the doors were under the protection
of the houſehold gods, that the laurel was facred to the lover of

Daphne, and that garlands of flowers, though frequently worn as a

ſymbol either of joy or mourning, had been dedicated in their firſt

origin to the fervice of fuperftition. The trembling Chriftians,

who were perfuaded in this inftance to comply with the fashion of

their country, and the commands of the magiſtrate, laboured under

the moſt gloomy apprehenfions, from the reproaches of their own

confcience, the cenfures of the church, and the denunciations of
50
divine vengeance 5º.
Zeal for Such was the anxious diligence which was required to guard the
Christianity.
chaſtity of the gofpel from the infectious breath of idolatry. The

ſuperſtitious obſervances of public or private rites were careleſsly prac-

tifed, from education and habit, by the followers of the eſtabliſhed

religion. But as often as they occurred , they afforded the Chriſtians

an opportunity of declaring and confirming their zealous oppofition.

By theſe frequent proteftations their attachment to the faith was

continually fortified, and in proportion to the increaſe of zeal, they

combated with the more ardour and fuccefs in the holy war, which

they had undertaken againſt the empire of the dæmons.

THE SECOND
CAUSE . II. The writings of Cicero " repreſent in the moſt lively colours

The doctrine the ignorance, the errors, and the uncertainty of the ancient philo-
of the im-
mortality of fophers with regard to the immortality of the foul. When
the foul
among the they are defirous of arming their diſciples againſt the fear of death ,
philofophers ;
so Tertullian has compofed a defence , or nifts. See Memoires Ecclefiaftiques, tom . iii.
rather panegyric, of the rash action of a P. 384.
Chriftian foldier, who, by throwing away 5 In particular, the first book of the Tuf-
his crown of laurel, had expofed himſelf and culan Queſtions, and the treatiſe De Senectute ;
his brethren to the most imminent danger. and the Somnium Scipionis, contain , in the
By the mention of the emperors (Severus and most beautiful language , every thing that
Caracalla) it is evident, notwithstanding the Grecian philofophy, or Roman good fenfe,
wifhes of M. de Tillemont, that Tertullian could poffibly fuggeft on this dark but im-
compofed his treatife De Coronâ, long before portant object .
he was engaged in the errors of the Monta-

they
 OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 557

they inculcate, as an obvious, though melancholy pofition ,

that CHA P.
XV .
the fatal ftroke of our diffolution releaſes us from the calamities of

life ; and that thofe can no longer fuffer who no longer exiſt.

Yet there were a few fages of Greece and Rome who had conceived

a more exalted, and, in fome refpects, a jufter idea of human

nature ; though it muſt be confeffed, that, in the fublime inquiry,

their reafon had been often guided by their imagination , and that their
imagination had been prompted by their vanity. When they

viewed with complacency the extent of their own mental powers,

when they exerciſed the various faculties of memory, of fancy,

and of judgment, in the moft profound fpeculations, or the moſt

important labours, and when they reflected on the defire of fame,

which tranſported them into future ages, far beyond the bounds

of death and of the grave ; they were unwilling to confound them-

felves with the beafts of the field, or to fuppofe, that a being,

for whofe dignity they entertained the moſt ſincere admiration ,

could be limited to a ſpot of earth, and to a few years of duration .

With this favourable prepoffeffion they fummoned to their aid the

ſcience, or rather the language, of Metaphyfics . They foon dif-

covered, that as none of the properties of matter will apply to the

operations of the mind, the human foul muſt confequently be a

fubftance diftinct from the body, pure, fimple, and fpiritual, in-

capable of diffolution , and fufceptible of a much higher degree of

virtue and happineſs after the releaſe from its corporeal prifon .

From theſe fpecious and noble principles, the philofophers who

trod in the footsteps of Plato, deduced a very unjuſtifiable conclu-

fion, fince they afferted , not only the future immortality, but the

paft eternity of the human foul, which they were too apt to con-

fider as a portion of the infinite and felf- exifting fpirit, which per-
52
vades and fuftains the univerſe 2. A doctrine thus removed

The pre-existence of human fouls, fo far and Latin fathers. See Beaufobre, Hift. du
at leaft as that doctrine is compatible with re- Manicheifme , 1. vi. c. 4.
ligion, was adopted by many of the Greck
beyond
 558 THE DECLINE AND FALL

CHAP. beyond the fenfes and the experience of mankind, might ſerve to
XV .
amufe the leiſure of a philoſophic mind ; or, in the filence of foli-

tude, it might fometimes impart a ray of comfort to deſponding

virtue ; but the faint impreffion which had been received in the
ſchools, was foon obliterated by the commerce and buſineſs of
active life. We are fufficiently acquainted with the eminent per-

fons who flouriſhed in the age of Cicero, and of the firft Cæfars,

with their actions, their characters, and their motives, to be affured

that their conduct in this life was never regulated by any ferious

conviction of the rewards or puniſhments of a future ftate. At the

bar and in the fenate of Rome the ableft orators were not appre-
1
henfive of giving offence to their hearers, by expofing that doc-

trine as an idle and extravagant opinion, which was rejected with

contempt by every man of a liberal education and underftand-
$3
ing "3.
among the
Since therefore the moſt fublime efforts of philofophy can extend
Pagans of
Greece and no farther than feebly to point out the defire, the hope, or, at
Rome ;
moft, the probability, of a future ftate, there is nothing, except a
divine revelation, that can aſcertain the exiſtence, and deſcribe

the condition of the inviſible country which is deſtined to receive

the fouls of men after their feparation from the body. But we

may perceive ſeveral defects inherent to the popular religions of

Greece and Rome, which rendered them very unequal to ſo arduous

a taſk. 1. The general ſyſtem of their mythology was unſupported

by any folid proofs ; and the wiſeſt among the Pagans had already

diſclaimed its uſurped authority. 2. The deſcription of the infer-

nal regions had been abandoned to the fancy of painters and

of poets, who peopled them with fo many phantoms and monſters,

who diſpenſed their rewards and puniſhments with fo little equity,

53 See Cicero pro Cluent. c. 61. Cæfar

ap. Salluft. de Bell . Catilin . c . 50. Juvenal . Nec pueri credunt , nifi qui nondum ære
Satir. ii. 149. lavantur.
Effe aliquos manes, et fubterranea regna,
4 that
 OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 559

CHAP.
that a folemn truth, the most congenial to the human heart, was
XV.
oppreffed and difgraced by the abfurd mixture of the wildeſt
54
fictions ". 3. The doctrine of a future ftate was fcarcely con--

ſidered among the devout polytheiſts of Greece and Rome as a

fundamental article of faith . The providence of the gods, as it

related to public communities rather than to private individuals,

was principally diſplayed on the viſible theatre of the preſent

world. The petitions which were offered on the altars of Jupiter

or Apollo , expreffed the anxiety of their worshippers for temporal

happineſs, and their ignorance or indifference concerning a future

life ". The important truth of the immortality of the foul was

inculcated with more diligence as well as fuccefs in India , in Affyria,

in Egypt, and in Gaul ; and fince we cannot attribute ſuch a dif- amongthe
barbarians ;
ference to the fuperior knowledge of the barbarians, we muſt aſcribe

it to the influence of an eſtabliſhed priesthood, which employed the

36
motives of virtue as the inftrument of ambition

We might naturally expect, that a principle fo effential to re- among the

Jews ;
ligion, would have been revealed in the cleareft terms to the choſen

people of Paleſtine, and that it might fafely have been intruſted

to the hereditary priesthood of Aaron. It is incumbent on us to

adore the myſterious difpenfations of Providence ", when we dif-

5+ The xith book of the Odyffey gives a curity of another world . Vetus ille mos Gal-
very dreary and incoherent account of the in- lorum occurrit (fays Valerius Maximus, 1. ii .
fernal fhades. Pindar and Virgil have em- c. 6. p. 10. ) , quos memoria proditur eft, pe-
belliſhed the picture ; but even thofe poets, cunias mutuas, quæ his apud inferos redde-
though more correct than their great model, rentur, dare folitos . The fame cuftom is
are guilty of very ftrange inconfiftencies . See more darkly infinuated by Mela, 1. iii . c . 2 .
Bayle, Refponfes aux Queftions d'un Provin- It is almoft needlefs to add, that the profits
cial, part ili . c. 22 . of trade hold a juft proportion to the credit
55 See the xvith epiftle of the first book of ofthe merchant, and that the Druids derived
Horace, the xiiith Satire of Juvenal, and the from their holy profeſſion a character of re-
iid Satire of Perfius : thefe popular difcourfes fponfibility, which could ſcarcely be claimed
expreſs the ſentiment and language of the by any other order of men.
multitude. 57 The right reverend author of the Di-
56 If we confine ourſelves to the Gauls, we · vine Legation of Mofes affigns a very curious
may obferve, that they intrufted, not only reafon for the omiffion , and moft ingenioufly
their lives, but even their money, to the fe retorts it on the unbelievers.
cover,
550 THE DECLINE AND FALL

CHAP .
cover, that the doctrine of the immortality of the foul is omitted
XV .
in the law of Mofes ; it is darkly infinuated by the prophets, and

during the long period which elapſed between the Egyptian and the
1
Babylonian ſervitudes, the hopes as well as fears of the Jews

appear to have been confined within the narrow compaſs of the

prefent life ". After Cyrus had permitted the exiled nation to

return into the promiſed land, and after Ezra had reftored the

ancient records of their religion , two celebrated fects, the Sadducees

and the Pharifees, infenfibly arofe at Jerufalem ". The former

felected from the more opulent and diftinguiſhed ranks of fociety,

were ftrictly attached to the literal fenfe of the Mofaic law, and

they piouſly rejected the immortality of the foul, as an opinion that

received no countenance from the divine book, which they revered

as the only rule of their faith. To the authority of fcripture the

Pharifees added that of tradition , and they accepted, under the

name of traditions, feveral fpeculative tenets from the philofophy

or religion of the eaſtern nations. The doctrines of fate or pre-

deftination, of angels and fpirits, and of a future ftate of rewards

and puniſhments, were in the number of thefe new articles of

belief ; and as the Pharifees, by the auſterity of their manners, had

drawn into their party the body of the Jewiſh people, the immor-

tality of the foul became the prevailing fentiment of the fynagogue,

under the reign of the Afmonæan princes and pontiffs. The tem-

per of the Jews was incapable of contenting itſelf with fuch a cold

and languid affent as might fatisfy the mind of a Polytheift ; and as

foon as they admitted the idea of a future ftate, they embraced it

5 See Le Clerc ( Prolegomena ad Hift. admitted only the Pentateuch ; but it has
Ecclefiaft. fect. 1. c . 8. ) . His authority feems
pleafed fome modern critics to add the pro-
to carry the greater weight, as he has written phets to their creed, and to fuppofe, that
a learned and judicious commentary on the they contented themſelves with rejecting the
books of the Old Teftament. traditions of the Pharifees. Dr. Jortin has
59 Jofeph. Antiquitat. 1. xiii . c. 10. De argued that point in his Remarks on Ecclefi-
Bell . Jud. ii . 8. According to the moſt na- aftical Hiſtory, vol. ii. p. 103 .
tural interpretation ofhis words, the Sadducees
with
 OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 561

with the zeal which has always formed the characteristic of the CHA
XV. P.
nation. Their zeal, however, added nothing to its evidence, or

even probability and it was ftill neceffary, that the doctrine of life
and immortality, which had been dictated by nature, approved by

reaſon, and received by fuperftition, fhould obtain the fanction of

divine truth from the authority and example of Chriſt.
among the
When the promiſe of eternal happineſs was propoſed to mankind, Chriftians.

on condition of adopting the faith, and of obſerving the precepts

of the gospel, it is no wonder that fo advantageous an offer ſhould

have been accepted by great numbers of every religion , of every

rank, and of every province in the Roman empire. The ancient

Chriſtians were animated by a contempt for their prefent exiſtence ,

and by a juſt confidence of immortality, of which the doubtful and

imperfect faith of modern ages cannot give us any adequate notion .
In the primitive church, the influence of truth was very powerfully Approaching

ftrengthened by an opinion , which however it may deſerve reſpect world.

for its uſefulneſs and antiquity, has not been found agreeable to
experience. It was univerfally believed, that the end of the world

and the kingdom of Heaven, were at hand. The near approach

of this wonderful event had been predicted by the apoftles ; the

tradition of it was preſerved by their earlieſt diſciples, and thoſe

who underſtood in their literal ſenſe the diſcourſes of Chriſt himſelf,
were obliged to expect the fecond and glorious coming of the Son
of Man in the clouds, before that generation was totally extin-

guiſhed , which had beheld his humble condition upon earth, and
which might ftill be witneſs of the calamities of the Jews under
Vefpafian or Hadrian. The revolution of feventeen centuries has

inftructed us not to prefs too clofely the myfterious language of

prophecy and revelation ; but as long as, for wife purpoſes, this error

was permitted to fubfift in the church, it was productive of the moft

falutary effects on the faith and practice of Chriftians, who lived

in the awful expectation of that moment when the globe itſelf, and
VOL. I. 4 C all
 THE DECLINE AND FALL
562

CHAP. all the various race of mankind, fhould tremble at the appearance of
XV.
their divine judge .

Doctrine of The ancient and popular doctrine of the Millennium was inti-
the Millen-
nium. mately connected with the fecond coming of Chriſt. As the works
of the creation had been finiſhed in fix days, their duration in their

prefent ftate, according to a tradition which was attributed to the

prophet Elijah, was fixed to fix thousand years ". By the fame

analogy it was inferred, that this long period of labour and con-

tention, which was now almoſt elapfed " , would be fucceeded by a

joyful Sabbath of a thoufand years ; and that Chrift , with the tri-

umphant band of the faints and the elect who had eſcaped death, or

who had been miraculouſly revived, would reign upon earth till the

time appointed for the laſt and general refurrection . So pleaſing

was this hope to the mind of believers, that the New Jerufalem, the

feat of this blifsful kingdom, was quickly adorned with all the

gayeft colours of the imagination. A felicity conſiſting only of

pure and ſpiritual pleaſure, would have appeared too refined for its

inhabitants, who were ftill fuppofed to poffefs their human nature

and fenfes. A garden of Eden, with the amuſements of the paftoral

life, was no longer fuited to the advanced ſtate of fociety which

prevailed under the Roman empire. A city was therefore erected

This expectation was countenanced by puted almoſt 6000 years from the creation of
the twenty-fourth chapter of St. Matthew, and the world to the birth of Chrift. Africanus,
by the first epiftle of St. Paul to the Theffa- Lactantius, and the Greek church, have re-
lonians. Erafmus removes the difficulty by duced that number to 5500, and Eufebius has
the help of allegory and metaphor ; and the contented himſelf with 5200 years. Thefe
learned Grotius ventures to infinuate, that, calculations were formed on the Septuagint,
for wife purpoſes , the pious deception was which was univerfally , received during the
permitted to take place ." fix first centuries. The authority of the Vul-
* See Burnet's Sacred Theory, part iii. gate and of the Hebrew text has determined
c. 5. This tradition may be traced as high the moderns, Proteftants as well as Catholics ,
as the author ofthe Epiftle of Barnabas, who to prefer a period of about 4000 years ; though,
wrote in the first century, and who feems to in the study of profane antiquity, they often
have been half a Jew. find themselves ftreightened by thoſe narrow
The primitive church of Antioch com- limits .
of
 OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE.
563

of gold and precious ftones, and a fupernatural plenty of corn and CHAP.
XV.
wine was beſtowed on the adjacent territory ; in the free enjoyment

of whoſe ſpontaneous productions, the happy and benevolent peo-

ple was never to be restrained by any jealous laws of exclufive

property " . The affurance of fuch a Millennium, was carefully in-

culcated by a fucceffion of fathers from Juftin Martyr " and Ire-

næus, who converfed with the immediate difciples of the apoſtles ,

down to Lactantius, who was preceptor to the fon of Conftantines.

Though it might not be univerfally received , it appears to have been

the reigning fentiment of the orthodox believers ; and it feems fo

well adapted to the defires and apprehenfions of mankind, that it

muſt have contributed in a very confiderable degree to the progreſs
of the Chriftian faith. But when the edifice of the church was al-

moſt completed, the temporary ſupport was laid afide. The doctrine

of Chriſt's reign upon earth , was at firft treated as a profound alle-

gory, was conſidered by degrees as a doubtful and uſeleſs opinion , and

was at length rejected as the abfurd invention of hereſy and fana-

ticiſm . A myſterious prophecy, which ftill forms a part of the

facred canon, but which was thought to favour the exploded fenti-

ment, has very narrowly eſcaped the profcription of the church " .
Whilf

63 Moſt of theſe pictures were borrowed
from a misinterpretation of Ifaiah, Daniel, and
the Apocalypfe . One of the groffeft images
may be found in Irenæus (1. v. p. 455- ), the
difciple of Papias, who had feen the apoftle
St. John.
64 See the fecond dialogué of Juftin with
Tryphon, and the feventh book of Lactantius.
It is unneceffary to allege all the intermediate
fathers , as the fact is not difputed . Yet the
curious reader may confult Daille de Uf Pa-
trum , 1. ii . c. 4.
65 The testimony of Juftin, of his own
faith and that of his orthodox brethren, in
the doctrine of a Millennium, is delivered in
4 C 2
the cleareft and moſt folemn manner ( Dia-
log. cum Tryphonte Jud. p. 177 , 178. Edit .
Benedictin .) . If in the beginning of this
important paffage. there is any thing like an
inconfiftency, we may impute it, as we think
proper, either to the author or to his tran-
fcribers.
66
6. Dupin, Bibliothéque Ecclefiaftique , tom .
i . p. 223. tom . ii . p . 366. and Mosheim, p .
720 ; though the latter of thefe learned di-
vines is not altogether candid on this occaſion .
67 In the council of Laodicea (about the
year 360) the Apocalypfe was tacitly ex- Γ
cluded from the facred canon , by the fame
churches of Afia to which it is addreffed ; and
we
 1

THE DECLINE AND FALL

564

CHAP. Whilft the happineſs and glory of a temporal reign were promiſed
XV.
to the difciples of Chrift, the moft dreadful calamities were de-
Conflagra-
tion of Rome nounced againſt an unbelieving world. The edification of the new
and of the
world. Jerufalem was to advance by equal fteps with the deftruction of the

myftic Babylon ; and as long as the emperors who reigned before

Conftantine perfifted in the profeffion of idolatry, the epithet of

Babylon was applied to the city and to the empire of Rome. A re-

gular feries was prepared of all the moral and phyſical evils which
!
can afflict a flouriſhing nation ; inteftine difcord, and the invaſion

of the fierceft barbarians from the unknown regions of the North ;

peftilence and famine, comets and eclipfes, earthquakes and inun-

dations " . All theſe were only fo many preparatory and alarming

figns of the great cataſtrophe of Rome, when the country of the

Scipios and Cæfars fhould be confumed by a flame from Heaven,

and the city of the feven hills, with her palaces, her temples,

and her triumphal arches, fhould be buried in a vaſt lake of fire

and brimftone. It might, however, afford fome confolation to

Roman vanity, that the period of their empire would be that of

the world itſelf ; which, as it had once periſhed by the element of

water, was deſtined to experience a fecond and a ſpeedy deftruction

from the element of fire. In the opinion of a general conflagration,

the faith of the Chriſtian very happily coincided with the tradition

we may learn from the complaint of Sulpicius infallibility on all the books of Scripture,
Severus, that their fentence had been ratified contained in the Latin Vulgate, in the num-
by the greater number of Chriftians of his ber of which the Apocalypfe was fortunately
time. From what cauſes then is the Apoca- included . (Fra Paolo, Iftoria del Concilio
lypfe at prefent fo generally received by the Tridentino, 1. ii. ) 3. The advantage of
Greek, the Roman , and the Proteftant turning thoſe myſterious prophecies againſt
churches ? The following ones may be af- the See of Rome, infpired the proteftants with
figned. 1. The Greeks were fubdued by uncommon veneration for fo uſeful an ally.
the authority of an impoftor, who, in the See the ingenious and elegant difcourfes of
fixth century, affumed the character of Dio- the prefent bishop of Litchfield on that un-
nyfius the Areopagite. 2. A just apprehen- promiſing ſubject.
fion, that the grammarians might become 68 Lactantius (Inftitut. Divin. vii. 15 , &c.)
more importantthan the theologians, engaged relates the difmal tale of futurity with great
the council of Trent to fix the feal of their fpirit and eloquence.
of
 OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 565

of the Eaft, the philoſophy of the Stoics, and the analogy of Nature ; CHA P.
XV.
and even the country, which, from religious motives, had been choſen

for the origin and principal ſcene of the conflagration , was the beſt

adapted for that purpoſe by natural and phyſical caufes ; by its deep
caverns, beds of fulphur, and numerous volcanoes , of which thoſe

of Etna, of Vefuvius, and of Lipari, exhibit a very imperfect re-

preſentation. The calmeſt and moſt intrepid fceptic could not re-

fuſe to acknowledge, that the deſtruction of the preſent fyftem of

the world by fire, was in itſelf extremely probable. The Chriftian ,

who founded his belief much lefs on the fallacious arguments of

reaſon than on the authority of tradition and the interpretation

of fcripture, expected it with terror and confidence as a certain and

approaching event ; and as his mind was perpetually filled with the

folemn idea, he confidered every diſaſter that happened to the em-

pire as an infallible fymptom of an expiring world " ,

The condemnation of the wifeſt and moſt virtuous of the Pagans, The Pagans
devoted to
on account of their ignorance or diſbelief of the divine truth, feems eternal pu
70 nishment.
to offend the reafon and the humanity of the preſent age • But

. the primitive church, whofe faith was of a much firmer confiftence,

delivered over, without heſitation , to eternal torture, the far greater

part of the human fpecies. A charitable hope might perhaps be

indulged in favour of Socrates, or fome other fages of antiquity,

who had confulted the light of reafon before that of the goſpel had

69 On this fubject every reader of tafte will
be entertained with the third part of Burnet's
Sacred Theory. He blends philofophy, fcrip-
ture, and tradition, into one magnificent fyf-
tem ; in the defcription of which, he difplays
a ftrength of fancy not inferior to that of
Milton himſelf.
7° And yet whatever may be the language
of individuals, it is ftill the public doctrine
of all the Chriſtian churches ; nor can even
our own refufe to admit the conclufions which
must be drawn from the viith and the xviiith
of her Articles. The Janfenifts, who have
fo diligently studied the works of the fathers,
maintain this fentiment with diftinguiſhed
zeal, and the learned M. de Tillemont never
difmiffes a virtuous emperor without pro-
nouncing his damnation . Zuinglius is per-
haps the only leader of a party who has ever
adopted the milder fentiment, and he gave
no lefs offence to the Lutherans than to the
Catholics. See Boffuet, Hiftoire des Varia-
tions des Eglifes Proteftantes, 1. ii. c. 19–22.
arifen..
566 THE DECLINE AND FALL

CHAP.
XV . arifen ". But it was unanimouſly affirmed, that thoſe who, fince

the birth or the death of Chrift, had obftinately perfifted in the

worſhip of the dæmons, neither deſerved nor could expect a pardon

from the irritated juftice of the Deity. Thefe rigid fentiments,

which had been unknown to the ancient world, appear to have in-

fuſed a ſpirit of bitterneſs into a ſyſtem of love and harmony. The

ties of blood and friendſhip were frequently torn afunder by the

difference of religious faith ; and the Chriſtians, who, in this world,

found themſelves oppreffed by the power of the Pagans, were fome-

times feduced by refentment and fpiritual pride to delight in the

profpect of their future triumph. " You are fond of fpectacles ,"

exclaims the ftern Tertullian, " expect the greateſt of all ſpectacles ,

" the laſt and eternal judgment of the univerſe. How fhall I ad-
" mire, how laugh, how rejoice, how exult, when I behold fo
many proud monarchs, and fancied gods, groaning in the loweſt
66
abyfs of darkness ; ſo many magiftrates who perfecuted the name

" of the Lord, liquefying in fiercer fires than they ever kindled
(C
against the Chriftians ; fo many fage philofophers bluſhing in red
" hot flames with their deluded fcholars ; fo many celebrated poets

" trembling before the tribunal, not of Minos , but of Chrift ; fo

many tragedians, more tuneful in the expreffion of their own

" fufferings ; fo many dancers-" But the humanity of the reader

will permit me to draw a veil over the reft of this infernal deſcrip-
tion, which the zealous African purſues in a long variety of affected
and unfeeling witticifms " .

" Juſtin and Clemens of Alexandria al- may be fufficient to allege the testimony of
low that fome of the philofophers were in- Cyprian, the doctor and guide of all the
ftructed by the Logos ; confounding its double western churches . (See Prudent. Hymn , xiii .
fignification, ofthe human reafon , and ofthe 100. ) As often as he applied himself to his
Divine Word. daily ftudy of the writings of Tertullian , he
72 Tertullian, De Spectaculis, c . 30. In was accustomed to fay, " Da mihi magiftrum ;
order to ascertain the degree of authority Give me my mafter." (Hieronym. de Viris
which the zealous African had acquired, it 1lluftribus, tom. i . p . 284. )

Doubtless
 OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 567

С НА Р.
Doubtless there were many among the primitive Chriftians of a XV.
temper more fuitable to the meeknefs and charity of their profeffion.
Were often
There were many who felt a fincere compaffion for the danger of converted by
their fears.
their friends and countrymen , and who exerted the moſt benevolent
zeal to fave them from the impending deftruction. The careleſs

Polytheift, affailed by new and unexpected terrors, againſt which

neither his priests nor his philofophers could afford him any cer-

tain protection , was very frequently terrified and fubdued by the

menace of eternal tortures. His fears might affift the progreſs of

his faith and reaſon ; and if he could once perfuade himſelf to fuf-

pect that the Chriftian religion might poffibly be true, it became an

eafy taſk to convince him that it was the ſafeſt and moſt prudent
party that he could poſſibly embrace.

III. The fupernatural gifts, which even in this life were afcribed THE THIRD
CAUSE.
to the Chriftians above the reft of mankind, must have conduced to Miraculous

their own comfort, and very frequently to the conviction of infidels. powersof
primitive the
church.
Beſides the occafional prodigies, which might fometimes be effected

by the immediate interpofition of the Deity when he fufpended the

laws of Nature for the fervice of religion , the Chriftian church ,

from the time of the apoftles and their firft difciples " , has claim-

ed an uninterrupted fucceffion of miraculous powers, the gift of

tongues, of viſion and of prophecy, the power of expelling dæ-
mons, of healing the fick, and of raiſing the dead. The know-

ledge of foreign languages was frequently communicated to the con-

1
temporaries of Irenæus, though Irenæus himfelf was left to flruggle

with the difficulties of a barbarous dialect whilft he preached the

goſpel to the natives of Gaul ". The divine infpiration , whether

it was conveyed in the form of a waking or of a fleeping viſion , is

73 Notwithſtanding the evafions of Dr.
Middleton, it is impoffible to overlook the
clear traces of vifions and inſpiration , which
may be found in the apoftolic fathers.
74 Irenæus adv. Hæref. Proem. p. 3. Dr.
7
Middleton ( Free Inquiry, p . 96, &c . ) ob-
ferves, that as this pretenfion of all others
was the most difficult to fupport by art, it
was the fooneft given up. The obfervation
fuits his hypotheſis .
defcribed

"
 THE DECLINE AND FALL
568

CHA P. defcribed as a favour very liberally beſtowed on all ranks of the

XV .
faithful, on women as on elders, on boys as well as upon biſhops.

When their devout minds were fufficiently prepared by a courſe of

prayer, of fafting, and of vigils, to receive the extraordinary im-

pulſe, they were tranfported out of their fenfes, and delivered in

extafy what was inſpired, being mere organs of the holy ſpirit, juſt

as a pipe or flute is of him who blows into it ". We may add,

that the deſign of theſe viſions was, for the most part, either to dif-

cloſe the future hiſtory, or to guide the preſent adminiſtration of

the church . The expulfion of the dæmons from the bodies of

thoſe unhappy perſons whom they had been permitted to torment,

was confidered as a fignal though ordinary triumph of religion,

and is repeatedly alleged by the ancient apologiſts, as the moſt con-

vincing evidence of the truth of Chriftianity. The awful ceremony

was uſually performed in a public manner, and in the prefence of a

great number of ſpectators ; the patient was relieved by the power

or fkill of the exorcift, and the vanquished dæmon was heard to

confefs, that he was one of the fabled gods of antiquity, who had
impiouſly ufurped the adoration of mankind ". But the miracu-

lous cure of diſeaſes of the moſt inveterate or even preternatural

kind, can no longer occafion any ſurpriſe, when we recollect, that

in the days of Irenæus, about the end of the fecond century, the

refurrection of the dead was very far from being efteemed an un-

common event ; that the miracle was frequently performed on necef-

fary occafions, by great fafting and the joint fupplication of the

church of the place, and that the perfons thus reftored to their

75 Athenagoras in Legatione. Juftin Mar- 76 Tertullian (Apolog. c. 23.) throws out

tyr, Cohort. ad Gentes. Tertullian adverſ. a bold defiance to the Pagan magistrates . Of
Marcionit. 1. iv. Thefe defcriptions are not the primitive miracles, the power of exor-
very unlike the prophetic fury, for which cifing, is the only one which has been af
Cicero (de Divinat. ii. 54.) expreffes fo little fumed by Proteftants.
reverence.

prayers,
 OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 569

prayers, had lived afterwards among them many years ". At fuch CHA P.
XV .
a period, when faith could boaft of fo many wonderful victories

over death, it ſeems difficult to account for the fcepticiſm of thoſe

philofophers, who ſtill rejected and derided the doctrine of the re-
furrection. A noble Grecian had refted on this important ground.

the whole controverſy, and promiſed Theophilus, biſhop of Antioch,

that if he could be gratified with the fight of a fingle perſon who

had been actually raiſed from the dead, he would immediately em-

brace the Chriſtian religion. It is fomewhat remarkable, that the

prelate of the firſt eaſtern church, however anxious for the conver-
fion of his friend, thought proper to decline this fair and reaſonable

challenge " .

The miracles of the primitive church, after obtaining the fanc- Their truth
conteſted .
tion of ages, have been lately, attacked in a very free and in-

genious inquiry " ; which, though it has met with the moſt

favourable reception from the Public, appears to have excited a

general fcandal among the divines of our own as well as of the
80
other proteſtant churches of Europe " . Our different ſentiments on

this fubject will be much lefs influenced by any particular argu-

ments, than by our habits of ſtudy and reflection ; and above all, by

the degree of the evidence which we have accuſtomed ourſelves to 3

I
require for the proof of a miraculous event. The duty of an hif-
Our perplex-
ity in defin-
torian does not call upon him to interpofe his private judgment in ingthe mira-
culous pe-
this nice and important controverſy ; but he ought not to diffemble riod .

the difficulty of adopting fuch a theory as may reconcile the intereſt

77 Irenæus adv. Hærefes, 1. ii . 56, 57 . in the year 1747, publiſhed his Free Inquiry
1. v. c. 6. Mr. Dodwell (Differt. ad Ire- in 1749, and before his death , which hap-
næum, ii . 42. ) concludes, that the fecond pened in 1750, he had prepared a vindication
century was ſtill more fertile in miracles than of it againſt his numerous adverſaries.
the first. so The university of Oxford conferred de-
78 Theophilus ad Autolycum, l . i . p. 345. grees on his opponents. From the indignation
Edit. Benedictin . Paris, 1742. of Mofheim ( p.221 . ) , we may diſcover the
79 Dr. Middleton fent out his Introduction fentiments of the Lutheran divines.

VOL. I. 4 D of
570 THE DECLINE AND FALL

CHA religion with that of reaſon, of making a proper application of

XV. P. of
that theory, and of defining with precifion the limits of that happy

period exempt from error and from deceit, to which we might be

diſpoſed to extend the gift of ſupernatural powers. From the firſt

of the fathers to the laft of the popes, a fucceffion of biſhops, of

faints, of martyrs, and of miracles, is continued without interrup-

tion , and the progreſs of fuperftition was fo gradual and almoſt

imperceptible, that we know not in what particular link we ſhould

break the chain of tradition. Every age bears teftimony to the

wonderful events by which it was diftinguiſhed, and its teſtimony

appears no leſs weighty and refpectable than that of the preceding

generation, till we are infenfibly led on to accuſe our own incon-

fiftency, if in the eighth or in the twelfth century we deny to the

venerable Bede, or to the holy Bernard , the fame degree of con-

fidence which, in the fecond century, we had fo liberally granted to

Juftin or to Irenæus ". If the truth .of any of thoſe miracles is

appreciated by their apparent ufe and propriety, every age had un-
believers to convince, heretics to confute, and idolatrous nations

to convert ; and fufficient motives might always be produced to

juſtify the interpofition of Heaven . And yet fince every friend to

revelation is perfuaded of the reality, and every reaſonable man is

convinced of the ceffation, of miraculous powers, it is evident that

there muſt have been fome period in which they were either fud-
denly or gradually withdrawn from the Chriftian church. What-

ever æra is choſen for that purpoſe, the death of the apoftles, the
converfion of the Roman empire, or the extinction of the Arian

herefy " , the infenfibility of the Chriftians who lived at that time
will

It may feem fomewhat remarkable, that nions and difciples. In the long feries of ec-
Bernard of Clairvaux, who records fo many clefiaftical hiftory, does there exiſt a ſingle
miracles ofhis friend St. Malachi , never takes inftance of a faint afferting that he himſelf
any notice of his own , which, in their turn, poffeffed the gift of miracles è
however, are carefully related by his compa- 82 The converfion of Conftantine is the
5 æra
 OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 571

will equally afford a juft matter of furprife. They ftill fupported CHA
X.V. P.
their pretenfions after they had loft their power. Credulity per-
formed the office of faith ; fanaticifm was permitted to affume the

language of infpiration , and the effects of accident or contrivance

were afcribed to fupernatural caufes. The recent experience of

genuine miracles fhould have inftructed the Chriftian world in the

ways of providence , and habituated their eye (if we may uſe a

very inadequate expreffion ) to the ſtyle of the divine artiſt. Should

the moſt ſkilful painter of modern Italy preſume to decorate his feeble

imitations with the name of Raphael or of Correggio , the infolent

fraud would be foon diſcovered and indignantly rejected.

Whatever opinion of the Ufe of the

may be entertained of the miracles
primitive
primitive church fince the time of the apoſtles, this unrefifting foft- miracles.
nefs of temper, fo confpicuous among the believers of the fecond

and third centuries, proved of fome accidental benefit to the cauſe of

truth and religion. In modern times, a latent and even involuntary

ſcepticiſm adheres to the moſt pious difpofitions. Their admiffion

of fupernatural truths is much leſs an active conſent, than a cold

and paffive acquiefcence. Accuſtomed long fince to obferve and to

reſpect the invariable order of Nature, our reaſon , or at leaſt our

imagination , is not fufficiently prepared to ſuſtain the viſible action

of the Deity. But, in the firſt ages of Chriſtianity, the fituation of

mankind was extremely different. The moft curious, or the moſt

credulous, among the Pagans, were often perfuaded to enter into a
fociety, which afferted an actual claim of miraculous powers. The

primitive Chriftians perpetually trod on mystic ground, and their

minds were exerciſed by the habits of believing the moft extraor-

dinary events. They felt, or they fancied, that on every fide they
"
were inceffantly affaulted by dæmons, comforted by vifions, in-
1

æra which is moſt uſually fixed by proteftants . credulous are unwilling to reject thofe of the
The more rational divines are unwilling to vth century.
admit the miracles of the ivth , whilſt the more

4 D 2 ftructed
572 THE DECLINE AND FALL

CHA
XV . P. ftructed by prophecy, and ſurpriſingly delivered from danger, fick-
nefs, and from death itſelf, by the fupplications of the church .

The real or imaginary prodigies, of which they fo frequently con-

ceived themſelves to be the objects, the inftruments, or the fpecta-

tors, very happily difpofed them to adopt with the fame eafe, but

with far greater juſtice, the authentic wonders of the evangelic

hiftory ; and thus miracles that exceeded not the meaſure of their

own experience, inſpired them with the moſt lively affurance of myf-

teries which were acknowledged to ſurpaſs the limits of their under-

ftanding. It is this deep impreffion of fupernatural truths, which

has been fo much celebrated under the name of faith ; a ftate of

mind defcribed as the fureft pledge of the divine favour and of fu-

ture felicity, and recommended as the firſt or perhaps the only merit

of a Chriſtian. According to the more rigid doctors, the moral vir-

tues, which may be equally practiſed by infidels, are deſtitute of any

value or efficacy in the work of our juftification.

THE IV. But the primitive Chriſtian demonftrated his faith by his
FOURTH
CAUSE. virtues ; and it was very juftly ſuppoſed that the divine perfuafion
Virtues of
the first which enlightened or fubdued the underſtanding , muft, at the ſame
Christians. time, purify the heart and direct the actions of the believer. The

firſt apologiſts of Chriſtianity who juftify the innocence of their

brethren, and the writers of a later period who celebrate the fanctity

of their anceſtors, diſplay, in the moſt lively colours, the reforma-

tion of manners which was introduced into the world by the
preaching of the gospel. As it is my intention to remark only

ſuch human cauſes as were permitted to fecond the influence of

revelation, I fhall flightly mention two motives which might

naturally render the lives of the primitive Chriftians much purer
and more auftere than thofe of their Pagan contemporaries, or their

degenerate fucceffors ; repentance for their paſt fins, and the laudable
defire of fupporting the reputation of the fociety in which they were

engaged.

It
 OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 573

It is a very ancient reproach, fuggefted by the ignorance or the CHA P.

XV.
malice of infidelity, that the Chriftians allured into their party the
Effects of
moſt atrocious criminals, who , as foon as they were touched by a their repent-
ance..
fenſe of remorse, were eafily perfuaded to wash away, in the water

of baptifm , the guilt of their paft conduct, for which the temples
of the gods refuſed to grant them any expiation. But this reproach,

when it is cleared from mifreprefentation , contributes as much to

the honour as it did to the increaſe of the church 83.· The friends

of Chriftianity may acknowledge without a bluſh, that many of

the moſt eminent faints had been before their baptifm the moſt

abandoned finners. Thoſe perfons, who in the world had followed,

though in an imperfect manner, the dictates of benevolence and

propriety , derived ſuch a calm ſatisfaction from the opinion of their

own rectitude , as rendered them much leſs fufceptible of the fudden

emotions of ſhame, of grief, and of terror, which have given birth

to fo many wonderful converfions. After the example of their Di-

vine Maſter, the miffionaries of the goſpel difdained not the ſociety

of men, and eſpecially of women, oppreffed by the conſciouſneſs ,

and very often by the effects, of their vices. As they emerged from

fin and ſuperſtition to the glorious hope of immortality, they re-

folved to devote themſelves to a life, not only of virtue, but of peni-

tence. The defire of perfection became the ruling paffion of their

foul ; and it is well known , that while reafon embraces a cold medio-

crity, our paffions hurry us, with rapid violence, over the fpace

which lies between the moſt oppofite extremes.

When the new converts had been enrolled in the number of the Care of their
reputation.
faithful, and were admitted to the facraments of the church, they

found themſelves reftrained from relapfing into their paſt diſorders

by another confideration of a leſs ſpiritual, but of a very innocent

and refpectable nature. Any particular fociety that has departed

$3 The imputations of Celfus and Julian , ftated by Spanheim , Commentaire fur les Ce-
with the defence of the fathers, are very fairly fars de Julian, p. 468.
from
574 THE DECLINE AND FALL

CHA P. from the great body of the nation , or the religion to which it
XV.
belonged, immediately becomes the object of univerfal as well as

invidious obſervation . In proportion to the ſmallneſs of its num-

bers, the character of the fociety may be affected by the virtue

and vices of the perfons who compofe it ; and every member is en-

gaged to watch with the moſt vigilant attention over his own
behaviour, and over that of his brethren, fince, as he muſt expect

to incur a part of the common difgrace, he may hope to enjoy

a fhare of the common reputation. When the Chriftians of Bi-

thynia were brought before the tribunal of the younger Pliny, they
afſured the proconful, that, far from being engaged in any unlawful

confpiracy, they were bound by a folemn obligation to abftain from

the commiffion of thofe crimes which difturb the private or public

84
peace of fociety, from theft, robbery, adultery, perjury, and fraud **.

Near a century afterwards, Tertullian, with an honeſt pride, could

boaſt, that very few Chriftians had fuffered by the hand of the

executioner, except on account of their religion " . Their ferious

and fequeſtered life, averfe to the gay luxury of the age, inured them
to chaſtity, temperance, œconomy, and all the fober and domeftic

virtues. As the greater number were of fome trade or profeffion ,

it was incumbent on them, by the ſtricteft integrity and the faireſt

dealing, to remove the fufpicions which the profane are too apt
to conceive againſt the appearances of fanctity. The contempt
of the world exerciſed them in the habits of humility, meekneſs ,

and patience. The more they were perfecuted, the more cloſely

they adhered to each other. Their mutual charity and unſuſpecting

confidence has been remarked by infidels, and was too often abuſed
86
by perfidious friends " .

84 Plin. Epiftol. x. 97. life and death Lucian has left us fo entertain-
85 Tertullian , Apolog . c. 44. He adds, ing an account ) impofed, for a long time,
however, with fome degree of heſitation , on the credulous fimplicity of the Chriſtians
" Aut fi aliud, jam , non Chriftianus. " of Afia.
The philofopher Peregrinus (of whoſe
It
 OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 575
$

It is a very honourable circumſtance for the morals of the primi- CHA P.

XV.
tive Chriftians, that even their faults, or rather errors, were derived
Morality of
from an exceſs of virtue. The biſhops and doctors of the church, the fathers.

whoſe evidence attefts, and whofe authority might influence, the

profeffions, the principles, and even the practice, of their con-

temporaries, had ftudied the fcriptures with lefs fkill than devo-

tion, and they often received, in the moſt literal fenfe, thofe rigid

precepts of Chrift and the apoftles, to which the prudence of

fucceeding commentators has applied a loofer and more figurative

mode of interpretation. Ambitious to exalt the perfection of the

goſpel above the wiſdom of philofophy, the zealous fathers have

carried the duties of felf-mortification , of purity, and of patience,

to a height which it is fcarcely poffible to attain, and much leſs

to preſerve, in our preſent ſtate of weakneſs and corruption. A

doctrine ſo extraordinary and ſo fublime muſt inevitably command

the veneration of the people ; but it was ill calculated to obtain

the fuffrage of thoſe worldly philoſophers, who, in the conduct of

this tranſitory life, confult only the feelings of nature and the intereſt
of fociety ".

There are two very natural propenfities which we may dif- Principles of
human na
tinguiſh in the moſt virtuous and liberal difpofitions, the love of ture.
pleaſure and the love of action. If the former is refined by art and

learning, improved by the charms of focial intercourſe, and cor-

rected by a juft regard to economy, to health , and to reputation ,

it is productive of the greateſt part of the happineſs of private life.

The love of action is a principle of a much ſtronger and more

doubtful nature. It often leads to anger, to ambition, and to

revenge ; but when it is guided by the fenfe of propriety and bene-

volence, it becomes the parent of every virtue ; and if thoſe virtues

are accompanied with equal abilities, a family, a ſtate, or an

* See a very judicious treatiſe of Barbeyrac fur la Morale des Peres.

empire,
576 THE DECLINE AND FALL

CHA P. empire, may be indebted for their fafety and proſperity to the
XV.
undaunted courage of a fingle man. To the love of pleaſure we

may therefore afcribe moſt of the agreeable, to the love of action

we may attribute moſt of the uſeful and reſpectable, qualifications.

The character in which both the one and the other fhould be

united and harmonifed, would ſeem to conftitute the moſt perfect

idea of human nature. The inſenſible and inactive difpofition ,

which ſhould be ſuppoſed alike deſtitute of both , would be rejected,

by the common confent of mankind, as utterly incapable of pro-

curing any happineſs to the individual, or any public benefit to

the world. But it was not in this world that the primitive

Chriſtians were defirous of making themſelves either agreeable

or uſeful.
The primi-
The acquifition of knowledge, the exerciſe of our reafon or fancy,
tive Chrif-
tians con- and the cheerful flow of unguarded converfation, may employ the
demn plea-
fure and leifure of a liberal mind. Such amufements , however, were rejected
luxury.
with abhorrence, or admitted with the utmoſt caution, by the ſeverity

of the fathers, who deſpiſed all knowledge that was not ufeful to fal-

vation , and who confidered all levity of diſcourſe as a criminal

abuſe of the gift of fpeech. In our prefent ftate of exiſtence, the

body is fo infeparably connected with the foul, that it feems to

be our intereſt to taſte, with innocence and moderation, the enjoy-

ments of which that faithful companion is fufceptible. Very

different was the reaſoning of our devout predeceſſors ; vainly

afpiring to imitate the perfection of angels, they disdained , or they

affected to difdain, every earthly and corporeal delight . Some

of our fenfes indeed are neceffary for our prefervation, others for
our fubfiftence, and others again for our information, and thus

far it was impoffible to reject the uſe of them. The firſt ſenſation

18 Lactant. Inftitut. Divin. 1. vi. c. 20, 21 , 22 .

of
 OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 577

of pleaſure was marked as the first moment of their abuſe. The CHA P.
XV .
unfeeling candidate for Heaven was inftructed, not only to refift
the groffer allurements of the taſte or fmell, but even to ſhut his
ears againſt the profane harmony of founds, and to view with

indifference the moſt finiſhed productions of human art. Gay

apparel, magnificent houſes, and elegant furniture, were ſuppoſed
to unite the double guilt of pride and of ſenſuality : a fimple
and mortified appearance was more fuitable to the Chriſtian who
was certain of his fins and doubtful of his falvation . In their

cenfures of luxury, the fathers are extremely minute and cir-

cumſtantial " ; and among the various articles which excite their

pious indignation, we may enumerate falſe hair, garments of any

colour except white, inftruments of mufic, vaſes of gold or filver,

downy pillows (as Jacob repofed his head on a ſtone), white bread,

foreign wines, public falutations, the uſe of warm baths, and the

practice of fhaving the beard, which, according to the expreffion

of Tertullian, is a lie againſt our own faces, and an impious

attempt to improve the works of the Creator ". When Chriſtianity

was introduced among the rich and the polite, the obfervation

of theſe ſingular laws was left, as it would be at preſent, to the few

who were ambitious of fuperior fanctity. But it is always eaſy, as

well as agreeable, for the inferior ranks of mankind to claim a merit

from the contempt of that pomp and pleaſure, which fortune has

placed beyond their reach . The virtue of the primitive Chriſtians ,

like that of the firft Romans, was very frequently guarded by po-

verty and ignorance.

The chaſte ſeverity of the fathers , in whatever related to the com- Their ſenti-
ments con-1
merce of the two fexes, flowed from the fame principle ; their cerning mar-
abhorrence of every enjoyment, which might gratify the fenfual, riage and
chastity.

39 Confult a work of Clemens ofAlexandria, the moſt celebrated of the Chriftian ſchools.
intitled the Pædagogue, which contains the Tertullian , de Spectaculis, C. 23.
rudiments of ethics, as they were taught in Clemens Alexandrin . Pædagog. 1. iii. c. 8.
VOL. I. 4 E and
578 THE DECLINE AND FALL

CHAP. and degrade the ſpiritual , nature of man. It was their favourite
XV.
opinion, that if Adam had preſerved his obedience to the Creator,

he would have lived for ever in a ſtate of virgin purity , and that

fome harmleſs mode of vegetation might have peopled paradiſe

with a race of innocent and immortal beings ". The ufe of mar-

riage was permitted only to his fallen pofterity, as a neceffary ex-

pedient to continue the human fpecies, and as a reſtraint, however

imperfect, on the natural licentioufnefs of defire. The heſitation

of the orthodox cafuifts on this intereſting ſubject, betrays the per-

plexity of men, unwilling to approve an inſtitution , which they were

compelled to tolerate . The enumeration of the very whimſical

laws, which they moſt circumftantially impoſed on the marriage-

bed, would force a ſmile from the young, and a bluſh from the
fair. It was their unanimous fentiment, that a firft marriage was

adequate to all the purpoſes of nature and of fociety. The fenfual

connexion was refined into a reſemblance of the myftic union of

Chriſt with his church, and was pronounced to be indiffoluble

either by divorce or by death. The practice of fecond nuptials

was branded with the name of a legal adultery ; and the perſons who

were guilty of fo fcandalous an offence againft Chriftian purity,

were foon excluded from the honours, and even from the alms, of

the church " . Since defire was imputed as a crime, and marriage-

was tolerated as a defect, it was confiftent with the fame principles

to confider a ſtate of celibacy as the neareſt approach to the Divine

perfection. It was with the utmoſt difficulty that ancient Rome

could fupport the inſtitution of fix veftals " ; but the primitive
church

91 Beaufobre, Hift. Critique du Mani- 93 See a chain of tradition , from Juftin

cheiſme, 1. vii. c . 3. Juftin , Gregory of Martyr to Jerome, in the Morale des Peres ;
Nyffa, Auguftin, &c. ftrongly inclined to c. iv. 6-26.
this opinion. 94 See a very curious Differtation on the
92 Some of the Gnoftic heretics were more Veftals , in the Memoires de l'Academie des
confiftent ; they rejected the ufe of marriage. Infcriptions, tom. iv. p . 161-227. Notwith-
ftanding
 OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE.
579

church was filled with a great number of perfons of either fex, who CHA P.
XV.
had devoted themſelves to the profeffion of perpetual chaſtity ". A

few of theſe, among whom we may reckon the learned Origen , judged
it the moſt prudent to difarm the temper ". Some were infenfible

and fome were invincible againſt the affaults of the flesh. Difdaining
an ignominious flight, the virgins of the warm climate of Africa
encountered the enemy in the cloſeſt engagement ; they permitted

prieſts and deacons to ſhare their bed, and gloried amidſt the flames

in their unſullied purity. But infulted Nature fometimes vindicated

her rights , and this new fpecies of martyrdom ferved only to in-
troduce a new fcandal into the church "7. Among the Chriftian

afcetics, however (a name which they foon acquired from their

painful exercife) , many, as they were lefs prefumptuous , were pro-

bably more fuccefsful. The lofs of fenfual pleaſure was fupplied

and compenſated by ſpiritual pride. Even the multitude of Pagans

were inclined to eſtimate the merit of the facrifice by its apparent

difficulty ; and it was in the praiſe of theſe chaſte ſpouſes of Chriſt

that the fathers have poured forth the troubled ſtream of their

eloquence " . Such are the early traces of monaftic principles and
inftitutions , which, in a ſubſequent age, have counterbalanced all

the temporal advantages of Chriſtianity ".

ſtanding the honours and rewards which were
beſtowed on thofe virgins, it was difficult to
procure a fufficient number ; nor could the
dread of the most horrible death always re-
ftrain their incontinence .
Cupiditatem procreandi aut unam fci-
mus aut nullam . Minucius Fælix, c . 31 .
Juftin . Apolog. Major . Athenagoras in Le-
gat. c. 28. Tertullian de Cultu Fœmin. 1. ii .
96 Eufebius, 1. vi . 8. Before the fame of
Origen had excited envy and perfecution, this
extraordinary action was rather admired than
cenfured. As it was his general practice to
allegorize fcripture ; it ſeems unfortunate that,
in this inftance only, he fhould have adopted
the literal fenfe.
97 Cyprian. Epiftol. 4. and Dodwell Dif-
fertat. Cyprianic. iii. Something like this
rash attempt was long afterwards imputed to
the founder ofthe order of Fontevrault. Bayle
has amufed himself and his readers on that
very delicate ſubject .
98 Dupin (Bibliothéque Ecclefiaftique , tom .
i. p. 195. ) gives a particular account of the
dialogue of the ten virgins, as it was com-
pofed by Methodius, biſhop of Tyre. The
praiſes of virginity are exceffive.
99 The Afcetics (as early as the fecond
century) made a public profeffion of mortify-
ing their bodies, and of abſtaining from the
ufe of flesh and wine. Mofheim, p . 310 .

4E 2 The-
 NE
580 THE DECLI AND FALL

CHAP. The Chriftians were not lefs averfe to the bufinefs than to the
XV .
pleaſures of this world. The defence of our perfons and property
Their aver-
fion to the they knew not how to reconcile with the patient doctrine which
bufinefs of
war and go- enjoined an unlimited forgiveneſs of paſt injuries, and commanded
vernment.
them to invite the repetition of freſh infults. Their fimplicity was
offended by the uſe of oaths, by the pomp of magiſtracy, and by

the active contention of public life, nor could their humane igno-

rance be convinced, that it was lawful on any occaſion to ſhed

the blood of our fellow-creatures, either by the fword of juftice, or

by that of war ; even though their criminal or hoftile attempts

100.
ſhould threaten the peace and ſafety of the whole community •

It was acknowledged, that, under a lefs perfect law, the powers

of the Jewiſh conſtitution had been exerciſed, with the approbation

of Heaven, by inſpired prophets and by anointed kings. The

Chriftians felt and confeffed, that fuch inftitutions might be ne-

ceffary for the preſent fyftem of the world, and they cheerfully
fubmitted to the authority of their Pagan governors. But while

they inculcated the maxims of paffive obedience, they refuſed to

take any active part in the civil adminiſtration or the military defence

of the empire. Some indulgence might perhaps be allowed to thoſe

perfons who, before their converfion , were already engaged in ſuch

101
violent and fanguinary occupations ; but it was impoffible that
the Chriftians, without renouncing a more facred duty, could
102
affume the character of foldiers, of magiftrates, or of princes '

This indolent, or even criminal difregard to the public welfare,

100 See the Morale des Peres. The fame lolatriâ, c. 17, 18. Origen contra Celfam,
patient principles have been revived fince the 1. v. p . 253. 1. vii . p . 348. 1. viii. P. 423-
Reformation by the Socinians, the modern 48.
Anabaptifts, and the Quakers. Barclay, the 102 Tertullian (de Corona Militis , c . 11.)
apologist of the Quakers, has protected his fuggefts to them the expedient of deferting ; a
brethren , by the authority of the primitive counfel ,which, ifit had been generally known,
Chriftians , P. 542-549 . was not very proper to conciliate the favoar
Tertullian, Apolog. c. 21. De Ido- of the emperors towards the Chriſtian feet.

expofed
 OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 581

expoſed them to the contempt and reproaches of the Pagans, who CHA P.
XV.
very frequently aſked, what muſt be the fate of the empire, attacked

on every fide by the barbarians, if all mankind fhould adopt the

103
pufillanimous fentiments of the new fect ? To this infulting
queftion the Chriftian apologifts returned obfcure and ambiguous
anſwers, as they were unwilling to reveal the fecret caufe of their

fecurity ; the expectation that, before the converfion of mankind was

accompliſhed, war,. government, the Roman empire, and the world

itſelf, would be no more. It may be obferved, that, in this inſtance

likewife, the fituation of the firft Chriftians coincided very happily

with their religious fcruples , and that their averfion to an active

life contributed rather to excuſe them from the fervice, than 1 to
exclude them from the honours , of the ſtate and army.

V.. But the human character, however it may be exalted THE FIFTH
CAUSE.
or depreſſed by a temporary enthuſiaſm, will return by degrees to The Chrift-
ians active in
its proper and natural level, and will refume thoſe paffions that ſeem the govern-

the moſt adapted to its prefent condition.. The primitive Chriftians ment
churchof
. the

were dead to the buſineſs and pleaſures of the world ; but their

love of action, which could never be entirely extinguished, foon

revived, and found a new occupation in the government of the

church. A feparate fociety, which attacked the eſtabliſhed religion

of the empire, was obliged to adopt fome form of internal policy,

and to appoint a fufficient number of miniſters, intrufted not only

with the fpiritual functions, but even with the temporal direction

of the Chriſtian commonwealth. The fafety of that fociety, its

honour, its aggrandifement, were productive, even in the moſt

pious minds, of a ſpirit of patriotiſm , fuch as the firſt of the

Romans had felt for the republic, and fometimes, of a fimilar

indifference, in the uſe of whatever means might probably conduce

193 As well as we can judge from the mu- 423.) , his adverſary, Celfus, had urged his
tilated reprefentation of Origen (1. viii. p .. objection with great force and candour..
to
582 THE DECLINE AND FALL

CHAP.
XV. to fo defirable an end. The ambition of raifing themſelves or their
friends to the honours and offices of the church, was difguifed by

the laudable intention of devoting to the public benefit, the power

and confideration, which, for that purpoſe only, it became their duty
to folicit. In the exercife of their functions, they were frequently

called upon to detect the errors of herefy, or the arts of faction, to

oppoſe the deſigns of perfidious brethren , to ftigmatize their cha-

racters with deſerved infamy , and to expel them from the bofom of

a fociety, whoſe peace and happineſs they had attempted to diſturb.

The ecclefiaftical governors of the Chriftians were taught to

unite the wiſdom of the ferpent with the innocence of the dove ;
but as the former was refined , fo the latter was infenfibly cor-

rupted, by the habits of government. In the church as well as in

the world, the perfons who were placed in any public ftation ren-
dered themſelves confiderable by their eloquence and firmneſs, by

their knowledge of mankind, and by their dexterity in buſineſs, and

while they concealed from others, and perhaps from themſelves, the

fecret motives of their conduct , they too frequently relapfed into all

the turbulent paffions of active life, which were tinctured with an

additional degree of bitterneſs and obftinacy from the infuſion of

ſpiritual zeal.

Its primitive The government of the church has often been the ſubject as well
freedom and
equality. as the prize of religious contention. The hoftile difputants of

Rome, of Paris, of Oxford , and of Geneva, have alike ſtruggled

to reduce the primitive and apoftolic model , to the refpec-

tive ſtandards of their own policy. The few who have purſued

this inquiry with more candour and impartiality, are of opinion 105,

104 The Ariftocratical party, in France, as acknowledge an equal . See Fra Paolo.
well as in England, has ftrenuously main- 105 In the hiftory of the Chriftian hierarchy,
tained the divine origin of bishops. But the I have, for the most part, followed the learn-
Calvinistical prefbyters were impatient of a ed and candid Mofheim .
fuperior ; and the Roman Pontiff refuſed to

that
 OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 583

that the apoftles declined the office of legiflation, and rather chofe CHA P.
XV.
to endure fome partial ſcandals and divifions, than to exclude
the Chriſtians of a future age from the liberty of varying their

forms of ecclefiaftical government according to the changes of

times and circumftances. The ſcheme of policy, which, under

their approbation, was adopted for the uſe of the firſt century, may

be diſcovered from the practice of Jerufalem, of Ephefus, or of

Corinth. The focieties which were inftituted in the cities of the

Roman empire, were united only by the ties of faith and charity.
Independence and equality formed the bafis of their internal con-

ſtitution . The want of diſcipline and human learning was fup-

plied by the occaſional affiſtance of the prophets , who were

called to that function without diftinction of age, of ſex, or of

natural abilities , and who, as often as they felt the divine impulſe,

poured forth the effufions of the ſpirit in the aſſembly of the faithful.

But theſe extraordinary gifts were frequently abuſed or miſapplied

by the prophetic teachers. They diſplayed them at an improper

feafon, prefumptuouſly diſturbed the fervice of the affembly, and

by their pride or miſtaken zeal they introduced , particularly into the

apoftolic church of Corinth, a long and melancholy train of diſ-

orders . As the inftitution of prophets became uſeleſs, and even

pernicious, their powers were withdrawn, and their office abolished .

The public functions of religion were folely intruſted to the eſta-

bliſhed miniſters of the church, the bishops and the prefbyters ; two

appellations which, in their firſt origin, appear to have diſtinguiſhed

the fame office and the fame order of perfons. The name of Preſ-
byter was expreffive of their age, or rather of their gravity and
wiſdom. The title of Biſhop denoted their inſpection over the faith

106 For the prophets of the primitive church, 107 See the epiftles of St. Paul, and of Cle-
fee Mosheim , Differtationes ad Hift. Ecclef. , mens , to the Corinthians.
pertinentes , tom . ii . p . 132-208.
and
4
 THE DECLINE AND FALL
584

CHA P. and manners of the Chriftians who were committed to their paſtoral
XV .
care. In proporton to the reſpective numbers of the faithful ,

a larger or ſmaller number of theſe epifcopal preſbyters guided

each infant congregation with equal authority, and with united

108
counfels *°*.
Inftitution of
But the moſt perfect equality of freedom requires the directing
bishops as
prefidents of hand of a fuperior magiſtrate ; and the order of public deliberations
the college
of prefbyters . foon introduces the office of a preſident, inveſted at leaſt with the

authority of collecting the fentiments, and of executing the re-

folutions, of the affembly. A regard for the public tranquillity,

which would fo frequently have been interrupted by annual or by

occafional elections, induced the primitive Chriftians to conftitute an

honourable and perpetual magiſtracy, and to chooſe one of the wiſeſt

and moſt holy among their prefbyters to execute, during his life, the

duties of their ecclefiaftical governor. It was under thefe circum-

ftances that the lofty title of Bishop began to raiſe itſelf above the

humble appellation of prefbyter ; and while the latter remained the

moft natural diſtinction for the members of every Chriftian fenate

the former was appropriated to the dignity of its new prefident 109.

The advantages of this epifcopal form of government, which ap- ,

110
pears to have been introduced before the end of the firſt century

were fo obvious, and fo important for the future greatnefs , as well

as the preſent peace, of Christianity, that it was adopted without

delay by all the focieties which were already fcattered over the em-

108 Hooker's Ecclefiaftical Polity, 1. vii.
109 See Jerome ad Titum, c. 1. and Epiftol .
85. (in the Benedictine edition , 101. ) and
the elaborate apology of Blondel, pro fenten-
tia Hieronymi. The ancient ftate, as it is
defcribed by Jerome, of the bishop and pref-
byters of Alexandria, receives a remarkable
confirmation from the patriarch Eutichius
(Annal . tom. i. p. 330. Verf. Pocock) ; whofe
teftimony I know not how to reject , in fpite
of all the objections of the learned Pearſon ,
in his Vindicia Ignatianæ, part i . c. 11 .
110 See the introduction to the Apocalypſe.
Bishops, under the name of angels, were al-
ready inftituted in ſeven cities of Afia. And
yet the epiftle of Clemens (which is proba-
bly of as ancient a date) does not lead us to
difcover any traces of epifcopacy either at Co-
rinth or Rome.
pire,
 OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 585

pire, had acquired in a very early period the fanction of anti- CHA P.
XV .
quity " , and is ftill revered by the most powerful churches, both

of the Eaſt and of the Weft, as a primitive and even as a divine

eſtabliſhment " . It is needleſs to obſerve, that the pious and humble

prefbyters, who were firft dignified with the epiſcopal title, could
not poffefs, and would probably have rejected , the power and pomp

which now encircles the tiara of the Roman pontiff, or the mitre

of a German prelate. But we may define, in a few words, the

narrow limits of their original juriſdiction , which was chiefly of a

113
fpiritual, though in ſome inſtances of a temporal , nature "¹³. It con-

fiſted in the adminiſtration of the facraments and diſcipline of the

church, the fuperintendency of religious ceremonies, which imper-

ceptibly increaſed in number and variety, the conſecration of eccle-

fiaftical miniſters, to whom the biſhop affigned their reſpective func-

tions, the management of the public fund, and the determination

of all fuch differences as the faithful were unwilling to expoſe be-

fore the tribunal of an idolatrous judge. Theſe powers, during a

fhort period, were exerciſed according to the advice of the prefby-

teral college, and with the conſent and approbation of the affembly

of Chriftians. The primitive bithops were confidered only as the

firſt of their equals, and the honourable fervants of a free people.

Whenever the epifcopal chair became vacant by death, a new pre-

fident was chofen among the prefbyters by the fuffrage of the whole
congregation , every member of which fuppofed himſelf invefted
114
with a facred and facerdotal character "¹*.
Such

* Nulla Ecclefia fine Epifcopo, has been 113 See Mofheim in the first and fecond
a fact as well as a maxim fince the time of centuries. Ignatius ( ad Smyrnæos , c. 3 , &c .)
Tertullian and Irenæus. is fond of exalting the epifcopal dignity. Le
112 After we have paffed the difficulties of Clerc ( Hift . Ecclefiaft . p . 569. ) very bluntly
the first century, we find the epifcopal go- cenfures his conduct . Mofheim, with a more
vernment univerfally established, till it was critical judgment ( p. 161. ) , fufpects the pu-
interrupted by the republican genius of the rity even of the finaller epistles .
Swifs and German reformers. 114 Nonne et Laici facerdotes fumus ? Ter-
VOL. I. 4 F tullian,
586 THE DECLINE AND FALL

CHA P.
XV. Such was the mild and equal conftitution by which the Chriſtians

Provincial were governed more than an hundred years after the death of the
councils.
apoftles. Every fociety formed within itſelf a feparate and inde-
pendent republic : and although the moſt diſtant of theſe little ſtates

maintained a mutual as well as friendly intercourſe of letters and

deputations, the Chriſtian world was not yet connected by any fu-

preme authority or legiflative affembly. As the numbers of the

faithful were gradually multiplied, they diſcovered the advantages

that might refult from a clofer union of their intereſt and defigns.

Towards the end of the fecond century, the churches of Greece

and Afia adopted the uſeful inftitutions of provincial fynods,

and they may juftly be fuppofed to have borrowed the model of a

repreſentative council from the celebrated examples of their own

country, the Amphictyons, the Achæan league, or the affemblies of

the Ionian cities. It was foon eſtabliſhed as a cuftom and as a law,

that the bishops of the independent churches fhould meet in the

capital of the province at the ftated periods of fpring and autumn.

Their deliberations were affifted by the advice of a few diſtinguiſhed

prefbyters, and moderated by the prefence of a liſtening multi-

tude " . Their decrees, which were ftyled Canons, regulated every

important controverfy of faith and difcipline ; and it was natural

to believe that a liberal effufion of the holy spirit would be poured

on the united affembly of the delegates of the Chriſtian people.

The inftitution of fynods was fo well fuited to private ambition and

to public intereft, that in the ſpace of a few years it was received

Union of the throughout the whole empire. A regular correfpondence was eſta-
church.

tullian, Exhort. ad Caftitat. c. 7. As the 115 Acta Concil . Carthag. apud Cyprian.
human heart is ſtill the fame, feveral of the Edit. Fell, p . 158. This council was com-
obfervations which Mr. Hume has made on pofed of eighty- feven bishops from the pro-
Enthuſiaſm (Eſſays, vol . i . p. 76, quarto vinces of Mauritania, Numidia, and Africa ;
edit.) , may be applied even to real infpira- fome prefbyters and deacons affifted at the af-
ration. fembly; præfente plebis maximâ parte.

7 bliſhed
 OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 587

bliſhed between the provincial councils, which mutually communi- CHA

XV. P.
cated and approved their reſpective proceedings ; and the catholic
church foon affumed the form , and acquired the ftrength, of a great
116
foederative republic "" .

As the legiſlative authority of the particular churches was infen- Progress of

epifcopal au-
fibly ſuperſeded by the uſe of councils, the biſhops obtained by their thority.
alliance a much larger fhare of executive and arbitrary power ; and

as foon as they were connected by a ſenſe of their common intereſt,

they were enabled to attack, with united vigour, the original rights

of their clergy and people. The prelates of the third century im-
perceptibly changed the language of exhortation into that of com-

mand, fcattered the feeds of future ufurpations , and ſupplied, by

ſcripture allegories and declamatory rhetoric, their deficiency of force

and of reafon. They exalted the unity and power of the church, as

it was repreſented in the EPISCOPAL OFFICE , of which every biſhop

enjoyed an equal and undivided portion " . Princes and magiftrates ,

it was often repeated, might boaſt an earthly claim to a tranfitory

dominion it was the epifcopal authority alone which was derived

from the deity, and extended itſelf over this and over another world.

The biſhops were the vicegerents of Chrift, the fucceffors of the

apoſtles, and the myſtic fubftitutes of the high prieft of the Mofaic
law. Their excluſive privilege of conferring the facerdotal charac-

ter, invaded the freedom both of clerical and of popular elections ;

and if, in the adminiſtration of the church, they flill confulted

the judgment of the prefbyters, or the inclination of the people,

they moſt carefully inculcated the merit of fuch a voluntary con-

defcenfion. The bishops acknowledged the fupreme authority

which refided in the affembly of their brethren ; but in the govern-

116
Aguntur præterea per Græcias illas, lition of the Chriftian churches is very ably
certis in locis concilia, &c. Tertullian de explained by Mofheim, p. 164-170 .
Jejuniis, c . 13. The African mentions it as 17 Cyprian, in his admired treatife De
a recent and foreign inftitution . The coa- Unitate Ecclefiæ, p. 75-86.

4 F 2 ment
 THE DECLINE AND FALL

5 88
CHA P. ment of his peculiar diocefe , each of them exacted from his flock
the fame implicit obedience as if that favourite metaphor had been
XV.
literally juſt , and as if the ſhepherd had been of a more exalted nature

than that of his fheep " . This obedience , however, was not im-

pofed without fome efforts on one fide , and ſome reſiſtance on the

other . The democratical part of the conftitution was , in many places ,

very warmly ſupported by the zealous or intereſted oppofition of the

inferior clergy. But their patriotiſm received the ignominious epithets

of faction and fchifm ; and the epifcopal caufe was indebted for its

rapid progrefs to the labours of many active prelates , who , like

Cyprian of Carthage, could reconcile the arts of the moſt ambitious

ſtateſman with the Chriftian virtues which feem adapted to the cha-

119
racter of a faint and martyr ·
The fame caufes which at firft had deftroyed the equality of the
olitan
ropi-
mete-em prefbyters , introduced among the bishops a pre-eminence of rank ,
Pr
ne nc e of the
and from thence a fuperiority of jurifdiction . As often as in the
churches . ſpring and autumn they met in provincial fynod , the difference of
the mem-
perfonal merit and reputation was very fenfibly felt among
bers of the aſſembly, and the multitude was governed by the wif-

dom and eloquence of the few. But the order of public proceed-
ings required a more regular and lefs invidious diſtinction ; the
office of perpetual preſidents in the councils of each province , was

conferred on the bishops of the principal city , and theſe aſpiring

prelates , who foon acquired the lofty titles of Metropolitans and

Primates, fecretly prepared themſelves to ufurp over their epifcopal

brethren the ſame authority which the biſhops had ſo lately affumed

the bishop of Carthage expelled from his

118 We may appeal to the whole tenor of church , and from Africa , were not the moſt
Cyprian's conduct , of his doctrine and ofhis deteftable monſters of wickedness , the zeal
Epiftles . Le Clerc, in a fhort life of Cy- of Cyprian muft occafionally have prevailed.
prian (Bibliothéque Univerfelle , tom . xii . over his veracity . For a very juſt account
p. 207-378 . ) , has laid him open with great of thefe obfcure quarrels, fee Mofheim ,
freedom and accuracy .
119 If Novatus, Feliciflimus , &c. whom p. 497-512 .
above
 OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 589

above the college of prefbyters 120.· Nor was it long before an CHA P.
XV .
emulation of pre-eminence and power prevailed among the metro-
politans themſelves, each of them affecting to difplay, in the moſt
pompous terms, the temporal honours and advantages of the city

over which he prefided ; the numbers and opulence of the Chriſtians,

who were fubject to their paſtoral care ; the faints and martyrs
who had ariſen among them, and the purity with which they pre-
ſerved the tradition of the faith, as it had been tranfmitted through

a ſeries of orthodox biſhops from the apoftle of the apoftolic dif-

121
ciple, to whom the foundation of their church was afcribed " .
From every caufe either of a civil or of an ecclefiaftical nature , it

was eaſy to foreſee that Rome muſt enjoy the reſpect, and would

foon claim the obedience, of the provinces. The fociety of the Ambition
the Romanof
faithful bore a juſt proportion to the capital of the empire ; and pontiff.
the Roman church was the greateft, the moft numerous, and , in re-

gard to the Weft, the most ancient of all the Chriftian eftabliſh-

ments, many of which had received their religion from the pious

labours of her miffionaries. Inftead of one apoftolic founder, the

utmoſt boaſt of Antioch, of Ephefus, or of Corinth, the banks of

the Tyber were ſuppoſed to have been honoured with the preaching
and martyrdom of the two moft eminent among the apoftles "22 ;
and the biſhops of Rome very prudently claimed the inheritance of

whatſoever prerogatives were attributed either to the perfon or to

the office of St. Peter 123. The bishops of Italy and of the pro-

120 Mosheim, p. 269. 574. Dupin, An
tiquæ Ecclef. Difciplin. p . 19, 20.
12 Tertullian, in a diftinct treatife, has
pleaded againſt the heretics, the right of pre-
fcription, as it was held by the apoftolic
churches.
122 The journey of St. Peter to Rome is
mentioned by most of the ancients ( fee Eu-
febius , ii . 25. ) , maintained by all the catho-
ics, allowed by fome proteftants ( fee Pear-
fon and Dodwell de Succeff. Epifcop . Ro-
man . ) , but has been vigorously attacked by
Spanheim ( Mifcellanea Sacra, iii . 3. ) . Ac-
cording to father Hardouin , the monks of the
thirteenth century, who compofed the Æneid ,
reprefented St. Peter under the allegorical
character of the Trojan hero.
123 It is in French only, that the famous
allufion to St. Peter's name is exact . Tu es .
Pierre et fur cette pierre.--The fame is imper-
fect in Greek, Latin , Italian , &c. and totally
unintelligible in our Teutonic languages.
vinces
 E
THE DECLIN AND FALL

5
C 90
HA P. vinces were difpofed to allow them a primacy of order and affocia-

tion (fuch was their very accurate expreffion ) in the Chriſtian ariſ-
XV .
tocracy . But the power of a monarch was rejected with ab-
horrence , and the afpiring genius of Rome experienced from the

nations of Aſia and Africa , a more vigorous reſiſtance to her ſpi-

ritual , than ſhe had formerly done to her temporal , dominion . The
patriotic Cyprian , who ruled with the moſt abfolute ſway the church
of Carthage and the provincial fynods, oppofed with reſolution and

fuccefs the ambition of the Roman pontiff, artfully connected his

own cauſe with that of the eaſtern bishops , and , like Hannibal ,
125.
fought out new allies in the heart of Afia " If this Punic war

was carried on without any effufion of blood , it was owing much

lefs to the moderation than to the weakness of the contending pre-

ns
lates . Invectives and excommunicatio were their only weapons ;
and thefe, during the progrefs of the whole controverfy, they
hurled againſt each other with equal fury and devotion . The hard

neceffity of cenfuring either a pope, or a faint and martyr, diftreffes

the modern catholics , whenever they are obliged to relate the par-

ticulars of a difpute , in which the champions of religion indulged

fuch paffions as feem much more adapted to the fenate or to the

The progrefs of the ecclefiaftical authority gave birth to the me-

camp 12 .
morable diftinction of the laity and of the clergy, which had been
Laity and
clergy . unknown to the Grecks and Romans "27. The former of thefe

appellations comprehended the body of the Christian people ; the

bishop of Cæfarea, to Stephen bishop of

124 Irenæus adv. Hærefes , iii . 3. Tertul-
fan de Præfcription . c. 35, and Cyprian Epif-
tel . 27. 55. 71. 75. Le Clerc (Hift . Ecclef.
p. 764. ) and Mofheim ( p . 258. 578. ) labour
in the interpretation of thefe paffages . But
the loofe and rhetorical ftyle of the fathers
often appears favourable to the pretenfions of
me.See the sharp epifle from Firmilianus
Ro125
Rome , ap . Cyprian . Epiftol . 75 .
126 Concerning this difpute of the re- bap-
tifm of heretics ; fee the epiftles of Cyprian ,
and the feventh book of Eufebius .
127 For the origin of theſe words , fee Mo-
fheim , p. 141. Spanheim , Hist . Ecclefiaft.
p. 633. The diftinction of Clerus and Laicus
was eſtabliſhed before the time of Tertullian .
latter ,
 OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 591

latter, according to the fignification of the word, was appropriated CHA

XV. P.
to the chofen portion that had been fet apart for the ſervice of

religion ; a celebrated order of men which has furniſhed the moſt im-
portant, though not always the moſt edifying, fubjects for modern
hiſtory. Their mutual hoftilities fometimes difſturbed the peace of

the infant church, but their zeal and activity were united in the

common caufe, and the love of power, which (under the moſt artful

difguifes) could infinuate itſelf into the breaſts of biſhops and mar-

tyrs, animated them to increaſe the number of their fubjects, and

to enlarge the limits of the Chriftian empire. They were deftitute

of any temporal force, and they were for a long time difcouraged .

and oppreffed, rather than affifted, by the civil magiftrate ; but they

had acquired, and they employed within their own fociety, the two
moſt efficacious inftruments of government, rewards and puniſh-

ments ; the former derived from the pious liberality, the latter from

the devout apprehenfions, of the faithful.

I. The community of goods, which had fo agreeably amufed the Oblations

and r ue
128
ofthechurch ,
imagination of Plato " , and which fubfifted in fome degree among

the auftere fect of the Effenians " , was adopted for a fhort time in

the primitive church. The fervour of the firſt profelytes prompted

them to fell thofe worldly poffeffions, which they defpifed, to lay

the price of them at the feet of the apoftles, and to content them-
130
felves with receiving an equal ſhare out of the general diſtribution ' ³°.

The progrefs of the Chriſtian religion relaxed, and gradually abo-

lifhed this generous inftitution , which, in hands lefs pure than thoſe

of the apoſtles, would too foon have been corrupted and abuſed by

the returning ſelfiſhneſs of human nature ; and the converts who

128 The community inftituted by Plato, is 129 Jofeph. Antiquitat. xviii. 2. Philo, de
more perfect than that which Sir Thomas Vit. Contemplativ.
More had imagined for his Utopia. The 130 See the Acts of the Apostles , c. 2. 4, 5 .
community of women, and that of temporal with Grotius's Commentary. Mosheim, in a
goods, may be confidered as infeparable parts particular differtation, attacks the common
of the fame fyftem . opinion with very inconclufive arguments.
embraced
592 THE DECLINE AND FALL

CHA P. embraced the new religion were permitted to retain the poffeffion
XV .
of their patrimony, to receive legacies and inheritances , and to
increaſe their ſeparate property by all the lawful means of trade and

induſtry. Inſtead of an abfolute facrifice, a moderate proportion

was accepted by the miniſters of the gofpel ; and in their weekly or

monthly affemblies, every believer, according to the exigency of the

occafion, and the meaſure of his wealth and piety, prefented his
voluntary offering for the uſe of the common fund ". Nothing,
however inconfiderable, was refuſed ; but it was diligently incul-
cated, that, in the article of Tythes, the Mofaic law was ftill of di-

vine obligation ; and that fince the Jews, under a leſs perfect diſci-

pline, had been commanded to pay a tenth part of all that they

poffeffed , it would become the difciples of Chrift to diſtinguiſh them-

felves by a fuperior degree of liberality "32, and to acquire fome merit

by refigning a fuperfluous treaſure, which muft fo foon be anni-
133
hilated with the world itſelf "" . It is almoft unneceffary to obferve,

that the revenue of each particular church, which was of fo uncer-

tain and fluctuating a nature, muſt have varied with the poverty or

the opulence of the faithful, as they were diſperſed in obfcure villages,

or collected in the great cities of the empire. In the time of the em-
peror Decius, it was the opinion of the magiftrates, that the Chriftians

of Rome were poffeffed of very confiderable wealth ; that veffels of

gold and filver were uſed in their religious worſhip, and that many
among their profelytes had fold their lands and houſes to increaſe

131 Juſtin Martyr, Apolog. Major , c . 89.
Tertullian , Apolog. c. 39.
132 Irenæus ad Hæref. 1. iv. c. 27. 34.
Origen in Num . Hom . ii. Cyprian de Uni-
tat. Ecclef. Conftitut. Apoftol . 1. ii . c. 34,
35. with the notes of Cotelerius . The con-
ftitutions introduce this divine precept, by
declaring that priests are as much above kings,
as the foul is above the body. Among the
tythable articles, they enumerate corn , wine,
oil , and wool . On this interefting fubje&
t,
confult Prideaux's Hiftory of Tythes , and
Fra-Paolo delle Materie Beneficiarie ; two
writers of a very different character.
133 The fame opinion which prevailed
about the year one thoufand, was productive
of the fame effects . Most of the Donations
exprefs their motive, " appropinquante mun-
di fine." See Mofheim's Genera! Hiftory of
the Church, vol . i . p. 457 .
the
 OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 593

the public riches of the fect, at the expence, indeed, of their un- CHAP.
XV.
fortunate children , who found themſelves beggars, becauſe their
parents had been faints 134. We should liften with diftruft to

the fufpicions of ſtrangers and enemies : on this occafion , how-

ever, they receive a very fpecious and probable colour from the

two following circumſtances, the only ones that have reached our
knowledge, which define any precife fums, or convey any diſtinct

idea. Almoſt at the fame period, the biſhop of Carthage, from a

fociety lefs opulent than that of Rome, collected an hundred thou-

fand fefterces (above eight hundred and fifty pounds fterling) on a

fudden call of charity to redeem the brethren of Numidia, who had

135
been carried away captives by the barbarians of the defert "" ,

About an hundred years before the reign of Decius, the Roman'

church had received, in a fingle donation, the fum of two hundred

thouſand fefterces from a ftranger of Pontus, who propofed to fix
136
his refidence in the capital " · Theſe oblations, for the moſt

part, were made in money ; nor was the fociety of Chriſtians either

defirous or capable of acquiring, to any confiderable degree, the

incumbrance of landed property. It had been provided by feveral

laws, which were enacted with the fame deſign as our ſtatutes of

mortmain, that no real eſtates ſhould be given or bequeathed to any

corporate body, without either a fpecial privilege or a particular

137
difpenfation from the emperor or from the fenate " " ; who were
feldom

134 Tum fumma cura eft fratribus
(Ut fermo teftatur loquax. )
Offerre, fundis venditis
Seftertiorum millia.
Addicta avorum prædia
Fadis fub auctionibus,
Succeffor exheres gemit
Sanctis egens Parentibus,
Hæc occuluntur abditis
Ecclefiarum in Angulis :
Et fumma pietas creditur
Nudare dulces liberos.
Prudent. parar. Hymn. 2.
VOL. I.
The fubfequent conduct of the deacon Lau-
rence, only proves how proper a ufe was made
of the wealth of the Roman church ; it was
undoubtedly very confiderable ; but Fra-Paolo
(c. 3. ) appears to exaggerate, when he fup-
pofes, that the fucceffors of Commodus were
urged to perfecute the Chriftians bytheir own .
avarice, or that of their Prætorian præfects . I
135 Cyprian. Epiftol . 62.
136 Tertullian de Prefcriptione, c. 30.
137 Diocletian gave a refcript, which is
only a declaration of the old law ; Colle-
gium, fi nullo fpeciali privilegio fubnixum
4 G fit,
 THE DECLINE AND FALL
594

CHAP. feldom difpofed to grant them in favour of a fect, at firft the object
XV.
of their contempt, and at laſt of their fears and jealoufy. A
tranſaction however is related under the reign of Alexander Severus,
which diſcovers that the reſtraint was fometimes eluded or fuf-

pended, and that the Chriſtians were permitted to claim and to pof-
fefs lands within the limits of Rome itfelf"". The progrefs of Chrift-

ianity, and the civil confufion of the empire, contributed to relax

the ſeverity of the laws, and before the clofe of the third century

many confiderable eftates were beſtowed on the opulent churches of

Rome, Milan, Carthage, Antioch, Alexandria, and the other great

cities of Italy and the provinces.

Distribution The biſhop was the natural ſteward of the church ; the public
of the reve-
ftock was intrufted to his care without account or controul ; the
nue.

prefbyters were confined to their ſpiritual functions, and the more

dependent order of deacons was folely employed in the manage-

ment and diſtribution of the ecclefiaftical revenue "". If we may

give credit to the vehement declamations of Cyprian , there were

too many among his African brethren, who, in the execution of

their charge, violated every precept, not only of evangelic perfection,

but even of moral virtue. By fome of thefe unfaithful ſtewards

the riches of the church were laviſhed in fenfual pleaſures, by others

they were perverted to the purpoſes of private gain, of fraudulent

purchaſes, and of rapacious ufury 149. But as long as the contri-

butions of the Chriftian people were free and unconftrained, the

abuſe of their confidence could not be very frequent, and the

general uſes to which their liberality was applied, reflected honour

on the religious fociety. A decent portion was reſerved for the

fit, hæreditatem capere non poffe, dubium tween the fociety of Chriftians, and that of
non eft." Fra- Paolo ( c. 4. ) thinks that thefe butchers ..
regulations had been much neglected fince the 139.Conftitut. Apoftol. ii. 35.
reign of Valerian . 140 Cyprian de Lapfis, p. 89. Epiftol . 65.
138 Hift. Auguft. p. 131 . The ground The charge is confirmed by the 19th and 20th
had been public ; and was now difputed be- canon of the council of Illiberis.
6 maintenance
 OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE.
`595

CHAP.
maintenance of the bishop and his clergy ; a fufficient fùm was XV.
allotted for the expences of the public worſhip, of which the feafts

of love, the agape, as they were called, conftituted a very pleaſing

part. The whole remainder was the facred patrimony of the poor.

According to the diſcretion of the biſhop, it was diſtributed to fup-

port widows and orphans, the lame, the fick, and the aged of the

community ; to comfort ftrangers and pilgrims, and to alleviate

the misfortunes of priſoners and captives, more eſpecially when their

fufferings had been occafioned by their firm attachment to the cauſe

of religion ". A generous intercourſe of charity united the moft

diftant provinces, and the ſmaller congregations were cheerfully af-

fifſted by the alms of their more opulent brethren ". Such an in-
ftitution, which paid lefs regard to the merit than to the diftrefs

of the object, very materially conduced to the progrefs of Chrifti-

anity. The Pagans, who were actuated by a ſenſe of humanity,

while they derided the doctrines, acknowledged the benevolence of

the new fect . The profpect of immediate relief and of future

protection allured into its hofpitable bofom many of thoſe unhappy

perfons whom the neglect of the world would have abandoned to

the miſeries of want, of ſickneſs, and of old age. There is fome

reaſon likewiſe to believe, that great numbers of infants, who, ac-

cording to the inhuman practice of the times, had been expoſed by

their parents, were frequently reſcued from death, baptifed, educated ,
and maintained by the piety of the Chriftians, and at the expence
144
of the public treaſure ***.

141 Seethe apologies ofJuftin, Tertullian, & c.
142 The wealth and liberality of the Ro-
mans to their moſt diſtant brethren, is grate
fully celebrated by Dionyfius of Corinth, ap.
Eufeb. 1. iv. c. 23.
143 See Lucian in Peregrin. Julian (Epift.
49.) feems mortified, that the Chriftian cha
rity maintains not only their own, but like-
wife the heathen poor .
4G 2
144 Such, at leaft, has been the laudable
conduct of more modern miffionaries, under
the fame circumftances. Above three thou-
fand new-born infants are annually expofed
in the streets of Pekin. See Le Comte Me-
moires fur la Chine, and the Recherches
fur les Chinois et les Egyptiens, tom . 1 .
p. 61 .
II. It
$96 THE DECLINE AND FALL

CHAP.
II. It is the undoubted right of every fociety to exclude from
.XV.
its communion and benefits, fuch among its members as reject or
Excommuni-
cation. violate thoſe regulations which have been eſtabliſhed by general con-

fent. In the exercife of this power, the cenfures of the Chriftian

church were chiefly directed againſt ſcandalous finners, and par-

ticularly thoſe who were guilty of murder, of fraud , or of incon-

tinence ; againſt the authors, or the followers of any heretical

opinions which had been condemned by the judgment of the

epifcopal order ; and against thofe unhappy perfons, who, whether

from choice or from compulfion , had polluted themſelves after their

baptifm by any act of idolatrous worship. The conſequences of

excommunication were of a temporal as well as a ſpiritual nature.

The Chriftian against whom it was pronounced , was deprived of

any part in the oblations of the faithful. The ties both of

religious and of private friendſhip were diffolved : he found himſelf

a profane object of abhorrence to the perfons whom he the moſt

efteemed, or by whom he had been the moſt tenderly beloved ; and

as far as an expulfion from a refpectable fociety could imprint

on his character a mark of diſgrace, he was fhunned or ſuſpected

by the generality of mankind . The fituation of theſe unfortunate

exiles was in itſelf very painful and melancholy ; but, as it uſually

happens, their apprehenfions far exceeded their fufferings. The

benefits of the Chriftian communion were thofe of eternal life, nor

could they erafe from their minds the awful opinion , that to thoſe

ecclefiaftical governors by whom they were condemned , the Deity

had committed the keys of Hell and of Paradiſe. The heretics ,

indeed, who might be fupported by the conſciouſneſs of their in-

tentions, and by the flattering hope that they alone had diſcovered

the true path of falvation , endeavoured to regain, in their ſeparate

affemblies, thofe comforts , temporal as well as fpiritual, which they

no longer derived from the great fociety of Chriftians. But

almoft
 OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 597

almoſt all thoſe who had reluctantly yielded to the power of vice CHAP.
XV .
or idolatry, were fenfible of their fallen condition , and anxiouſly
defirous of being reſtored to the benefits of the Chriftian com-
munion.

With regard to the treatment of theſe penitents two oppofite

opinions, the one of juſtice, the other of mercy, divided the primitive

church. The more rigid and inflexible cafuifts refuſed them for

ever, and without exception , the meaneft place in the holy com-

munity, which they had diſgraced or deferted, and leaving them to

the remorſe of a guilty conſcience, indulged them only with a faint

ray of hope, that the contrition of their life and death might

poffibly be accepted by the Supreme Being " . A milder fentiment

was embraced in practice as well as in theory, by the pureſt and

146
moſt reſpectable of the Chriftian churches "4"• The gates of re-
conciliation and of Heaven were feldom fhut againſt the returning

penitent ; but a ſevere and folemn form of diſcipline was inftituted,

which, while it ferved to expiate his crime, might powerfully

deter the ſpectators from the imitation of his example. Humbled Public pe-
nance.
by a public confeffion , emaciated by fafting, and clothed in fack-

cloth, the penitent lay proftrate at the door of the affembly, im-

ploring with tears the pardon of his offences, and foliciting the

prayers of the faithful " . If the fault was of a very heinous nature,
whole years of penance were eſteemed an inadequate fatisfaction to

the Divine Juſtice ; and it was always by flow and painful gra-

dations that the finner, the heretic , or the apoftate, was re- ad-
mitted into the bofom of the church. A fentence of perpetual ex-

communication was, however, referved for fome crimes of an

145 The Montanifts and the Novatians, 146 Dionyfius ap. Eufeb. iv. 23, Cyprian ,
who adhered to this opinion with the greateft de Lapfis.
rigour and obftinacy, found themſelves at laſt 147 Cave's Primitive Chriftianity, part iii.
in the number of excommunicated heretics . c. 5. The admirers of antiquity regret the
See the learned and copious Mofheim, Secul . lofs of this public penance.
ii. and iii .
extraordinary
 E
LIN L
'398 THE DEC AND FAL

CHA
XV . P. extraordinary magnitude, and particularly for the inexcufable re-

lapfes of thoſe penitents who had already experienced and abuſed

the clemency of their ecclefiaftical fuperiors. According to the cir-

cumſtances or the number of the guilty, the exerciſe of the Chriſtian

difcipline was varied by the difcretion of the bishops. The coun-

cils of Ancyra and Illiberis were held about the fame time, the one

in Galatia, the other in Spain ; but their reſpective canons, which

are ſtill extant, ſeem to breathe a very different ſpirit. The Gala-

tian, who after his baptifm had repeatedly facrificed to idols, might

obtain his pardon by a penance of ſeven years, and if he had ſe-

duced others to imitate his example, only three years more were

added to the term of his exile. But the unhappy Spaniard, who
had committed the fame offence, was deprived of the hope of re-

conciliation, even in the article of death ; and his idolatry was

placed at the head of a liſt of ſeventeen other crimes, againft which

a fentence no lefs terrible was pronounced. Among theſe we may

diftinguiſh the inexpiable guilt of calumniating a biſhop, a preſbyter,

or even a deacon 148.•

The dignity The well-tempered mixture of liberality and rigour, the judicious
of epifcopal
government. difpenfation of rewards and puniſhments, according to the maxims

of policy as well as juftice, conftituted the human ſtrength of the

church. The bishops, whofe paternal care extended itſelf to the

government of both worlds, were fenfible of the importance of

thefe prerogatives, and covering their ambition with the fair pre-

tence of the love of order, they were jealous of any rival in the

exerciſe of a diſcipline ſo neceffary to prevent the deſertion of

thoſe troops which had inlifted themſelves under the banner of the

141 See in Dupin, Bibliothèque Ecclefiaf-
tique, tom. ii. p. 304-313 , a ſhort but ra-
tional expofition of the canons of thofe coun-
cils, which were affembled in the first mo-
ments of tranquillity, after the perfecution of
Diocletian. This perfecution had been much
lefs feverely felt in Spain than in Galatia ; a
difference which may, in fome meaſure, ac-
count for the contraft of their regulations.

crofs,
 OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 599

croſs, and whofe numbers every day became more confiderable. CHA P.
XV.
From the imperious declamations of Cyprian, we ſhould naturally
conclude, that the doctrines of excommunication and penance

formed the moft effential part of religion ; and that it was much

lefs dangerous for the diſciples of Chriſt to neglect the obſervance of

the moral duties, than to deſpiſe the cenfures and authority of

their biſhops. Sometimes we might imagine that we were liſtening

to the voice of Mofes, when he commanded the earth to open,

and to fwallow up, in confuming flames, the rebellious race which

refuſed obedience to the priesthood of Aaron ; and we ſhould fome-

times fuppofe that we heard a Roman conful afferting the majefty

of the republic, and declaring his inflexible reſolution to enforce
the rigour of the laws. " If ſuch irregularities are fuffered with

impunity (it is thus that the biſhop of Carthage chides the

" lenity of his colleague) , if fuch irregularities are fuffered, there

149
" is an end of EPISCOPAL VIGOUR ; an end of the fublime and

" divine power of governing the church, an end of Chriftianity

" itſelf." Cyprian had renounced thoſe temporal honours, which

it is probable he would never have obtained ; but the acquifition of

fuch abfolute command over the confciences and underſtanding of a

congregation, however obfcure or deſpiſed by the world, is more

truly grateful to the pride of the human heart, than the poffeffion

of the moſt defpotic power, impofed by arms and conqueft on a re-

luctant people,

In the courſe of this important, though perhaps tedious, inquiry, Recapitula-

tion of the
I have attempted to diſplay the fecondary caufes which fo effica- five caufes.

ciouſly affifted the truth of the Chriftian religion . If among theſe

cauſes we have diſcovered any artificial ornaments, any accidental

circumſtances, or any mixture of error and paffion, it cannot appear

furpriſing that mankind fhould be the moſt fenfibly affected by

349. Cyprian , Epift . 69...

fach
 600 THE DECLINE AND FALL

CHAP. fuch motives as were fuited to their imperfect nature. It was by

XV .
the aid of theſe cauſes , exclufive zeal , the immediate expectatio of
n
another world, the claim of miracles , the practice of rigid virtue ,

and the conftitution of the primitive church , that Chriſtianity ſpread

itſelf with fo much fuccefs in the Roman empire . To the firſt oftheſe

the Chriftians were indebted for their invincible valour, which

difdained to capitulate with the enemy whom they were refolved to

vanquiſh . The three fucceeding caufes fupplied their valour with the
moft formidable arms. The laſt of theſe cauſes united their courage,

directed their arms , and gave their efforts that irreſiſtible weight ,

which even a ſmall band of well -trained and intrepid volunteers

has ſo often poffeffed over an undiſcipline
multitude , ignorant
d
of the fubject , and careleſs of the event of the war . In the various
Weakness of
polytheifm . religions of Polytheiſm , fome wandering fanatics of Egypt and
Syria, who addreffed themſelves to the credulous fuperftiti
on of
the populace , were perhaps the only order of priests 150 that derived

their whole fupport and credit from their facerdotal profeffion , and
were very deeply affected by a perfonal concern for the fafety
or profperity of their tutelar deities . The minifters of poly-

theiſm , both in Rome and in the provinces , were , for the moſt part ,

men of a noble birth , and of an affluent fortune , who received , as

an honourable diftinction , the care of a celebrated temple , or of

a public facrifice , exhibited , very frequently at their own expence , the

facred games " , and with cold indifferen
ce performed the ancient
rites , according to the laws and faſhion of their country . As they

were engaged in the ordinary occupation of life , their zeal and de-
s

150 The arts, the manners, and the vices tive. None but the vaineft citizens could de-
of the priests of the Syrian goddefs , are very fire the honour ; none but the most wealthy
humourously defcribed by Apuleius, in the could fupport the expence. See in the Patres
eighth book of his Metamorphofes . Apoftol. tom. ii. p. 200. with how much in-
15 The office of Afiarch was of this nature, difference Philip the Afiarch conducted him-
and it is frequently mentioned in Ariftides, felf in the martyrdom of Polycarp . There
the Infcriptions, &c. It was annual and elec- were likewife Bithyniarchs, Lyciarchs, &c .
votion
 OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 601

votion were feldom animated by a ſenſe of intereft, or by the habits CHA P.

XV.
of an ecclefiaftical character. Confined to their reſpective temples

and cities, they remained without any connexion of difcipline or

government ; and whilſt they acknowledged the fupreme juriſdiction

of the fenate, of the college of pontiffs , and of the emperor, thofe

civil magiſtrates contented themſelves with the eaſy taſk of main-

taining, in peace and dignity, the general worſhip of mankind. We

have already feen how various, how loofe, and how uncertain were

the religious fentiments of Polytheifts. They were abandoned, al-

moft without controul, to the natural workings of a fuperftitious

fancy. The accidental circumftances of their life and fituation de-

termined the object as well as the degree of their devotion ; and as

long as their adoration was fucceffively proſtituted to a thouſand

deities, it was ſcarcely poffible that their hearts could be fufceptible

of a very fincere or lively paffion for any of them .

When Chriſtianity appeared in the world, even thefe faint and The fcepti-
cifm of the
imperfect impreffions had loft much of their original power.
Human Pagan
proved world
fa-
reafon, which by its unaffifted ftrength is incapable of perceiving vourable to
the new reli-
the myſteries of faith, had already obtained an eaſy triumph over gion,

the folly of Paganiſm ; and when Tertullian or Lactantius employ

their labours in expofing its falfehood and extravagance, they are

obliged to tranſcribe the eloquence of Cicero or the wit of Lucian.

The contagion of theſe ſceptical writings had been diffuſed far

beyond the number of their readers. The faſhion of incredulity

was communicated from the philofopher to the man of pleaſure or
buſineſs, from the noble to the plebeian, and from the mafter to the

menial flave who waited at his table, and who eagerly liftened
to the freedom of his converfation. On public occafions the phi-
lofophic part of mankind affected to treat with refpect and decency

the religious inftitutions of their country ; but their fecret con-

tempt penetrated through the thin and awkward diſguiſe, and even

the people, when they diſcovered that their deities were rejected
VOL. I. 4 H and
602 THE DECLINE AND FALL

CHAP. and derided by thofe whofe rank or underſtanding they were

XV .
accuſtomed to reverence , were filled with doubts and apprehenfions

concerning the truth of thoſe doctrines, to which they had yielded

"
the moſt implicit belief. The decline of ancient prejudice expofed a

very numerous portion of human kind to the danger of a painful and

comfortleſs fituation. A ftate of ſcepticiſm and ſuſpenſe may amuſe

a few inquifitive minds. But the practice of fuperftition is ſo conge-

nial to the multitude, that if they are forcibly awakened, they ſtill
regret the loſs of their pleafing vifion. Their love of the marvellous

and fupernatural , their curiofity with regard to future events, and

their ſtrong propenſity to extend their hopes and fears beyond the

limits of the viſible world , were the principal cauſes which favoured
the eſtabliſhment of Polytheifm. So urgent on the vulgar is the

neceffity of believing, that the fall of any ſyſtem of mythology will

moſt probably be fucceeded by the introduction of ſome other mode

of fuperftition . Some deities of a more recent and faſhionable caft

might foon have occupied the deferted temples of Jupiter and

Apollo, if, in the decifive moment, the wifdom of Providence had

not interpofed a genuine revelation , fitted to inſpire the moſt

rational eſteem and conviction , whilft, at the fame time, it was

adorned with all that could attract the curiofity, the wonder, and

the veneration of the people. In their actual diſpoſition, as many

were almoſt difengaged from their artificial prejudices, but equally

fufceptible and defirous of a devout attachment ; an object much

lefs deferving would have been fufficient to fill the vacant place in

their hearts, and to gratify the uncertain eagerness of their paffions.

Thoſe who are inclined to purſue this reflection, inſtead of viewing

with aſtoniſhment the rapid progrefs of Chriſtianity , will perhaps

be furpriſed that its fuccefs was not ftill more rapid and fill more.
univerfal.
as well as the
It has been obferved, with truth as well as propriety, that the
peace and
union of the conquefts of Rome prepared and facilitated thofe of Chriftianity.
Roman em-
pire. In
 OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 603

In the fecond chapter of this work we have attempted to explain CHAP.

XV.
in what manner the moft civilized provinces of Europe, Afia,

and Africa, were united under the dominion . of one fovereign,

and gradually connected by the moſt intimate ties of laws, of man-

ners, and of language. The Jews of Paleſtine, who had fondly

expected a temporal deliverer, gave fo cold a reception to the mi-

racles of the divine prophet, that it was found unneceffary to

publiſh, or at leaſt to preſerve, any Hebrew gofpel " . The au-

thentic hiftories of the actions of Chrift were compofed in the

Greek language, at a confiderable diftance from Jerufalem, and

153
after the Gentile converts were grown extremely numerous
As foon as thoſe hiftories were tranflated into the Latin tongue,

they were perfectly intelligible to all the fubjects of Rome, excepting

only to the peaſants of Syria and Egypt, for whofe benefit par-
ticular verfions were afterwards made. The public highways,

which had been conftructed for the ufe of the legions, opened an

eafy paffage for the Chriftian miffionaries from Damafcus to Corinth,

and from Italy to the extremity of Spain or Britain ; nor did thoſe

ſpiritual conquerors encounter any of the obftacles which uſually

retard or prevent the introduction of a foreign religion into a

diftant country. There is the ſtrongeſt reaſon to believe, that be-

fore the reigns of Diocletian and Conftantine, the faith of Chriſt

had been preached in every province, and in all the great cities of

the empire ; but the foundation of the ſeveral congregations, the Hiftorical
view of the
numbers of the faithful who compofed them, and their proportion progrefs of

to the unbelieving multitude, are now buried in obfcurity, or dif- Chriftianity

153 The modern critics are not difpofed to
believe what the fathers almoſt unanimouſly
affert, that St. Matthew compoſed a Hebrew
gofpel, of which only the Greek tranflation.
It ſeems, however, dangerous to
reject their testimony.
153 Under the reigns of Nero and Domi-
tian, and in the cities of Alexandria, Antioch ,
Rome, and Ephefus. See Mill. Prolegome-
na ad Nov. Teftament. and Dr. Lardner's
fair and extenfive collection, vol. xv.

4 H 2 guiſed
 THE DECLINE AND FALL
604

CH . guiſ by ficti and decl . Such impe circ ,

AP ed on amat rfec umſt
i t ance
XV. howe , as have reac our oknno c once t he incre s
ver hed wled rnin aſe
ge g
of the Chri nam in Afia and Gree , i n E g ypt , i n I t aly , a nd
ſtia e ce
n
in the Wef , we ſhal now proc to relat , with negl
t l eed e out ecti
ng
the real or imag acqu w hic l ay b e y t f
he ronti of
inar ifit h o nd ers
y ions

the Rom empi .

an prov
The rich r e s that extend from the Euphrates to the Ionian
ince
in the East.
fea, were the principal theatre on which the apoftle of the Gentiles.

diſplayed his zeal and piety. The feeds of the goſpel, which he
had ſcattered in a fertile foil, were diligently cultivated by his dif-
ciples ; and it ſhould ſeem that, during the two firſt centuries,
the moſt confiderable body of Chriftians was contained within

thofe limits . Among the focieties which were inſtituted in Syria ,

none were more ancient or more illuftrious than thoſe of Damafcus,

1 of Berea or Aleppo , and of Antioch . The prophetic introduction

of the Apocalypſe has deſcribed and immortaliſed the ſeven churches

of Afia ; Ephefus , Smyrna, Pergamus , Thyatira "*, Sardes , Lao-

dicea, and Philadelphia ; and their colonies were foon diffuſed over

that populous country. In a very early period , the iſlands of

Cyprus and Crete , the provinces of Thrace and Macedonia , gave

a favourable reception to the new religion ; and Chriſtian republics

were foon founded in the cities of Corinth , of Sparta , and of
Athens "55. The antiquity of the Greek and Afiatic churches

allowed a fufficient fpace of time for their increaſe and multipli-

cation , and even the fwarms of Gnoftics and other heretics ferve to

difplay the flouriſhing condition of the orthodox church , fince the

appellation of heretics has always been applied to the leſs numerous

the fpirit of prophecy . See Abauzit Dif-

15+ The Alogians (Epiphanius de Hæref.
51.) difputed the genuineness of the Apoca- cour s fur l'Apocalypfe .
155 The epiftles of Ignatius and Dionyfius
lypfe , becauſe the church of Thyatira was not (ap. Eufeb . iv. 23. ) point out many churches.
yet founded . Epiphanius , who allows the
in Afia and Greece. That of Athens ſeems
fact, extricates himſelf from the difficulty, by
to have been one of the leaſt flouriſhing .
ingeniouſly ſuppoſing , that St. John wrote in
party .
 OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 605

party. To theſe domeſtic teſtimonies we may add the confeffion, CHAP.

XV.
the complaints, and the apprehenfions of the Gentiles themſelves.

From the writings of Lucian, a philofopher who had ſtudied mankind,

and who defcribes their manners in the moſt lively colours, we may

learn, that, under the reign of Commodus, his native country of

Pontus was filled with Epicureans and Christians " . Within fourſcore

years after the death of Chriſt "

" , the humane Pliny laments the
magnitude of the evil which he vainly attempted to eradicate. In his
very curious epiftle to the emperor Trajan , he affirms, that the tem-

ples were almoſt deſerted, that the facred victims ſcarcely found any

purchaſers, and that the ſuperſtition had not only infected the cities,
but had even ſpread itſelf into the villages and the open country of
Pontus and Bithynia " .

Without defcending into a minute fcrutiny of the expreffions, or The church

of Antioch
of the motives of thoſe writers who either celebrate or lament the

progrefs of Chriſtianity in the Eaft, it may in general be obſerved,

that none of them have left us any grounds from whence a juſt
eſtimate might be formed of the real numbers of the faithful in

thoſe provinces. One circumftance, however, has been fortunately

preferved, which feems to caft a more diftinct light on this obfcure

but intereſting ſubject. Under the reign of Theodofius, after Chrif-

tianity had enjoyed, during more than fixty years, the ſunſhine of

Imperial favour, the ancient and illuftrious church of Antioch con-

fifted of one hundred thouſand perfons, three thouſand of whom

were fupported out of the public oblations " . The fplendour and

156 Lucian in Alexandro, c . 25. Chrif
tianity however muſt have been very unequal-
ly diffufed over Pontus ; fince in the middle
of the third century there were no more than
feventeen believers in the extenfive dioceſe of
Neo- Cæfarea. See M. de Tillemont, Me-
moires Ecclefiaft. tom . iv. p . 675. from Bafil
and Gregory of Nyffa, who were themfelves
natives of Cappadocia .
157 According to the ancients, Jefus Chrift
fuffered under the confulfhip of the two Ge-
mini, in the year 29 of our prefent æra. Pliny
was fent into Bithynia (according to Pagi)
in the year 110.-
158 Plin . Epift. x. 97.
159 Chryfoftom. Opera, tom. vii. p . 6,8.
810 .
dignity
606 THE DECLINE AND FALL

CHAP. dignity of the queen of the Eaft, the acknowledged populouſneſs

XV .
of Cæfarea, Seleucia, and Alexandria, and the deftruction of two

hundred and fifty thouſand fouls in the earthquake which afflicted

Antioch under the elder Juftin , are fo many convincing proofs
that the whole number of its inhabitants was not lefs than half a

million , and that the Chriftians, however multiplied by zeal and

power, did not exceed a fifth part of that great city. How differ-

ent a proportion muſt we adopt when we compare the perfecuted

with the triumphant church, the Weft with the Eaſt, remote vil-
lages with populous towns, and countries recently converted to the

faith, with the place where the believers firſt received the appellation

of Chriſtians ! It muft not, however, be diffembled , that, in another

paffage, Chryfoftom, to whom we are indebted for this uſeful in-

formation , computes the multitude of the faithful as even fuperior

to that of the Jews and Pagans " . But the folution of this apparent

difficulty is eafy and obvious. The eloquent preacher draws a

parallel between the civil and the ecclefiaftical conſtitution of An-

tioch ; between the lift of Chriſtians who had acquired Heaven by

baptiſm, and the lift of citizens who had a right to ſhare the public

liberality. Slaves, ftrangers, and infants were compriſed in the for-

mer ; they were excluded from the latter.

In Egypt. The extenfive commerce of Alexandria, and its proximity to

Paleſtine, gave an eaſy entrance to the new religion. It was at firſt

embraced by great numbers of the Therapeutæ, or Effenians of the

lake Mareotis, a Jewiſh fect which had abated much of its reverence
for the Mofaic ceremonies. The auftere life of the Effenians, their

fafts and excommunications, the community of goods, the love of

celibacy, their zeal for martyrdom , and the warmth though not the

160 John Malela, tom. ii . p. 144. He debted for thefe paffages, though not for my
draws the fame conclufion with regard to the inference, to the learned Dr. Lardner. Cre-
populouſneſs of Antioch. dibility of the Goſpel Hiſtory, vol . xii. p.
161 Chryfoftom. tom . i. P. 592. I am in- 370.
purity
 OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 607

purity of their faith , already offered a very lively image of the CHAP.
XV.
primitive difcipline " . It was in the fchool of Alexandria that the

Chriſtian theology appears to have affumed a regular and fcientifical

form ; and when Hadrian viſited Egypt, he found a church com-

pofed of Jews and of Greeks, fufficiently important to attract the no-

tice of that inquifitive prince " . But the progreſs of Chriſtianity

was for a long time confined within the limits of a ſingle city, which

was itſelf a foreign colony, and till the clofe of the fecond century

the predeceffors of Demetrius were the only prelates of the Egyptian

church. Three biſhops were confecrated by the hands of Demetrius,

164
and the number was increaſed to twenty by his fucceffor Heraclas "*.

The body of the natives, a people diſtinguiſhed by a fullen inflexibi-

lity of temper , entertained the new doctrine with coldness and re-
luctance and even in the time of Origen, it was rare to meet with

an Egyptian who had furmounted his early prejudices in favour of

166
the facred animals of his country t • As foon, indeed, as Chriftia-

nity aſcended the throne, the zeal of thoſe barbarians obeyed the

prevailing impulfion ; the cities of Egypt were filled with biſhops ,

and the deferts of Thebais fwarmed with hermits.

A perpetual ftream of ftrangers and provincials flowed into the In Rome.

capacious bofom of Rome. Whatever was ſtrange or odious , who-

ever was guilty or fufpected, might hope, in the obſcurity of that

immenſe capital , to elude the vigilance of the law. In fuch a various

162 Bafnage, Hiftoire des Juifs, 1. 2. c. 20, 163 See a letter of Hadrian, in the Au-
21 , 22 , 23. has examined , with the moſt cri- guftan Hiflory, p. 245.
tical accuracy, the curious treatiſe of Philo, 164 For the fucceffion of Alexandrian bi-
which defcribes the Therapeute. By prov- fhops, confult Renaudot's Hiftory, p. 24,
ing that it was compofed as early as the time &c. This curious fact is preferved by the
of Auguftus , Bafnage has demonftrated, in patriarch Eutychius (Annal. tom. i . p . 334 .
ſpite of Eufebius ( 1. ii . c . 17. ) , and a crowd Verf. Pocock), and its internal evidence
of modern Catholics, that the Therapeute would alone be a fufficient anſwer to all the
were neither Chriftians nor monks . It ftill objections which Biſhop Pearſon has urged in
remains probable that they changed their the Vindicia Ignatianæ.
name, preferved their manners, adopted fome 165 Ammian . Marcellin . xxii . 16 .
new articles of faith, and gradually became 166 Origen contra Celfum, l . i . p . 40.
the fathers of the Egyptian Afcetics .
6 conflux
 THE DECLINE AND FALL
608

CHAP. conflux of nations, every teacher, either of truth or of falsehood,

XV..
every founder, whether of a virtuous or a criminal affociation, might

eaſily multiply his difciples or accomplices. The Chriftians of

Rome, at the time of the accidental perſecution of Nero, are repre-

fented by Tacitus as already amounting to a very great multitude " ,

and the language of that great hiftorian is almoſt fimilar to the ſtyle

employed by Livy, when he relates the introduction and the fup-

preffion of the rites of Bacchus. After the Bacchanals had awaken-

ed the feverity of the fenate, it was likewife apprehended that a

very great multitude , as it were another people, had been initiated

into thoſe abhorred myſteries. A more careful inquiry foon demon-

ftrated, that the offenders did not exceed feven thoufand ; a num-

ber indeed fufficiently alarming, when confidered as the object of

public juftice 168 · It is with the fame candid allowance that we

ſhould interpret the vague expreffions of Tacitus , and in a former

inſtance of Pliny, when they exaggerate the crowds of deluded

fanatics who had forfaken the eſtabliſhed worſhip of the gods. The

church of Rome was undoubtedly the firft and moft populous of

the empire ; and we are poffeffed of an authentic record which at-

teſts the ſtate of religion in that city about the middle of the third

century, and after a peace of thirty- eight years . The clergy, at

that time, confifted of a biſhop, forty-fix prefbyters, ſeven deacons,

as many fub-deacons, forty -two acolythes, and fifty readers, exor-
cifts, and porters . The number of widows , of the infirm , and of

the poor, who were maintained by the oblations of the faithful,

amounted to fifteen hundred 169

" . From reaſon ; as well as from the

analogy of Antioch, we may venture to eſtimate the Chriſtians of

67 Ingens multitudo is the expreffion of chanalians, whofe depravity is defcribed, and

Tacitus , xv. 44.
168 T. Liv. xxxix . 13. 15 , 16 , 17. No.
thing could exceed the horror and confterna-
tion of the ſenate on the diſcovery of the Bac-
perhaps exaggerated , by Livy.
169 Eufebius, 1. vi . c . 43. The Latin
tranſlator ( M. de Valois ) has thought proper
to reduce the number ofprefbyters toforty-four.
Rome
 OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 609

Rome at about fifty thouſand. The populouſneſs of that great capi- CHA P.
XV.
tal cannot perhaps be exactly afcertained ; but the moſt modeſt cal-

culation will not furely reduce it lower than a million of inhabitants,

of whom the Chriftians might conftitute at the moft a twentieth

170
part ·

The weſtern provincials appeared to have derived the knowledge In Africa and
the weſtern
of Chriſtianity from the fame fource which had diffufed among provinces.
them the language, the fentiments, and the manners of Rome. In

this more important circumftance , Africa , as well as Gaul, was

gradually faſhioned to the imitation of the capital. Yet notwith-

ſtanding the many favourable occafions which might invite the

Roman miffionaries to viſit their Latin provinces, it was late before

171
they paffed either the fea or the Alps "" ; nor can we diſcover in

thoſe great countries any affured traces either of faith or of perfe-

cution that afcend higher than the reign of the Antonines " . The

flow progreſs of the goſpel in the cold climate of Gaul , was ex-

tremely different from the eagerness with which it ſeems to have

been received on the burning fands of Africa. The African Chrif-

tians foon formed one of the principal members of the primitive

church. The practice introduced into that province, of appointing

bishops to the moſt inconſiderable towns, and very frequently to

the moft obfcure villages, contributed to multiply the ſplendour and

importance of their religious focieties, which during the courſe of

17º This proportion of the prefbyters and whofe affertion is confirmed by the tacit ac-
of the poor, to the reft of the people, was knowledgment of Auguſtin , Africa was the
originally fixed by Burnet (Travels into Italy, laft of the provinces which received the goſpel.
p. 168 ) , and is approved by Moyle (vol . ii . Tillemont, Mem . Ecclefiaft. tom . i . p. 754.
p. 151. ) . They were both unacquainted with 173 Tum primum intra Gallias martyria
the paffage of Chryfoftom, which converts vifa. Sulp . Severus, 1. ii . With regard to
their conjecture almoft into a fact. Africa, fee Tertullian ad Scapulam, c. 3 .
171 Serius trans Alpes, religione Dei fuf- It is imagined, that the Scyllitan martyrs
ceptâ. Sulpicius Severus, 1. ii . Theſe were were the firſt (Acta Sincera Ruinart. p. 34. ) .
the celebrated martyrs of Lyons. See Eufe- One of the adverſaries of Apuleius feems to
bius, v. 1. Tillemont, Mem . Ecclefiaft. have been a Chriſtian. Apolog. p . 496,
tom . ii. p. 316. According to the Donatifts, 497. Edit. Delphin .
VOL. I. 4 I the
 THE DECLINE AND FALL
610

CHAP. the third century were animated by the zeal of Tertullian , directed
XV . by the abilities of Cyprian , and adorned by the eloquence of Lac-
tantius. But if, on the contrary , we turn our eyes towards Gaul, we

muſt content ourſelves with diſcovering, in the time of Marcus An-

toninus , the feeble and united congregations of Lyons and Vienna ; and

even as late as the reign of Decius , we are affured , that in a few cities

only, Arles , Narbonne , Thouloufe , Limoges , Clermont , Tours, and

Paris, fome ſcattered churches were fupported by the devotion of a ſmall

number of Chriftians "3. Silence is indeed very confiftent with de-

votion , but as it is feldom compatible with zeal, we may perceive and

lament the languid ftate of Chriſtianity in thoſe provinces which had

exchanged the Celtic for the Latin tongue ; fince they did not,

during the three firft centuries , give birth to a fingle ecclefiaftical

writer. From Gaul , which claimed a juft pre-eminence of learning

and authority over all the countries on this fide of the Alps, the

light of the gofpel was more faintly reflected on the remote pro-
vinces of Spain and Britain ; and if we may credit the vehement
rays of
affertions of Tertullian , they had already received the firſt

the faith , when he addreffed his apology to the magiſtrates of the

But the obſcure and imperfect origin of the
emperor Severus 174.
weſtern churches of Europe has been fo negligently recorded , that
if we would relate the time and manner of their foundation , we

muſt ſupply the filence of antiquity by thofe legends which avarice

or fuperftition long afterwards dictated to the monks in the lazy
gloom of their convents 175 Of thefe holy romances, that of the
•
apoftle

had been very recently founded . See Me-

173 Rare in aliquibus civitatibus ecclefiæ,
paucorum Chriftianorum devotione , refurge-
rent. Acta Sincera , p. 130. Gregory of
Tours , 1. i . c . 28. Mofheim , p . 207. 449 .
There is fome reafon to believe , that, in the
beginning of the fourth century, the exten-
five diocefes of Liege, of Treves , and of Co-
logne , compofed a fingle bishopric, which
5
moires de Tillemont, tom . vi . part i. p . 43 •
. The date of Tertullian's Apology is
411174
fixed , in a differtation of Mofheim , to the
In..the fifteenth century , there were
175198
year
few who had either inclination or courage to
question
 OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 611

apoftle St. James can alone, by its fingle extravagance, deferve to CHA P.
XV.
be mentioned. From a peaceful fiſherman of the lake of Genneſa-

reth, he was transformed into a valorous knight, who charged at

the head of the Spaniſh chivalry in their battles againſt the Moors.

The graveſt hiſtorians have celebrated his exploits ; the miraculous

fhrine of Compoftella difplayed his power ; and the ſword of a military

order, affifted by the terrors of the Inquifition, was fufficient to re-
move every objection of profane criticiſm 17 .

The progrefs of Chriftianity was not confined to the Roman Beyond the
limits of the
empire ; and according to the primitive fathers, who interpret facts Roman em-
pire.
by prophecy, the new religion , within a century after the death of

its divine author, had already vifited every part of the globe.

" There exifts not," fays Juftin Martyr, " a people, whether Greek
or Barbarian , of any other race of men, by whatſoever appella-

❝tion or manners they may be diftinguiſhed , however ignorant of

" arts or agriculture , whether they dwell under tents, or wander

" about in covered waggons, among whom prayers are not offered
up in the name of a crucified Jefus to the Father and Creator of
177 99
“ all things But this fplendid exaggeration , which even at
preſent it would be extremely difficult to reconcile with the real

ſtate of mankind, can be confidered only as the raſh ſally of a devout

but careleſs writer, the meaſure of whoſe belief was regulated by

that of his wishes. But neither the belief, nor the wishes of the

fathers, can alter the truth of hiftory. It will ſtill remain an un-

doubted fact, that the barbarians of Scythia and Germany, who after-

wards fubverted the Roman monarchy, were involved in the darkneſs

question whether Jofeph of Arimathea found- Hag. Com. 1733. ) , who, in every ſenſe,
ed the monaftery of Glaftenbury, and whether imitates Livy, and the honeft detection of the
Dionyfius the Areopagite preferred the refi- legend of St. James by Dr. Geddes, Mifcella-
dence of Paris to that of Athens. nies, vol . ii . p . 221 .
176 The ftupendous metamorphofis was per- 177 Juftin Martyr, Dialog. cum Tryphon.
formed in the ninth century . See Mariana p . 341. Irenæus adv. Hæref. 1. i . c. 10. Ter-
(Hift. Hifpan . 1. vii . c. 13. tom. i . p . 285. edit . tullian adv. Jud . c. 7. See Mofheim, p . 203 .

4 I 2 of
 E
LIN AND FAL
L
'598 THE DEC

CHA P. extraordinary magnitude, and particularly for the inexcufable re-

XV .
lapfes of thoſe penitents who had already experienced and abuſed

the clemency of their ecclefiaftical fuperiors. According to the cir-

cumſtances or the number of the guilty, the exerciſe of the Chriſtian

diſcipline was varied by the diſcretion of the bishops. The coun-

cils of Ancyra and Illiberis were held about the fame time, the one

in Galatia, the other in Spain ; but their reſpective canons, which

are ſtill extant, ſeem to breathe a very different ſpirit. The Gala-

tian, who after his baptifin had repeatedly facrificed to idols, might

obtain his pardon by a penance of ſeven years, and if he had fe-

duced others to imitate his example, only three years more were

added to the term of his exile. But the unhappy Spaniard , who

had committed the fame offence, was deprived of the hope of re-

conciliation, even in the article of death ; and his idolatry was

placed at the head of a liſt of ſeventeen other crimes, againſt which

a fentence no lefs terrible was pronounced . Among theſe we may

diſtinguiſh the inexpiable guilt of calumniating a biſhop, a preſbyter,

or even a deacon 148

The dignity The well-tempered mixture of liberality and rigour, the judicious
of epifcopal
government. difpenfation of rewards and puniſhments , according to the maxims

of policy as well as juſtice, conſtituted the human ftrength of the

church. The biſhops, whofe paternal care extended itſelf to the

government of both worlds, were fenfible of the importance of

thefe prerogatives, and covering their ambition with the fair pre-

tence of the love of order, they were jealous of any rival in the

exercife of a diſcipline fo¸neceffary to prevent the deſertion of

thofe troops which had inliſted themſelves under the banner of the

14 See in Dupin, Bibliothèque Ecclefiaf-
tique, tom. ii. p. 304-313 , a fhort but ra-
tional expofition of the canons of thofe coun-
cils, which were affembled in the first mo-
ments oftranquillity, after the perfecution of
Diocletian. This perfecution had been much
lefs feverely felt in Spain than in Galatia ; a
difference which may, in fome meaſure, ac-
count for the contraft of their regulations.

croſs,
 OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 599

croſs, and whofe numbers every day became more confiderable. CHA P.
XV.
From the imperious declamations of Cyprian, we ſhould naturally

conclude, that the doctrines of excommunication and penance

formed the moft effential part of religion ; and that it was much

lefs dangerous for the difciples of Chrift to neglect the obſervance of

the moral duties, than to defpife the cenfures and authority of

their bifhops. Sometimes we might imagine that we were liftening

to the voice of Mofes, when he commanded the earth to open,

and to ſwallow up, in confuming flames, the rebellious race which

refuſed obedience to the prieſthood of Aaron ; and we ſhould fome-

times ſuppoſe that we heard a Roman conful afferting the majefty

of the republic, and declaring his inflexible refolution to enforce
the rigour of the laws. " If ſuch irregularities are fuffered with

" impunity (it is thus that the bishop of Carthage chides the
" lenity of his colleague) , if fuch irregularities are fuffered, there
❝is an end of EPISCOPAL VIGOUR "
" ; an end of the fublime and

" divine power of governing the church, an end of Chriftianity

" itſelf." Cyprian had renounced thoſe temporal honours, which

it is probable he would never have obtained ; but the acquifition of

ſuch abfolute command over the confciences and underſtanding of a

congregation, however obfcure or deſpiſed by the world, is more

truly grateful to the pride of the human heart, than the poffeffion

of the moſt defpotic power, impofed by arms and conqueft on a re-

luctant people,

In the courſe of this important, though perhaps tedious, g inquiry, Recapitula

I have attempted to diſplay the fecondary caufes which fo effica- • tion ofthe
five cauſes.
ciouſly affifted the truth of the Chriftian religion. If among theſe
cauſes we have diſcovered any artificial ornaments, " any accidental
circumſtances, or any mixture of error and paffion, it cannot appear

furpriſing that mankind ſhould be the moſt fenfibly affected by

149 .
Cyprian, Epift. 69.,
fúch
ཨབྷི
 600 THE DECLINE AND FALL

CHAP. fuch motives as were fuited to their imperfect nature. It was by

XV.
the aid of theſe caufes , exclufive zeal , the immediate expectatio of
n
another world, the claim of miracles, the practice of rigid virtue ,

and the conftitution of the primitive church , that Chriſtianity ſpread

itſelf with fo much fuccefs in the Roman empire . To the firſt of theſe

the Chriftians were indebted for their invincible valour , which

difdained to capitulate with the enemy whom they were refolved to

vanquish. The three fucceeding caufes fupplied their valour with the
moft formidable arms. The laſt of theſe cauſes united their courage ,

directed their arms , and gave their efforts that irreſiſtible weight ,
which even a ſmall band of well -trained and intrepid volunteers

has ſo often poffeffed over an undiſcipline

multitude , ignorant
d
of the ſubject , and careleſs of the event of the war. In the various
Weakneſs of
polytheiſm . religions of Polytheifin , fome wandering fanatics of Egypt and

Syria, who addreffed themfelves to the credulous fuperftition of

the populace, were perhaps the only order of priests " that derived

their whole fupport and credit from their facerdotal profeffion , and
were very deeply affected by a perfonal concern for the fafety
or profperity of their tutelar deities . The minifters of poly-

theiſm , both in Rome and in the provinces , were , for the moſt part ,
men of a noble birth , and of an affluent fortune , who received , as

an honourable diftinction , the care of a celebrated temple , or of

a public facrifice , exhibited , very frequently at their own expence , the

facred games " , and with cold indifference performed the ancient

rites , according to the laws and faſhion of their country. As they

were engaged in the ordinary occupation of life, their zeal and de-
s

150 The arts, the manners, and the vices tive. None but the vaineft citizens could de-
of the priests of the Syrian goddefs, are very fire the honour ; none but the most wealthy
humourously defcribed by Apuleius, in the could fupport the expence. See in the Patres
eighth book of his Metamorphofes. Apoftol. tom. ii . p. 200. with how much in-
151 The office of Afiarch was of this nature , difference Philip the Afiarch conducted him-
and it is frequently mentioned in Ariftides, felf in the martyrdom of Polycarp. There
the Infcriptions , &c. It was annual and elec- were likewife Bithyniarchs, Lyciarchs, &c.
votion
 OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 601

votion were ſeldom animated by a ſenſe of intereft, or by the habits CHA P.

XV .
of an ecclefiaftical character. Confined to their reſpective temples

and cities, they remained without any connexion of diſcipline or

government ; and whilft they acknowledged the fupreme jurifdiction

of the fenate, of the college of pontiffs, and of the emperor, thofe

civil magiſtrates contented themſelves with the eaſy taſk of main-

taining, in peace and dignity, the general worſhip of mankind . We

have already ſeen how various, how looſe, and how uncertain were

the religious fentiments of Polytheists. They were abandoned, al-

moft without controul, to the natural workings of a fuperftitious

fancy. The accidental circumſtances of their life and fituation de-

termined the object as well as the degree of their devotion ; and as

long as their adoration was fucceffively proſtituted to a thouſand

deities, it was ſcarcely poffible that their hearts could be fufceptible

of a very fincere or lively paffion for any of them .

When Chriſtianity appeared in the world, even thefe faint and cifm
The fcepti-
of the
imperfect impreffions had loft much of their original power.
Human Pagan world
proved fa-
reaſon, which by its unaffifted ftrength is incapable of perceiving vourable to
the new reli-
the myſteries of faith, had already obtained an eaſy triumph over gion,

the folly of Paganiſm ; and when Tertullian or Lactantius employ

their labours in expofing its falfehood and extravagance, they are

obliged to tranſcribe the eloquence of Cicero or the wit of Lucian.

The contagion of theſe ſceptical writings had been diffuſed far

beyond the number of their readers. The faſhion of incredulity

was communicated from the philofopher to the man of pleaſure or

buſineſs, from the noble to the plebeian, and from the mafter to the

menial flave who waited at his table, and who eagerly liftened

to the freedom of his converſation. On public occafions the phi-

lofophic part of mankind affected to treat with reſpect and decency

the religious inftitutions of their country ; but their fecret con-

tempt penetrated through the thin and awkward diſguiſe, and even

the people, when they diſcovered that their deities were rejected
VOL. I. 4 H and
602 THE DECLINE AND FALL

CHAP. and derided by thoſe whofe rank or underſtanding they were

XV .
accuſtomed to reverence, were filled with doubts and apprehenfions

concerning the truth of thoſe doctrines, to which they had yielded

the moſt implicit belief. The decline of ancient prejudice expofed a

very numerous portion of human kind to the danger of a painful and

comfortleſs fituation. A ftate of fcepticiſm and fufpenfe may amuſe

a few inquifitive minds. But the practice of fuperftition is ſo conge-

nial to the multitude, that if they are forcibly awakened, they ftill
regret the lofs of their pleafing vifion. Their love of the marvellous

and fupernatural, their curiofity with regard to future events, and

their ſtrong propenſity to extend their hopes and fears beyond the

limits of the viſible world, were the principal cauſes which favoured

the eſtabliſhment of Polytheiſm. So urgent on the vulgar is the

neceffity of believing, that the fall of any ſyſtem of mythology will

moſt probably be ſucceeded by the introduction of fome other mode

of fuperftition. Some deities of a more recent and faſhionable caft

might foon have occupied the deferted temples of Jupiter and

Apollo, if, in the decifive moment, the wiſdom of Providence had

not interpofed a genuine revelation , fitted to infpire the moſt

rational efteem and conviction, whilft, at the fame time, it was
adorned with all that could attract the curiofity, the wonder, and

the veneration of the people. In their actual diſpoſition, as many

were almoſt difengaged from their artificial prejudices, but equally
fufceptible and defirous of a devout attachment ; an object much

lefs deferving would have been fufficient to fill the vacant place in

their hearts, and to gratify the uncertain eagerness of their paffions.

Thoſe who are inclined to purfue this reflection, inſtead of viewing

with aſtoniſhment the rapid progrefs of Chriftianity, will perhaps

be furpriſed that its fuccefs was not ftill more rapid and fill more.
univerfal.
as well as the It has been obferved, with truth as well as propriety, that the
peace and
union of the conquefts of Rome prepared and facilitated thofe of Chriſtianity.
Roman em-
In
pire.
 OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 603

In the fecond chapter of this work we have attempted to explain CHA

XV. P.
in what manner the moſt civilized provinces of Europe, Afia,
and Africa, were united under the dominion . of one fovereign,

and gradually connected by the moſt intimate ties of laws, of man-

ners, and of language. The Jews of Paleſtine, who had fondly

expected a temporal deliverer, gave fo cold a reception to the mi-

racles of the divine prophet, that it was found unneceffary to

publiſh, or at leaſt to preferve, any Hebrew gofpel " . The au-

thentic hiftories of the actions of Chrift were compofed in the

Greek language, at a confiderable diftance from Jerufalem,

and
153
after the Gentile converts were grown extremely numerous
As foon as thofe hiftories were tranflated into the Latin tongue,

they were perfectly intelligible to all the fubjects of Rome, excepting

only to the peaſants of Syria and Egypt, for whoſe benefit par-
ticular verfions were afterwards made. The public highways ,

which had been conftructed for the ufe of the legions, opened an

eafy paffage for the Chriftian miffionaries from Damafcus to Corinth ,

and from Italy to the extremity of Spain or Britain ; nor did thoſe
fpiritual conquerors encounter any of the obftacles which uſually

retard or prevent the introduction of a foreign religion into a

diftant country.
There is the ſtrongeſt reaſon to believe, that be-
fore the reigns of Diocletian and Conftantine, the faith of Chrift

had been preached in every province, and in all the great cities of

the empire ; but the foundation of the ſeveral congregations, the Hiftorical
view of the
numbers of the faithful who compofed them, and their proportion progrefs of

to the unbelieving multitude, are now buried in obfcurity, or dif- Chriſtianity

152 The modern critics are not difpofed to 153 Under the reigns of Nero and Domi-
believe what the fathers almoft unanimously tian, and in the cities of Alexandría, Antioch ,
affert, that St. Matthew compofed a Hebrew Rome, and Ephefus. See Mill. Prolegome-
gofpel, of which only the Greek tranſlation na ad Nov. Teftament. and Dr. Lardner's
is extant. It feems, however, dangerous to fair and extenfive collection , vol. xv.
reject their testimony.

4 H 2 guifed
604 THE DECLINE AND FALL

CHAP. guiſed by fiction and declamation. Such imperfect circumftances,

XV.
however, as have reached our knowledge concerning the increaſe

of the Chriſtian name in Afia and Greece, in Egypt, in Italy, and

in the Weft, we ſhall now proceed to relate , without neglecting

the real or imaginary acquifitions which lay beyond the frontiers of

the Roman empire.
in the East.
The rich provinces that extend from the Euphrates to the Ionian

fea, were the principal theatre on which the apoftle of the Gentiles

diſplayed his zeal and piety. The feeds of the goſpel, which he
had ſcattered in a fertile foil, were diligently cultivated by his dif-
ciples ; and it ſhould feem that, during the two firft centuries,
the moſt confiderable body of Chriftians was contained within
thofe limits. Among the focieties which were inftituted in Syria,
none were more ancient or more illuftrious than thoſe of Damafcus,

of Berea or Aleppo , and of Antioch. The prophetic introduction

of the Apocalypſe has deſcribed and immortaliſed the ſeven churches

of Afia ; Ephefus, Smyrna, Pergamus, Thyatira "*, Sardes, Lao-

dicea, and Philadelphia ; and their colonies were foon diffufed over

that populous country. In a very early period, the iflands of

Cyprus and Crete, the provinces of Thrace and Macedonia, gave

a favourable reception to the new religion ; and Chriftian republics

were foon founded in the cities of Corinth, of Sparta, and of

Athens "
". The antiquity of the Greek and Afiatic churches
allowed a fufficient fpace of time for their increafe and multipli-
cation, and even the fwarms of Gnoftics and other heretics ferve to

difplay the flourishing condition of the orthodox church, fince the

appellation of heretics has always been applied to the lefs numerous

15+ The Alogians (Epiphanius de Hæref. the ſpirit of prophecy. See Abauzit Dif-
51. ) difputed the genuineness of the Apoca- cours fur l'Apocalypfe.
lypfe, becauſe the church of Thyatira was not 155 The epiftles of Ignatius and Dionyfius
yet founded . Epiphanius, who allows the (ap. Eufeb. iv. 23. ) point out many churches.
fact, extricates himſelf from the difficulty, by in Afia and Greece. That of Athens feems
ingenioufly fuppofing, that St. John wrote in to have been one of the leaft flourishing.

party.
 OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 605

party. To theſe domeſtic teſtimonies we may add the confeffion , CHAP.

XV.
the complaints, and the apprehenfions of the Gentiles themſelves.

From the writings of Lucian, a philofopher who had ſtudied mankind,

and who defcribes their manners in the moſt lively colours, we may

learn, that, under the reign of Commodus, his native country of

Pontus was filled with Epicureans and Chriftians " . Within fourſcore

years after the death of Chrift " , the humane Pliny laments the

magnitude of the evil which he vainly attempted to eradicate. In his

very curious epiftle to the emperor Trajan , he affirms, that the tem-

ples were almoſt deſerted , that the facred victims ſcarcely found any

purchaſers, and that the ſuperſtition had not only infected the cities,

but had even ſpread itſelf into the villages and the open country of
Pontus and Bithynia " .

Without defcending into a minute fcrutiny of the expreffions, or The church

of Antioch .
of the motives of thoſe writers who either celebrate or lament the

progress of Chriſtianity in the Eaft, it may in general be obſerved,

that none of them have left us any grounds from whence a juft
eftimate might be formed of the real numbers of the faithful in

thofe provinces. One circumftance , however, has been fortunately

preſerved, which feems to caft a more diſtinct light on this obfcure

but intereſting ſubject. Under the reign of Theodofius , after Chrif-

tianity had enjoyed, during more than fixty years, the funſhine of

Imperial favour, the ancient and illuftrious church of Antioch con-

fifted of one hundred thouſand perfons, three thouſand of whom

were fupported out of the public oblations ¹ .· The fplendour and

156 Lucian in Alexandro, c. 25. Chrif
tianity however muſt have been very unequal-
ly diffuſed over Pontus ; fince in the middle
of the third century there were no more than
feventeen belicvers in the extenfive dioceſe of
Neo- Cæfarea. See M. de Tillemont, Me-
moires Ecclefiaft. tom . iv. p . 675. from Bafil
and Gregory of Nyffa, who were themfelves
natives of Cappadocia .
157 According to the ancients, Jefus Chrift
fuffered under the confulfhip of the two Ge-
mini , in the year 29 of our preſent æra. Pliny
was fent into Bithynia (according to Pagi )
in the year 110.
158 Plin . Epift. x. 97.
159 Chryfoftom. Opera, tom. vii. p. 6,8.
810 .

dignity
 606 THE DECLINE AND FALL

CHAP. dignity of the queen of the Eaft, the acknowledged populouſneſs

XV .
of Cæfarea, Seleucia, and Alexandria, and the deftruction of two

hundred and fifty thoufand fouls in the earthquake which afflicted

Antioch under the elder Juftin " , are fo many convincing proofs
that the whole number of its inhabitants was not lefs than half a

million , and that the Chriftians, however multiplied by zeal and

power, did not exceed a fifth part of that great city. How differ-

ent a proportion muft we adopt when we compare the perfecuted

with the triumphant church, the Weft with the Eaft, remote vil-

lages with populous towns, and countries recently converted to the

faith, with the place where the believers firſt received the appellation
of Chriſtians ! It muſt not, however, be diffembled , that, in another
paffage, Chryfoftom, to whom we are indebted for this ufeful in-

formation, computes the multitude of the faithful as even fuperior

to that of the Jews and Pagans " . But the folution of this apparent
difficulty is eafy and obvious. The eloquent preacher draws a

parallel between the civil and the ecclefiaftical conſtitution of An-

tioch ; between the lift of Chriftians who had acquired Heaven by

baptiſm, and the lift of citizens who had a right to ſhare the public

liberality. Slaves, ftrangers, and infants were compriſed in the for-

mer ; they were excluded from the latter.

In Egypt. The extenfive commerce of Alexandria, and its proximity to

Paleſtine, gave an eaſy entrance to the new religion . It was at firſt

embraced by great numbers of the Therapeutæ, or Effenians of the
lake Mareotis, a Jewish fect which had abated much of its reverence
for the Mofaic ceremonies. The auftere life of the Effenians, their

fafts and excommunications, the community of goods, the love of

celibacy, their zeal for martyrdom, and the warmth though not the
----

160
John Malela , tom. ii . p. 144. He debted for thefe paffages, though not for my
draws the fame conclufion with regard to the inference, to the learned Dr. Lardner. Cre-
populoufnefs of Antioch. dibility of the Goſpel Hiſtory, vol . xii. p .
16 Chryfoftom. tom . i . p. 592. I am in- 370.
purity
 OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 607

purity of their faith, already offered a very lively image of the CHAP.
XV.
primitive difcipline ". It was in the fchool of Alexandria that the

Chriſtian theology appears to have affumed a regular and fcientifical

form ; and when Hadrian viſited Egypt, he found a church com-

pofed of Jews and of Greeks, fufficiently important to attract the no-

tice of that inquifitive prince " . But the progreſs of Chriſtianity

was for a long time confined within the limits of a ſingle city, which

was itſelf a foreign colony, and till the clofe of the ſecond century

the predeceffors of Demetrius were the only prelates of the Egyptian

church. Three biſhops were confecrated by the hands of Demetrius,

164
and the number was increafed to twenty by his fucceffor Heraclas "

The body of the natives, a people diſtinguiſhed by a fullen inflexibi-

lity of temper 165,, entertained the new doctrine with coldneſs and re-

luctance and even in the time of Origen, it was rare to meet with
an Egyptian who had furmounted his early prejudices in favour of
•
the facred animals of his country 166. As foon, indeed, as Chriſtia-

nity aſcended the throne, the zeal of thoſe barbarians obeyed the

prevailing impulſion ; the cities of Egypt were filled with biſhops,

and the deferts of Thebais fwarmed with hermits.

A perpetual ftream of ftrangers and provincials flowed into the In Rome.

capacious bofom of Rome. Whatever was ſtrange or odious, who-

ever was guilty or ſuſpected , might hope, in the obſcurity of that

immenſe capital, to elude the vigilance of the law. In fuch a various

162
Bafnage, Hiftoire des Juifs , 1. 2. c. 20, 163 See a letter of Hadrian , in the Au-
21 , 22 , 23. has examined, with the moft cri- guftan Hiftory, p. 245 .
tical accuracy, the curious treatiſe of Philo, 164 For the fucceffion of Alexandrian bi-
which defcribes the Therapeuta. By prov- fhops, confult Renaudot's Hiftory, p. 24,
ing that it was compofed as early as the time &c. This curious fact is preferved by the
of Auguftus , Bafnage has demonftrated , in patriarch Eutychius (Annal . tom . i . p . 334-
fpite of Eufebius ( 1. ii . c . 17. ) , and a crowd Verf. Pocock) , and its internal evidence
of modern Catholics, that the Therapeute would alone be a fufficient answer to all the
were neither Chriftians nor monks . It fill objections which Biſhop Pearſon has urged in
remains probable that they changed their the Vindicia Ignatianæ.
name, preferved their manners, adopted fome 165 Ammian. Marcellin . xxii . 16 .
new articles of faith , and gradually became 166 Origen contra Celfum, 1. i . p. 40 .
the fathers of the Egyptian Afcetics.
6 conflux
608 THE DECLINE AND FALL

CHAP. conflux of nations, every teacher, either of truth or of falsehood,

XV ..
every founder, whether of a virtuous or a criminal affociation, might

eafily multiply his difciples or accomplices. The Chriftians of

Rome, at the time of the accidental perfecution of Nero, are repre-

167
fented by Tacitus as already amounting to a very great multitude

and the language of that great hiftorian is almoſt ſimilar to the ſtyle

employed by Livy, when he relates the introduction and the fup-

preffion of the rites of Bacchus. After the Bacchanals had awaken-

ed the feverity of the fenate, it was likewiſe apprehended that a

very great multitude, as it were another people, had been initiated

into thoſe abhorred myſteries. A more careful inquiry foon demon-

ftrated, that the offenders did not exceed feven thouſand ; a num-

ber indeed fufficiently alarming, when confidered as the object of

public juſtice 168. It is with the fame candid allowance that we

ſhould interpret the vague expreffions of Tacitus, and in a former

inftance of Pliny, when they exaggerate the crowds of deluded

fanatics who had forſaken the eſtabliſhed worſhip of the gods. The

church of Rome was undoubtedly the firft and most populous of

the empire ; and we are poffeffed of an authentic record which at-

teſts the ſtate of religion in that city about the middle of the third

century, and after a peace of thirty- eight years. The clergy, at

that time, confifted of a biſhop, forty-fix prefbyters , feven deacons,

as many fub-deacons, forty-two acolythes, and fifty readers, exor-

cifts, and porters. The number of widows, of the infirm, and of

the poor, who were maintained by the oblations of the faithful,

amounted to fifteen hundred 169. From reafon; as well as from the

analogy of Antioch, we may venture to eſtimate the Chriftians of

67 Ingens multitudo is the expreffion of chanalians, whofe depravity is deſcribed, and

Tacitus, xv. 44. perhaps exaggerated, by Livy.
168 T. Liv. xxxix . 13. 15 , 16 , 17. No. 169 Eufebius, 1. vi . c. 43. The Latin
thing could exceed the horror and confterna- tranflator (M. de Valois) has thought proper
tion of the fenate on the difcovery of the Bac- to reduce the number ofprefbyters toforty-four.

Rome
 OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 609

Rome at about fifty thouſand. The populouſneſs of that great capi- CHA P.
XV.
tal cannot perhaps be exactly afcertained ; but the most modeft cal-

culation will not furely reduce it lower than a million of inhabitants ,

of whom the Chriftians might conftitute at the moſt a twentieth

part 170.

The weſtern provincials appeared to have derived the knowledge In Africa and
the weſtern
of Chriſtianity from the fame fource which had diffuſed among provinces .

them the language, the fentiments, and the manners of Rome. In

this more important circumſtance, Africa , as well as Gaul, was

gradually faſhioned to the imitation of the capital. Yet notwith-

ſtanding the many favourable occafions which might invite the

Roman miffionaries to viſit their Latin provinces, it was late before

171
they paffed either the fea or the Alps " ; nor can we difcover in

thofe great countries any affured traces either of faith or of perſe-

cution that afcend higher than the reign of the Antonines ". The

flow progreſs of the goſpel in the cold climate of Gaul, was ex-

tremely different from the eagerneſs with which it ſeems to have

been received on the burning fands of Africa. The African Chrif-

tians foon formed one of the principal members of the primitive

church . The practice introduced into that province, of appointing

bishops to the moſt inconfiderable towns, and very frequently to

the moſt obſcure villages, contributed to multiply the ſplendour and

importance of their religious focieties, which during the courſe of

170 This proportion of the prefbyters and
of the poor, to the reft of the people, was
originally fixed by Burnet (Travels into Italy,
p. 168 ) , and is approved by Moyle (vol . ii .
p. 151. ). They were both unacquainted with
the paffage of Chryfoftom, which converts
their conjecture almoft into a fact.
171 Serius trans Alpes, religione Dei fuf-
ceptâ. Sulpicius Severus, 1. ii . Thefe were
the celebrated martyrs of Lyons. See Eufe-
bius, v. 1. Tillemont, Mem. Ecclefiaft.
tom . ii. p. 316. According to the Donatifts,
VOL. I. 4 I
whofe affertion is confirmed by the tacit ac-
knowledgment of Auguftin , Africa was the
laft ofthe provinces which received the gospel.
Tillemont, Mem . Eccleſiaſt. tom. i. p . 754.
173 Tum primum intra Gallias martyria
vifa. Sulp . Severus, 1. ii. With regard to
Africa, fee Tertullian ad Scapulam, c. 3.
It is imagined, that the Scyllitan martyrs
were the firſt ( Acta Sincera Ruinart. p. 34. ) .
One of the adverſaries of Apuleius feems to
have been a Chriftian. Apolog. p. 496,
497. Edit. Delphin .
the
610 THE DECLINE AND FALL

CHAP. the third century were animated by the zeal of Tertullian , directed
XV.
by the abilities of Cyprian, and adorned by the eloquence of Lac-
tantius. But if, on the contrary, we turn our eyes towards Gaul, we

muft content ourſelves with difcovering, in the time of Marcus An-

toninus , the feeble and united congregations of Lyons andVienna ; and

even as late as the reign of Decius, we are affured, that in a few cities

only, Arles, Narbonne, Thouloufe, Limoges, Clermont, Tours, and

Paris, fome ſcattered churches were fupported by the devotion of a ſmall

173
number of Chriſtians "3. Silence is indeed very conſiſtent with de-

votion, but as it is feldom compatible with zeal , we may perceive and

lament the languid ſtate of Chriſtianity in thoſe provinces which had

exchanged the Celtic for the Latin tongue ; fince they did not ,

during the three firft centuries, give birth to a fingle ecclefiaftical

writer. From Gaul, which claimed a juft pre-eminence of learning

and authority over all the countries on this fide of the Alps , the

light of the gofpel was more faintly reflected on the remote pro-

vinces of Spain and Britain ; and if we may credit the vehement

affertions of Tertullian , they had already received the firſt rays of

the faith, when he addreffed his apology to the magiſtrates of the

emperor Severus " . But the obfcure and imperfect origin of the

weſtern churches of Europe has been ſo negligently recorded, that

if we would relate the time and manner of their foundation , we

muft fupply the filence of antiquity by thofe legends which avarice

or fuperftition long afterwards dictated to the monks in the lazy
175
gloom of their convents " ". Of theſe holy romances, that of the

apoftle

173 Rare in aliquibus civitatibus ecclefiæ, had been very recently founded . See Me-
paucorum Chriftianorum devotione , refurge- moires de Tillemont, tom . vi. part i. p. 43.
rent. Acta Sincera, p. 130. Gregory of 411.
Tours, 1. i. c . 28. Mofheim, p. 207. 449 . 174 The date of Tertullian's Apology is
There is fome reaſon to believe , that , in the fixed , in a differtation of Mofheim , to the
beginning of the fourth century, the exten- year 198. ,
five diocefes of Liege, of Treves, and of Co- 175 In the fifteenth century, there were
logne, compofed a single bishopric, which few who had either inclination or courage to
5 question
 OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 611

apoſtle St. James can alone, by its fingle extravagance, deferve to CHA P.
XV .
be mentioned. From a peaceful fiſherman of the lake of Gennefa-

reth, he was transformed into a valorous knight, who charged at

the head of the Spaniſh chivalry in their battles againſt the Moors.

The graveſt hiſtorians have celebrated his exploits ; the miraculous

fhrine of Compoftella diſplayed his power ; and the ſword of a military

order, affifted by the terrors of the Inquifition , was fufficient to re-

176
move every objection of profane criticiſm *7 .

The progrefs of Chriftianity was not confined to the Roman Beyond the
limits of the
empire ; and according to the primitive fathers, who interpret facts Roman em-
by prophecy, the new religion, within a century after the death of pire .

its divine author, had already visited every part of the globe.

" There exifts not," fays Juftin Martyr, " a people, whether Greek
cc
or Barbarian , of any other race of men, by whatſoever appella-

❝tion or manners they may be diſtinguiſhed , however ignorant of

arts or agriculture, whether they dwell under tents, or wander

" about in covered waggons, among whom prayers are not offered
·66
up in the name of a crucified Jefus to the Father and Creator of
177
" all things "
". ·" But this fplendid exaggeration , which even at

prefent it would be extremely difficult to reconcile with the real

ſtate of mankind, can be confidered only as the rash fally of a devout

but careleſs writer, the meaſure of whoſe belief was regulated by

that of his wishes. But neither the belief, nor the wishes of the

fathers, can alter the truth of hiſtory. It will ftill remain an un-

doubted fact, that the barbarians of Scythia and Germany, who after-

wards fubverted the Roman monarchy, were involved in the darkneſs

question whether Jofeph of Arimathea found- Hag. Com. 1733. ), who, in every fenſe,
ed the monaftery of Glaftenbury, and whether imitates Livy, and the honeſt detection of the
Dionyfius the Areopagite preferred the refi- legend of St. James by Dr. Geddes, Mifcella-
dence of Paris to that of Athens. nies , vol . ii . p . 221 .
176 The ftupendous metamorphofis was per- 177 Juſtin Martyr, Dialog. cum Tryphon .
formed in the ninth century. See Mariana p . 341. Irenæus adv . Hæref. 1. i . c. 10. Ter-
(Hift. Hifpan . 1. vii . c . 13. tom . i . p . 285. edit . tullian adv. Jud . c. 7. See Mofheim, p. 203 .
4 I 2 of
 612 THE DECLINE AND FALL

CHA P. of paganiſm ; and that even the converfion of Iberia, of Armenia, or

XV.
of Æthiopia, was not attempted with any degree of fuccefs till the

fceptre was in the hands of an orthodox emperor " . Before that

time, the various accidents of war and commerce might indeed

diffuſean imperfect knowledge of the goſpel among the tribes

179
of Caledonia "" , and among the borderers of the Rhine, the Danube ,
180
and the Euphrates "*°.• Beyond the laſt- mentioned river, Edeffa was

diſtinguiſhed by a firm and early adherence to the faith " . From

Edeffa, the principles of Chriſtianity were eaſily introduced into the

Greek and Syrian cities which obeyed the fucceffors of Artaxerxes ;

but they do not appear to have made any deep impreffion on the

minds of the Perfians, whofe religious fyftem, by the labours of a

well-difciplined order of prieſts, had been conſtructed with much

1 more art and folidity than the uncertain mythology of Greece and
182
Rome 2.

General pro-
From this impartial though imperfect furvey of the progreſs of
portion of
Chriftians Chriſtianity, it may perhaps feem probable, that the number of its
and Pagans.
profelytes has been exceffively magnified by fear on the one fide,

and by devotion on the other. According to the irreproachable

178 See the fourth century of Mofheim's
Hiftory ofthe Church. Many, though very
confufed circumftances, that relate to the con-
verfion of Iberia and Armenia, may be found
in Mofes of Chorene, 1. ii. c. 78-89.
179 According to Tertullian , the Chriftian
faith had penetrated into parts of Britain inac-
ceffible to the Roman arms. About a century
afterwards, Offian, the ſon of Fingal, isfaidto
have diſputed, in his extreme old age, with
one of the foreign miffionaries, and the dif.
pute is ftill extant, in verſe, and in the Erfe
language. See Mr. Macpherſon's Differta-
tion on the Antiquity of Offian's Poems, p. 10.
180 The Goths, who ravaged Afia in the
reign of Gallienus, carried away great num-
bers of captives ; fome of whom were Chrift-
ians, and became miffionaries. See Tille-
mont, Memoires Ecclefiaft. tom..iv.. p. 44.
11 The Legend of Abgarus, fabulous as it
is, affords a decifive proof, that many years
before Eufebius wrote his hiſtory, the greateſt
part ofthe inhabitants of Edeffa had embraced
Chriftianity. Their rivals, the citizens of
Carrhæ, adhered, on the contrary, to the
cauſe of Paganiſm, as late as the fixth cen-
tury.
According to Bardefanes (ap. Eufeb.
Præpar. Evangel . ) there were fome Christians
in Perfia before the end of the fecond century.
In the time of Conftantine ( fee his Epiftle to
Sapor , Vit. 1. iv. c. 13. ) they compofed a
flourishing church. Confult Beaufobre, Hift.
Critique du Manicheifme, tom . i . p. 180. and
the Bibliotheca Orientalis of Affemani.

teftimony
 OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 613

teſtimony of Origen " 3, the proportion of the faithful was very in- CHA
XV. P.
confiderable when compared with the multitude of an unbelieving

world ; but, as we are left without any diſtinct information , it is im-

poffible to determine, and it is difficult even to conjecture, the real

numbers of the primitive Chriſtians. The moſt favourable calcula-

tion, however, that can be deduced from the examples of Antioch and

of Rome, will not permit us to imagine that more than a twentieth

part of the ſubjects of the empire had enlifted themſelves under

the banner of the cross before the important converfion of Con-

ftantine. But their habits of faith, of zeal, and of union, ſeemed

to multiply their numbers ; and the fame caufes which contributed

to their future increaſe, ferved to render their actual ftrength more

apparent and more formidable.

Such is the conftitution of civil fociety, that whilft a few perfons Whether the
firft Chrift-
are diſtinguiſhed by riches, by honours, and by knowledge, the ians were
mean and ig.
body of the people is condemned to obfcurity, ignorance, and norant.
poverty. The Chriſtian religion , which addreffed itſelf to the whole

human race, muft confequently collect a far greater number of pro-

felytes from the lower than from the fuperior ranks of life. This
innocent and natural circumftance has been improved into a very

odious imputation , which feems to be lefs ftrenuously denied by the

apologiſts, than it is urged by the adverfaries, of the faith ; that the

new ſect of Chriftians was almoſt entirely compoſed of the dregs of

the populace, of peaſants and mechanics, of boys and women, of

beggars and flaves, the laft of whom might fometimes introduce the

miffionaries into the rich and noble families to which they belonged.

Thefe obfcure teachers (fuch was the charge of malice and infidelity)

are as mute in public as they are loquacious and dogmatical in

private. Whilft they cautiously avoid the dangerous encounter of

philofophers, they mingle with the rude and illiterate crowd, and

163 Origen contra Celfum, 1. viii . p . 424.-

infinuate
614 THE DECL AND FALL
INE

CHAP. infinuate themfelves into thofe minds, whom their age, their fex, or
XV .
their education , has the beſt diſpoſed to receive the impreffion of fu-
184
perftitious terrors
Some excep-
tions with This unfavourable picture, though not devoid of a faint refem-
regard to blance, betrays, by its dark colouring and diftorted features, the
learning ;
pencil of an enemy. As the humble faith of Chrift diffufed itſelf

through the world, it was embraced by feveral perfons who derived

fome confequence from the advantages of nature or fortune. Ariftides,

who prefented an eloquent apology to the emperor Hadrian, was

185
an Athenian philofopher · Juftin Martyr had fought divine

knowledge in the ſchools of Zeno, of Ariftotle, of Pythagoras, and

of Plato, before he fortunately was accofted by the old man, or rather

' the angel, who turned his attention to the ftudy of the Jewiſh
186
prophets " . Clemens of Alexandria had acquired much various

reading in the Greek, and Tertullian in the Latin , language . Julius

Africanus and Origen poffeffed a very confiderable ſhare of the

learning of their times ; and although the ftyle of Cyprian is very

different from that of Lactantius, we might almoſt diſcover that

both thoſe writers had been public teachers of rhetoric. Even the

ftudy of philofophy was at length introduced among the Chriftians,

but it was not always productive of the moft falutary effects ;

knowledge was as often the parent of herefy as of devotion , and

the defcription which was defigned for the followers of Artemon ,

may, with equal propriety, be applied to the various fects that
(c
refifted the fucceffors of the apoftles. They prefume to alter

" the holy fcriptures, to abandon the ancient rule of faith , and to

" form their opinions according to the fubtile precepts of logic.

" The fcience of the church is neglected for the ftudy of geometry,

184 Minucius Fœlix , c. 8. with Wewerus's
notes . Celfus ap. Origen, 1. iii . p . 138. 142 .
Julian ap. Cyril . 1. vi. p. 206. Edit . Spanheim.
185 Eufeb. Hift. Ecclef. iv. 3. Hieronym .
Epift. 83 .
186 The ftory is prettily told in Juftin's
Dialogues. Tillemont (Mem . Ecclefiaft.
tom . ii . p. 334. ) , who relates it after him , is
fure that the old man was a difguifed angel .
" and
 OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 615

" and they lofe fight of Heaven while they are employed in meaſur- CHA
XV .. P.
ing the earth. Euclid is perpetually in their hands. Ariſtotle

" and Theophraftus are the objects of their admiration ; and they
cc
exprefs an uncommon reverence for the works of Galen. Their
66
errors are derived from the abufe of the arts and fciences of the

" infidels, and they corrupt the fimplicity of the gofpel by the refine-
1879
" ments of human reafon '87,"

Nor can it be affirmed with truth , that the advantages of birth and with regard
to rank and
fortune were always feparated from the profeffion of Chriftianity. fortune..

Several Roman citizens were brought before the tribunal of Pliny,

and he foon difcovered , that a great number of perfons of every order

of men in Bithynia had deferted the religion of their anceſtors 188

His unfuſpected teſtimony may, in this inſtance , obtain more credit

than the bold challenge of Tertullian , when he addreffes him-
felf to the fears as well as to the humanity of the proconful of

Africa, by affuring him , that if he perfifts in his cruel intentions ,

he muſt decimate Carthage, and that he will find among the guilty

many perſons of his own rank, fenators and matrons of nobleſt

extraction, and the friends or relations of his moſt intimate
friends 189. It appears, however, that about forty years afterwards

the emperor Valerian was perfuaded of the truth of this affertion , -

fince in one of his refcripts he evidently fuppofes, that fenators ,
Roman knights , and ladies of quality, were engaged in the Chrift-
ian fect 190. The church ftill continued to increaſe its outward

ſplendour as it loft its internal purity ; and, in the reign of Diocletian ,

the palace, the courts of juftice, and even the army, concealed

187 Eufebius, v. 28. It may be hoped , enim omnis ætatis, omnis ordinis , utriufque
that none, except the heretics , gave occafion fexûs , etiam vocantur in periculum et voca-
to the complaint of Celfus (ap . Origen , 1. ii . buntur.
p. 77. ) , that the Chriftians were perpetually 189 Tertullian ad Scapulam. Yet even
correcting and altering their Gofpels. his rhetoric rifes no higher than to claim a
188 Plin . Epift. x. 97. Fuerunt alii fimi- tenth part of Carthage.
s amentiæ , cives Romani Multi 199 Cyprian. Epift. 79 .
a multitude
 616 THE DECLINE AND FALL

CHA P. a multitude of Chriftians, who endeavoured to reconcile the intereſts

XV .
of the prefent, with thofe of a future, life.
Christianity
most favour- And yet theſe exceptions are either too few in number, or too

ably received recent in time, entirely to remove the imputation of ignorance and
by the poor
and fimple. obfcurity which has been fo arrogantly caft on the firft profelytes of

Chriſtianity. Inftead of employing in our defence the fictions

of later ages, it will be more prudent to convert the occafion of

fcandal into a fubject of edification. Our ferious thoughts will

ſuggeſt to us, that the apoſtles themſelves were chofen by provi-

dence among the fishermen of Galilee, and that the lower we

deprefs the temporal condition of the firſt Chriſtians, the more

reaſon we ſhall find to admire their merit and fuccefs. It is incum-

bent on us diligently to remember, that the kingdom of Heaven was

promiſed to the poor in fpirit, and that minds afflicted by calamity

and the contempt of mankind, cheerfully liſten to the divine promiſe

of future happineſs ; while, on the contrary, the fortunate are fatif-

" fied with the poffeffion of this world ; and the wife abuſe in doubt

and diſpute their vain fuperiority of reaſon and knowledge.

Rejected by We ftand in need of fuch reflections to comfort us for the lofs of
fome emi-
nent men of fome illuftrious characters, which in our eyes might have ſeemed
the firft and
fecond cen the moſt worthy of the heavenly prefent. The names of Seneca ,
turies.
of the elder and the younger Pliny, of Tacitus, of Plutarch, of

Galen, of the flave Epictetus, and of the emperor Marcus Antoni-

nus, adorn the age in which they flouriſhed, and exalt the dignity

of human nature. They filled with glory their reſpective ſtations,

either in active or contemplative life ; their excellent underſtandings

were improved by ftudy ; Philofophy had purified their minds from

the prejudices of the popular fuperftition ; and their days were ſpent
in the purſuit of truth and the practice of virtue. Yet all theſe

ſages (it is no leſs an object of ſurpriſe than of concern) overlooked

or rejected the perfection of the Chriftian fyftem. Their language

or their filence equally difcover their contempt for the growing fect,
which
 OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 617

which in their time had diffuſed itſelf over the Roman empire. CHA P.
XV .
Thoſe among them who condefcend to mention the Chriftians,

confider them only as obftinate and perverfe enthuſiaſts, who exacted

an implicit fubmiffion to their mysterious doctrines, without being

able to produce a ſingle argument that could engage the attention of

men of ſenſe and learning " .

It is at leaſt doubtful whether any of theſe philofophers peruſed Their ne-

glect of pro-
the apologies which the primitive Chriftians repeatedly publiſhed phecy

in behalf of themſelves and of their religion ; but it is much to be

lamented that ſuch a cauſe was not defended by abler advocates.

They expofe with fuperfluous wit and eloquence, the extrava-

gance of Polytheifin. They intereft our compaffion by diſplay-

ing the innocence and fufferings of their injured brethren. But

when they would demonftrate the divine origin of Chriſtianity, they

inſiſt much more ftrongly on the predictions which announced, than

on the miracles which accompanied, the appearance of the Meffiah.

Their favourite argument might ferve to edify a Chriftian or to

convert a Jew, fince both the one and the other acknowledge
the authority of thofe prophecies, and both are obliged, with
devout reverence, to fearch for their fenfe and their accompliſh-
ment. But this mode of perfuafion lofes much of its weight and in-

fluence, when it is addreffed to thofe who neither underſtand nor

reſpect the Mofaic difpenfation and the prophetic flyle ". In the
unfkilful hands of Juftin and of the fucceeding apologifts, the

191 Dr. Lardner, in his firft and fecond Weeks had been alleged to a Roman philofo-
volume of Jewish and Chriſtian teftimonies, pher, would he not have replied in the words
collects and illuftrates thofe of Pliny the of Cicero, " Quæ tandem iſla auguratio eſt,
younger, of Tacitus, of Galen , of Marcus annorum potius quam aut menfium aut die-
Antoninus, and perhaps of Epictetus (for it rum ?" De Divinatione , ii . 30. Obferve
is doubtful whether that philofopher means with what irreverence Lucian ( in Alexandro,
to ſpeak ofthe Chriftians ) . The new fect is c. 13. ) and his friend Celfus ap. Origen,
totally unnoticed by Seneca, the elder Pliny, ( 1. vii . p . 327. ) exprefs themfelves concern-
and Plutarch. ing the Hebrew prophets .
192 If the famous prophecy of the Seventy
VOL. I. 4 K fublime
618 THE DECLINE AND FALL

CHAP. fublime meaning of the Hebrew oracles evaporates in diftant types,

XV.
affected conceits , and cold allegories ; and even their authenticity

was rendered fufpicious to an unenlightened Gentile, by the mix-

ture of pious forgeries, which , under the names of Orpheus, Hermes,

and the Sibyls " , were obtruded on him as of equal value with

the genuine inſpirations of Heaven. The adoption of fraud and

fophiftry in the defence of revelation, too often reminds us of the

injudicious conduct of thofe poets who load their invulnerable heroes

with a uſeleſs weight of cumberſome and brittle armour.

and of mira- But how fhall we excufe the fupine inattention of the Pagan and
cles.
philofophic world, to thoſe evidences which were preſented by the

hand of Omnipotence, not to their reafon , but to their fenfes ?

During the age of Chrift, of his apoftles, and of their firft difciples,

the doctrine which they preached was confirmed by innumerable

prodigies. The lame walked, the blind faw, the fick were healed ,

the dead were raiſed , dæmons were expelled , and the laws of Nature

General were frequently fufpended for the benefit of the church . But the
filence con-
cerning the fages of Greece and Rome turned afide from the awful fpectacle, and
darkness of
the Paffion. purſuing the ordinary occupations of life and ftudy, appeared un-
confcious of any alterations in the moral or phyfical government of
194
the world. Under the reign of Tiberius, the whole earth , or at

leaft a celebrated province of the Roman empire " , was involved in

a præternatural darknefs of three hours. Even this miraculous

193 The Philofophers, who derided the more
ancient predictions of the Sibyls, would cafily
have detected the Jewish and Chriftian forge-
ries , which have been fo triumphantly quoted
by the fathers from Juftin Martyr to Laftan-
tius. When the Sibylline verfes had per-
formed their appointed task, they, like the
fyftem of the millennium , were quietly laid
afide. The Chriftian Sibyl had unluckily
fixed the ruin of Rome for the year 195 ,
A. U. C. 948.
194 The fathers, as they are drawn out in
battle array by Dom Calmet (Differtations fur
la Bible, tom iii. p. 295-308 . ) , feem to
cover the whole earth with darkneſs, in
which they are followed by moft of the mo-
derns .
195 Origen ad Matth . c. 27. and a few
modern critics, Beza , Le Clerc, Lardner,
&c. are defirous of confining it to the land of
Judea.

event ,
 OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 619

event, which ought to have excited the wonder, the curiofity, and CHA
XV. P.
the devotion of mankind , paffed without notice in an age of fcience

and hiftory " . It happened during the lifetime of Seneca and the

elder Pliny, who must have experienced the immediate effects, or

received the earlieft intelligence, of the prodigy. Each of theſe phi-

lofophers, in a laborious work, has recorded all the great pheno-

mena of Nature, earthquakes, meteors , comets , and eclipfes , which

his indefatigable curiofity could collect " . Both the one and the
other have omitted to mention the greateſt phenomenon to which the
mortal eye has been witneſs ſince the creation of the globe. A dif-

tinct chapter of Pliny " is defigned for eclipſes of an extraordinary

nature and unuſual duration ; but he contents himſelf with deſcrib-

ing the fingular defect of light which followed the murder of Cæfar,

when, during the greateſt part of a year, the orb of the fun appeared

pale and without ſplendour. This ſeaſon of obſcurity, which cannot

furely be compared with the præternatural darkneſs of the Paffion ,

had been already celebrated by moſt of the poets " and hiftorians
of that memorable age 200.

196 The celebrated paffage of Phlegon is *99 Virgil Georgic . i . 466. Tibullus , 1. i .
now wifely abandoned . When Tertullian Eleg. v. ver. 75. Ovid Metamorph . xv. 782 .
affures the Pagans, that the mention of the Lucan . Pharfal. i . 540. The laſt of theſe
prodigy is found in Arcanis (not Archivis) poets places this prodigy before the civil war .
veftris (fee his Apology, c . 21. ) , he probably 100 See a public epistle of M. Antony in
appeals to the Sibylline verſes , which relate Jofeph . Antiquit. xiv . 12. Plutarch in Cæ-
it exactly in the words ofthe Gospel. far . p . 471 . Appian, Bell . Civil . 1. iv.
197 Seneca Quæft. Natur. i . 1. 15. vi . 1 . Dion Caffius , 1. xlv. p. 431. Julius Obfe-
vii. 17. Plin. Hift . Natur. 1. ii. quens, c. 128. His little treatife is an ab-
198 Plin. Hift. Natur. ii. 30. Aract of Livy's prodigies.

4K 2
 610 THE DECLINE AND FALL

CHAP. the third century were animated by the zeal of Tertullian, directed
XV.
by the abilities of Cyprian, and adorned by the eloquence of Lac-

tantius. But if, on the contrary, we turn our eyes towards Gaul, we

muſt content ourſelves with difcovering, in the time of Marcus An-

toninus, the feeble and united congregations of Lyons and Vienna ; and

even as late as the reign of Decius , we are aſſured , that in a few cities

only, Arles, Narbonne, Thouloufe, Limoges, Clermont, Tours, and

Paris, fome ſcattered churches were fupported by the devotion of a ſmall

number of Chriſtians "3. Silence is indeed very conſiſtent with de-

votion, but as it is feldom compatible with zeal, we may perceive and

lament the languid ftate of Chriſtianity in thoſe provinces which had

exchanged the Celtic for the Latin tongue ; fince they did not,

during the three firſt centuries, give birth to a ſingle ecclefiaftical

1 writer. From Gaul, which claimed a juft pre-eminence of learning

and authority over all the countries on this fide of the Alps, the

light of the gofpel was more faintly reflected on the remote pro-

vinces of Spain and Britain ; and if we may credit the vehement

affertions of Tertullian , they had already received the firſt rays of

the faith, when he addreffed his apology to the magiftrates of the

174
emperor Severus " . But the obfcure and imperfect origin of the

weſtern churches of Europe has been ſo negligently recorded, that

if we would relate the time and manner of their foundation , we

muft fupply the filence of antiquity by thofe legends which avarice

or ſuperſtition long afterwards dictated to the monks in the lazy
175
gloom of their convents · Of theſe holy romances, that of the

apoftle

173 Rare in aliquibus civitatibus ecclefiæ, had been very recently founded . See Me-
paucorum Chriftianorum devotione, refurge- moires de Tillemont, tom. vi . part i. p . 43 .
rent. Acta Sincera, p. 130. Gregory of 411 .
Tours , 1. i. c . 28. Mofheim , p. 207. 449 . 174 The date of Tertullian's Apology is
There is fome reaſon to believe , that, in the fixed, in a differtation of Mofheim , to the
beginning of the fourth century, the exten- year 198 ..
five diocefes of Liege, of Treves, and of Co- 175 In the fifteenth century , there were
logne, compofed a fingle bishopric, which few who had either inclination or courage to
5 question
 OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 611

apoftle St. James can alone, by its fingle extravagance, deferve to CHA P.
XV .
be mentioned. From a peaceful fiſherman of the lake of Genneſa-

reth, he was transformed into a valorous knight, who charged at

the head of the Spaniſh chivalry in their battles againſt the Moors.

The graveſt hiſtorians have celebrated his exploits ; the miraculous

fhrine of Compoftella difplayed his power ; and the ſword of a military

order, affifted by the terrors of the Inquifition, was fufficient to re-

move every objection of profane criticiſm 17 .

The progrefs of Chriftianity was not confined to the Roman Beyond the
limits of the
empire ; and according to the primitive fathers, who interpret facts Roman em-
by prophecy, the new religion , within a century after the death of pire .

its divine author, had already visited every part of the globe.

" There exifts not," fays Juftin Martyr, " a people, whether Greek
cc
or Barbarian , of any other race of men, by whatſoever appella-

❝tion or manners they may be diſtinguiſhed, however ignorant of

.cc
arts or agriculture, whether they dwell under tents, or wander
cc
about in covered waggons, among whom prayers are not offered

" up in the name of a crucified Jefus to the Father and Creator of

177 99
" all things · But this fplendid exaggeration , which even at
preſent it would be extremely difficult to reconcile with the real

ſtate of mankind, can be confidered only as the raſh ſally of a devout

but careless writer, the meaſure of whoſe belief was regulated by

that of his wishes. But neither the belief, nor the wishes of the

fathers, can alter the truth of hiſtory. It will ſtill remain an un-
doubted fact, that the barbarians of Scythia and Germany, who after-

wards fubverted the Roman monarchy, were involved in the darkneſs

question whether Jofeph of Arimathea found- Hag. Com. 1733. ) , who, in every ſenſe,
ed the monaftery of Glaftenbury, and whether imitates Livy, and the honeft detection of the
Dionyfius the Areopagite preferred the refi- legend of St. James by Dr. Geddes, Mifcella-
dence of Paris to that of Athens. nies, vol . ii . p . 221 .
176 The ſtupendous metamorphofis was per- 177
Juftin Martyr, Dialog. cum Tryphon .
formed in the ninth century . See Mariana
p . 341. Irenæus adv. Hæref. 1. i. c. 10. Ter-
(Hift. Hifpan . 1. vii . c. 13. tom. i . p . 285. edit. tullian adv. Jud . c. 7. See Mofheim , p . 203 .
4 I 2 of
 612 THE DECLINE AND FALL

CHAP.
XV. of paganiſm ; and that even the converſion of Iberia, of Armenia, or

of Ethiopia, was not attempted with any degree of ſucceſs till the

fceptre was in the hands of an orthodox emperor "

". Before that

time, the various accidents of war and commerce might indeed

diffuſe an imperfect knowledge of the goſpel among the tribes

of Caledonia " , and among the borderers of the Rhine, the Danube ,
180
and the Euphrates " °.• Beyond the laft- mentioned river, Edeffa was

diſtinguiſhed by a firm and early adherence to the faith " . From

Edeffa, the principles of Chriſtianity were eafily introduced into the

Greek and Syrian cities which obeyed the fucceffors of Artaxerxes ;

but they do not appear to have made any deep impreffion on the

minds of the Perfians, whoſe religious fyftem , by the labours of a

well-difciplined order of priests, had been conftructed with much
1 more art and folidity than the uncertain mythology of Greece and
Rome " .

General pro-
From this impartial' though imperfect furvey of the progrefs of
portion of
Chriſtians Chriſtianity, it may perhaps feem probable, that the number of its

and Pagans. profelytes has been exceffively magnified by fear on the one fide,

and by devotion on the other. According to the irreproachable

178 See the fourth century of Mofheim's
Hiftory ofthe Church . Many, though very
confufed circumftances , that relate to the con-
verfion of Iberia and Armenia, may be found
in Mofes of Chorene, 1. ii. c. 78-89.
179 According to Tertullian, the Chriftian
faith had penetrated into parts of Britain inac-
ceffible tothe Roman arms. About a century
afterwards, Offian, the fon of Fingal, isfaidto
have difputed, in his extreme old age, with
one of the foreign miffionaries, and the dif
pute is ftill extant, in verſe, and in the Erfe
language. See Mr. Macpherfon's Differta-
tion on the Antiquity of Offian's Poems, p. 10.
180 The Goths , who ravaged Afia in the
reign of Gallienus, carried away great num-
bers of captives ; fome of whom were Chrift-
ians, and became miffionaries . See Tille-
mont, Memoires Ecclefiaft. tom..iv. p. 44.
11 The Legend of Abgarus , fabulous as it
is , affords a decifive proof, that many years
before Eufebius wrote his hiſtory, the greateſt
part ofthe inhabitants of Edeffa had embraced
Christianity. Their rivals, the citizens of
Carrhæ, adhered, on the contrary, to the
cauſe of Paganiſm, as late as the fixth cen-
tury.
182 According to Bardefanes (ap . Eufeb.
Præpar . Evangel . ) there were fome Chriſtians
in Perfia before the end of the ſecond century.
In the time of Conftantine ( fee his Epiftle to
Sapor, Vit. 1. iv. c. 13. ) they compofed a
flourishing church. Confult Beaufobre , Hift.
Critique du Manicheifme, tom . i . p . 180. and
the Bibliotheca Orientalis of Affemani.

teftimony
 OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 613

teſtimony of Origen "3 , the proportion of the faithful was very in- CHA
XV. P.
confiderable when compared with the multitude of an unbelieving

world ; but, as we are left without any diſtinct information , it is im-

poffible to determine, and it is difficult even to conjecture, the real

numbers of the primitive Chriſtians. The moſt favourable calcula-

tion, however, that can be deduced from the examples of Antioch and

of Rome, will not permit us to imagine that more than a twentieth

part of the ſubjects of the empire had enlifted themſelves under

the banner of the cross before the important converfion of Con-

ftantine. But their habits of faith , of zeal , and of union , ſeemed

to multiply their numbers ; and the fame caufes which contributed

to their future increaſe, ferved to render their actual ſtrength more

apparent and more formidable.

Such is the conftitution of civil fociety, that whilſt a few perfons Whether the
firft Chrift-
are diſtinguiſhed by riches, by honours, and by knowledge, the ians were

body of the people is condemned mean and ig-

to obfcurity, ignorance, and norant.

poverty. The Chriftian religion, which addreffed itſelf to the whole

human race, muft confequently collect a far greater number of pro-

felytes from the lower than from the fuperior ranks of life. This
innocent and natural circumftance has been improved into a very

odious imputation , which feems to be lefs ftrenuouſly denied by the

apologiſts, than it is urged by the adverfaries, of the faith ; that the

new fect of Chriftians was almost entirely compofed of the dregs of

the populace, of peaſants and mechanics, of boys and women, of

beggars and flaves, the laft of whom might fometimes introduce the
miffionaries into the rich and noble families to which they belonged.

Theſe obfcure teachers (fuch was the charge of malice and infidelity)

are as mute in public as they are loquacious and dogmatical in

private. Whilſt they cautiouſly avoid the dangerous encounter of

philofophers, they mingle with the rude and illiterate crowd, and

183 Origen contra Celfum, 1. viii . p . 424.-

infinuate
614 THE DECL AND FALL
INE

CHAP. infinuate themſelves into thofe minds , whom their age, their fex, or
XV.
their education , has the beſt diſpoſed to receive the impreſſion of fu-
perftitious terrors 184.
Some excep-
tions with This unfavourable picture, though not devoid of a faint refem-
regard to blance, betrays, by its dark colouring and diftorted features, the
learning ;
pencil of an enemy. As the humble faith of Chrift diffuſed itſelf

through the world , it was embraced by feveral perfons who derived

fome confequence from the advantages of nature or fortune. Ariftides,

who prefented an eloquent apology to the emperor Hadrian, was

185
an Athenian philoſopher "* . Juftin Martyr had fought divine

knowledge in the ſchools of Zeno, of Ariſtotle, of Pythagoras, and

of Plato, before he fortunately was accosted by the old man , or rather

the angel, who turned his attention to the ftudy of the Jewiſh

prophets . Clemens of Alexandria had acquired much various

reading in the Greek, and Tertullian in the Latin, language. Julius

Africanus and Origen poffeffed a very confiderable fhare of the

learning of their times ; and although the ſtyle of Cyprian is very

different from that of Lactantius, we might almoſt diſcover that

both thoſe writers had been public teachers of rhetoric. Even the

ſtudy of philofophy was at length introduced among the Chriftians,

but it was not always productive of the moſt falutary effects ;

knowledge was as often the parent of herefy as of devotion , and

the deſcription which was defigned for the followers of Artemon ,

may, with equal propriety, be applied to the various fects that

refifted the fucceffors of the apoftles. " They prefume to alter

" the holy fcriptures, to abandon the ancient rule of faith, and to

" form their opinions according to the fubtile precepts of logic.

" The fcience of the church is neglected for the ftudy of geometry,

184 Minucius Felix , c. 8. with Wewerus's
notes. Celfus ap. Origen, 1. iii . p. 138. 142 .
Julian ap. Cyril . 1. vi. p. 206. Edit . Spanheim.
85 Eufeb. Hift. Ecclef. iv. 3. Hieronym.
Epift. 83 .
186 The ftory is prettily told in Juftin's
Dialogues. Tillemont (Mem. Ecclefiaft.
tom. ii . p . 334.) , who relates it after him, is
fure that the old man was a difguifed angel .
" and
 OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 615

66
and they loſe ſight of Heaven while they are employed in meaſur- CHA P.
XV ..
ing the earth. Euclid is perpetually in their hands. Ariſtotle

“ and Theophraftus are the objects of their admiration ; and they

" exprefs an uncommon reverence for the works of Galen. Their

66
errors are derived from the abufe of the arts and fciences of the

" infidels, and they corrupt the fimplicity of the goſpel by the refine-
cc ments of human reaſon 187 99

Nor can it be affirmed with truth, that the advantages of birth and with regard
to rank and

fortune were always feparated from the profeffion of Chriftianity. fortune..

Several Roman citizens were brought before the tribunal of Pliny,

and he foon diſcovered , that a great number of perfons of every order

of men in Bithynia had deferted the religion of their anceſtors 188.

His unfufpected teſtimony may, in this inftance, obtain more credit

than the bold challenge of Tertullian, when he addreffes him-

felf to the fears as well as to the humanity of the proconful of

Africa, by affuring him, that if he perfifts in his cruel intentions ,

he muft decimate Carthage, and that he will find among the guilty

many perfons of his own rank, fenators and matrons of nobleft

extraction , and the friends or relations of his moft intimate

friends 189. It appears, however, that about forty years afterwards

the emperor Valerian was perfuaded of the truth of this affertion , -

fince in one of his refcripts he evidently fuppofes, that fenators,

Roman knights, and ladies of quality, were engaged in the Chriſt-

ian fect 190. The church ftill continued to increaſe its outward

fplendour as it loft its internal purity ; and, in the reign of Diocletian ,

the palace, the courts of juſtice, and even the army, concealed

187 Eufebius , v . 28. It may be hoped, enim omnis ætatis , omnis ordinis, utriufque
that none, except the heretics, gave occafion fexûs , etiam vocantur in periculum et voca-
to the complaint of Celfus (ap . Origen , 1. ii . buntur.
p. 77. ) , that the Chriftians were perpetually 189 Tertullian ad Scapulam . Yet even
correcting and altering their Gofpels. his rhetoric rifes no higher than to claim a
188 Plin . Epift. x . 97. Fuerunt alii fimi- tenth part of Carthage.
s amentiæ , cives Romani - - - - - Multi 199 Cyprian. Epift. 79.
a multitude
616 THE DECLINE AND FALL

CHA P. a multitude of Chriſtians, who endeavoured to reconcile the intereſts

XV .
of the prefent, with thoſe of a future, life.
Christianity
most favour- And yet theſe exceptions are either too few in number, or too

ably received recent in time, entirely to remove the imputation of ignorance and
by the poor
and fimple. obfcurity which has been fo arrogantly caft on the first profelytes of

Chriſtianity. Inftead of employing in our defence the fictions

of later ages , it will be more prudent to convert the occafion of

ſcandal into a ſubject of edification. Our ferious thoughts will

ſuggeſt to us, that the apoſtles themſelves were choſen by provi-

dence among the fishermen of Galilee, and that the lower we

depreſs the temporal condition of the firſt Chriſtians, the more

reafon we ſhall find to admire their merit and ſucceſs. It is incum-

bent on us diligently to remember, that the kingdom of Heaven was

promiſed to the poor in fpirit, and that minds afflicted by calamity

and the contempt of mankind, cheerfully liften to the divine promiſe

of future happineſs ; while, on the contrary, the fortunate are ſatiſ-

fied with the poffeffion of this world ; and the wife abuſe in doubt

and diſpute their vain fuperiority of reaſon and knowledge.

Rejected by We ftand in need of fuch reflections to comfort us for the lofs of
fome emi-
nent men of fome illuftrious characters, which in our eyes might have ſeemed
the firft and
fecond cen- the moſt worthy of the heavenly prefent. The names of Seneca ,
turies.
of the elder and the younger Pliny, of Tacitus, of Plutarch, of

Galen, of the flave Epictetus, and of the emperor Marcus Antoni-

nus, adorn the age in which they flouriſhed , and exalt the dignity

of human nature. They filled with glory their reſpective ſtations,

either in active or contemplative life ; their excellent underſtandings

were improved by ſtudy ; Philoſophy had purified their minds from

the prejudices of the popular ſuperſtition ; and their days were ſpent
in the purſuit of truth and the practice of virtue. Yet all theſe

fages (it is no leſs an object of ſurpriſe than of concern) overlooked

or rejected the perfection of the Chriſtian ſyſtem. Their language

or their filence equally difcover their contempt for the growing fect,
which
 OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 617

which in their time had diffuſed itſelf over the Roman empire . CHA P.
XV.
Thoſe among them who condefcend to mention the Chriftians ,

confider them only as obftinate and perverſe enthuſiaſts, who exacted

an implicit fubmiffion to their mysterious doctrines, without being

able to produce a fingle argument that could engage the attention of

men of fenfe and learning "
".

It is at leaft doubtful whether any of thefe philofophers perufed Their ne-

glect of pro-
the apologies which the primitive Chriftians repeatedly publiſhed phecy

in behalf of themſelves and of their religion ; but it is much to be

lamented that ſuch a caufe was not defended by abler advocates.

They expofe with fuperfluous wit and eloquence , the extrava-

gance of Polytheifm . They intereft our compaffion by difplay-

ing the innocence and fufferings of their injured brethren. But

when they would demonftrate the divine origin of Chriftianity, they

infift much more ftrongly on the predictions which announced , than

on the miracles which accompanied, the appearance of the Meffiah.

Their favourite argument might ferve to edify a Chriftian or to

convert a Jew, fince both the one and the other acknowledge

the authority of thoſe prophecies, and both are obliged, with

devout reverence, to fearch for their fenfe and their accomplish-

ment. But this mode of perfuafion lofes much of its weight and in-

fluence, when it is addreffed to thofe who neither underſtand nor

reſpect the Mofaic difpenfation and the prophetic ftyle " . In the
unfkilful hands of Juftin and of the fucceeding apologifts, the

191 Dr. Lardner, in his first and fecond
volume of Jewish and Chriftian teftimonies,
collects and illuftrates thofe of Pliny the
younger, of Tacitus , of Galen , of Marcus
Antoninus, and perhaps of Epictetus (for it
is doubtful whether that philofopher means
to ſpeak of the Chriftians ) . The new fect is
totally unnoticed by Seneca, the elder Pliny,
and Plutarch .
192 If the famous prophecy of the Seventy
VOL. I. 4 K
Weeks had been alleged to a Roman philofo-
pher, would he not have replied in the words
of Cicero, " Quæ tandem ifta auguratio eft,
annorum potius quam aut menfium aut die-
rum ?" De Divinatione , ii . 30. Obferve
with what irreverence Lucian (in Alexandro,
c. 13. ) and his friend Celfus ap. Origen,
( 1. vii . p . 327. ) exprefs themfelves concern-
ing the Hebrew prophets.
fublime
618 THE DECLINE AND FALL

CHAP. fublime meaning of the Hebrew oracles evaporates in diftant types,

XV .
affected conceits, and cold allegories ; and even their authenticity

was rendered fufpicious to an unenlightened Gentile, by the mix-

ture of pious forgeries , which , under the names of Orpheus, Hermes,

and the Sibyls " , were obtruded on him as of equal value with

the genuine inſpirations of Heaven . The adoption of fraud and

fophiftry in the defence of revelation , too often reminds us of the

injudicious conduct of thofe poets who load their invulnerable heroes

with a uſeleſs weight of cumberſome and brittle armour.

and of mira- But how fhall we excufe the fupine inattention of the Pagan and
cles.
philofophic world, to thofe evidences which were prefented by the

hand of Omnipotence , not to their reafon , but to their fenfes ?

During the age of Chrift, of his apoftles, and of their firft difciples,

the doctrine which they preached was confirmed by innumerable

prodigies. The lame walked, the blind faw, the fick were healed ,

the dead were raiſed , dæmons were expelled , and the laws of Nature

General were frequently fufpended for the benefit of the church. But the
filence con-
cerning the fages of Greece and Rome turned afide from the awful ſpectacle, and
darkness of
the Paffion. purfuing the ordinary occupations of life and ftudy, appeared un-
confcious of any alterations in the moral or phyfical government of

the world. Under the reign of Tiberius, the whole earth " , or at

leaft a celebrated province of the Roman empire " , was involved in

a præternatural darkneſs of three hours. Even this miraculous

193 The Philofophers , who derided the more
ancient predictions of the Sibyls, would easily
have detected the Jewish and Chriftian forge-
ries , which have been fo triumphantly quoted
by the fathers from Justin Martyr to Laftan-
tius. When the Sibylline verfes had per-
formed their appointed task, they, like the
fyftem of the millennium , were quietly laid
afide . The Chriftian Sibyl had unluckily
fixed the ruin of Rome for the year 195 ,
A. U. C. 948.
194 The fathers, as they are drawn out in
battle array by Dom Calmet ( Differtations fur
la Bible , tom iii . p. 295-308 . ) , feem to
cover the whole earth with darkneſs , in
which they are followed by moft of the mo-
derns.
195 Origen ad Matth . c. 27. and a few
modern critics, Beza , Le Clerc, Lardner,
&c. are defirous of confining it to the land of
Judea.

event ,
 OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 619

CHA
event, which ought to have excited the wonder, the curiofity, and XV. P.
the devotion of mankind , paſſed without notice in an age of ſcience

and hiſtory 196. It happened during the lifetime of Seneca and the

elder Pliny, who must have experienced the immediate effects, or

received the earlieft intelligence, of the prodigy. Each of theſe phi-

lofophers, in a laborious work, has recorded all the great pheno-

mena of Nature, earthquakes, meteors, comets , and eclipfes, which

197
his indefatigable curiofity could collect '
" . Both the one and the
other have omitted to mention the greateſt phenomenon to which the
mortal eye has been witneſs fince the creation of the globe. A dif-

tinct chapter of Pliny '98 is defigned for eclipfes of an extraordinary

nature and unuſual duration ; but he contents himſelf with defcrib-

ing the fingular defect of light which followed the murder of Cæfar,

when, during the greateſt part of a year, the orb of the fun appeared
pale and without ſplendour . This ſeaſon of obſcurity, which cannot

furely be compared with the præternatural darkneſs of the Paffion ,

had been already celebrated by moſt of the poets "" and hiſtorians
200
of that memorable age •

196 The celebrated paffage of Phlegon is
now wifely abandoned . When Tertullian
affures the Pagans, that the mention of the
prodigy is found in Arcanis (not Archivis)
veftris (fee his Apology, c. 21. ) , he probably
appeals to the Sibylline verfes, which relate
it exactly in the words ofthe Gofpel .
197 Seneca Quæft. Natur . i . 1. 15. vi . 1 .
vii. 17. Plin . Hift. Natur. 1. ii.
198 Plin. Hift. Natur. ii. 30.
199 Virgil Georgic . i . 466. Tibullus, 1. i.
Eleg . v. ver. 75. Ovid Metamorph . xv. 782 .
Lucan . Pharfal. i . 540. The laſt of theſe
poets places this prodigy before the civil war .
200 See a public epistle of M. Antony in
Jofeph . Antiquit. xiv. 12. Plutarch in Cæ-
far . p . 471 . Appian, Bell . Civil. 1. iv.
Dion Caffius, 1. xlv. p. 431. Julius Obfe-
quens, c. 128. His little treatife is an ab-
Aract of Livy's prodigies .

4 K 2
620 THE DECLINE AND FALL

CHA P. XVI.

The Conduct of the Roman Government towards the Chrift-

ians, from the Reign of Nero to that of Conftantine.

СНА Р.
F we ſeriouſly confider the purity of the Chriftian religion , the
XVI.
I'fanctity of its moral precepts, and the innocent as well as auftere
Chriſtianity
perfecuted by lives of the greater number of thofe, who during the first ages
the Roman
emperors. embraced the faith of the gospel , we ſhould naturally fuppofe, that
fo benevolent a doctrine would have been received with due re-

verence, even by the unbelieving world ; that the learned and

the polite, however they might deride the miracles, would

have eſteemed the virtues of the new fect ; and that the ma-

giftrates, inſtead of perfecuting, would have protected an order

of men who yielded the moſt paffive obedience to the laws, though

they declined the active cares of war and government. If on the

other hand we recollect the univerfal toleration of Polytheiſm , as

it was invariably maintained by the faith of the people, the in-

credulity of philofophers, and the policy of the Roman fenate and

emperors, we are at a lofs to difcover what new offence the Chriftians

had committed, what new provocation could exafperate the mild

indifference of antiquity, and what new motives could urge the

Roman princes, who beheld without concern a thouſand forms of

religion fubfifting in peace under their gentle fway, to inflict a

fevere puniſhment on any part of their fubjects, who had chofen

for themfelves a fingular but an inoffenfive mode of faith and

worship.
The religious policy of the ancient world feems to have af-
fumed a more ftern and intolerant character, to oppofe the pro-

grefs
 OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 621.

grefs of Chriſtianity. About fourſcore years after the death of CHAP.

XVI .
Chriſt, his innocent difciples were puniſhed with death by the

fentence of a proconful of the moſt amiable and philofophic cha-

racter, and according to the laws of an emperor, diſtinguiſhed by

the wiſdom and juftice of his general adminiſtration . The apo-

logies which were repeatedly addreſſed to the fucceffors of Trajan

are filled with the moſt pathetic complaints, that the Chriftians

who obeyed the dictates, and folicited the liberty, of conſcience, were
alone, among all the fubjects of the Roman empire, excluded from

the common benefits of their aufpicious government. The deaths

of a few eminent martyrs have been recorded with care ; and from

the time that Chriſtianity was invefted with the fupreme power, the

governors of the church have been no leſs diligently employed in

diſplaying the cruelty, than in imitating the conduct, of their Pagan

adverfaries. To ſeparate ( if it be poffible) a few authentic as well as

interefting facts from an undigefted maſs of fiction and error, and

to relate, in a clear and rational manner, the cauſes, the extent, the

duration, and the moſt important circumftances of the perfecutions

to which the firft Chriftians were expofed, is the defign of the

prefent Chapter.

The fectaries of a perfecuted religion , depreffed by fear, animated Inquiry into

their mo-
with refentment, and perhaps heated by enthuſiaſm, are feldom in

a proper temper of mind calmly to inveſtigate, or candidly to

appreciate, the motives of their enemies, which often eſcape the im-

partial and difcerning view even of thoſe who are placed at a fecure

diſtance from the flames of perfecution . A reafon has been affigned

for the conduct of the emperors towards the primitive Chriſtians ,

which may appear the more fpecious and probable as it is drawn

from the acknowledged genius of Polytheifm. It has already been

obferved, that the religious concord of the world was principally

fupported by the implicit affent and reverence which the nations of

antiquity expreffed for their respective traditions and ceremonies.

It
622 THE DECLINE AND FALL

CHAP.
XVI. It might therefore be expected, that they would unite with indigna-

tion againſt any fect or people which fhould feparate itſelf from the

communion of mankind , and claiming the excluſive poffeffion of di-

vine knowledge, fhould difdain every form of worſhip, except its

own, as impious and idolatrous . The rights of toleration were

held by mutual indulgence : they were juftly forfeited by a re-

fufal of the accuſtomed tribute. As the payment of this tribute was

inflexibly refuſed by the Jews, and by them alone , the confideration

of the treatment which they experienced from the Roman magiſtrates,

will ferve to explain how far theſe fpeculations are juftified by facts,

and will lead us to diſcover the true cauſes ofthe perſecution of Chriſ-

tianity.

Rebellious Without, repeating what has been already mentioned, of the

ſpirit of the
Jews. reverence of the Roman princes and governors for the temple of
Jerufalem, we ſhall only obferve, that the deftruction of the temple

and city was accompanied and followed by every circumftance that

could exafperate the minds of the conquerors, and authorize reli-

gious perfecution by the moſt ſpecious arguments of political juftice

and the public fafety. From the reign of Nero to that of Anto-

ninus Pius, the Jews diſcovered a fierce impatience of the dominion

of Rome, which repeatedly broke out in the moft furious maffacres

and infurrections. Humanity is fhocked at the recital of the hor-

rid cruelties which they committed in the cities of Egypt, of Cyprus,

and of Cyrene, where they dwelt in treacherous friendſhip with

the unfufpecting natives ' ; and we are tempted to applaud the fevere

retaliation which was exerciſed by the arms of the legions againſt a

race of fanatics, whofe dire and credulous fuperftition feemed to

' In Cyrene they maffacred 220,0co Greeks ;
in Cyprus, 240,000 ; in Egypt, a very great
multitude. Many of theſe unhappy victims
were fawed afunder, according to a prece-
dent to which David had given the fanction of
his example. The victorious Jews devoured
the flesh, licked up the blood, and twisted
the entrails like a girdle round their bodies .
See Dion Caffius, 1. lxviii. p. 1145 .
render
 OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 623

С НА Р.
render them the implacable enemies not only of the Roman govern-
XVI.
ment, but of humankind '. The enthufiafin of the Jews was fup-

ported by the opinion , that it was unlawful for them to pay taxes
to an idolatrous mafter ; and by the flattering promife which they

derived from their ancient oracles, that a conquering Meffiah would

foon arife, deftined to break their fetters, and to infeft the favourites

of heaven with the empire of the earth. It was by announcing

himſelf as their long-expected deliverer, and by calling on all the de-

ſcendants of Abraham to affert the hope of Ifrael, that the famous

Barchochebas collected a formidable army, with which he refifted

during two years the power of the emperor Hadrian '.

Notwithſtanding thefe repeated provocations , the refentment of Toleration of

the Jewish
the Roman princes expired after the victory ; nor were their appre- religion.

henfions continued beyond the period of war and danger. By the

general indulgence of polytheifm , and by the mild temper of Anto-

ninus Pius, the Jews were reftored to their ancient privileges, and

once more obtained the permiffion of circumcifing their children ,

with the eaſy reſtraint,, that they ſhould never confer on any foreign

profelyte that diftinguishing mark of the Hebrew race *. The nume-

rous remains of that people, though they were ftill excluded from
the precincts of Jerufalem, were permitted to form and to maintain

confiderable eſtabliſhments both in Italy and in the provinces , to

acquire the freedom of Rome, to enjoy municipal honours, and to

obtain at the fame time an exemption from the burdenfome and

expenfive offices of fociety. The moderation or the contempt of the

2 Without repeating the well -known nar- ters of the Meffiah, according to the Rabbis,
ratives of Jofephus, we may learn from Dion 1. v. c. 11 , 12 , 13. for the actions of Barcho-
( .. xix. p. 1162. ) , that in Hadrian's war chebas, 1. vii . c. 12 .
580,000 Jews were cut off by the fword, be- It is to Modeftinus, a Roman lawyer
fides an infinite number which perished by ( 1. vi . regular. ) , that we are indebted for a
famine, by difeafe , and by fire. diftinct knowledge of the Edict of Antoninus.
3 For the fect of the Zealots , fee Bafnage, See Cafaubon ad Hift. Auguſt. p . 27 .
Hiftoire des Juifs, 1. i . c. 17. for the charac-
Romans
 624 THE DEC AND FAL
LIN L
E

CHAP.
XVI. Romans gave a legal fanction to the form of ecclefiaftical police •

which was inftituted by the vanquished fect . The patriarch, who

had fixed his refidence at Tiberias, was empowered to appoint his

fubordinate miniſters and apoftles, to exerciſe a domeftic juriſdiction,

and to receive from his difperfed brethren an annual contribution ³ .

New fynagogues were frequently erected in the principal cities of

the empire ; and the fabbaths, the fafts, and the feftivals, which

were either commanded by the Mofaic law, or enjoined by the tra-

ditions of the Rabbis, were celebrated in the moſt folemn and public
manner . Such gentle treatment infenfibly affuaged the ftern

temper of the Jews. Awakened from their dream of prophecy and

conqueft, they affumed the behaviour of peaceable and induſtrious

fubjects. Their irreconcileable hatred of mankind , inſtead of fla-

ming out in acts of blood and violence, evaporated in leſs dangerous

gratifications. They embraced every opportunity of over- reaching

the idolaters in trade ; and they pronounced fecret and ambiguous

P
imprecations againſt the haughty kingdom of Edom 7.

The Jews Since the Jews, who rejected with abhorrence the deities adored

were people
whicha fol- by their ſovereign and by their fellow-fubjects, enjoyed however the
lowed , the
Chriftians , a free exercife of their unfocial religion ; there muſt have exifted fome
fect which
deferted , the other cauſe, which expofed the diſciples of Chrift to thoſe ſeverities
religion of from which the pofterity of Abraham was exempt. The difference
their fathers .
between them is fimple and obvious ; but, according to the fenti-

ments of antiquity, it was of the higheſt importance. The Jews

were a nation ; the Chriftians were a fect and if it was natural for

5 See Bafnage, Hiftoire des Juifs , 1. iii.
c. 2 , 3. The office of Patriarch was fup-
preffed by Theodofius the younger.
" We need only mention the purim, or de-
liverance of the Jews from the rage of Ha-
man , which , till the reign of Theodofius,
was celebrated with infolent triumph and
riotous intemperance . Bafnage, Hift. des
Juifs, 1. vi. c. 17. 1. viii . c. 6 .
7 According to the falfe Jofephus, Tfepho,
the grandfon of Efau, conducted into Italy
the army of Æneas, king of Carthage. An-
other colony of Idumæans, flying from the
fword of David, took refuge in the dominions
of Romulus . For thefe, or for other reafons
of equal weight, the name of Edom was ap-
plied by the Jews to the Roman empire.
5 every

1
 OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 625

every community to reſpect the facred inftitutions of their neigh- CHAP.

XVI.
bours, it was incumbent on them to perfevere in thofe of their an-
ceftors. The voice of oracles, the precepts of philofophers , and the

authority of the laws, unanimoufly enforced this national obligation.

By their lofty claim of fuperior fanctity, the Jews might provoke

the Polytheifts to confider them as an odious and impure race. By

diſdaining the intercourſe of other nations they might deſerve their

contempt. The laws of Mofes might be for the moſt part frivolous

or abfurd ; yet fince they had been received during many ages by a

large fociety, his followers were juftified by the example of mankind ;

and it was univerfally acknowledged, that they had a right to prac-

tife what it would have been criminal in them to neglect. But

this principle which protected the Jewish fynagogue , afforded not

any favour or ſecurity to the primitive church. By embracing the

faith of the Gospel, the Chriftians incurred the ſuppoſed guilt of an

unnatural and unpardonable offence. They diffolved the facred ties

of cuſtom and education, violated the religious inſtitutions of their

country, and prefumptuously defpifed whatever their fathers had

believed as true, or had reverenced as facred. Nor was this apoftacy

(if we may uſe the expreffion) merely of a partial or local kind ;

fince the pious deferter who withdrew himſelf from the temples of

Egypt or Syria, would equally diſdain to ſeek an afſylum in thoſe

of Athens or Carthage. Every Chriſtian rejected with contempt the

fuperftitions of his family, his city, and his province. The whole
body of Chriſtians unanimouſly refuſed to hold any communion with

the gods of Rome, of the empire, and of mankind. It was in vain

that the oppreffed believer afferted the inalienable rights of con-

fcience and private judgment. Though his fituation might excite

the pity, his arguments could never reach the underſtanding, either

of the philofophic or of the believing part of the Pagan world .

To their apprehenfions, it was no leſs a matter of furpriſe, that any

individuals fhould entertain fcruples againſt complying with the
VOL. I. 4 L eſtabliſhed
626 THE DECLINE AND FALL

CHA
XVI. P. eſtabliſhed mode of worſhip, than if they had conceived a ſudden ab-
horrence to the manners, the dreſs, or the language of their native

country .
Chriftianity
The furpriſe of the Pagans was foon fucceeded by resentment ;
accuſed of
atheifm , and and the moſt pious of men were expoſed to the unjuſt but danger-
mistaken by
the people ous imputation of impiety. Malice and prejudice concurred in
and philofo-
phers. reprefenting the Chriftians as a fociety of atheiſts, who, by the moſt

daring attack on the religious conftitution of the empire, had me-

rited the ſevereſt animadverſion of the civil magiftrate. They had

feparated themſelves (they gloried in the confeflion ) from every
mode of fuperftition which was received in any part of the globe

by the various temper of polytheiſm : but it was not altogether fo

evident what deity, or what form of worship, they had fubftituted

to the gods and temples of antiquity. The pure and fublime idea

which they entertained of the Supreme Being eſcaped the grofs .

conception of the Pagan multitude, who were at a lofs to diſcover

a fpiritual and folitary God, that was neither reprefented under any
corporeal figure or viſible ſymbol, nor was adored with the accuf-
tomed pomp
of libations and feftivals, of altars and facrifices .. The

fages of Greece and Rome, who had elevated their minds to the

contemplation of the exiſtence and attributes of the Firft Cauſe, were

induced by reafon or by vanity to referve for themſelves and their

choſen diſciples the privilege of this philofophical devotion . They

were far from admitting the prejudices of mankind as the ſtandard

From the arguments of Celfus , as they vel quis ille, aut ubi, Deus unicus, folitarius,.
are reprefented and refuted by Origen (1. v . deftitutus ? Minucius Felix , c. 10. The Pa-
p. 247-259. ) , we may clearly diſcover the gan interlocutor goes on to make a diſtinction
diftinction that was made between the Jewish in favour ofthe Jews, who had once a temple,
people and the Chriſtian feat. See in the Dia- altars, victims, & c.
logue of Minucius Fœlix (c. 5 , 6. ) a fair and 10 It is difficult ( fays Plato) to attain, and
not inelegant deſcription of the popular fen- dangerous to publish, the knowledge of the
timents, with regard to the defertion of the true God. See the Theologie des Philo--
eftabliſhed worship. fophes, inthe Abbé d'Olivet's French tranfla-
• Cur nullas aras habent ? templa nulla ? tion of Tully de Naturâ Deorum, tom. i .
nulla nota fimulacra ? - - - Unde autem, p . 275 .

of
 OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 627

of truth, but they confidered them as flowing from the original dif- CHA
XVI. P.
pofition of human nature ; and they ſuppoſed that any popular mode

of faith and worſhip which prefumed to diſclaim the affiftance of the

fenfes , would, in proportion as it receded from fuperſtition , find

itſelf incapable of reftraining the wanderings of the fancy and the
vifions of fanaticifm . The careleſs glance which men of wit and

learning condefcended to caft on the Chriftian revelation , ferved only

to confirm their hafty opinion, and to perfuade them, that the prin-

ciple, which they might have revered , of the divine unity, was de-

faced by the wild enthuſiaſm , and annihilated by the airy ſpecula-

tions, of the new fectaries. The author of a celebrated dialogue,

which has been attributed to Lucian, whilſt he affects to treat the

myſterious ſubject of the Trinity in a ftyle of ridicule and contempt,

betrays his own ignorance of the weakneſs of human reaſon, and of

the infcrutable nature of the Divine perfections ".

It might appear lefs furpriſing, that the founder of Chrift-

ianity fhould not only be revered by his difciples as a fage and

a prophet, but that he fhould be adored as a God.
as a The Po-

lytheists were difpofed to adopt every article of faith, which feemed

to offer any refemblance, however diftant or imperfect, with the

popular mythology ; and the legends of Bacchus, of Hercules , and

of Æfculapius , had, in fone meaſure, prepared their imagination

for the appearance of the Son of God under a human form ".

" The author ofthe Philopatris perpetually Εν εκ τριων, και εξ ενα τρία
treats the Chriftians as a company of dreain- Admerr me didaoxuç, ( is the prophane anſwer
ing enthufafts, δαιμόνιοι , αιθέριοι , αιθεροβατοτε , of Critias) , και ορκ η αξιθμητικη , εκ οίδα γαρ το
2T , & c. and in one place , manifeftly eyev Tgix, Tçıx ev !
alludes to the vifion , in which St. Paul was 12
According to Juſtin Martyr ' ( Apolog.
transported to the third heaven. In another Major, c. 70-85) , the damon , who had
place, Triephon , who perfonates a Chriftian, gained fome imperfect knowledge of the pro-
after deriding the Gods of Paganifm, propofes phecies, purpofely contrived this refembiance,
a myfterious oath, which might deter, though by different means,
Υψιμέδιλα θεον, μέγαν, αμβροτος , κρανιώνα , both the people and the philofophers from
Υιοι πάρο , πνευμα εκ παρεα εκπορευομένων embracing the faith of Chrift.
•
4 L 2 But
628 THE DECLINE AND FALL

CHA
XVI. P. But they were aftoniſhed that the Chriftians fhould abandon the

temples of thoſe ancient heroes, who, in the infancy of the world,

had invented arts, inftituted laws, and vanquished the tyrants or

monſters who infeſted the earth ; in order to chooſe for the excluſive

object of their religious worship, an obfcure teacher, who, in a

recent age, and among a barbarous people, had fallen a facrifice

either to the malice of his own countrymen, or to the jealoufy of

the Roman government. The Pagan multitude, referving their

gratitude for temporal benefits alone, rejected the ineftimable preſent

of life and immortality, which was offered to mankind by Jefus of

Nazareth. His mild conftancy in the midft of cruel and voluntary

fufferings, his univerfal benevolence, and the ſublime fimplicity of his

actions and character, were infufficient, in the opinion of thoſe

carnal men, to compenfate for the want of fame, of empire , and

of fuccefs ; and whilft they refufed to acknowledge his ftupen-

dous triumph over the powers of darkneſs and of the grave, they

mifreprefented, or they infulted , the equivocal birth , wandering

life, and ignominious death , of the divine Author of Chriſtianity ” .

The union
The perfonal guilt which every Chriſtian had contracted, in thus
and affem-
blies of the preferring his private ſentiment to the national religion, was aggra-
Christians
confidered as vated in a very high degree by the number and union of the crimi-

a dangerous nals. It is well known, and has been already obferved, that Roman
confpiracy.
policy viewed with the utmost jealoufy and diſtruſt any affociation

among its fubjects ; and that the privileges of private corporations,

though formed for the moſt harmleſs or beneficial purpoſes, were be-
ſtowed with a very ſparing hand . The religious affemblies of the

* In the first and fecond books of Origen,
Celfus treats the birth and character of our
Saviour with the most impious contempt . The
orator Libanius praiſes Porphyry and Julian
for confuting the folly of a fect, which
ftyled a dead man of Palestine, God, and
the fon of God. Socrates, Hift. Ecclefiaft
iii. 23.
14 The emperor Trajan refuſed to incor-
porate a company of 150 fire-men, for the
ufe of the city of Nicomedia. He difliked all
affociations. See Plin. Epift. x. 42, 43 .

Chriftians,
 OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 629

Chriſtians, who had ſeparated themſelves from the public worship, CHA P.
XVI.
appeared of a much leſs innocent nature : they were illegal in their

principle, and in their confequences might become dangerous ; nor

were the emperors confcious that they violated the laws of juftice,
when, for the peace of fociety, they prohibited thofe fecret and fome-

times nocturnal meetings ". The pious difobedience of the Chriſt-

ians made their conduct , or perhaps their defigns, appear in a much

more ſerious and criminal light ; and the Roman princes, who might

perhaps have fuffered themfelves to be difarmed by a ready fubmiflion ,

deeming their honour concerned in the execution of their com-

mands, fometimes attempted, by rigorous puniſhments, to fub-

due this independent fpirit, which boldly acknowledged an au-

thority fuperior to that of the magiftrate. The extent and du-

ration of this fpiritual confpiracy feemed to render it every day

more deferving of his animadverfion. We have already feen that

the active and fucceſsful zeal of the Chriftians had infenfibly diffuſed

them through every province and almoſt every city of the empire.
The new converts feemed to renounce their family and country,

that they might connect themſelves in an indiffoluble band of union

with a peculiar fociety, which every where affumed a different cha-

racter from the reft of mankind. Their gloomy and auftere aſpect,
their abhorrence of the common bufinefs and pleafures of life, and

their frequent predictions of impending calamities " , infpired the

Pagans with the apprehenfion of fome danger, which would arife

from the new fect, the more alarming as it was the more obfcure.

" Whatever," fays Pliny, may be the principle of their con-

The proconful Pliny had publifhed a
general edict against unlawful meetings. The
prudence of the Chriftians fufpended their
Agape ; but it was impoffible for them to
omit the exerciſe of public worship.
16 As the prophecies of the Antichrift, ap-
proaching conflagration, &c. provoked thofe
Pagans whom they did not convert, they were
mentioned with caution and referve ; and the
Montanifts were cenfured for diſcloſing too
freely the dangerous fecret. See Mofheim,
P 413.
“ duct,
630 THE DECLINE AND FALL

CHA P. « duct , their inflexible obftinacy appeared deferving of puniſh-

XVI.
" ment "."
Their man-
ners calum- The precautions with which the difciples of Chrift performed the
niated . offices of religion were at firft dictated by fear and neceffity ; but

they were continued from choice. By imitating the awful fecrefy

which reigned in the Eleufinian myfteries, the Chriftians had flat-

tered themfelves that they fhould render their facred inftitutions

more refpectable in the eyes of the Pagan world ". But the event,
as it often happens to the operations of fubtile policy , deceived their

withes and their expectations. It was concluded, that they only

concealed, what they would have bluſhed to diſcloſe . Their mif-

taken prudence afforded an oportunity for malice to invent, and for

fufpicious credulity to believe, the horrid tales which defcribed the

Chriftians as the most wicked of human kind, who practifed in

their dark receffes every abomination that a depraved fancy could

fuggeft, and who folicited the favour of their unknown God by the
facrifice of every moral virtue. There were many who pretended

to confefs or to relate the ceremonies of this abhorred fociety. It

was afferted, " that a new-born infant, entirely covered over , with

flour, was prefented, like fome myftic ſymbol of initiation , to the

" knife of the profelyte, who unknowingly inflicted many a fecret

" and mortal wound on the innocent victim of his error ; that as

" foon as the cruel deed was perpetrated, the fectaries drank up the
66
blood, greedily tore afunder the quivering members, and pledged

" themſelves to eternal fecrecy, by a mutual confcioufnefs of guilt.

" It was as confidently affirmed , that this inhuman facrifice was

" fucceeded by a fuitable entertainment, in which intemperance

" ferved as a provocative to brutal luft ; till, at the appointed mo-

1
17 Neque enim dubitabam, quodcunque 18 See Mofheim's Ecclefiaftical Hiſtory,
effet quod faterentur (fuch are the words of vol . i. p. 101. and Spanheim, Remarques fur
Pliny), pervicaciam certe et inflexibilem ob- les Cæfars de Julien, p. 468 , &c.
ftinationem debere puniri.

' ment,
 ४ OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 65

ment, the lights were fuddenly extinguiſhed , ſhame was banifhed, CHA P.
XVI.
33

nature was forgotten ; and , as accident might direct, the dark-

" neſs of the night was polluted by the incestuous commerce of

19 99
" fifters and brothers , of fons and of mothers

But the perufal of the ancient apologies was fufficient to re- dentdefence..
Theirimpru-

move even the flighteft fufpicion from the mind of a candid adver-

fary. The Chriftians, with the intrepid fecurity of innocence,.

appeal from the voice of rumour to the equity of the magiftrates.

They acknowledge, that if any proof can be produced of the

crimes which calumny has imputed to them, they are worthy of

the moſt ſevere puniſhment. They provoke the punishment, and

they challenge the proof. At the fame time they urge, with equal

truth and propriety, that the charge is not lefs devoid of pro-

bability, than it is deftitute of evidence ; they afk, whether any

one can ſeriouſly believe that the pure and holy precepts of the

Gospel, which fo frequently reſtrain the uſe of the moſt lawful

enjoyments, fhould* inculcate the practice of the most abominable

crimes ; that a large fociety fhould refolve to difhonour itſelf in the

eyes of its own members ; and that a great number of perfons of

either fex, and every age and character, infenfible to the fear of

death or infamy, ſhould confent to violate thofe principles which

nature and education had imprinted moft deeply in their minds 20.

Nothing, it should feem, could weaken the force or deftroy the ef-
fect of fo unanswerable a juftification, unlefs it were the injudicious

conduct of the apologifts themfelves, who betrayed the common

cauſe of religion , to gratify their devout hatred to the domeſtic ene-

* See Juftin Martyr, Apolog . i . 35. ii . 14 . 29In the perfecution of Lyons, fome Gen-
Athenagoras in Legation . c . 27. Tertullian , tile fl.ves were compelled , by the fear of tor-
Apolog. c . 7 , 8 , 9. Minucius Felix, c . 9, tures , to accufe their Chriftian mafter. The
10. 30, 31. The laft of the writers relates church of Lyons , writing to their brethren of
the accufation in the most elegant and circum- Afia, treat the horrid charge with proper in-
ftantial manner. The answer of Tertullian dignation and contempt. Eufeb. Hiit. Ec-
is the boldest and moft vigorous . clef. v. 1.
mics:
 632 THE DECLINE AND FALL

CHAP. mies of the church. It was fometimes faintly infinuated , and fome-
XVI.
times boldly afferted, that the fame bloody facrifices, and the fame

incestuous feftivals, which were fo falfely afcribed to the orthodox

believers, were in reality celebrated by the Marcionites, by the Car-

pocratians, and by feveral other fects of the Gnoftics, who, not-

withſtanding they might deviate into the paths of herefy, were ſtill
actuated by the fentiments of men, and ſtill governed by the pre-
cepts of Chriftianity ". Accufations of a fimilar kind were retorted

upon the church by the fchifmatics who had departed from its com-

munion ", and it was confeffed on all fides, that the moſt ſcandal-

ous licentiouſneſs of manners prevailed among great numbers of

thofe who affected the name of Chriftians . A Pagan magiftrate ,

who poffeffed neither leiſure nor abilities to difcern the almoſt im-
perceptible line which divides the orthodox faith from heretical

pravity, might eaſily have imagined that their mutual animoſity

had extorted the difcovery of their common guilt. It was fortu-

nate for the repoſe, or at leaſt for the reputation , of the firſt Chriſt-

ians, that the magiftrates fometimes proceeded with more temper

and moderation than is uſually conſiſtent with religious zeal , and

that they reported, as the impartial refult of their judicial inquiry,

that the fectaries, who had deferted the eftabliſhed worſhip, appeared

to them fincere in their profeffions, and blameleſs in their man-

21 See Juſtin Martyr, Apolog. i . 35. Ire- he afperfed the morals of the church which
næus adv. Hæref. i. 24. Clemens Alexan- he had fo refolutely defended . " Sed majoris
drin. Stromat. 1. iii . p. 438. Eufeb . iv. 8. " eft Agape, quia per hanc adolefcentes tui
It would be tedious and difgufting to relate " cum fororibus dormiunt, appendices fcili-
all that the ficceeding writers have imagined, " cet gulæ lafcivia et luxuria. " De Jeju-
all that Epiphanius has received, and all that niis, c. 17. The 35th canon of the council
Tillemont has copied . M. de Beaufobre of Illiberis provides against the fcandals which
(Hift . du Manicheifme, 1. ix. c. 8 , 9. ) has too often polluted the vigils of the church,
expofed, with great fpirit, the disingenuous and difgraced the Chriftian name, in the eyes
arts of Auguin and Pope Leo I. of unbelievers .
22 When Tertullian became a Montanist,
8 ners ;

1
 OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 633

ners ; however, they might incur, by their abfurd and exceffive fu- CHA P.
XVI.
perftition, the cenfure of the laws 23.

Hiſtory, which undertakes to record the tranſactions of the paſt, Idea of the
conduct of
for the inſtruction of future, ages ; would ill deferve that honour the emperors
towards the
able office, if the condefcended to plead the cauſe of tyrants, or to Chriftians.

juſtify the maxims of perfecution . It muft, however, be acknow-

ledged, that the conduct of the emperors who appeared the leaft

favourable to the primitive church, is by no means fo criminal as

that of modern fovereigns, who have employed the arm of violence

and terror againſt the religious opinions of any part of their fubjects.

From their reflections, or even from their own feelings , a Charles V.

or a Louis XIV. might have acquired a juſt knowledge of the rights

of conſcience, of the obligation of faith, and of the innocence of
error. But the princes and magiftrates of ancient Rome were

ftrangers to thofe principles which infpired and authoriſed the in-

flexible obftinacy of the Chriftians in the cauſe of truth, nor could

they themſelves diſcover in their own breaſts, any motive which

would have prompted them to refuſe a legal, and as it were a natu-

ral, fubmiffion to the facred inftitutions of their country. The ſame

reaſon which contributes to alleviate the guilt, muſt have tended to

abate the rigour, of their perfecutions. As they were actuated, not

by the furious zeal of bigots, but by the temperate policy of legif-

lators , contempt muſt often have relaxed , and humanity muſt fre-

quently have fufpended the execution of thoſe laws , which they

enacted againſt the humble and obfcure followers of Chrift. From

the general view of their character and motives we might naturally

conclude : I. That a confiderable time elapfed before they confidered

the new fectaries as an object deferving of the attention of govern-

ment. II. That in the conviction of any of their fubjects who

23 Tertullian ( Apolog. c . 2. ) expatiates on the fair and honourable teftimony of Pliny,

with much reafon, and fome declamation.

VOL. I. 4 M were
634 THE DECLIN AND FALL
E

CHAP.
XVI. were accuſed of ſo very fingular a crime, they proceeded with cau-

tion and reluctance. III . That they were moderate in the uſe of
puniſhments ; and IV. That the afflicted church enjoyed many in-

tervals of peace and tranquillity. Notwithstanding the careleſs

indifference which the moft copious and the moft minute of the

Pagan writers have fhewn to the affairs of the Chriſtians , it may

ftill be in our power to confirm each of thefe probable fuppofitions,

by the evidence of authentic facts.

They ne- I. By the wife difpenfation of Providence, a myſterious veil was
glected the
Chriſtians as caft over the infancy ofthe church, which , till the faith of the Chrift-
a fect ofJews.
ians was matured, and their numbers were multiplied, ferved to

protect them not only from the malice but even from the knowledge
of the pagan world. The flow and gradual abolition of the Mofaic

ceremonies afforded a fafe and innocent diſguiſe to the more early

profelytes of the Gofpel. As they were far the greater part of the

race of Abraham, they were diſtinguiſhed by the peculiar mark of

circumcifion, offered up their devotions in the Temple of Jerufalem

till its final deſtruction, and received both the Law and the Prophets

as the genuine inſpirations of the Deity. The Gentile converts,

who by a ſpiritual adoption had been affociated to the hope of Ifrael,

were likewife confounded under the garb and appearance of Jews ",

and as the Polytheiſts paid lefs regard to articles of faith than to

the external worſhip, the new fect, which carefully concealed, or

faintly announced, its future greatneſs and ambition, was permitted

to ſhelter itſelf under the general toleration which was granted to

an ancient and celebrated people in the Roman empire. It was not

long, perhaps, before the Jews themſelves, animated with a fiercer

zeal and a more jealous faith, perceived the gradual feparation of

2+ In the various compilation of the Au- name in the large history of Dion Caffius.
guftan History (a part of which was compofed 25 An obfcure paffage of Suetonius (in
under the reign of Conftantine) , there are not Claud. c. 25. ) may feem to offer a proof how
fix lines which relate to the Chriftians ; nor ftrangely the Jews and Chriftians of Rome
has the diligence of Xiphilin difcovered their were confounded with each other.
their
 OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 635

heir Nazarene brethren from the doctrine of the fynagogue ; and CHAP.
XVI.
they would gladly have extinguiſhed the dangerous herefy in the

blood of its adherents. But the decrees of heaven had already dif-

armed their malice ; and though they might fometimes exert the li-

centious privilege of fedition, they no longer poffeffed the admini-

ftration of criminal juſtice ; nor did they find it eaſy to infuſe into

the calm breaſt of a Roman magiſtrate the rancour of their own zeal

and prejudice. The provincial governors declared themſelves ready

to liſten to any accufation that might affect the public ſafety : but

as foon as they were informed , that it was a queſtion not of facts

but of words, a diſpute relating only to the interpretation of the

Jewish laws and prophecies, they deemed it unworthy of the majeſty

of Rome ſeriouſly to diſcuſs the obfcure differences which might

arife among a barbarous and fuperftitious people. The innocence of

the firſt Chriſtians was protected by ignorance and contempt ; and

the tribunal of the pagan magiftrate often proved their moſt affured

refuge againſt the fury of the fynagogue " . If indeed we were diſpoſed

to adopt the traditions of a too credulous antiquity, we might relate

the diſtant peregrinations, the wonderful atchievements, and the

various deaths of the twelve apoftles : but a more accurate inquiry

will induce us to doubt, whether any of thoſe perſons who had been
witneffes to the miracles of Chrift were permitted beyond the limits
.

of Paleſtine, to feal with their blood the truth of their teſtimony ".
*
From the ordinary term of human life, it may very naturally be

prefumed that moſt of them were deceaſed before the difcontent of

the Jews broke out into that furious war, which was terminated

26 See in the xviiith and xxvth chapters of
the Acts of the Apoftles , the behaviour of
Gallio, proconful of Achaia, and of Feftus,
procurator of Judea.
27 In the time of Tertullian and Clemens
of Alexandria, the glory of martyrdom was
confined to St. Peter, St. Paul, and St. James.
It was gradually beſtowed on the rest of the
apoftles, by the more recent Greeks , who
prudently felected for the theatre of their
preaching and fufferings, fome remote coun-
try beyond the limits of the Roman empire.
See Mofheim, p . 81. and Tillemont, Me-
moires Ecclefiaftiques, tom. i . part iii.

4 M 2 only
636 THE DECLINE AND FALL

CHAP.
XVI . only by the ruin of Jerufalem . During a long period, from the
death of Chrift to that memorable rebellion, we cannot diſcover any

traces of Roman intolerance, unless they are to be found in the fud-

den, the tranfient, but the cruel perfecution , which was exerciſed

by Nero againſt the Chriftians of the capital, thirty-five years after

the former, and only two years before the latter of thoſe great
events. The character of the philofophic hiſtorian, to whom we

are principally indebted for the knowledge of this fingular tranf-

action , would alone be fufficient to recommend it to our moſt atten-
tive confideration.
The fire of
In the tenth year of the reign of Nero, the capital of the empire
Rome under
the reign of was afflicted by a fire which raged beyond the memory or example
Nero.
of former ages ". The monuments of Grecian art and of Roman

virtue, the trophies of the Punic and Gallic wars, the moſt holy

temples, and the moſt ſplendid palaces, were involved in one com-

mon deſtruction. Of the fourteen regions or quarters into which

Rome was divided, four only fubfifted entire, three were levelled

with the ground, and the remaining ſeven, which had experienced

the fury of the flames, difplayed a melancholy proſpect of ruin and

defolation. The vigilance of government appears not to have ne-

glected any of the precautions which might alleviate the fenfe of fo

dreadful a calamity. The Imperial gardens were thrown open to

the diftreffed multitude, temporary buildings were erected for their

accommodation, and a plentiful fupply of corn and provifions was

diſtributed at a very moderate price ". The moft generous policy

feemed to have dictated the edicts which regulated the diſpoſition of

the ſtreets and the conftruction of private houſes ; and as it uſually

happens, in an age of profperity, the conflagration of Rome, in

28 Tacit. Annal . xv . 38-44. Sueton. in medius) was reduced as low as terni Nummi ;.
Neron . c. 38. Dion Caffius, 1. Ixii . p. 1014. which would be equivalent to about fifteen
Orofius, vii . 7. fhillings the English quarter.
29 The price of wheat (probably of the
the
 OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 637

the courſe of a few years, produced a new city, more regular and CHAP.
XVI.
more beautiful than the former. But all the prudence and huma-

nity affected by Nero on this occafion were infufficient to preſerve

him from the popular fufpicion . Every crime might be imputed to

the affaffin of his wife and mother ; nor could the prince, who pro-

ftituted his perſon and dignity on the theatre, be deemed incapable

of the moſt extravagant folly. The voice of rumour accuſed the

emperor as the incendiary of his own capital ; and as the moft incre-

dible ſtories are the beft adapted to the genius of an enraged people,

it was gravely reported, and firmly believed, that Nero, enjoying

the calamity which he had occafioned , amufed himſelf with finging
30
to his lyre the deſtruction of ancient Troy 3. To divert a fufpi-
cion , which the power of defpotifm was unable to fupprefs, the em-
peror refolved to fubftitute in his own place fome fictitious crimi-
nals. " With this view ( continues Tacitus) he inflicted the moſt Cruel pu-
nishment of
<<
exquiſite tortures on thoſe men , who, under the vulgar appella- the Chri-
" tion of Chriſtians, were already branded with deſerved infamy. incendiaries

" They derived their name and origin from Chrift, who in the of the city.

" reign of Tiberius had fuffered death, by the ſentence of the pro-
cc
curator Pontius Pilate ".· For a while, this dire fuperſtition was

" checked ; but it again burſt forth ; and not only ſpread itſelf over

" Judæa, the firſt ſeat of this mischievous fect, but was even intro-
" duced into Rome, the common aſylum which receives and pro-

39 We may obſerve, that the rumour is correſponded with the laft ten years of Tibe-
mentioned by Tacitus with a very becoming rius, A. D. 27-37 . As to the particular
diftruft and heſitation, whilft it is greedily time of the death of Chrift, a very early tra-
tranfcribed by Suetonius, and folemnly con- dition fixed it to the 25th of March , A. D.
firmed by Dion. 29, under the confulfhip of the two Gemini
31 This teftimony is alone fufficient to ex- (Tertullian adv. Judæos , c . 8. ) . This date,.
poſe the anachronism of the Jews, who place which is adopted by Pagi, cardinal Norris,
the birth of Chrift near a century fooner ( Baf- and Le Clerc, feems , at leaft, as probable as
nage, Hiſtoire des Juifs , 1. v. c. 14, 15. ) . the vulgar æra, which is placed (I know not
We may learn from Jofephus (Antiquitat. from what conjectures) four years later.
xviii. 3. ) , that the procuratorſhip of Pilate
66 te
" cts,
 E
638 THE DECLIN AND FALL

СНАР.
" tects, whatever is impure, whatever is atrocious. The confeffions
XVI.
" of thoſe who were feized , diſcovered a great multitude of their
66
accomplices, and they were all convicted, not fo much for the

" crime of fetting fire to the city, as for their hatred of human

" kind ". They died in torments, and their torments were embit-

" tered by infult and derifion. Some were nailed on croffes ; others
" fewn up in the ſkins of wild beafts, and expofed to the fury of
66
dogs others again, fmeared over with combuſtible materials,

were uſed as torches to illuminate the darkneſs of the night .

" The gardens of Nero were deſtined for the melancholy ſpectacle,

" which was accompanied with a horſe race, and honoured with

" the preſence of the emperor, who mingled with the populace in

" the dreſs and attitude of a charioteer. The guilt of the Chrift-
" ians deferved indeed the moſt exemplary puniſhment , but the

" public abhorrence was changed into commiferation, from the

" opinion that thoſe unhappy wretches were facrificed, not fo much
33 99
" to the public welfare, as to the cruelty of a jealous tyrant

Thoſe who ſurvey with a curious eye the revolutions of mankind,

may obferve, that the gardens and circus of Nero on the Vatican,

which were polluted with the blood of the firſt Chriſtians, have been

rendered ftill more famous, by the triumph and by the abuſe of the
34
perfecuted religion. On the fame ſpot ", a temple, which far fur-
paffes the ancient glories of the Capitol, has been fince erected by

32 Odio humani generis convicti. Thefe Clerc (Hiftoria Ecclefiaft. p. 427.) , of Dr.
words may either fignify the hatred of man- Lardner (Teftimonies, vol. i. p. 345- ) , and
kind towards the Chriſtians, or the hatred of of the bishop of Glouceſter (Divine Lega-
the Chriſtians towards mankind. I have pre- tion, vol . iii . p . 38. ) . But as the word con-
ferred the latter fenfe, as the most agreeable viti does not unite very happily with the
to the ſtyle of Tacitus, and to the popular reft of the fentence, James Gronovius has
error, ofwhich a precept of the Gofpel ( See preferred the reading of conjun&ti, which is
Luke xiv. 26. ) had been , perhaps, the in- authoriſed by the valuable MS . of Florence.
nocent occafion. My interpretation is jufti- 33 Tacit. Annal. xv. 44 .
fied by the authority of Lipfius ; of the Ita- 34 Nardini Roma Antica, p. 487. Do-
lian, the French and the Engliſh tranſlators natus de Româ Antiquâ, 1. iii. p . 449.
of Tacitus ; of Mofheim (p. 102. ) , of Le
the
7
 OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 639

the Chriſtian Pontiffs , who, deriving their claim of univerfal do- CHAP.
XVI.
minion from an humble fiſherman of Galilee, have fucceeded to the

throne of the Cæfars , given laws to the barbarian conquerors of

Rome, and extended their ſpiritual jnriſdiction from the coaft of the
Baltic to the ſhores of the Pacific Ocean.

But it would be improper to diſmiſs this account of Nero's per-

fecution, till we have made fome obfervations, that may ſerve to

remove the difficulties with which it is perplexed, and to throw

fome light on the ſubſequent hiftory of the church.

1. The moſt ſceptical criticiſm is obliged to reſpect the truth of Remarks on

the paffage
this extraordinary fact, and the integrity of this celebrated paffage of Tacitus re-
lative to the
of Tacitus. The former is confirmed by the diligent and accurate perfecution
ofthe Chrift-
Suetonius, who mentions the puniſhment which Nero inflicted on ians by
the Chriſtians, a fect of men who had embraced a new and criminal Nero.

fuperftition ". The latter may be proved by the confent of the

moſt ancient manufcripts ; by the inimitable character of the ſtyle of

Tacitus ; by his reputation , which guarded his text from the inter-

polations of pious fraud ; and by the purport of his narration, which

accuſed the firſt Chriſtians of the moſt atrocious crimes, without in-

finuating that they poffeffed any miraculous or even magical powers

above the reft of mankind 36. 2. Notwithſtanding it is probable that

Tacitus was born fome years before the fire of Rome ", he could de-

35 Sueton . in Nerone, c. 16. The epithet If any doubt can ftill remain concerning this
of malefica, which fome fagacious comment- celebrated paffage, the reader may examine
ators have tranflated magical, is confidered the pointed objections of Le Fevre (Haver-
by the more rational Mofheim as only fyno- camp . Jofeph. tom. ii . p. 267-273 . ) , the
nymous to the exitiabilis of Tacitus . laboured anfwers of Daubuz (p. 187-232 . ) ,
36 The paffage concerning Jefus Chrift , and the mafterly reply Bibliothéque An-
which was inferted into the text of Jofephus, cienne et Moderne , tom. vii . p. 237–288 . )
between the time of Origen and that of Eufe of an anonymous critic, whom I believe to
bius, may furniſh an example of no vulgar have been the learned Abbé de Longuerue .
forgery. The accomplishment of the pro- 37 See the lives of Tacitus by Lipfius and
phecies , the virtues , miracles, and refurrec- the Abbé de la Bleterie, Dictionnaire de Bayle
tion of Jefus, are diftinctly related. Jofephus à l'article TACITE, and Fabricius, Biblioth.
acknowledges that he was the Meffiah, and Latin. tom . ii. p. 386. Edit. Erneft.
hefitates whether he ſhould call him a man .
rive
640 THE DECLINE AND FALL

CHAP. rive only from reading and converfation the knowledge of an event
XVI.
which happened during his infancy. Before he gave himſelf to the

Public, he calmly waited till his genius had attained its full maturity,

and he was more than forty years of age, when a grateful regard
for the memory of the virtuous Agricola, extorted from him the

moft early of thoſe hiftorical compofitions which will delight and

inftruct the moſt diſtant poſterity. After making a trial of his

ſtrength in the life of Agricola and the deſcription of Germany, he

conceived, and at length executed, a more arduous work ; the hif-
tory of Rome, in thirty books, from the fall of Nero to the accef-

fion of Nerva. The adminiftration of Nerva introduced an age of

juftice and profperity, which Tacitus had deftined for the occu-
38
pation of his old age " ; but when he took a nearer view of his

fubject, judging, perhaps, that it was a more honourable, or a leſs

invidious office, to record the vices of paft tyrants, than to cele-

brate the virtues of a reigning monarch, he chofe rather to relate,

under the form of annals, the actions of the four immediate fucceffors

of Auguftus. To collect , to diſpoſe, and to adorn a ſeries of fourſcore

ycars, in an immortal work, every fentence of which is pregnant

with the deepeft obfervations and the moſt lively images, was an un-

dertaking fufficient to exercife the genius of Tacitus himſelf during

the greateſt part of his life. In the laſt years of the reign of Trajan,
whilft the victorious monarch extended the power of Rome beyond

its ancient limits, the hiftorian was defcribing, in the fecond and

fourth books of his annals, the tyranny of Tiberius " ; and the

emperor Hadrian muſt have fucceeded to the throne, before Tacitus,

in the regular profecution of his work, could relate the fire of the

capital and the cruelty of Nero towards the unfortunate Chriftians.

At the diſtance of fixty years, it was the duty of the annaliſt to

38 Principatum Divi Nervæ, et imperium fenectuti fepofui . Tacit. Hift. i .

Trajani, uberiorem fecurioremque materiam 39 See Tacit. Annal. ii . 61. iv. 4 .

adopt
 OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 641

adopt the narratives of cotemporaries ; but it was natural for the CHA P.
XVI.
philofopher to indulge himſelf in the deſcription of the origin , the
progrefs , and the character of the new fect , not fo much accord-

ing to the knowledge or prejudices of the age of Nero, as accord-

ing to thofe of the time of Hadrian . 3. Tacitus very frequently

trufts to the curiofity or reflection of his readers to ſupply thoſe

intermediate circumftances and ideas, which, in his extreme con-

cifenefs, he has thought proper to fupprefs. We may therefore

prefume to imagine fome probable caufe which could direct the

cruelty of Nero againſt the Chriftians of Rome, whoſe obſcurity, as

well as innocence, fhould have fhielded them from his indignation,

and even from his notice. The Jews, who were numerous in the

capital, and oppreſſed in their own country, were a much fitter

object for the ſuſpicions of the emperor and of the people ; nor did

it ſeem unlikely that a vanquished nation, who already diſcovered

their abhorrence of the Roman yoke, might have recourſe to the

moſt atrocious means of gratifying their implacable revenge. But the

Jews poffeffed very powerful advocates in the palace, and even in

the heart of the tyrant ; his wife and miſtreſs, the beautiful Poppæa,

and a favourite player of the race of Abraham , who had already

40
•
employed their interceffion in behalf of the obnoxious people *°.
In their room it was neceffary to offer fome other victims, and it

might eaſily be fuggefted that, although the genuine followers of

Mofes were innocent of the fire of Rome, there had arifen among

them a new and pernicious fect of GALILEANS , which was capable

of the moſt horrid crimes. Under the appellation of GALILEANS ,

two diſtinctions of men were confounded, the moſt oppoſite to each

other in their manners and principles ; the difciples who had em-

40 The player's name was Aliturus . tained the pardon and releaſe of feme Jewish
Throughthe fame channel, Jofephus (de Vitâ prieſts who were prifoners at Rome.
fuâ, c. 3. ), about two years before, had ob-

VOL. I. 4 N braced
642 THE DECLINE AND FALL

CHAP.
XVI. braced the faith of Jefus of Nazareth " , and the zealots who had
42
followed the ſtandard of Judas the Gaulonite " . The former were
the friends, the latter were the enemies, of humankind ; and the

only reſemblance between them confifted in the ſame inflexible con-

ftancy, which, in the defence of their caufe, rendered them infen-

fible of death and tortures. The followers of Judas, who impelled

their countrymen into rebellion, were foon buried under the ruins

of Jerufalem ; whilft thoſe of Jefus, known by the more celebrated

name of Chriſtians, diffuſed themſelves over the Roman empire. How

natural was it for Tacitus, in the time of Hadrian, to appropriate

to the Chriftians, the guilt and the ſufferings, which he might, with

far greater truth and juftice, have attributed to a fect whoſe odious

memory was almoſt extinguiſhed ! 4. Whatever opinion may be

entertained of this conjecture (for it is no more than a conjecture), it
is evident that the effect, as well as the cauſe, of Nero's perfecution,

were confined to the walls of Rome " ; that the religious tenets of

the Galilæans, or Chriftians, were never made a ſubject of puniſh-

ment, or even of inquiry ; and that, as the idea of their fufferings

was, for a long time, connected with the idea of cruelty and in-

juftice, the moderation of fucceeding princes inclined them to ſpare

fect, oppreffed by a tyrant, whofe rage had been uſually directed

againſt virtue and innocence.

Oppreffion of It is fomewhat remarkable, that the flames of war confumed al-
the Jews and
Christians by moft at the fame time the temple of Jerufalem and the Capitol of
Domitian.

41 The learned Dr. Lardner (Jewish and tering ram had made a breach, they turned
Heathen Teftimonies, vol . ii. p. 102, 103.) their fwords against their wives, their chil-
has proved that the name of Galilæans, was a dren , and at length againſt their own breaſts.
very ancient, and perhaps the primitive, ap- They died to the laſt man.
pellation of the Chriftians . 43 See Dodwell. Paucitat. Mart. 1. xiii.
42 Jofeph. Antiquitat. xviii. 1 , 2. Tille- The Spaniſh Inſcription in Gruter, p . 238,
mont , Ruine des Juifs , p . 742. The fons of No. 9, is a manifeſt and acknowledged for-
Judas were crucified in the time of Claudius. gery, contrived by that noted impoftor Cyria-
His grandfon Eleazar, after Jerufalem was cus of Ancona, to flatter the pride and preju-
taken, defended a ftrong fortrefs with 960 of dices of the Spaniards. See Ferreras, Hif-
his moft defperate followers. When the bat- toire d'Efpagne, tom. i . p. 192.

Rome ;
 OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 643

Rome " ; and it appears no lefs fingular, that the tribute which de- CHAP.
XVI.
votion had deftined to the former, fhould have been converted by
the power of an affaulting victor to reftore and adorn the fplendour

of the latter 45. The emperors levied a general capitation tax on

the Jewish people ; and although the fum affeffed on the head of

each individual was inconfiderable , the ufe for which it was deſigned ,

and the ſeverity with which it was exacted, were confidered as an

intolerable grievance " . Since the officers of the revenue extended

their unjuſt claim to many perfons who were ftrangers to the blood
or religion of the Jews, it was impoffible that the Chriftians, who
had ſo often ſheltered themſelves under the ſhade of the fynagogue,

ſhould now eſcape this rapacious perfecution . Anxious as they were

to avoid the ſlighteſt infection of idolatry, their confcience forbade

them to contribute to the honour of that dæmon who had affumed

the character of the Capitoline Jupiter. As a very numerous though

declining party among the Chriftians ftill adhered to the law of

Mofes, their efforts to diffemble their Jewish origin were detected

by the decifive teft of circumcifion " : nor were the Roman magi-

ftrates at leiſure to inquire into the difference of their religious

tenets. Among the Chriftians, who were brought before the tribu-
nal of the emperor, or, as it feems more probable, before that of

the procurator of Judæa, two perſons are faid to have appeared , dif-

* The Capitol was burnt during the civil
war between Vitellius and Vefpafian , the 19th
of December, A. D. 69. Cn the 10th of
Auguft, A. D. 70, the temple of Jerufalem . 46 With regard to the tribute, fee Dion
was deftroyed by the hands of the Jews them-
felves, rather than by thofe of the Romans .
45 The new Capitol was dedicated by Do-
mitian. Sueton . in Domitian . c. 5. Plu-
tarch in Poplicola, tom. i . p. 230. Edit . Bryan .
The gilding alone coft 12,000 talents (above
two millions and a half) . It was the opinion
ofMartial ( 1. ix. Epigram 3. ) , that ifthe em-
peror had called in his debts, Jupiter himſelf,
even though he had made a general auction of
Olympus, would have been unable to pay two
fhillings in the pound.
Caffius, 1. lxvi. p. 1082 , with Reimarus's
notes. Spanheim, de Ufu Numifmatum,
tom . ii . p . 571. and Bafnage, Hift . des Juifs,
1. vii . c . 2 .
47 Suetonius ( in Domitian . c. 12. ) had feen
an old man of ninety publicly examined be-
fore the procurator's tribunal . This is what
Martial calls, Mentula tributis damnata .

4 N 2 tinguiſhed
644 THE DECLINE AND FALL

CHAP. tinguiſhed by their extraction , which was more truly noble than
XVI.
that of the greateſt monarchs. Theſe were the grandfons of St. Jude
the apoftle, who himself was the brother of Jefus Chrift " . Their
natural pretenfions to the throne of David might perhaps attract

the respect of the people, and excite the jealoufy of the governor ; but

the meanness of their garb, and the fimplicity of their anſwers,

foon convinced him that they were neither defirous nor capable of

diſturbing the peace of the Roman empire. They frankly confeſſed

their royal origin, and their near relation to the Meſſiah ; but they
difclaimed any temporal views, and profeffed that his kingdom ,

which they devoutly expected, was purely of a ſpiritual and angelic

nature. When they were examined concerning their fortune and

occupation, they fhewed their hands hardened with daily labour,

and declared that they derived their whole fubfiftence from the culti-
vation of a farm near the village of Cocaba, of the extent of about
49
twenty-four English acres " , and of the value of nine thouſand

drachms, or three hundred pounds fterling. The grandfons of St.

Jude were difmiffed with compaffion and contempt 50.
Execution of But although the obfcurity of the houfe of David might protec
Clemens the
conful. them from the fufpicions of a tyrant, the prefent greatnefs of his

own family alarmed the pufillanimous temper of Domitian, which

could only be appeafed by the blood of thoſe Romans whom he

48 This appellation was at firft understood Chrift, were only his first coufins. See Til-
in the most obvious fenfe, and it was fup- lemont, Mem. Ecclefiaft, tom . i. part iii. and
pofed, that the brothers of Jefus were the law- Beaufobre, Hift. Critique du Manicheifme,
ful iffue of Jofeph and of Mary. A devout e- 1. ii . c . 2 .
fpect for the virginity of the mother of God, 49 Thirty-nine , fquares of an hun-
fuggefted tothe Gnoftics , and afterwards to the dred feet each, which , if strictly computed ,
orthodox Greeks , the expedient of beftowing would fcarcely amount to nine acres. But the
a fecond wife on Jofeph . The Latins (from probability of circumftances, the practice of
the time of Jerome) improved on that hint, other Greek writers, and the authority of
afferted the perpetual celibacy of Jofeph , and M. de Valois , incline me to believe that the
juftified by many ſimilar examples the new in- ON is uſed to express the Roman jugerum .
terpretation that Jude, as well as Simon and so Eufebius , iii . 20. The story is taken
James, who are dyled the brothers of Jefus from Hegefippus .
S either
 OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE.. 645

either feared, or hated, or eſteemed .

Of the two fons of his uncle CHA P.
XVI.
Flavius Sabinus " , the elder was foon convicted of treaſonable in-

tentions, and the younger, who bore the name of Flavius Clemens ,
52
was indebted for his fafety to his want of courage and ability "
The emperor, for a long time, diftinguifhed fo harmleſs a kinfman

by his favour and protection , beſtowed on him his own niece

Domitilla, adopted the children of that marriage to the hope of the

fucceffion, and invefted their father with the honours " of the con-

fulfhip. But he had fcarcely finiſhed the term of his annual ma-

giftracy, when on a flight pretence he was condemned and exe-

cuted ; Domitilla was banifhed to a defolate ifland on the coaft of

Campania " ; and fentences either of death or of confifcation were

pronounced againſt a great number of perfons who were involved in

the fame accufation. The guilt imputed to their charge was that

of Atheiſm and Jewish manners ; a fingular afſociation of ideas ,

which cannot with any propriety be applied except to the Chriſt-

ians, as they were obfcurely and imperfectly viewed by the ma-

giftrates and by the writers of that period. On the ſtrength of ſo

probable an interpretation , and too eagerly admitting the ſuſpicions

of a tyrant as an evidence of their honourable crime, the church

has placed both Clemens and Domitilla among its firſt martyrs, and
has branded the cruelty of Domitian with the name of the fecond

perfecution. But this perfecution (if it deferves that epithet) was .

of no long duration. A few months after the death of Clemens,

See the death and character of Sabinus in far diftant from the other. That difference,
Tacitus (Hift. iii . 74 , 75. ) . Sabinus was the and a mistake, either of Eufebius, or of his
elder brother, and, till the acceflion of Ves tranfcribers, have given occafion to fuppofe.
pafian, had been confidered as the principal two Domitillas, the wife and the niece of
fupport of the Flavian family. Clemens . See Tillemont, Memoires Ecclefi-
52 Flavium Clementem patruelenr fuum aftiques, tom . ii. p . 224.
contemtiffimæ inertia . . . ex tenuiffimâ fuf- 54 Dion, 1. lxvii . p. 1112. If the Bruttius
picione interemit . Sueton . in Domitian . c. 15 . Præfens, from whom it is probable that he
53 The ifle of Pandataria, according to collected this account, was the correſpondent
Dion. Bruttius Præfens ( apud Eufeb. iii. 18. ) of Pliny ( Epiftol . vii . 3. ) , we may confider
banishes her to that of Pontia, which was not him as a contemporary writer.
and
646 THE DECLINE AND FALL

CHAP. and the banishment of Domitilla, Stephen, a freedman belonging to

XVI.
the latter, who had enjoyed the favour, but who had not ſurely

embraced the faith, of his miſtreſs, affaffinated the emperor in his

palace " . The memory of Domitian was condemned by the fenate ;
The

his acts were refcinded ; his exiles recalled ; and under the gentle

adminiſtration of Nerva, while the innocent were reſtored to their

rank and fortunes, even the moft guilty either obtained pardon or
56
efcaped puniſhment 5 .
Ignorance of
II. About ten years afterwards, under the reign of Trajan, the
Pliny con-
cerning the younger Pliny was intruſted by his friend and maſter with the
Chriftians.
government of Bithynia and Pontus. He foon found himſelf at

a lofs to determine by what rule of juſtice or of law he fhould

direct his conduct in the execution of an office the moſt repugnant

to his humanity. Pliny had never affifted at any judicial proceedings

againſt the Chriftians , with whofe name alone he feems to be ac-

quainted ; and he was totally uninformed with regard to the nature

of their guilt, the method of their conviction , and the degree of

their puniſhment. In this perplexity he had recourfe to his ufual

expedient, of fubmitting to the wifdom of Trajan an impartial ,

and in fome reſpects , a favourable , account of the new ſuperſtition ,

requesting the emperor , that he would condefcend to refolve his

doubts , and to inftruct his ignorance ". The life of Pliny had

been employed in the acquifition of learning , and in the buſineſs of

the world. Since the age of nineteen he had pleaded with diſtinc-

tion in the tribunals of Rome " , filled a place in the ſenate, had

55 Sueton . in Domit. c. 17. Philoftratus Lardner's fufpicions (fee Jewiſh and Heathen
in Vit. Apollon . 1. viii. Teftimonies, vol. ii. p . 46. ) , I am unable to
56 Dion, 1. lxviii. p. 1118. Plin . Epiftol. difcover any bigotry in his language or pro-
iv . 22. ceedings.
57 Plin . Epiftol . x . 97. The learned Mo- s Plin . Epiftol. v. 8. He pleaded his firſt
fheim expreffes himſelf ( p . 147. 232. ) with caufe A. D. 81 ; the year after the famous
the highest approbation of Pliny's moderate eruptions of Mount Vefuvius, in which his
and candid temper. Notwithstanding Dr. uncle loft his life.
8 been
 OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 647

been inveſted with the honours of the conſulſhip, and had formed CHA
XVI. P.
very numerous connexions with every order of men, both in Italy
and in the provinces. From his ignorance therefore we may derive

fome uſeful information. We may affure ourſelves, that when he

accepted the government of Bithynia, there were no general laws or

decrees ofthe fenate in force againſt the Chriftians ; that neither Trajan
nor any of his virtuous predeceffors, whofe edicts were received into

the civil and criminal juriſprudence, had publicly declared their in-
tentions concerning the new fect ; and that whatever proceedings

had been carried on againſt the Chriftians, there were none of fuf-

ficient weight and authority to eſtabliſh a precedent for the conduc

of a Roman magiftrate..

The anſwer of Trajan , to which the Chriftians of the fucceeding Trajan and
his fucceffors
age have frequently appealed , difcovers as much regard for juftice establish a
and humanity as could be reconciled with his miſtaken notions legal mode of
proceeding
of religious policy ". Inftead of difplaying the implacable zeal of against them.

an inquifitor, anxious to diſcover the moſt minute particles of

herefy, and exulting in the number of his victims, the emperor

expreffes much more folicitude to protect the fecurity of the in-

nocent, than to prevent the eſcape of the guilty. He acknowledges

the difficulty of fixing any general plan ; but he lays down two

falutary rules, which often afforded relief and ſupport to the

diftreffed Chriftians. Though he directs the magiftrates to punish

ſuch perſons as are legally

legally convicted , he prohibits them , with

a very humane inconſiſtency, from making any inquiries concern-

3
ing the ſuppoſed criminals. Nor. was the magiftrate allowed to

proceed on every kind of information. Anonymous charges the

emperor rejects, as too repugnant to the equity of his government ;

59 Plin. Epiftol. x. 98.. Tertullian ( Apo-
log. c. 5. ) confiders this refcript as a relaxa-
tion of the ancient penal laws, " quas Tra-
janus ex parte fruftratus eft :" and yet Ter-
tullian, in another part of his Apologists, ex-
pofe the inconfiftency of prohibiting inqui
ries, and enjoining puniſhments.
and :
 648 THE DECLINE AND FALL

CHAP.
XVI. and he ftrictly requires, for the conviction of thoſe to whom the
guilt of Chriſtianity is imputed, the pofitive evidence of a fair and

open accufer. It is likewiſe probable, that the perſons who affumed

J fo invidious an office, were obliged to declare the grounds of their

fufpicions, to ſpecify (both in reſpect to time and place ) the fecret

affemblies, which their Chriſtian adverſary had frequented, and to

diſcloſe a great number of circumftances, which were concealed

with the moſt vigilant jealoufy from the eye of the profane. If

they fucceeded in their profecution, they were expofed to the

reſentment of a confiderable and active party, to the cenſure of the

more liberal portion of mankind, and to the ignominy which , in

every age and country, has attended the character of an informer.

If, on the contrary, they failed in their proofs, they incurred the

fevere and perhaps capital penalty, which, according to a law pub-

liſhed by the emperor Hadrian, was inflicted on thoſe who falfely

attributed to their fellow-citizens the crime of Chriſtianity. The

violence of perſonal or fuperftitious animofity might fometimes pre-

vail over the moſt natural apprehenfions of difgrace and danger ;

but it cannot ſurely be imagined, that accufations of ſo unpromifing

an appearance were either lightly or frequently undertaken by the

60
Pagan fubjects of the Roman empire 6°.
Popular cla- The expedient which was employed to elude the prudence of the
mours.
laws, affords a fufficient proof how effectually they difappoint-

ed the mischievous defigns of private malice or fuperftitious

zeal. In a large and tumultuous affembly the reſtraints of

fear and fhame, fo forcible on the minds of individuals, are de-

prived of the greateſt part of their influence. The pious Chriftian ,

as he was defirous to obtain or to efcape the glory of martyrdom ,

60 Eufebius (Hift. Ecclefiaft . 1. iv . c. 9. ) authenticity of which is not fo univerfally

has preferved the edict of Hadrian . He has allowed . The fecond apology of Juftin con-
likewife (c. 13. ) given us one still more fa- tains fome curious particulars relative to the
vourable under the name of Antoninus ; the accufations of Chriftians.
expected ,
 OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 649

expected, either with impatience or with terror, the ftated returns CHA P.
XVI.
of the public games and feftivals. On those occafions, the in-

habitants of the great cities of the empire were collected in the

circus of the theatre, where every circumftance of the place, as

well as of the ceremony, contributed to kindle their devotion , and

to extinguish their humanity. Whilft the numerous fpectators ,

crowned with garlands, perfumed with incenfe, purified with the

blood of victims, and furrounded with the altars and ſtatues of their

tutelar deities, refigned themſelves to the enjoyment of pleaſures,

which they confidered as an effential part of their religious worſhip ;

they recollected that the Chriftians alone abhorred the gods of

mankind, and by their abfence and melancholy on theſe folemn

feſtivals, feemed to infult or to lament the public felicity. If the

empire had been afflicted by any recent calamity, by a plague,

a famine, or an unſucceſsful war ; if the Tiber had , or if the Nile

had not, riſen beyond its banks ; if the earth had ſhaken , or if the

temperate order of the ſeaſons had been interrupted, the fuper-

ftitious Pagans were convinced, that the crimes and the impiety

of the Chriſtians, who were ſpared by the exceffive lenity of the

It was
government, had at length provoked the Divine Juſtice.

not among a licentious and exaſperated populace, that the forms of

legal proceedings could be obferved ; it was not in an amphitheatre,

ſtained with the blood of wild beaſts and gladiators, that the voice

of compaffion could be heard. The impatient clamours of the

multitude denounced the Chriſtians as the enemies of gods and

men, doomed them to the ſevereſt tortures, and venturing to accuſe

by name fome of the moft diftinguiſhed of the new fectaries, re-

quired with irreſiſtible vehemence that they ſhould be inftantly

apprehended and caft to the lions " . The provincial governors

See Tertullian (Apolog. c. 40. ) . The lively picture of theſe tumults, which were
acts of the martyrdom of Polycarp exhibit a ufually fomented by the malice of the Jews.
VOL. I. 4 O and
 650 THE DECLINE AND FALL

CHAP.
XVI. and magiftrates who prefided in the public fpectacles were uſually

inclined to gratify the inclinations, and to appeaſe the rage, of the

people, by the facrifice of a few obnoxious victims. But the wiſdom

of the emperors protected the church from the danger of theſe

tumultuous clamours and irregular accufations, which they justly cen-

fured as repugnant both to the firmneſs and to the equity of their

adminiſtration. The edicts of Hadrian and of Antoninus Pius ex-

prefsly declared, that the voice of the multitude ſhould never be ad-

mitted as legal evidence to convict or to punish thoſe unfortunate

perfons who had embraced the enthuſiaſm of the Chriftians " .

Trials of the
' III. Puniſhment was not the inevitable confequence of conviction ,
! Chriftians.
and the Chriftians, whofe guilt was the moft clearly proved by

the teftimony of witneffes, or even by their voluntary confeffion ,

ſtill retained in their own power the alternative of life or death. It

was not ſo much the paſt offence, as the actual reſiſtance, which ex-

cited the indignation of the magiſtrate. He was perfuaded that he

offered them an eaſy pardon , fince if they conſented to caſt a few

grains of incenſe upon the altar, they were difmiffed from the tribu-

nal in ſafety and with applauſe. It was eſteemed the duty of a hu-

mane judge to endeavour to reclaim, rather than to puniſh, thoſe

deluded enthufiafts. Varying his tone according to the age, the fex,.

or the fituation of the priſoners, he frequently condeſcended to fet

before their eyes every circumftance which could render life more

pleafing, or death more terrible ; and to folicit, nay to intreat, them,.

that they would fhew fome compaffion to themſelves, to their fami-

lies, and to their friends " . If threats and perfuafions proved in--
effectual, he had often recourfe to violence ; the fcourge and the

rack were called in to fupply the deficiency of argument, and every

62 Thefe regulations are inferted in the
above mentioned edits of Hadrian and Pius.
See the apology of Melito (apud Eufeb. 1. iv.
c. 26.).
63 See the refcript of Trajan , and the con-
duct of Pliny. The moſt authentic acts of
the martyrs abound in theſe exhortations.
art
 OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 651

art of cruelty was employed to fubdue fuch inflexible, and, as it CHA P.

XVI.
appeared to the Pagans, fuch criminal, obftinacy. The ancient

apologiſts of Chriſtianity have cenfured, with equal truth and

feverity, the irregular conduct of their perfecutors, who, contrary

to every principle of judicial proceeding, admitted the uſe of torture,

in order to obtain, not a confeffion , but a denial, of the crime which

was the object of their inquiry . The monks of fucceeding ages,

who, in their peaceful folitudes , entertained themſelves with diver-

fifying the deaths and ſufferings of the primitive martyrs , have fre-

quently invented torments of a much more refined and ingenious

nature. In particular, it has pleaſed them to ſuppoſe, that the

zeal of the Roman magiftrates, difdaining every confideration of

moral virtue or public decency, endeavoured to feduce thoſe whom

they were unable to vanquish, and that by their orders the moſt

brutal violence was offered to thoſe whom they found it impoffible

to feduce . It is related, that pious females, who were prepared to

deſpiſe death, were fometimes condemned to a more fevere trial, and

called upon to determine whether they fet a higher value on their re-

ligion or on their chaſtity. The youths to whofe licentious embraces

they were abandoned , received a folemn exhortation from the judge,

to exert their moft ftrenuous efforts to maintain the honour of Venus

against the impious virgin who refuſed to burn incenfe on her altars.

Their violence however was commonly diſappointed, and the fea-

fonable interpofition of fome miraculous power preſerved the chafte

ſpouſes of Chrift from the diſhonour even of an involuntary defeat.

We ſhould not indeed neglect to remark, that the more ancient as well

as authentic memorials of the church are feldom polluted with theſe

extravagant and indecent fictions " .
The

64 In particular, fee Tertullian (Apol. gifts had been a lawyer, and the other a rhe-
c. 2, 3. ) , and Lactantius (Inftitut . Divin. v. torician.
9.). Their reafonings are almoft the fame ; 65 See two inftances of this kind of torture
but we may discover, that one of thefe apolo- in the Acta Sincera Martyrum , published by
402 Ruinart,
652 THE DECLINE AND FALL

CHAP.
XVI. The total difregard of truth and probability in the repreſentation

of theſe primitive martyrdoms was occafioned by a very natural

Humanity of
the Roman miftake. The ecclefiaftical writers of the fourth or fifth centuries
magiftrates.
aſcribed to the magiſtrates of Rome the fame degree of implacable

and unrelenting zeal which filled their own breafts againſt the

heretics or the idolators of their own times. It is not improbable

that fome of thoſe perfons who were raiſed to the dignities of the

empire, might have imbibed the prejudices of the populace,

and that the cruel difpofition of others might occafionally be

66
ftimulated by motives of avarice or of perſonal reſentment

But it is certain, and we may appeal to the grateful confeffions of

the firſt Chriſtians, that the greateſt part of thofe magiftrates who

exerciſed in the provinces the authority of the emperor, or of the

fenate, and to whofe hands alone the jurifdiction of life and death

was intrufted, behaved like men of poliſhed manners and liberal

educations, who reſpected the rules of juſtice , and who were conver-

fant with the precepts of philofophy. They frequently declined the

odious taſk of perfecution, difmiffed the charge with contempt,

or fuggeſted to the accufed Chriftian fome legal evaſion , by which

he might elude the feverity of the laws ". Whenever they were

inveſted with a diſcretionary power " , they uſed it much leſs for
the oppreffion , than for the relief and benefit of the afflicted church.

They were far from condemning all the Chriftians who were ac-

cufed before their tribunal, and very far from puniſhing with death

Ruinart, p. 160. 399. Jerome, in his Le- 67 Tertullian , in his epistle to the governor
gend of Paul the Hermit, tells a ftrange ſtory of Africa, mentions feveral remarkable in-
of a young man , who was chained naked on ftances of lenity and forbearance, which had
a bed of flowers, and affaulted by a beautiful happened within his knowledge.
and wanton courtezan . He quelled the rifing 68 Neque enim in univerfum aliquid quod
temptation by biting off his tongue. quafi certam formam habeat, conftitui poteft :
The converfion of his wife provoked an expreffion of Trajan, which gave a very
Claudius Herminianus, governor of Cappa- great latitude to the governors of pro-
docia, to treat the Chriftians with uncommon vinces.
feverity. Tertullian ad Scapulam, c. 3.
all
 OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 653

all thofe who were convicted of an obftinate adherence to the new С НА Р.

XVI.
fuperftition. Contenting themſelves, for the moſt part, with the

milder chaſtiſements of impriſonment, exile, or flavery in the

mines ", they left the unhappy victims of their juftice fome reafon to

hope, that a profperous event, the acceffion , the marriage, or the

triumph of an emperor, might ſpeedily reſtore them by a general

pardon to their former ftate.

The martyrs, devoted to immediate Inconfider-
able number
execution by the Roman magiftrates, appear to have been felected of martyrs.

from the moſt oppofite extremes. They were either bishops and

prefbyters, the perfons the moſt diſtinguiſhed among the Chriftians

by their rank and influence, and whofe example might ſtrike terror

into the whole fect " ; or elſe they were the meanest and moſt
abject among them, particularly thofe of the fervile condition whofe

lives were eſteemed of little value, and whoſe ſufferings were viewed

by the ancients with too careleſs an indifference ". The learned

Origen, who, from his experience as well as reading, was intimately

acquainted with the hiſtory of the Chriſtians, declares , in the moſt

expreſs terms, that the number of martyrs was very inconfiderable ".

His authority would alone be fufficient to annihilate that formidable

army of martyrs, whofe relics, drawn for the most part from the

catacombs of Rome, have repleniſhed fo many churches ", and

whofe

69 In Metalla damnamur, in infulas rele- pleafing intelligence, that the perfecution of

gemur. Tertullian . Apolog. c. 12. The Antioch was already at an end .
mines of Numidia contained nine bishops, 7 Among the martyrs of Lyons ( Eufeb..
with a proportionable number of their clergy 1. v. c. 1. ) , the ſlave Blandina was diſtinguiſh-
• and people, to whom Cyprian addreffed a ed by more exquifite tortures. Of the five
pious epistle of praife and comfort. See Cy- martyrs fo much celebrated in the acts of
prian . Epiftol . 76, 77 . Felicitas and Perpetua, two were of a fervile,
70 Though we cannot receive with en- and two others of a very mean, condition .
tire confidence , either the epiftles, or the 72 Origen adverf. Celfum, 1. iii. p. 116.
07
acts, of Ignatius ( they may be found in His words deferve to be tranſcribed . 68 .6-
the ad volume of the Apoftolic Fathers ) , yet you xara naiges, xai odidja tuzçiduntas wigi τῶν
we may quote that bifop of Antioch as one Χριστιανῶν θεοσέβειας τεθνηκασι .””
of theſe exemplary martyrs . He was fent in 73 If we recollect that all the Plebeians of
chains to Rome as a public ſpectacle and Rome were not Chriftians, and that all the
when he arrived at Troas, he received the Chriftians were not faints and martyrs , we
may
 654 THE DECLINE AND FALL

CHAP. whofe marvellous atchievements have been the fubject of ſo many

XVI.
volumes of Holy Romance ". But the general affertion of Origen

may be explained and confirmed by the particular teftimony of his

friend Dionyfius, who, in the immenfe city of Alexandria, and

under the rigorous perfecution of Decius, reckons only ten men

and ſeven women who fuffered for the profeffion of the Chriſtian
name ".

Example of During the fame period of perfecution, the zealous, the eloquent,
Cyprian
bishop of the ambitious Cyprian governed the church, not only of Carthage,
Carthage .
but even of Africa. He poffeffed every quality which could engage

the reverence of the faithful, or provoke the fufpicions and refent-

! ment of the Pagan magiftrates. His character as well as his ftation

ſeemed to mark out that holy prelate as the moſt diſtinguiſhed object

of envy and of danger ". The experience, however, of the life

of Cyprian, is fufficient to prove, that our fancy has exaggerated the

perilous fituation of a Chriſtian biſhop ; and that the dangers to which

may judge with how much fafety religious 74 As a fpecimen of thefe legends, we may
honours can be ascribed to bones or urns, in- be fatisfied with 10,000 Chriftian foldiers cru-
difcriminately taken from the public burial- cified in one day, either by Trajan or Ha-
place. After ten centuries of a very free and drian , on mount Ararat. See Baronius ad
open trade, fome fufpicions have arifen among Martyrologium Romanum. Tillemont, Mem.
the more learned catholics. They now re- Ecclefiaft. tom. ii. part ii. p . 438. and Ged-
quire, as a proof of fanctity and martyrdom, des's Miſcellanies, vol . ii . p . 203. The ab-
the letters B M, a viol full of red liquor, breviation of MIL. which may fignify either
ſuppoſed to be blood , or the figure of a palm- foldiers or thouſands, is faid to have occafioned
tree. But the two former figns are of little fome extraordinary miſtakes.
weight, and with regard to the laſt, it is ob- 75 Dionyfius ap. Eufeb . 1. vi. c. 41. One
ferved by the critics, 1. That the figure , as of the feventeen was likewife accuſed of rob-
it is called, of a palm , is perhaps a cypreſs, bery.
and perhaps only a ſtop, the flouriſh of a com- 76 The letters of Cyprian exhibit a very
ma, uſed in the monumental infcriptions. curious and original picture , both of the man
2. That the palm was the fymbol of victory and of the times. See likewife the two lives
among the Pagans . 3. That among the of Cyprian , compofed with equal accuracy,
Chriſtians it ferved as the emblem, not only though with very different views ; the one by
.of martyrdom , but in general of a joyful re- Le Clerc (Bibliothéque Univerfelle, tom. xii.
furrection. See the epiftle of P. Mabillon , p. 208-378 . ) , the other by Tillemont, Me-
on the worship of unknown faints, and Mu- moires Ecclefiaftiques, tom. iv. part i. p.
ratori fopra le Antichitâ Italiane, Differtat. 76-459.
lviii.
he
4
 OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 655

CHA P..
he was expoſed were leſs imminent than thoſe which temporal am- XVI.
bition is always prepared to encounter in the purſuit of honours.

Four Roman emperors, with their families, their favourites, and

their adherents, perished by the fword in the ſpace of ten years,

during which, the bishop of Carthage guided by his authority

and eloquence the counfels of the African church. It was only in

the third year of his adminiſtration , that he had reaſon, during a

few months, to apprehend the ſevere edicts of Decius , the vigilance His danger
and flight.
of the magiftrate , and the clamours of the multitude, who loudly

demanded, that Cyprian, the leader of the Chriftians, fhould be

thrown to the lions. Prudence fuggefted the neceffity of a tem-

porary retreat, and the voice of prudence was obeyed. He with-

drew himſelf into an obfcure folitude, from whence he could

maintain a conſtant correfpondence with the clergy and peo-

ple of Carthage ; and concealing himſelf till the tempeft was

paſt, he preſerved his life, without relinquishing either his power

or his reputation. His extreme caution did not however eſcape

the cenfure of the more rigid Chriftians who lamented, or the

reproaches of his perfonal enemies who infulted, a conduct which

they confidered as a pufillanimous and criminal defertion of the

77
moſt facred duty ”. The propriety of referving himſelf for the

future exigencies of the church, the example of feveral holy

biſhops " , and the divine admonitions which, as he declares him--

felf, he frequently received in viſions and extafies, were the reafons

alleged in his juftification ". But his beſt apology may be found
in the cheerful refolution , with which, about eight years afterwards,

he ſuffered death in the cauſe of religion . The authentic hiſtory

77 See the polite but ſevere epiftle of the
clergy of Rome, to the bishop of Carthage
(Cyprian Epift. 8, 9.) . Pontius labours with
the greateſt care and diligence to juftify his
mafter againſt the general cenfure.
78 In particular thofe of Dionyfius of Alex-
andria, and Gregory Thaumaturgus of Neo-
Cæfarea . See Eufeb. Hift . Ecclefiaft. 1. vi .
c. 40. and Memoires de Tillemont, tom. iv.
part ii . p. 685.
79 See Cyprian, Epift. 16. and his life by
Pontius.
of
 656 THE DECLINE AND FALL

CHAP.
XVI. of his martyrdom has been recorded with unufual candour and

impartiality. A fhort abftract therefore of its moſt important cir-

cumſtances will convey the cleareſt information of the ſpirit, and of

the forms, of the Roman perfecutions " .

A. D. 257.
His banish- When Valerian was conful for the third, and Gallienus for the
ment.
fourth, time ; Paternus, proconful of Africa, fummoned Cyprian

to appear in his private council-chamber. He there acquainted him

with the Imperial mandate which he had juſt received ", that thoſe

who had abandoned the Roman religion , fhould immediately return

to the practice of the ceremonies of their anceſtors . Cyprian replied

without heſitation, that he was a Chriſtian and a biſhop, devoted to

the worſhip of the true and only Deity, to whom he offered up his

daily fupplications for the fafety and profperity of the two emperors,
his lawful fovereigns . With modeft confidence he pleaded the pri-

vilege of a citizen, in refuſing to give any anſwer to fome invidious

and indeed illegal queſtions which the proconful had propofed. A

ſentence of baniſhment was pronounced as the penalty of Cyprian's

diſobedience ; and he was conducted without delay to Curubis, a free

and maritime city of Zeugitania, in a pleaſant ſituation , a fertile

territory, and at the diſtance of about forty miles from Carthage " .

80 We have an original life of Cyprian by tunate than Cyprian.

the deacon Pontius, the companion of his
exile, and the ſpectator of his death ; and
we likewife poffefs the ancient proconfular
acts of his martyrdom. Theſe two relations
are confiftent with each other, and with pro-
batility ; and what is fomewhat remarkable,
they are both unfullied by any miraculous cir-
cumſtances.
81 It fhould feem that theſe were circular
orders, fent at the fame time to all the go-
vernors. Dionyfius (ap . Eufeb. 1. vii. c. 11. )
relates the hiſtory of his own baniſhment from
Alexandria, almoft in the fame manner. But
as he escaped and furvived the perfecution,
we must account him either more or less for-
82 See Plin. Hift. Natur. v. 3. Cellarius,
Geograph. Antiq. part iii. p. 96. Shaw's
Travels , p . 90 .; and for the adjacent coun-
try (which is terminated by Cape Bona, or
the promontory of Mercury ) , l'Afrique de
Marmol . tom. ii. p. 494. There are the re-
mains of an aqueduct, near Curubis, or Cur-
bis, at prefent altered into Gurbes ; and Dr.
Shaw read an infcription, which ſtyles that
city, Colonia Fulvia. The deacon Pontius
(in Vit. Cyprian. c. 12. ) calls it " Apricum
et competentem locum, hofpitium pro volun-
tate fecretum , et quicquid apponi eis ante
promiffum eft, qui regnum et juftitiam Dei
quærunt."
The

!
 OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 657

The exiled bishop enjoyed the conveniencies of life and the confciouf- CHA P.
XVI.
nefs of virtue. His reputation was diffuſed over Africa and Italy ;

an account of his behaviour was publiſhed for the edification of the

Chriſtian world " ; and his folitude was frequently interrupted by the

letters , the viſits, and the congratulations of the faithful. On the

arrival of a new proconful in the province, the fortune of Cyprian

appeared for ſome time to wear a ftill more favourable afpect. He

was recalled from banishment ; and though not yet permitted to re-

turn to Carthage, his own gardens in the neighbourhood of the

84
capital were affigned for the place of his refidence **.
85
At length, exactly one year after Cyprian was firft appre- His condem-
nation .
hended , Galerius Maximus , proconful of Africa, received the Impe-

rial warrant for the execution of the Chriſtian teachers. The bishop

of Carthage was ſenſible that he ſhould be ſingled out for one of the

firſt victims ; and the frailty of nature tempted him to withdraw

himſelf by a fecret flight, from the danger and the honour of

martyrdom : but foon recovering that fortitude which his character

required , he returned to his gardens, and patiently expected the

minifters of death . Two officers of rank, who were intruſted with

that commiffion , placed Cyprian between them in a chariot , and as the

proconful was not then at leiſure , they conducted him, not to a pri-

fon, but to a private houſe in Carthage , which belonged to one of

them. An elegant fupper was provided for the entertainment of the

bishop , and his Chriſtian friends were permitted for the laft time
to enjoy his fociety , whilft the ſtreets were filled with a multitude

of the faithful , anxious and alarmed at the approaching fate of

33 See Cyprian. Epiftol. 77. Edit. Fell.
34 Upon his converfion , he had fold thoſe
gardens for the benefit of the poor. The in-
dulgence of God (moſt probably the liberality
of ſome Chriſtian friend) reſtored them to
Cyprian. See Pontius , c. 15.
95 When Cyprian , a twelvemonth before,
was fent into exile, he dreamt that he ſhould
be put to death the next day. The event
made it neceffary to explain that word, as fig-
nifying a year. Pontius, c . 12 .

VOL. I. 4 P their
658 THE DECLINE AND FALL

CHAP. their fpiritual father ". In the morning he appeared before the tri-
XVI.
bunal of the proconful, who, after informing himſelf of the name

and fituation of Cyprian, commanded him to offer facrifice, and

preffed him to reflect on the confequences of his difobedience. The

refufal of Cyprian was firm and decifive ; and the magiftrate, when

he had taken the opinion of his council, pronounced with fome

reluctance the fentence of death. It was conceived in the following
terms : " That Thafcius Cyprianus fhould be immediately beheaded,
66 as the enemy of the gods of Rome, and as the chief and ring-

" leader of a criminal affociation, which he had feduced into an

impious reſiſtance againſt the laws of the moſt holy emperors,

" Valerian and Gallienus ""." The manner of his execution was

the mildeſt and leaft painful that could be inflicted on a perfon con-

victed of any capital offence : nor was the uſe of torture admitted to

obtain from the bishop of Carthage either the recantation of his

principles, or the diſcovery of his accomplices.

His martyr-
As foon as the fentence was proclaimed, a general cry of " We
dom.
" will die with him," arofe at once among the liftening multitude:
of Chriftians who waited before the palace gates. The generous

effufions of their zeal and affection were neither ferviceable to

Cyprian nor dangerous to themſelves. He was led away under a

was led

guard of tribunes and centurions, without refiftance and without

infult, to the place of his execution , a fpacious and level plain near

the city, which was already filled with great numbers of ſpecta-
tors. His faithful prefbyters and deacons were permitted to accom-

pany their holy biſhop. They affifted him in laying afide his upper

garment, fpread linen on the ground to catch the precious relics

86 Pontius (c. 15.) acknowledges that Cy- the dangers and temptations of a nocturnal
prian, with whom he fupped, paffed the night crowd. A& t. Proconfularia, c. 2 .
cuftodiâ delicatâ. The bishop exercifed a * See the original fentence in the Acts,
laft and very proper act of jurifdiction , by c. 4. and in Pontius, c. 17. The latter ex-
directing that the younger females, who preffes it in a more rhetorical manner.
watched in the street, fhould be removed from
of
 OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 659

of his blood, and received his orders to beſtow five-and-twenty pieces CHA
XVI. P.
of gold on the executioner. The martyr then covered his face with

his hands, and at one blow his head was feparated from his body.

His corpfe remained during ſome hours expofed to the curiofity of

the Gentiles : but in the night it was removed, and tranfported in

a triumphal proceffion and with a fplendid illumination to the burial-

place of the Chriftians. The funeral of Cyprian was publicly cele-

brated without receiving any interruption from the Roman magif-

trates ; and thofe among the faithful who had performed the laſt

offices to his perſon and his memory, were fecure from the danger of

inquiry or of punishment. It is remarkable, that of fo great a mul-

titude of biſhops in the province of Africa, Cyprian was the firſt who
$8
was eſteemed worthy to obtain the crown of martyrdom

It was in the choice of Cyprian either to die a martyr or to live Various in-
citements to
an apoftate : but on that choice depended the alternative of honour martyrdom.

or infamy. Could we fuppofe that the bishop of Carthage had em-

ployed the profeffion of the Chriftian faith only as the inftrument of

his avarice or ambition , it was ſtill incumbent on him to ſupport the

character which he had affumed " ; and , if he poffeffed the ſmalleſt

degree of manly fortitude, rather to expofe himſelf to the moft

cruel tortures, than by a fingle act to exchange the reputation

of a whole life, for the abhorrence of his Chriſtian brethren and

the contempt of the Gentile world. But if the zeal of Cyprian was

ſupported by the fincere conviction of the truth of thoſe doctrines

which he preached, the crown of martyrdom must have appeared

to him as an object of deſire rather than of terror. It is not eaſy to

extract any diſtinct ideas from the vague though eloquent declama-

" Pontius, c. 19. M. de Tillemont ( Me-
moires, tom. iv. part i. p. 450. note 50) is
not pleaſed with fo pofitive an exclufion of
any former martyrs of the epifcopal rank.
" Whatever opinion we may entertain of
the character or principles of Thomas Becker,
we must acknowledge that he fuffered death
with a conftancy not unworthy of the primi-
tive martyrs . See Lord Lyttelton's Hiftory of
Henry II . vol . ii . p . 592 , &c.

4 P 2 tions
 660 THE DECLINE AND FALL

CHAP. tions of the Fathers, or to aſcertain the degree of immortal glory

XVI.
and happineſs which they confidently promiſed to thoſe who were
fo fortunate as to fhed their blood in the caufe of religion " . They

inculcated with becoming diligence, that the fire of martyrdom fup-

plied every defect and expiated every fin ; that while the fouls of

ordinary Chriſtians were obliged to paſs through a flow and painful

purification, the triumphant fufferers entered into the immediate

fruition of eternal blifs, where, in the fociety of the patriarchs, the

apoſtles, and the prophets, they reigned with Chriſt, and acted as

his affeffors in the univerfal judgment of mankind. The affurance

of a lafting reputation upon earth, a motive fo congenial to the va--

nity of human nature, often ſerved to animate the courage of the

martyrs. The honours which Rome or Athens beftowed on thoſe

citizens who had fallen in the cauſe of their country, were cold and

unmeaning demonftrations of reſpect, when compared with the

ardent gratitude and devotion which the primitive church expreſſed

towards the victorious champions of the faith. The annual com

memoration of their virtues and fufferings was obſerved as a facred

ceremony, and at length terminated in religious worship. Among

the Chriſtians who had publicly confeffed their religious principles,

thofe, who (as it very frequently happened) had been difmiffed from

the tribunal or the prifons of the Pagan magiftrates, obtained fuch

honours as were juftly due to their imperfect martyrdom and their

generous refolution . The moſt pious females courted the permiffion

of imprinting kiffes on the fetters which they had worn, and on the

wounds which they had received. Their perfons were eſteemed

holy, their decifions were admitted with deference, and they too

often abuſed, by their ſpiritual pride and licentious manners, the

9° See in particular the treatife of Cyprian Enquiry, p . 162 , &c . ) , have left fcarcely any
de Lapfis, p. 87-98 . Edit. Fell . The learn- thing to add concerning the merit, the ho-
ing of Dodwell ( Differtat. Cyprianic. xii . nours, and the motives ofthe martyrs.
xiii.) , and the ingenuity of Middleton ( Free
!
pre-eminence
 OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 601

pre-eminence which their zeal and intrepidity had acquired ". Dif- CHAP.
XVI.
tinctions like thefe, whilft they diſplay the exalted merit, betray the

inconfiderable number of thoſe who fuffered, and of thoſe who died for

the profeffion of Chriſtianity.

The fober diſcretion of the prefent age will more readily cenfure the
Ardour
first of
than admire, but can more eafily admire than imitate, the fervour Chriſtians .

of the first Chriftians, who, according to the lively expreffion of

Sulpicius Severus , defired martyrdom with more eagerness than his

own contemporaries folicited a bishopric " . The epiftles which

Ignatius compofed as he was carried in chains through the cities of

Afia, breathe ſentiments the moſt repugnant to the ordinary feelings

of human nature. He earneftly befeeches the Romans, that when

he ſhould be expoſed in the amphitheatre, they would not, by their

kind but unfeaſonable interceffion , deprive him of the crown of

glory ; and he declares his refolution to provoke and irritate the

wild beaſts which might be employed as the inftruments of his

death "3. Some ſtories are related of the courage of martyrs,. who

actually performed what Ignatius had intended ; who exaſperated

the fury of the lions, preffed the executioner to haften his office,

cheerfully leaped into the fires which were kindled to confume them,

and diſcovered a ſenſation of joy and pleaſure in the midſt of the

moft exquifite tortures. Several examples have been preſerved of a

zeal impatient of thoſe reſtraints which the emperors had ' provided

for the fecurity of the church. The Chriftians fometimes fupplied

by their voluntary declaration the want of an accufer, rudely dif-

91 Cyprian. Epiftol . 5 , 6 , 7. 22. 24. and pravis ambionibus appetuntur. Sulpicius Se

de Unitat. Ecclefiæ. The number of pre- verus, 1. ii. He might have omitted the word.
tended martyrs has been very much multi- nunc.
plied, by the custom which was introduced 9 See Epift. ad Roman . c. 4, 5. ap . Pa--
of beſtowing that honourable name on con- tres Apoftol. tom. ii . p . 27. It fuited the
feffors. purpoſe of Bishop Pearfon ( fee Vindicia Ig-
92 Certatim gloriofa in certamina ruebatur ; natianæ, part ii. c. 9. ) to justify by a pro-
multique avidius tum martyria gloriofis mor- fufion of examples and authorities, the fen-
tibus quærebantur, quam nunc Epifcopatus timents of Ignatius.
turbed .
662 THE DECLINE AND FALL

Paganifm " , and rufhing in crowds round

XVI. . turbed the public fervice of
CHAP

the tribunal of the magiftrates, called upon them to pronounce and

to inflict the fentence of the law. The behaviour of the Chriftians

was too remarkable to eſcape the notice of the ancient philofophers ;

but they ſeem to have confidered it with much leſs admiration than

aftoniſhment. Incapable of conceiving the motives which fometimes

tranfported the fortitude of believers beyond the bounds of prudence

or reaſon, they treated fuch an eagerness to die as the ftrange re-

fult of obftinate defpair, of ftupid infenfibility, or of fuperftitious

phrenzy ". " Unhappy men," exclaimed the proconful Antoninus

to the Chriſtians of Afia, " unhappy men, if you are thus weary of
96
" your lives, is it fo difficult for you to find ropes and precipices " ?"

He was extremely cautious (as it is obferved by a learned and pious

hiftorian) of punishing men who had found no accufers but them-

felves, the Imperial laws not having made any proviſion for fo un-

expected a cafe : condemning therefore a few, as a warning to their

brethren, he difmiffed the multitude with indignation and con-

tempt ". Notwithſtanding this real or affected difdain, the intrepid

conftancy of the faithful was productive of more falutary effects on

thoſe minds which nature or grace had difpofed for the eaſy recep-

tion of religious truth. On theſe melancholy occafions, there were

many among the Gentiles who pitied, who admired, and who were

converted. The generous enthuſiaſm was communicated from the

9+ The ftory of Polyeuctes , on which Cor- Chriftians) Marcus Antoninus de Rebus fuis,
neille has founded a very beautiful tragedy, 1. xi . c. 3. Lucian in Peregrin.
is one ofthe moft celebrated, though not per- 96 Tertullian ad Scapul. c. 5. The learned
haps the most authentic, inftances of this ex- are divided between three perfons of the fame
ceffive zeal . We fhould obferve, that the name, who were all proconfuls of Afia. I
6oth canon ofthe council of Illiberis refufes am inclined to aſcribe this ſtory to Antoninus
the title of martyrs to thoſe who expofed Pius, who was afterwards emperor ; and who
themfelves to death, by publicly deftroying may have governed Afia, under the reign of
the idols . Trajan.
95 See Epictetus , 1. iv. c. 7. (though there 97 Mofheim, de Rebus Chrift . ante Con-
is fome doubt whether he alludes to the ftantin , p . 235 .

fufferer
 OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 66.3

fufferer to the ſpectators ; and the blood of martyrs, according to a CHA

XVI. P..
well-known obfervation , became the feed of the church .

But although devotion had raiſed, and

eloquence continued to Gradual re
laxation ..
inflame, this fever of the mind, it infenfibly gave way to the more

natural hopes and fears of the human heart, to the love of life , the

apprehenſion of pain, and the horror of diffolution. The more pru-

dent rulers of the Church found themſelves obliged to reſtrain the

indifcreet ardour of their followers, and to diftruft a conftancy which
98
too often abandoned them in the hour of trial "*.· As the lives of the

faithful became lefs mortified and auftere, they were every day leſs

ambitious of the honours of martyrdom ; and the foldiers of

Chriſt, inſtead of diftinguishing themſelves by voluntary deeds of

heroifm, frequently deferted their poft, and fled in confufion before

the enemy whom it was their duty to refift. There were three

methods, however, of eſcaping the flames of perſecution , which

were not attended with an equal degree of guilt : the firſt indeed

was generally allowed to be innocent ; the fecond was of a doubtful, -

or at leaſt of a venial, nature ; but the third implied a direct and cri-

minal apoftacy from the Chriftian faith.

I. A modern inquifitor would hear with ſurpriſe, that whenever Three me

thods of
an information was given to a Roman magiftrate of any perfon efcaping

within his jurifdiction who had embraced the fect of the Chriftians, martyrdom.

the charge was communicated to the party accuſed , and that a con-
venient time was allowed him to fettle his domeftic concerns, and to

prepare an anſwer to the crime which was imputed to him ". If

he entertained any doubt of his own conftancy, fuch a delay af-

forded him the opportunity of preferving his life and honour by

flight, of withdrawing himſelf into fome obfcure retirement or fome

98 See the Epistle of the Church of Smyrna,
ap. Eufeb. Hift. Ecclef. 1. iv . c. 15.
99 In the fecond apology of Juftin, there is
a particular and very curious inflance of this
1
legal delay. The fame indulgence was granted
to accufed Chriftians, in the perfecution of
Decius ; and Cyprian ( de Lapfis ) exprefsly
mentions the " Dies negantibus præftitutus. "
8 diftant
 604 THE DECLI AND FALL
NE

CHAP. diftant province, and of patiently expecting the return of peace and
XVI.
fecurity. A meaſure fo confonant to reaſon was foon authorized by

the advice and example of the moſt holy prelates ; and feems to
have been cenfured by few, except by the Montanifts, who deviated

into herefy by their ſtrict and obftinate adherence to the rigour of

100
ancient diſcipline · II. The provincial governors, whofe zeal was

lefs prevalent than their avarice , had countenanced the practice of

felling certificates (or libels as they were called) , which atteſted, that

the perfons therein mentioned had complied with the laws, and fa-

crificed to the Roman deities. By producing thefe falfe decla-

rations , the opulent and timid Chriftians were enabled to fi-
!
lence the malice of an informer, and to reconcile in fome mea-

fure their fafety with their religion . A flight pennance atoned

for this profane diffimulation 10. III. In every perfecution there

were great numbers of unworthy Chriftians, who publicly disowned

or renounced the faith which they had profeffed ; and who con-
firmed the fincerity of their abjuration, by the legal acts of burning

incenſe or of offering facrifices. Some of theſe apoftates had yielded

Con the firſt menace or exhortation of the magiftrate ; whilſt the

patience of others had been fubdued by the length and repetition of

tortures. The affrighted countenances of fome betrayed their in-

ward remorse, while others advanced with confidence and alacrity

to the altars of the gods 10.• But the diſguiſe, which fear had im-

pofed, fubfifted no longer than the prefent danger. As foon as the

co Tertullian confiders flight from perfe-
cution, as an imperfect, but very criminal, apo
facy, as an impious attempt to elude the will
of God, & c. &c. He has written a treatise on
this fubject (ſee p. 536-544. Edit. Rigalt. ) ,
which is filled with the wildeſt fanaticifm , and
the most incoherent declamation. It is, how-
ever, fomewhat remarkable, that Tertullian
did not fuffer martyrdom himſelf.
101 The Libellatici, who are chiefly known
by the writings of Cyprian, are defcribed with
the utmost preciſion, in the copious commen-
tary of Mosheim, p . 483-489.
102 Plin. Epiftol . x. 97. Dionyfius Alex-
andrin. ap. Eufeb. 1. vi . c. 41. Ad prima
ftatim verba minantis inimici maximus fra-
trum numerus fidem fuam prodidit : nec pro-
ftratus eft perfecutionis impetu, fed voluntario
lapfu feipfum proftravit. Cyprian . Opera,
p. 89. Among thefe deferters were many
priefts, and even biſhops .
feverity
 OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 665

СНАР.
feverity of the perfecution was abated , the doors of the churches XVI.
were affailed by the returning multitude of penitents , who deteſted

their idolatrous fubmiffion, and who folicited with equal ardour, but

with various fuccefs, their re-admiffion into the fociety of Chriſtians 1°3.

IV. Notwithſtanding the general rules , eſtabliſhed for the con- Alternatives
of ſeverity
viction and puniſhment of the Chriftians, the fate of thoſe fectaries, and tolera-
tion.
in an extenfive and arbitrary government, muft ftill, in a great mea-

fure, have depended on their own behaviour, the circumftances of

the times, and the temper of their fupreme as well as fubordinate

rulers. Zeal might ſometimes provoke, and prudence might ſome-

times avert or affuage, the fuperftitious fury of the Pagans. A va-

riety of motives might difpofe the provincial governors either to

enforce or to relax the execution of the laws ; and of theſe motives,

the moſt forcible was their regard not only for the public edicts,

but for the ſecret intentions of the emperor, a glance from whoſe

eye was fufficient to kindle or to extinguiſh the flames of perſecu-

tion. As often as any occafional feverities were exerciſed in the

different parts of the empire, the primitive Chriftians lamented and

perhaps magnified their own fufferings ; but the celebrated number The ten per-
fecutions.
of ten perfecutions has been determined by the ecclefiaftical writers

of the fifth century, who poffeffed a more diftin &

t view of the pro-

ſperous or adverſe fortunes of the church, from the age of Nero to

that of Diocletian. The ingenious parallels of the ten plagues of

Egypt, and of the ten horns of the Apocalypfe, firſt ſuggeſted this

calculation to their minds ; and in their application of the faith of

prophecy to the truth of hiſtory, they were careful to felect thoſe

reigns which were indeed the moſt hoftile to the Chriftian cauſe 104.

103 It was on this occafion that Cyprian lefs intimate knowledge of their history ?
wrote his treatife De Lapfis, and many of his 104 See Mofheim, p . 97. Sulpicius Seve--
epistles . The controverfy concerning the rus was the firft author of this computation ;
treatment of penitent apoftates, does not oc- though he feemed defirous of referving the
cur among the Chriftians of the preceding tenth and greateſt perfecution for the coming
century. Shall we afcribe this to the fupe- of the Antichrift.
riority of their faith and courage, or to our
VOL. I. But
4 Q
 666 THE DECLINE AND FALL

CHAP. But thefe tranfient perfecutions ferved only to revive the zeal, and to
XVI.
reftore the diſcipline of the faithful : and the moments of extraor-

dinary rigour were compenfated by much longer intervals of peace

and fecurity. The indifference of fome princes, and the indulgence

of others, permitted the Chriftians to enjoy, though not perhaps a

legal, yet an actual and public, toleration of their religion.

Suppofed The apology of Tertullian contains two very ancient, very fin-
edicts of Ti-
berius and gular, but at the fame time very fufpicious inftances of Imperial
Marcus An-
toninus. clemency ; the edicts publiſhed by Tiberius, and by Marcus An-

toninus, and defigned not only to protect the innocence of the

Chriftians, but even to proclaim thoſe ftupendous miracles which

! had atteſted the truth of their doctrine. The firſt of theſe examples

is attended with fome difficulties which might perplex a ſceptical

mind 105 We are required to believe, that Pontius Pilate informed

the emperor of the unjuſt ſentence of death which he had pro-

nounced againſt an innocent, and, as it appeared , a divine, perſon ;

and that, without acquiring the merit, he expofed himſelf to the

danger, of martyrdom ; that Tiberius, who avowed his contempt for

all religion, immediately conceived the defign of placing the Jewiſh

Meffiah among the gods of Rome ; that his fervile fenate ventured

to difobey the commands of their maſter ; that Tiberius , inſtead of

reſenting their refufal, contented himſelf with protecting the Chrif-

tians from the ſeverity of the laws, many years before fuch laws

were enacted, or before the church had affumed any diftinct name

or exiſtence ; and laftly, that the memory of this extraordinary

tranfaction was preferved in the moft public and authentic records,

which eſcaped the knowledge of the hiftorians of Greece and Rome,

and were only viſible to the eyes of an African Chriſtian, who com-

105 The teftimony given by Pontius Pi-
late is firft mentioned by Juftin. The fuc-
ceffive improvements which the ftory has ac-
quired (as it paffed through the hands of
Tertullian, Eufebius, Epiphanius, Chryfof-
tom, Orofius, Gregory of Tours, and the
authors of the feveral editions of the acts of
Pilate) , are very fairly stated by Dom Calmet,
Differtat. fur l'Ecriture, tom . iii . p . 651 , &c.
pofed

1
 OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 667

pofed his apology one hundred and fixty years after the death of CHA P.
XVI.
Tiberius. The edict of Marcus Antoninus is fuppofed to have been

the effect of his devotion and gratitude, for the miraculous deliver-
ance which he had obtained in the Marcomannic war. The diſtreſs

of the legions, the ſeaſonable tempeft of rain and hail, of thunder

and of lightning, and the diſmay and defeat of the barbarians, have

been celebrated by the eloquence of ſeveral Pagan writers. If there

were any Chriſtians in that army, it was natural that they ſhould

aſcribe ſome merit to the fervent prayers, which, in the moment of

danger, they had offered up for their own and the public fafety.

But we are ſtill affured by monuments of brafs and marble, by the

Imperial medals , and by the Antonine column, that neither the

prince nor the people entertained any ſenſe of this ſignal obligation ,

fince they unanimouſly attribute their deliverance to the providence

of Jupiter, and to the interpofition of Mercury. During the whole

courſe of his reign, Marcus defpiſed the Chriftians as a philofopher,

106
and puniſhed them as a fovereign ·

By a fingular fatality, the hardſhips which they had endured un- State of the
Chriftians in
der the government of a virtuous prince, immediately ceaſed on the the reigns of

acceffion of a tyrant, and as none except themſelves had experi- Commodus

enced the injuſtice of Marcus, fo they alone were protected by the A. D. 180.

lenity of Commodus. The celebrated Marcia, the moſt favoured of

his concubines, and who at length contrived the murder of her Im-

perial lover, entertained a fingular affection for the oppreffed

church ; and though it was impoffible that ſhe could reconcile the

practice of vice with the precepts of the Goſpel, fhe might hope to

atone for the frailties of her fex and profeffion, by declaring herfelf
the patronefs of the Chriftians 17.• Under the gracious protection

106 On this miracle, as it is commonly
called, of the thundering legion , fee the ad-
mirable criticiſm of Mr. Moyle, in his Works,
vol. ii. p. 81-390 .
4Q 2
107 Dion Caffius, or rather his abbreviator
Xiphilin , 1. lxxii . p. 1206. Mr. Moyle
( p . 266. ) has explained the condition of the
church under the reign of Commodus.
of
 668 THE DECLINE AND FALL

CHAP. of Marcia, they paffed in fafety the thirteen years of a cruel ty-
XVI.
ranny ; and when the empire was eſtabliſhed in the houſe of Seve-

rus, they formed a domeftic but more honourable connexion with

the new court. The emperor was perfuaded, that, in a dangerous

fickneſs, he had derived fome benefit, either fpiritual or phyfical,

from the holy oil, with which one of his flaves had anointed him.

He always treated with peculiar diftinction ſeveral perſons of both

fexes who had embraced the new religion. The nurfe as well as
the preceptor of Caracalla were Chriftians ; and if that young prince

ever betrayed a fentiment of humanity, it was occafioned by an in-

cident, which , however trifling, bore fome relation to the cauſe of

! Chriſtianity 10.· Under the reign of Severus, the fury of the popu-

lace was checked ; the rigour of ancient laws was for ſome time ſuſ-

pended ; and the provincial governors were fatisfied with receiving

an annual prefent from the churches within their juriſdiction , as the

109
price, or as the reward, of their moderation *°9. The controverfy

concerning the precife time of the celebration of Eafter armed the

biſhops of Afia and Italy againſt each other, and was confidered as

the moſt important buſineſs of this period of leiſure and tranquil-

A. D. 198. lity . Nor was the peace of the church interrupted, till the in-

creaſing numbers of profelytes feem at length to have attracted the

attention, and to have alienated the mind, of Severus. With the

defign of reſtraining the progreſs of Chriſtianity, he publiſhed an

edict, which , though it was defigned to affect only the new converts,

could not be carried into ftrict execution, without expofing to danger

and puniſhment the moſt zealous of their teachers and miffionaries. In

108 Compare the life of Caracalla in the
Auguftan Hiftory, with the epiftle of Tertul-
lian to Scapula. Dr. Jortin (Remarks on Ec-
clefiaftical Hiſtory, vol. ii. p. 5 , & c. ) confi-
ders the cure of Severus, by the means of
holy oil, with a ſtrong defire to convert it into
a miracle .
109 Tertullian de Fugâ, c. 13. The prefent
was made during the feaft of the Saturnalia ;
and it is a matter of ferious concern to Ter-
tullian, that the faithful ſhould be confounded
with the moſt infamous profeffions which pur-
chafed the connivance of the government.
110 Eufeb. 1. v. c. 23 , 24. Mofheim, p.
435-447-

this
 OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 669

this mitigated perfecution, we may ftill difcover the indulgent fpirit CHAP.
XVI.
of Rome and of Polytheiſm , which ſo readily admitted every excufe

in favour of thoſe who practiſed the religious ceremonies of their fa-

thers " .

But the laws which Severus had enacted, foon expired with Of the fuc-
ceffors of Se-
the authority of that emperor ; and the Chriftians, after this verus .
A. D. 211-
accidental tempeft, enjoyed a calm of thirty-eight years " . Till 249.

this period they had ufually held their affemblies in private houſes

and fequeftered places. They were now permitted to erect and con-
fecrate convenient edifices for the purpoſe of religious worship " ;

to purchaſe lands, even at Rome itſelf, for the ufe of the commu-
nity ; and to conduct the elections of their ecclefiaftical miniſters in

fo public, but at the fame time in fo exemplary, a manner, as to

deſerve the reſpectful attention of the Gentiles " . This long repoſe

of the church was accompanied with dignity. The reigns of thoſe

princes who derived their extraction from the Afiatic provinces,

proved the moſt favourable to the Chriftians ; the eminent per-

fons of the fect, inftead of being reduced to implore the pro-

tection of a flave or concubine, were admitted into the palace in

the honourable characters of prieſts and philofophers ; and their

myſterious doctrines, which were already diffuſed among the people,

inſenſibly attracted the curioſity of their ſovereign. When the em-

prefs Mammæa paffed through Antioch, fhe expreffed a defire of

converfing with the celebrated Origen, the fame of whofe piety and

"I Judæos fieri fub gravi pœna vetuit . Mr. Moyle (vol . i . p . 378-398 ) . The
Idem etiam de Chriftianis fanxit. Hift. Au- former refers the first conftruction of them to
guk. p. 70 the peace of Alexander Severus ; the latter,
112
Sulpicius Severus, 1. ii . p . 384. This to the peace of Gallienus .
computation (allowing for a fingle exception ) 114 See the Auguftan Hiftory, p. 130. The
is confirmed by the hiftory of Eufebius, and emperor Alexander adopted their method of
by the writings of Cyprian . publicly propofing the names of those perfons
The antiquity of Chriftian churches is who were candidates for ordination. It is
difcuffed by Tillemont ( Memoires Ecclefiaf- true, that the honour of this practice is like-
tiques, tom. iii. part ii . p. 68-72 . ) , and by wife attributed to the Jews.
learning
 670 THE DECLINE AND FALL

CHAP. learning was ſpread over the Eaft. Origen obeyed fo flattering an
XVI.
invitation, and though he could not expect to fucceed in the con-

verfion of an artful and ambitious woman, ſhe liftened with pleaſure

to his eloquent exhortations, and honourably difmiffed him to his

retirement in Paleſtine " . The fentiments of Mammaa were adopted

by her fon Alexander, and the philofophic devotion of that emperor

was marked by a fingular but injudicious regard for the Chriſtian

religion. In his domeftic chapel he placed the ſtatues of Abraham ,

of Orpheus, of Apollonius, and of Chrift, as an honour juſtly due

to thoſe reſpectable fages who had inftructed mankind in the various

modes of addreffing their homage to the fupreme and univerfal

! deity " . A purer faith, as well as worship, was openly profeſſed

and practiſed among his houſehold. Biſhops, perhaps for the firſt

time, were feen at court ; and, after the death of Alexander, when

A. D. 235. the inhuman Maximin diſcharged his fury on the favourites and fer-

vants of his unfortunate benefactor, a great number of Chriſtians,

of every rank, and of both fexes, were involved in the promifcuous

maffacre, which, on their account, has improperly received the

name of Perfecution " .

OfMaximin , Notwithſtanding the cruel difpofition of Maximin, the effects of

Philip, and
Decius. his reſentment againſt the Chriſtians were of a very local and tem-

15 Eufeb. Hift. Ecclefiaft. 1. vi. c. 21. Hie- dulously adopted by an hiftorian of the age of
ronym. de Script. Ecclef. c. 54. Mammæa Conftantine.
was ſtyled a holy aud pious woman, both by 17 Eufeb. 1. vi. c. 28. It may be prefumed ,
the Chriftians and the Pagans. From the that the fuccefs of the Chriftians had exafpe-
former, therefore, it was impoffible that the rated the increafing bigotry of the Pagans.
fhould deferve that honourable epithet. Dion Caffius, who compofed his hiſtory under
16 See the Auguftan Hiftory, p. 123. Mo- the former reign , had most probably intended
fheim (p . 465. ) feems to refine too much on for the uſe of his mafter thofe counfels of per-
the domeſtic religion of Alexander. His de- fecution , which he afcribes to a better age,
fign of building a public temple to Chrift and to the favourite of Auguftus. Concern-
(Hift. Auguft. p. 129.) , and the objection ing this oration of Macenas , or rather of
which was fuggefted either to him , or in fi- Dion , I may refer to my own unbiaffed opi-
milar circumftances to Hadrian, appear to nion ( p . 41. Not. 25. ) , and to the Abbé de
have no other foundation than an improbable la Bleterie (Memoires de l'Academie, tom.
report, invented by the Chriftians, and cre- xxiv. p. 303. tom. xxv. p. 432) .

porary
4
 OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 671

CHAP.
porary nature, and the pious Origen, who had been profcribed as a
XVI.
devoted victim, was ftill referved to convey the truths of the Goſpel

to the ear of monarchs " . He addreffed ſeveral edifying letters A. D. 244 .

to the emperor Philip, to his wife, and to his mother ; and as foon

as that prince, who was born in the neighbourhood of Paleſtine,

had ufurped the Imperial fceptre, the Chriflians acquired a friend

and a protector. The public and even partial favour of Philip to-
wards the fectaries of the new religion , and his conftant reverence

for the minifters of the church, gave fome colour to the ſuſpicion,

which prevailed in his own times, that the emperor himſelf was
become a convert to the faith " ; and afforded ſome grounds for a

fable which was afterwards invented, that he had been purified by

confeffion and pennance from the guilt contracted by the murder

of his innocent predeceffor 120. The fall of Philip introduced , A. D. 249.

with the change of mafters, a new fyftem of government, fo op-

preffive to the Chriftians, that their former condition, ever fince

the time of Domitian , was reprefented as a ſtate of perfect free-

dom and fecurity, if compared with the rigorous treatment which

121
they experienced under the ſhort reign of Decius "
". The virtues

of that prince will ſcarcely allow us to fufpect that he was actu-

ated by a mean refentment againſt the favourites of his pre-

118 Orofius, I. vii. c. 19. mentions Origen
as the object of Maximin's refentment ; and
Firmilianus, a Cappadocian bishop of that
age, gives a juſt and confined idea of this
perfecution (apud Cyprian . Epift. 75. ) .
119. The mention of thofe princes who were
publicly ſuppoſed to be Christians, as we
find it in an epistle of Dionyfius of Alexandria
(ap . Euſeb. 1. vii. c. 10. ) , evidently alludes
to Philip and his family ; and forms a con-
temporary evidence, that fuch a report had
prevailed ; but the Egyptian bishop, who
lived at an humble diſtance from the court of
Rome, expreffes himſelf with a becoming
diffidence concerning the truth of the fact.
The epiftles of Origen (which were extant in
the time of Eufebius , fee l. vi. c. 36. ) would
most probably decide this curious, rather
than important, queftion.
120 Eufeb. 1. vi. c. 34. The ftory, as is
ufual , has been embellished by fucceeding
writers, and is confuted, with much fuper-
fluous learning, by Frederick Spanheim (Ope-
ra Varia, tom. ii . p . 400 , &c. ) .
121 Lactantius, de Mortibus Perfecutorum ,
C. 3, 4. After celebrating the felicity and
increaſe of the church , under a long fuccef-
fion of good princes ; he adds, " Extitit poft
annos plurimos, execrabile animal, Decius,
qui vexaret Ecclefiam. ”
deceffor,
672 THE DECLINE AND FALL

CHAP. deceffor, and it is more reaſonable to believe, that in the profe-

XVI.
cution of his general deſign to reſtore the purity of Roman manners,
he was defirous of delivering the empire from what he condemned

as a recent and criminal fuperftition . The biſhops of the moſt con-

fiderable cities were removed by exile or death : the vigilance of

the magiftrates prevented the clergy of Rome during fixteen months

from proceeding to a new election ; and it was the opinion of the

Chriſtians, that the emperor would more patiently endure a compe-

titor for the purple, than a biſhop in the capital " . Were it poffible

to ſuppoſe that the penetration of Decius had diſcovered pride under

·
the difguife of humility, or that he could foreſee the temporal do-

minion which might infenfibly ariſe from the claims of ſpiritual au-
thority, we might be lefs furpriſed, that he ſhould confider the fuccef-

fors of St. Peter as the moſt formidable rivals to thofe of Auguftus.

Of Valerian, The adminiſtration of Valerian was diſtinguiſhed by a levity and

Gallienus, In the
and his fuc- inconftancy, ill-fuited to the gravity of the Roman Cenfor.
ceffors. firft part of his reign, he furpaffed in clemency thofe princes who
A. D. 253-
260. had been ſuſpected of an attachment to the Chriſtian faith. In the

laft three years and a half, liftening to the infinuations of a minifter

addicted to the fuperftitions of Egypt, he adopted the maxims , and

imitated the ſeverity, of his predeceffor Decius " . The acceffion of

Gallienus, which increafed the calamities of the empire, reſtored

peace to the church ; and the Chriftians obtained the free exercife of

their religion, by an edict addreffed to the bifhops, and conceived

in fuch terms as ſeemed to acknowledge their office and public cha-

racter . The ancient laws, without being formally repealed, were

122 Eufeb. 1. vi. c. 39. Cyprian . Epiftol . has very clearly fhewn, that the Præfect Ma-
55. The fee of Rome remained vacant from crianus, and the Egyptian Magus, are one and
the martyrdom of Fabianus, to the 20th of the ſame perſon .
January, A. D. 250 , till the election of Cor- 124 Eufebius (1. vii. c. 13. ) gives us a Greek
nelius, the 4th of June , A. D. 251. Decius verfion of this Latin edict, which feems to
had probably left Rome, fince he was killed have been very concife. By another edict,
before the end of that year. he directed, that the Cameteria ſhould be re-
423 Eufeb . 1. vii . c. 10. Mofheim (p. 548. ) ftored to the Chriftians .
fuffered
 OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 673

fuffered to fink into oblivion ; and (excepting only fome hoftile in- CHA
XVI. P.
tentions which are attributed to the emperor Aurelian "" ) the dif-

ciples of Chrift paffed above forty years in a ſtate of profperity,

far more dangerous to their virtue than the fevereft trials of perfe-
cution.

The ftory of Paul of Samofata, who filled the metropolitan fee of Paul of Sa-
mofata, his
Antioch , while the Eaft was in the hands of Odenathus and Zeno- manners.
A. D. 260.
bia, may ferve to illuftrate the condition and character of the times.

The wealth of that prelate was a fufficient evidence of his guilt,

fince it was neither derived from the inheritance of his fathers , nor

acquired by the arts of honeft induftry. But Paul confidered the

fervice of the church as a very lucrative profeffion 16.• His ecclefiaf-

tical juriſdiction was venal and rapacious ; he extorted frequent con-

tributions from the moſt opulent of the faithful, and converted to

his own ufe a confiderable part of the public revenue. By his

pride and luxury, the Chriftian religion was rendered odious in the

eyes of the Gentiles. His council chamber and his throne, the fplen-

dour with which he appeared in public, the fuppliant crowd who ſo-

licited his attention, the multitude of letters and petitions to which

he dictated his anfwers, and the perpetual hurry of buſineſs in

which he was involved, were circumftances much better fuited to

the fate of a civil magiftrate " , than to the humility of a primi-

125 Eufeb. 1. vii . c. 30. Lactantius de M. Hift. Auguft . p. 124. ) Some critics fuppofe,
+
P. c. 6. Hieronym . in Chron . p. 177. Oro- that the bishop of Antioch had actually ob-
fius, 1. vii. c . 23. Their language is in ge- tained fuch an office from Zenobia, while
neral fo ambiguous and incorrect, that we others confider it only as a figurative expref-
are at a lofs to determine how far Aurelian fion of his pomp and infolence.
had carried his intentions before he was affaf- 127 Simony was not unknown in thofe
finated . Most of the moderns (except Dod- times; and the clergy fometimes bought what
well, Differtat. Cyprian . xi . 64. ) have feized they intended to fell . It appears that the
the occafion of gaining a few extraordinary bishopric of Carthage was purchaſed by a
martyrs. wealthy matron , named Lucilla, for her fer-
16 Paul was better pleafed with the title vant Majorinus . The price was 400 Folles.
of Ducenarius, than with that of bifhop. The (Monument. Antiq. ad calcem Optati, p
Ducenarius was an Imperial procurator, fo 263. ) Every Follis contained 125 pieces of
called from his falary of two hundred Sefter- filver, and the whole fum may be computed
tin, or 1,600l . a year. (See Salmafius ad at about 2,4001 .

VOL. I. 4 R tive
674 THE DECLINE AND FALL

XVI. P. tive bishop.

CHA When he harangued his people from the pulpit, Paul

affected the figurative ftyle and the theatrical geftures of an Aſiatic

fophift, while the cathedral refounded with the loudeft and moſt ex-

travagant acclamations in the praife of his divine eloquence . Againft

thoſe who refifted his power, or refuſed to flatter his vanity, the

prelate of Antioch was arrogant, rigid, and inexorable ; but he re-

laxed the difcipline, and lavished the treaſures, of the church on his

dependent clergy, who were permitted to imitate their mafter in

the gratification of every fenfual appetite. For Paul indulged him-

felf very freely in the pleafures of the table, and he had received

into the epifcopal palace two young and beautiful women , as the
128
conftant companions of his leiſure moments

He is degrad- Notwithſtanding theſe fcandalous vices, if Paul of Samofata

ed from the
fee of Anti- had preferved the purity of the orthodox faith, his reign over the
och .
capital of Syria would have ended only with his life ; and had a
A. D. 270.
feaſonable perfecution intervened , an effort of courage might perhaps

have placed him in the rank of faints and martyrs. Some nice and

fubtle errors, which he imprudently adopted and obftinately main-

tained, concerning the doctrine of the Trinity, excited the zeal and

indignation of the eaftern churches 29. From Egypt to the Euxine

fea, the bishops were in arms and in motion . Several councils

were held, confutations were publifhed, excommunications were

pronounced, ambiguous explanations were by turns accepted and

refufed , treaties were concluded and violated, and at length Paul of

Samofata was degraded from his epifcopal character, by the fentence

of feventy or eighty bishops, who affembled for that purpoſe at

Antioch, and who, without confulting the rights of the clergy or

people, appointed a fucceffor by their own authority. The manifeft

128 If we are defirous of extenuating the 129 His herefy (like thofe of Noetus and
vices of Paul, we muſt fufpect the affembled Sabellius, in the fame century) tended
bishops of the Eaft of publishing the most ma- to confound the myfterious diftinction of
licious calumnies in circular epiftles addreffed the divine perfons. See Mofheim, p. 702,
to all the churches of the empire (ap. Euſeb . & c.
1 vii. c. 30. ) .
irregularity
 OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 675

irregularity of this proceeding increaſed the numbers of the difcon- CHA P.

XVI.
tented faction ; and as Paul, who was no ftranger to the arts of

courts, had infinuated himſelf into the favour of Zenobia, he main-

tained above four years the poffeffion of the epifcopal houſe and

office. The victory of Aurelian changed the face of the Eaft, and

the two contending parties, who applied to each other the epithets

of ſchiſm and herefy, were either commanded or permitted to plead

their cauſe before the tribunal of the conqueror. This public and

very fingular trial affords a convincing proof, that the existence,

the property, the privileges, and the internal policy, of the Chriftians

were acknowledged, if not by the laws, at leaft by the magiftrates

of the empire. As a Pagan and as a foldier, it could fcarcely be

expected that Aurelian fhould enter into the difcuffion , whether the
fentiments of Paul or thoſe of his adverfaries were moft agreeable to
the true ſtandard of the orthodox faith. His determination , however, The fentence
is executed
was founded on the general principles of equity and reaſon. , He by Aurelian .

confidered the biſhops of Italy as the moſt impartial and reſpectable A. D. 274.
judges among the Chriftians, and as foon as he was informed, that

they had unanimouſly approved the fentence of the council, he ac-

quiefced in their opinion, and immediately gave orders that Paul

ſhould be compelled to relinquish the temporal poffeffions belonging

to an office, of which, in the judgment of his brethren , he had

been regularly deprived. But while we applaud the juſtice , we ſhould

not overlook the policy, of Aurelian ; who was defirous of reſtoring

and cementing the dependance of the provinces on the capital, by

every means which could bind the intereft or prejudices of any part

of his fubjects " .

Amidft the frequent revolutions of the empire, the Chriftians fill Peace and
profperity of
flouriſhed in peace and profperity ; and notwithstanding a cele- the church

130 Eufeb. Hift. Ecclefiaft. 1. vii . c . 30. We are entirely indebted to him for the curious
Rory of Paul of Samofata.

4 R 2 brated
 THE DECLINE AND FALL
676

CHAP. brated æra of martyrs has been deduced from the acceffion of Dio-
XVI.
cletian " , the new fyftem of policy, introduced and maintained by
under Dio-
cletian . the wisdom of that prince, continued , during more than eighteen
A. D. 284-
303. years, to breathe the mildeſt and moſt liberal ſpirit of religious tole-

ration . The mind of Diocletian himſelf was lefs adapted indeed to

fpeculative inquiries, than to the active labours of war and govern-

ment. His prudence rendered him averſe to any great innovation ,

and though his temper was not very fufceptible of zeal or enthu-

ſiaſm , he always maintained an habitual regard for the ancient

deities of the empire. But the leifure of the two empreffes, of his

wife Prifca, and of Valeria his daughter, permitted them to liſten

with more attention and refpect to the truths of Christianity, which

in every age has acknowledged its important obligations to female

132
devotion '". The principal eunuchs, Lucian * 33 and Dorotheus ,

Gorgonius and Andrew, who attended the perfon, poffeffed the fa-

vour, and governed the houſehold , of Diocletian , protected by their

powerful influence the faith which they had embraced. Their ex-

ample was imitated by many of the moſt confiderable officers of the

palace, who, in their reſpective ſtations, had the care of the Imperial
ornaments, of the robes, of the furniture, of the jewels, and even

of the private treaſury ; and, though it might fometimes be in-

eumbent on them to accompany the emperor when he facrificed in

the temple , they enjoyed, with their wives, their children, and

their flaves, the free exercife of the Chriftian religion. Diocletian

131 The Era of Martyrs, which is ftill in does not feem to juftify the affertion of Mo-
ufe among the Copts and the Abyffinians, fheim ( p . 912. ), that they had been privately
must be reckoned from the 29th of Auguft, baptized.
A. D. 284 ; as the beginning of the Egyp- 133 M. de Tillemont (Memoires Eccleft-
tian year was nineteen days earlier than the aftiques, tom. v. part i. p. 11 , 12. ) has quoted
real acceffion of Diocletian . See Differtation from the Spicilegium of Dom. Luc d'Acheri,
preliminaire à l'Art de verifier les Dates . a very curious inftruction which biſhop The
132 The expreffion of Lactantius ( de M. P. onas compofed for the ufe of Lucian.
c. 15.) facrificio pollui coegit, " implies 134 Lactantius de M. P. c. 10. .
their antecedent converfion to the faith ; but

I and
 OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 677

and his colleagues frequently conferred the moſt important offices CHA P.
XVI.
on thoſe perſons, who avowed their abhorrence for the worſhip of

the gods, but who had difplayed abilities proper for the fervice of

the ftate. The bishops held an honourable rank in their reſpective

provinces, and were treated with diftinction and refpect, not only by

the people, but by the magiftrates themſelves. Almoft in every

city, the ancient churches were found infufficient to contain the in-

creafing multitude of profelytes ; and in their place more ſtately

and capacious edifices were erected for the public worship of the
faithful. The corruption of manners and principles, fo forcibly
135
lamented by Eufebius "", may be confidered , not only as a confe-

quence, but as a proof, of the liberty, which the Chriſtians enjoyed

and abuſed under the reign of Diocletian. Profperity had relaxed

the nerves of difcipline. Fraud , envy, and malice, prevailed in every

congregation. The prefbyters afpired to the epifcopal office, which

every day became an object more worthy of their ambition . The

biſhops, who contended with each other for ecclefiaftical pre-

eminence, appeared by their conduct to claim a fecular and tyrannical

power in the church ; and the lively faith which . ftill diftinguiſhed

the Chriftians from the Gentiles, was fhewn much leſs in their lives,
than in their controverfial writings.

Notwithſtanding this feeming fecurity, an attentive

obferver Progrefs of
zeal and fu-.
might difcern fome fymptoms that threatened the church with a perftition
among the :
more violent perfecution than any which ſhe had yet endured . The Pagans.

zeal and rapid progreſs of the Chriſtians awakened the Polytheiſts

from their fupine indifference in the cauſe of thoſe deities , whom

cuſtom and education had taught them to revere. The mutual pro-
•
vocations of a religious war, which had already continued above

two hundred years, exafperated the animofity of the contending ,

135 Eufebius, Hift . Ecclefiaft. 1. viii . c. 1. bius was about fixteen years of age at the ac
The reader who confults the original, will not ceffion of the emperor Diocletian .
accufe me of heightening the picture . Eufe-
parties.
678 THE DECLINE AND FALL

CHAP.
XVI . parties. The Pagans were incenfed at the raſhneſs of a recent and
obfcure fect, which prefumed to accuſe their countrymen of error,

and to devote their anceſtors to eternal mifery. The habits of jufti-

fying the popular mythology againſt the invectives of an impla-

cable enemy, produced in their minds fome fentiments of faith and

reverence for a ſyſtem which they had been accuſtomed to confider

with the moſt carelefs levity. The fupernatural powers affumed by

the church inſpired at the fame time terror and emulation . The
followers of the eſtabliſhed religion intrenched themſelves behind a

fimilar fortification of prodigies ; invented new modes of facrifice,

of expiation, and of initiation 136 ; attempted to revive the credit of
137
their expiring oracles "" ; and liftened with eager credulity to every
138
impoftor, who flattered their prejudices by a tale of wonders

Both parties feemed to acknowledge the truth of thofe miracles

which were claimed by their adverfaries ; and while they were con-

tented with afcribing them to the arts of magic , and to the power

of dæmons, they mutually concurred in reftoring and eſtabliſhing

139
the reign of fuperftition "3. Philofophy, her moſt dangerous ene-
my, was now converted into her moſt uſeful ally. The groves of

the academy, the gardens of Epicurus, and even the portico of the

136 We might quote, among a great num- 138 Befides the ancient ftories of Pythagoras
ber of inftances, the myfterious worship of and Arifteas ; the cures performed at the
Mythras, and the Taurobolia ; the latter of fhrine of Afculapius, and the fables related
which became fafhionable in the time of the of Apollonius of Tyana, were frequently op-
Antonines ( See a Differtation of M. de Boze, pofed to the miracles of Chrift ; though I
in the Memoires de l'Academie des Infcrip- agree with Dr. Lardner (ſee Teftimonies , vol .
tions, tom. ii. p. 443. ) . The romance of iii. p . 253. 352. ) , that when Philoftratus com-
Apuleius is as full of devotion as of fatire. pofed the life of Apollonius, he had no fuch
137 The impoftor Alexander very ftrongly intention .
recommended the oracle of Trophonius at 139 It is feriously to be lamented , that the
Mallos, and thofe of Apollo, at Claros and Chriftian fathers, by acknowledging the fu-
Miletus ( Lucian, tom . ii . p . 236. Edit. Reitz ) . pernatural , or, as they deem it, the infernal,
The laft ofthefe, whofe fingular hiftory would part of Paganism, deftroy with their own
furnish a very curious epifode, was confulted hands the great advantage which we might
by Diocletian before he publifhed his edicts otherwife derive from the liberal conceffions
of perfecution (Lactantius, de M. P. c. 11 ) . of our adverfaries.
8 Stoics,
 OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 6.79

Stoics, were almoft deferted, as fo many different ſchools of fcepti- CHAP.

XVI.
cifm or impiety 140 ; and many among the Romans were defirous

that the writings of Cicero fhould be condemned and fuppreffed by

the authority of the fenate ". The prevailing fect of the new Pia-

tonicians judged it prudent to connect themſelves with the prieſts,

whom perhaps they defpifed, against the Chriftians, whom they had
reafon to fear. Theſe faſhionable philofophers profecuted the de-

fign of extracting allegorical wisdom from the fictions of the Greek

poets ; inftituted myfterious rites of devotion for the uſe of their

chofen difciples ; recommended the worſhip . of the ancient gods as .

the emblems or minifters of the Supreme Deity, and compofed againſt

the faith of the gospel many elaborate treatifes , which have

fince been committed to the flames by the prudence of orthodox

343
emperors ¹³.

Although the policy of Diocletian and the humanity of Con- Maximian

and Galerius
ftantius inclined them to preferve inviolate the maxims of tolera- punish a few
Chriftian fol-
tion , it was foon diſcovered that their two affociates, Maximian diers.

and Galerius, entertained the moſt implacable averfion for the

name and religion of the Chriftians. The minds of thoſe princes

had never been enlightened by fcience ; education had never

foftened their temper. They owed their greatneſs to their fwords,

and in their moſt elevated fortune they ftill retained their fuperfti-

140 Julian (p . 301. Edit. Spanheim) ex- p. 103 , 104. He adds very properly, Erroris
prefies a pious joy, that the providence of the convincite Ciceronem . .. .. nam intercipere
gods had extinguished the impious fects, and fcripta, et publicatam velle fubmergere lec-
for the most part deftroyed the books of the tionem , non eft Deum defendere fed veritatis
Pyrrhonians and Epicureans, which had been teſtificationem timere..
very numerous, fince Epicurus himſelf com- 142 Lactantius (Divin . Inftitut. 1. v. c. 2, 3. )
pofed no less than 300 volumes . See Dio- gives a very clear and fpirited account of two
genes Laertius , 1. x. c. 26. of theſe philofophic adverfaries of the faith .
44 Cumque alios audiam muffitare indig- The large treatife of Porphyry againſt the
nanter, et dicere opportere ftatui per Senatum, Chriftians confifted of thirty books, and was
aboleantur ut haec fcripta, quibus Chriftiana compofed in Sicily about the year 270. A
Religio comprobetur , et vetuftatis opprimatur 143 See Socrates, Hift. Ecclefiaft . 1. i . c . 9 .
auctoritas. Arnobius adverfus Gentes, 1. iii. and Codex Juftinian , 1. i . tit. i . 1. 3 .
tious
680 THE DECLINE AND FALL

CHAP.
XVI. tious prejudices of foldiers and peaſants. In the general admini-
ftration of the provinces they obeyed the laws which their bene-

factor had eſtabliſhed ; but they frequently found occafions of exer-

144
cifing within their camp and palaces a fecret perſecution ***, for

which the imprudent zeal of the Chriftians fometimes offered the

moſt ſpecious pretences. A fentence of death was executed upon

Maximilianus, an African youth , who had been produced by his own

father before the magiftrate as a fufficient and legal recruit, but

who obftinately perfifted in declaring, that his confcience would not
145
permit him to embrace the profeffion of a foldier ***.• It could

fcarcely be expected that any government fhould fuffer the action

of Marcellus the Centurion to pafs with impunity. On the day of

a public feſtival, that officer threw away his belt, his arms, and the

enfigns of his office , and exclaimed with a loud voice, that he would

obey none but Jeſus Chriſt the eternal King, and that he renounced
for ever the uſe of carnal weapons, and the ſervice of an idolatrous

mafter. The foldiers , as foon as they recovered from their afto-

niſhment, fecured the perfon of Marcellus. He was examined in

the city of Tingi by the prefident of that part of Mauritania ; and

as he was convicted by his own confeffion, he was condemned and

beheaded for the crime of defertion 146. Examples of fuch a nature

favour much lefs of religious perfecution than of martial or even

144 Eufebius . 1. viii . c . 4. c . 17. He limits
the number of military martyrs, by a remark-
able expreflion (σπανίως τούτων εις πε και δεύτερο ) ,
of which neither his Latin nor French tranf-
lator have rendered the energy. Notwith-
ftanding the authority of Eufebius, and the
filence of Lactantius, Ambrofe, Sulpicius,
Orofius, &c. it has been long believed , that
the Thebaan legion, confifting of 6000 Chriſt-
ians, fuffered martyrdom , by the order of
Maximian, in the valley of the Penine Alps .
The ſtory was firſt publiſhed about the middle
of the vth century, by Eucherius, bishop of
Lyons, who received it from certain perfons,
who received it from Ifaac biſhop of Geneva,
who is faid to have received it from Theodore
bishop of Octodurum . The Abbey of St. Mau-
rice ftill fubfifts, a rich monument of the cre-
dulity of Sigifmond, king of Burgundy. See
an excellent Differtation in the xxxvith volume
ofthe Bibliothéque Raifonnée, p . 427-454-
145 See the Acta Sincera, p. 299. The
accounts of his martyrdom, and of that of
Marcellus, bear every mark of truth and au-
thenticity.
146 Acta Sincera, p . 302 .

civil
 OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 681

civil law С НА Р.
but they ferved to alienate the mind of the emperors, to
XVI.
juſtify the ſeverity of Galerius, who difmiffed a great number of

Chriſtian officers from their employments ; and to authorize the

opinion, that a fect of enthufiafts, which avowed principles fo repug-

nant to the public ſafety, muſt either remain uſeleſs, or would foon

become dangerous, fubjects of the empire.

After the fuccefs of the Perfian war had raiſed the hopes and the Galerius pre-
vails on Dio-
reputation of Galerius, he paffed a winter with Diocletian in the cletian to be-
palace of Nicomedia ; and the fate of Chriſtianity became the object gina general
perfecu tion.
147
of their fecret confultations ¹ . The experienced emperor was ftill

inclined to purſue meaſures of lenity ; and though he readily con-

fented to exclude the Chriftians from holding any employments in

the houſehold or the army, he urged in the ftrongeft terms the

danger as well as cruelty of ſhedding the blood of thoſe deluded fa-

natics. Galerius at length extorted from him the permiſſion of fum-

moning a council, compoſed of a few perfons the moſt diſtinguiſhed

in the civil and military departments of the ftate. The important

queftion was agitated in their prefence, and thofe ambitious cour-

tiers eaſily diſcerned, that it was incumbent on them to fecond, by

their eloquence, the importunate violence of the Cæfar. It may be

preſumed, that they infiſted on every topic which might intereſt the

pride, the piety, or the fears, of their fovereign in the deſtruction

of Chriftianity. Perhaps they reprefented, that the glorious work

of the deliverance of the empire was left imperfect, as long as an

independent people was permitted to fubfift and multiply in the

heart of the provinces. The Chriftians (it might fpeciouſly be

alleged), renouncing the gods and the inflitutions of Rome, had

conſtituted a diſtinct republic, which might yet be fuppreffed before

it had acquired any military force : but which was already governed
སྙ
147 De M. P. c. 11. Lactantius (or who- but it feems difficult to conceive how he could
ever was the author of this little treatife ) was, acquire fo accurate a knowledge of what
at that time, an inhabitant of Nicomedia ; paffed in the Imperial cabinet.
VOL. I. 4 S by
682 THE DECLINE AND FALL.

CHAP. by its own laws and magiftrates, was poffeffed of a public treaſure,
XVI.
and was intimately connected in all its parts, by the frequent affem-

blies of the bishops, to whofe decrees their numerous and opulent

congregations yielded an implicit obedience. Arguments like theſe,

may feem to have determined the reluctant mind of Diocletian to

embrace a new fyftem of perfecution : but though we may ſuſpect,

it is not in our power to relate, the fecret intrigues of the palace ,

the private views and refentments, the jealoufy of women or eu-

nuchs, and all thofe trifling but decifive caufes which fo often in-

fluence the fate of empires, and the counfels of the wifeft mo-
narchs 148.

Demolition The pleaſure of the emperors was at length fignified to the

of the church Chriftians, who, during the courſe of this melancholy winter, had
ofNicome-
dia. expected, with anxiety, the refult of fo many fecret confultations.
A. D. 303.
23d Feb. The twenty-third of February, which coincided with the Roman

feftival of the Terminalia " , was appointed (whether from acci-

dent or defign) to fet bounds to the progrefs of Chriſtianity. At

the earlieſt dawn of day, the Prætorian præfect " , accompanied by

feveral generals, tribunes, and officers of the revenue, repaired to

the principal church of Nicomedia, which was fituated on an emi-

nence in the most populous and beautiful part of the city. The

doors were inftantly broke open ; they rushed into the fanctuary ;
and as they fearched in vain for fome viſible object of worſhip, they

were obliged to content themfelves with committing to the flames

the volumes of holy fcripture. The minifters of Diocletian were

followed by a numerous body of guards and pioneers, who marched

148 The only circumftance which we can Terminus are elegantly illuftrated by M. de
difcover, is the devotion and jealousy of the Boze, Mem . de l'Academie des Infcriptions ,
mother of Galerius . She is defcribed by Lac- tom . i. p . 50.
tantius, as Deorum montium cultrix ; mulier 150 In our only MS . of Lactantius , we read
adinodum fuperftitiofa . She had a great in- profectus ; but reafon, and the authority of
Ruence over her fon , and was offended by the all the critics, allow us, inftead of that word,
difregard offome of her Chriftian fervants. which deftroys the fenfe of the paffage, to fub-
149 The worship and festival of the God ftitute præfectus.
in
 OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 693

in order of battle, and were provided with all the inftruments used CHA P.
XVI.
in the deſtruction of fortified cities. By their inceffant labour, a - ཕམས ལ

facred edifice , which towered above the Imperial palace, and had

long excited the indignation and envy of the Gentiles, was in a few
hours levelled with the ground " .
The first edict
The next day the general edict of perfecution was publiſhed " ;
against the
and though Diocletian , ftill averſe to the effuſion of blood, had mo- Chriftians.
24th of Fe-
derated the fury of Galerins, who propoſed , that every one refuſing bruary.

to offer facrifice, fhould immediately be burnt alive, the penalties

inflicted on the obftinacy of the Chriftians might be deemed fuffi-

ciently rigorous and effectual . It was enacted, that their churches,

in all the provinces of the empire, fhould be demolished to their

foundations ; and the puniſhment of death was denounced againſt

all who ſhould prefume to hold any fecret affemblies for the pur-

pofe of religious worſhip. The philofophers, who now affumed the

unworthy office of directing the blind zeal of perfecution , had di-

ligently ftudied the nature and genius of the Chriſtian religion ;

and as they were not ignorant that the fpeculative doctrines of the

faith were fuppofed to be contained in the writings of the prophets,

of the evangelifts , and of the apoftles, they moft probably ſuggeſted

the order, that the bishops and prefbyters fhould deliver all their
facred books into the hands of the magiftrates ; who were com-

manded, under the fevereſt penalties, to burn them in a pub-

lic and folemn manner. By the fame edict , the property of the

church was at once confifcated ; and the feveral parts of which it

might confift, were either fold to the higheſt bidder, united to the
1
Imperial domain, beſtowed on the cities and corporations, or granted

to the folicitations of rapacious courtiers. After taking ſuch effec-

" Lactantius de M. P. c. 12, gives a very has collected a very juſt and accurate notion
lively picture of the deſtruction of the church . of this edict ; though he fometimes deviates
152 Mofheim (p.922–926 . ) , from many into conjecture and refinement.
rd, fcattered paffages of Lactantius and Eufebius,
4 S 2 tual
684 THE DECLINE AND FALL

CHAP. tual meaſures to abolish the worship, and to diffolve the govern-
XVI.
ment, of the Chriftians, it was thought neceffary to fubject to the

moſt intolerable hardſhips the condition of thoſe perverſe individuals

who ſhould ſtill reject the religion of Nature, of Rome, and of their

anceſtors. Perfons of a liberal birth were declared incapable of hold-

ing any honours or employments ; flaves were for ever deprived of

the hopes of freedom, and the whole body of the people were put

out of the protection of the law. The judges were authorized . to

hear and to determine every action that was brought againſt a Chriſt-
ian.. But the Chriſtians were not permitted to complain of any

injury which they themſelves had fuffered ; and thus thoſe unfortu-

nate fectaries were expofed to the ſeverity, while they were excluded
from the benefits, of public juftice. This new fpecies of martyr-

dom, fo painful and lingering, fo obfcure and ignominious, was ,

perhaps, the moſt proper to weary the conftancy of the faithful : nor

can it be doubted that the paffions and intereft of mankind were

difpofed on this occafion to fecond the defigns of the emperors. But

the policy of a well- ordered government muſt ſometimes have in-

terpofed in behalf of the oppreffed Chriftians ; nor was it poffible

for the Roman princes entirely to remove the apprehenfion of puniſh-
ment, or to connive at every act of fraud and violence, without

expofing their own authority and the reft of their fubjects to the moſt

alarming dangers " .

Zeal and pu- This edict was fcarcely exhibited to the public view, in the moſt
nishment of a
Chriftian . confpicuous place of Nicomedia, before it was torn down by the

hands of a Chriftian, who expreffed, at the fame time, by the bit-

tereſt invectives , his contempt as well as abhorrence for ſuch im-.

pious and tyrannical governors. His offence, according to the
mildeſt laws, amounted to treaſon, and deferved death. And if it

153 Many ages afterwards, Edward I. prac- See Hume's Hiftory of England, vol. ii. p..
tifed, with great fuccefs, the fame mode of 300, laft 4to edition.
perfecution against the clergy of England .
be
 OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 685

be true that he was a perſon of rank and education , thofe circum- CHAP .
XVI.
ftances could ferve only to aggravate his guilt. He was burnt, or

rather roafted, by a flow fire ; and his executioners, zealous to re-

venge the perfonal infult which had been offered to the emperors ,
exhauſted every refinement of cruelty, without being able to fubdue

his patience, or to alter the fteady and infulting fmile which in his
dying agonies he ſtill preſerved in his countenance. The Chriſtians ,

though they confeffed that his conduct had not been ftrictly con-

formable to the laws of prudence, admired the divine fervour of his

zeal ; and the exceffive commendations which they laviſhed on the

memory of their hero and martyr, contributed to fix a deep im-
154
preffion of terror and hatred in the mind of Diocletian "*.

His fears were foon alarmed by the view of a danger from which Fire of the
palace of Ni-
he very narrowly eſcaped. Within fifteen days the palace of Nico- comedia im-
puted to the
media, and even the bedchamber of Diocletian , were twice in flames ; Chriftians.

and though both times they were extinguished without any material

damage, the fingular repetition of the fire was juftly confidered as

an evident proof that it had not been the effect of chance or ne-

gligence. The fufpicion naturally fell on the Chriſtians ; and it

was ſuggeſted , with fome degree of probability, that thoſe defpe-

rate fanatics, provoked by their preſent fufferings, and apprehenſive

of impending calamities, had entered into a confpiracy with their

faithful brethren, the eunuchs of the palace, against the lives of

two emperors, whom they detefted as the irreconcilable enemies of

the church of God. Jealoufy and refentment prevailed in every

breaft, but eſpecially in that of Diocletian. A great number of

perfons, diftinguiſhed either by the offices which they had filled, or

by the favour which they had enjoyed, were thrown into prifon..

154 Lactantius only calls him quidam, etfi to mention his name ; but the Greek cele
non recte, magno tamen animo, & c. c. 12. brate his memory under that of John . See
Eufebius ( 1. viii . c. 5. ) adorns him with fe- Ti lemont, Memoires Ecclefiaftiques, tom . v.
cular honours. Neither have condefcended part ii. p. 320.
Every
686 THE DECLINE AND FALL

CHAP. Every mode of torture was put in practice, and the court, as well
XVI. 155
པར་ང་ལུང་མགཞནང་ བཅད།།་ །། as city, was polluted with many bloody executions "" . But as it

was found impoffible to extort any diſcovery of this myſterious

tranſaction , it ſeems incumbent on us either to preſume the inno-

cence, or to admire the reſolution , of the ſufferers. A few days after-

wards Galerius haftily withdrew himſelf from Nicomedia, declaring,

that if he delayed his departure from that devoted palace, he ſhould

fall a facrifice to the rage of
of the Chriftians. The ecclefiaftical hif-

torians, from whom alone we derive a partial and imperfect know-

ledge of this perfecution , are at a lofs how to account for the fears
and danger of the emperors. Two of theſe writers, a Prince and a

Rhetorician , were eye-witneffes of the fire of Nicomedia. The one

afcribes it to lightning, and the divine wrath ; the other affirms, that
it was kindled by the malice of Galerius himſelf ¹ •
Execution of
As the edict againſt the Chriftians was defigned for a general law
the first edict.
of the whole empire, and as Diocletian and Galerius, though they

might not wait for the confent, were affured of the concurrence,

of the weſtern princes, it would appear more confonant to our ideas

of policy, that the governors of all the provinces fhould have

received ſecret inſtructions to publiſh, on one and the fame day,

this declaration of war within their refpective departments. It

was at leaſt to be expected , that the convenience of the public high-

ways and eſtabliſhed pofts would have enabled the emperors to

tranfmit their orders with the utmoft difpatch from the palace of Nico-

media to the extremities of the Roman world ; and that they would

not have fuffered fifty days to elapfe, before the edict was publiſhed

155 Lactantius de M. P. c . 13 , 14. Poten- cal manner, the horrid ſcenes which were
tiffimi quondam Eunuchi necati , per quos Pa acted even in the Imperial prefence.
latium et ipfe conftabat. Eufebius ( 1. viii. 196 See Lactantius , Eufebius, and Conftan
c. 6. ) mentions the cruel extortions of the tine, ad Cætum San& torum , c. 25. Eufe-
eunuchs, Gorgonius and Dorotheus, and of bius confeffes his ignorance of the cause of
Anthimius, bishop of Nicomedia ; and both the fire.
thoſe writers defcribe, in a vague but tragi-
4 in
 OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE.. 687

in Syria, and near four months before it was fignified to the cities "CHA P.
XVI.
157
of Africa ¹ . This delay may perhaps be imputed to the cautious

temper of Diocletian, who had yielded a reluctant confent to the

meaſures of perſecution , and who was defirous of trying the ex-

periment under his more immediate eye, before he gave way to

the diſorders and difcontent which it muſt inevitably occafion in

the diſtant provinces. At firſt , indeed, the magiſtrates were re-

ftrained from the effufion of blood ; but the ufe of every other

feverity was permitted and even recommended to their zeal ; nor

could the Chriftians, though they cheerfully refigned the ornaments

of their churches , refolve to interrupt their religious affemblies ,

or to deliver their facred books to the flames. The pious obftinacy

of Felix, an African bifhop, appears to have embarraffed the fub-

ordinate miniſters of the government. The curator of his city fent

him in chains to the proconful. The proconful tranſmitted him to

the Prætorian præfect of Italy ; and Felix, who difdained even to

give an evaſive anfwer, was at length beheaded at Venufia, in

Lucania, a place on which the birth of Horace has conferred
158
".
fame " This precedent, and perhaps fome Imperial reſcript , which
was iffued in confequence of it, appeared to authorize the gover-
nors of provinces, in puniſhing with death the refufal of the Chrift-
ians to deliver up their facred books. There were undoubtedly

many perfons who embraced this opportunity of obtaining the crown

of martyrdom ; but there were likewife too many who purchaſed

an ignominious life, by difcovering and betraying the holy fcripture

into the hands of infidels. A great number even of biſhops and

prefbyters acquired, by this criminal compliance, the opprobrious

epithet of Traditors ; and their offence was productive of much-

157 Tillemont, Memoires Ecclefiaft . tom.v.
part i . p. 43 .
158 See the Acta Sincera of Ruinart, p. 353 ;
thofe of Felix of Thibara, or Tibiur, ap-
pear much lefs corrupted than in the other
editions, which afford a lively fpecimen of
legendary licence .
prefent
683 THE DECLINE AND FALL

CHAP.
XVI. prefent fcandal, and of much future difcord, in the African
159
Church ' . "

Demolition The copies, as well as the verfions of fcripture, were already fo

of the
churches. multiplied in the empire, that the moſt ſevere inquifition could no
longer be attended with any fatal confequences ; and even the
facrifice of thoſe volumes, which, in every congregation , were pre-

ferved for public ufe, required the confent of fome treacherous and
unworthy Chriſtians . But the ruin of the churches was eaſily

effected by the authority of the government, and by the labour

of the Pagans. In fome provinces, however, the magiftrates con-

tented themſelves with fhutting up the places of religious worship .

In others, they more literally complied with the terms of the

edit ; and after taking away the doors, the benches, and the pulpit,

which they burnt, as it were in a funeral pile, they completely

demoliſhed the remainder of the edifice . It is perhaps to this

melancholy occafion , that we fhould apply a very remarkable ſtory,

which is related with fo many circumftances of variety and impro-

bability, that it ſerves rather to excite than to fatisfy our curiofity.

In a ſmall town in Phrygia, of whofe name as well as fituation

we are left ignorant, it fhould feem , that the magiftrates and the

body of the people had embraced the Chriſtian faith ; and as ſome

reſiſtance might be apprehended to the execution of the edict , the

governor of the province was fupported by a numerous detach-

ment of legionaries. On their approach the citizens threw them-

felves into the church, with the refolution either of defending

by arms that facred edifice , or of periſhing in its ruins. They

159 See the first book of Optatus of Milevis
againſt the Donatifts at Paris, 1700. Edit.
Dupin . He lived under the reign of Valens.
160 The ancient monuments , publiſhed at
the end of Optatus, p . 261 , &c . defcribe, in
a very circumftantial manner, the proceed-
ings of the governors in the deftruction of
churches. They made a minute inventory of
the plate, &c . which they found in them .
That of the church of Cirta, in Numidia, is
ftill extant . It confifted of two chalices of
gold, and fix of filver ; fix urns, one kettle,
feven lamps , all likewiſe of filver ; befides a
large quantity of brafs utenfils, and wearing
apparel.

indignantly
 OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 689

indignantly rejected the notice and permiffion which was given them, CHAP
XVI.
to retire, till the foldiers, provoked by their obftinate refuſal, ſet fire

to the building on all fides , and confumed, by this extraordinary

kind of martyrdom , a great number of Phrygians, with their wives

and children 161.

Some flight difturbances, though they were fuppreffed almoſt as Subfequent

edicts.
foon as excited, in Syria and the frontiers of Armenia , afforded the

enemies of the church a very plaufible occafion to infinuate, that thoſe

troubles had been fecretly fomented by the intrigues of the bishops ,

who had already forgotten their oftentatious profeffions of paffive

and unlimited obedience 162. The refentment, or the fears, of

Diocletian, at length tranfported him beyond the bounds of mode-

ration , which he had hitherto preſerved, and he declared , in a feries

of cruel edicts, his intention of aboliſhing the Chriſtian name. By

the firſt of theſe edicts, the governors of the provinces were directed

to apprehend all perfons of the ecclefiaftical order ; and the priſons,

deftined for the vileft criminals, were foon filled with a multi-

tude of biſhops, prefbyters, deacons, readers, and exorcifts. By

a fecond edict, the magiftrates were commanded to employ every

method of feverity, which might reclaim them from their odious

fuperftition, and oblige them to return to the eſtabliſhed worſhip

of the gods. This rigorous order was extended, by a fubfequent

161 Lactantius ( Inftitut . Divin . v. 11. ) con-
fines the calamity to the conventiculum, with
its congregation . Eufebius ( viii . 11. ) extends
ง it to a whole city, and introduces fomething
very like a regular fiege . His ancient Latin
tranflator, Rufinus, adds the important cir-
cumftance of the permiffion given to the in-
habitants of retiring from thence. As Phry-
gia reached to the confines of Iſauria , it is
poffible that the reſtleſs temper ofthofe inde-
pendent Barbarians may have contributed to
this misfortune .
T
162 Eufebius, 1. viii . c. 6. M. de Valois
(with fome probability ) thinks that he has
difcovered the Syrian rebellion in an oration
of Libanius ; and that it was a rafh attempt
of the tribune Eugenius , who with only five
hundred men ſeized Antioch, and might per-
haps allure the Chriftians by the promiſe of
religious toleration . From Eufebius ( 1. ix.
c. 8. ) as well as from Mofes of Chorene
(Hift. Armen . 1. ii . c . 77, &c. ) it may be in-
ferred, that Chriftianity was already intro-
duced into Armenia.

VOL. I. 4 T edict,
营
 THE DECLINE AND FALL
690

CHAP. edict, to the whole body of Chriftians, who were expofed to a vio-
XVI. 263
lent and general perfecution " 3. Inftead of thoſe falutary reſtraints,

which had required the direct and folemn teftimony of an accuſer,

it became the duty as well as the intereft of the Imperial officers, to

diſcover, to purſue, and to torment, the moſt obnoxious among the

faithful. Heavy penalties were denounced againſt all who ſhould

prefume to fave a profcribed fectary from the juft indignation of the

gods, and of the emperors. Yet, notwithſtanding the ſeverity of

this law, the virtuous courage of many of the Pagans, in concealing

their friends or relations, affords an honourable proof, that the rage
of fuperftition had not extinguiſhed in their minds the fentiments of

nature and humanity 164.•

General idea Diocletian had no fooner publiſhed his edicts againſt the Chriſt-

of the perfe- ians,

cution than, as if he had been defirous of committing to other

hands the work of perſecution , he divefted himſelf of the Imperial

purple. The character and fituation of his colleagues and fucceffors

fometimes urged them to enforce, and ſometimes inclined them

to fufpend, the execution of theſe rigorous laws ; nor can we ac-

quire a juft and diftinct idea of this important period of eccle-

fiaftical history, unleſs we feparately confider the ftate of Chriſt-

ianity, in the different parts of the empire, during the ſpace of

ten years, which elapfed between the firft edicts of Diocletian, and

the final peace of the church.

in the weſtern The mild and humane temper of Conftantius was averfe to the
provinces un-
der Conftan- oppreffion of any part of his fubjects. The principal offices of his.
tius and Con-
ftantine ; palace were exerciſed by Chriſtians. He loved their perfons, efteemed

their fidelity, and entertained not any diflike to their religious prin-
ciples. But as long as Conftantius remained in the fubordinate:

153 See Mofheim, p . 938 ; the text of Eu- moft obftinate Chriftians, as an example to
febius very plainly thews, that the governors, their brethren .
whoſe powers were enlarged, not reftrained , 164 Athanafius , p. 833. ap. Tillemont,
by the new laws , could punish with death the Mem. Ecclefiaft . tom. v. part i . p. 90 .
6 ftation
 OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 紧
691

ftation of Cæfar, it was not in his power openly to reject the edicts CHA P.
XVI.
of Diocletian , or to difobey the commands of Maximian. His

authority contributed , however, to alleviate the fufferings which he

pitied and abhorred. He confented , with reluctance, to the ruin of

the churches ; but he ventured to protect the Chriſtians themſelves

from the fury of the populace , and from the rigour of the laws.

The provinces of Gaul (under which we may probably include thoſe

of Britain) were indebted for the fingular tranquillity which they

enjoyed, to the gentle interpofition of their fovereign 65.• But

Datianus, the preſident or governor of Spain , actuated either by zeal

or policy, chofe rather to execute the public edicts of the emperors,

than to underſtand the fecret intentions of Conftantius ; and it can

fcarcely be doubted, that his provincial adminiſtration was ſtained

with the blood of a few martyrs 16. The elevation of Conftantius

to the fupreme and independent dignity of Auguftus, gave a free

ſcope to the exercife of his virtues, and the fhortneſs of his reign

did not prevent him from eſtabliſhing a fyftem of toleration, of

which he left the precept and the example to his fon Conftantine.
His fortunate fon, from the first moment of his acceffion , de-
claring himſelf the protector of the church, at length deferved the ap-

pellation of the firſt emperor, who publicly profeſſed and eſtabliſhed

the Chriſtian religion . The motives of his converfion , as they may

variouſly be deduced from benevolence, from policy, from convic-

165 Eufebius, 1. viii. c. 13. Lactantius de
M. P. c. 15. Dodwell (Differtat . Cyprian .
xi. 75. ) repreſents them as inconfiftent with
each other. But the former evidently fpeaks
of Conftantius in the ftation of Cæfar, and
the latter of the fame prince in the rank of
Auguftus.
166 Datianus is mentioned in Gruter's In-
fcriptions, as having determined the limits be-
tween the territories of Pax Julia, and thofe
of Ebora, both cities in the fouthern part of
Lufitania. If we recollect the neighbourhood
of thofe places to Cape St. Vincent, we may
fufpe &t that the celebrated deacon and martyr
of that name has been inaccurately affigned
by Prudentius, &c. to Saragoffa , or Valen-
tia. See the pompous hiftory of his ſuffer-
ings , in the Memoires de Tillemont, tom . v.
part ii . p . 58-85. Some critics are of opi-
nion, that the department of Conftantius, as
Cæfar, did not include Spain, which ftill
continued under the immediate juriſdiction
of Maximian .

4 T 2 tion,
33
692 THE DECLINE AND FALL

CHAP. tion, or from remorfe ; and the progrefs of the revolution , which,
XVI.
under his powerful influence, and that of his fons , rendered Chriſt-

ianity the reigning religion of the Roman empire, will form a very
interefting and important chapter in the fecond volume of this

hiftory. At prefent it may be fufficient to obferve, that every

victory of Conftantine was productive of fome relief or benefit to
the church.
in Italy and
The provinces of Italy and Africa experienced a fhort but vio-
Africa, under
Maximian lent perfecution. The rigorous edicts of Diocletian were ftriatly
and Severus ;
and cheerfully executed by his affociate Maximian , who had long

hated the Chriftians, and who delighted in acts of blood and

violence. In the autumn of the firft year of the perfecution, the

two emperors met at Rome to celebrate their triumph ; feveral

oppreffive laws appear to have iffued from their fecret confultations,

and the diligence of the magiftrates was animated by the prefence

of their fovereigns. After Diocletian had divefted himſelf of the

purple, Italy and Africa were administered under the name of

Severus, and were expofed, without defence , to the implacable refent-

ment of his maſter Galerius. Among the martyrs of Rome, Adauc-

"
tus deſerves the notice of pofterity. He was of a noble family in

Italy, and had raiſed himſelf, through the fucceffive honours of the

palace, to the important office of treaſurer of the private demefnes.

Adauctus is the more remarkable for being the only perfon of rank

and diftinction who appears to have fuffered death, during the whole
courfe of this general perfecution 167.
under Max-
The revolt of Maxentius immediately reftored peace to the
entius ;
churches of Italy and Africa ; and the fame tyrant who oppreffed

every other clafs of his fubjects, fhewed himself juft, humane, and

even partial, towards the afflicted Chriftians. He depended on

their gratitude and affection, and very naturally prefumed , that the

167 Eufebius, 1. viii . c. 11. Gruter, In- taken the office of Adauctus, as well as the
fcript. p. 1171. No. 18. Rufinus has mif- place cf his martyrdom.
injuries
 OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 693

injuries which they had fuffered, and the dangers which they ftill CHA P.
XVI.
apprehended from his moſt inveterate enemy, would fecure the

fidelity of a party already confiderable by their numbers and opu-

lence 16 • Even the conduct of Maxentius towards the bishops of

Rome and Carthage, may be confidered as the proof of his tolera-

tion, fince it is probable that the moſt orthodox princes would adopt

the ſame meaſures with regard to their eſtabliſhed clergy. Mar-

cellus, the former of thofe prelates, had thrown the capital into.

confufion, by the fevere penance which he impofed on a great

number of Chriftians, who, during the late perfecution , had re-

nounced or diffembled their religion. The rage of faction broke.

out in frequent and violent feditions ; the blood of the faithful was

ſhed by each other's hands, and the exile of Marcellus , whofe pru-
dence feems to have been lefs eminent than his zeal, was found to

be the only meaſure capable of reſtoring peace to the distracted

church of Rome 169. The behaviour of Menfurius, bishop of Car-

thage, appears to have been ftill more reprehenfible. A deacon of

that city had publiſhed a libel againſt the emperor. The offender

took refuge in the epifcopal palace, and though it was fomewhat

early to advance any claims of ecclefiaftical immunities, the biſhop

refuſed to deliver him up to the officers of juftice. For this treaſon-

able refiftance, Menfurius was fummoned to court, and inſtead of

168 Eufebius , 1. viii . c . 14. But as Max- Veridicus rector lapfis quia crimina flere
entius was vanquished by Conftantine, it Prædixit miferis , fuit omnibus hoftis amarus .
fuited the purpofe of Lactantius to place Hinc furor, hinc odium ; fequitur difcordia, 2
his death among thofe of the perfecu- lites,
tors.. Seditio, cædes ; folvuntur fœdera pacis.
169 The epitaph of Marcellus is to be found . Crimen ob alterius, Chriftum qui in pace.
in Gruter, Infcript . p. 1172. No. 3. and it negavit
contains all that we know of his hiftory. Mar- Finibus expulfus patriæ eft feritate Tyranni .
cellinus and Marcellus, whofe names follow Hæc breviter Damafus voluit comperta re-
in the list of popes, are fuppofed by many ferre :
critics to be different perfons ; but the learned Marcelli populus meritum cognofcere poffet..
Abbé de Longuerre was convinced that they We may obferve that Damaſus was made bi-
were one and the fame. fhop of Rome, A. D. 366.

receiving
694 THE DECLIN AND FALL
E

CHAP.
XVI. receiving a legal fentence of death or baniſhment, he was permitted,
after a fhort examination , to return to his diocefe " . Such

was the happy condition of the Chriftian fubjects of Maxentius,

that whenever they were defirous of procuring for their own uſe

any bodies of martyrs, they were obliged to purchaſe them from

the moſt diſtant provinces of the Eaft. A ſtory is related of Aglae,

a Roman lady, defcended from a confular family, and poffeffed of

fo ample an eſtate, that it required the management of ſeventy-three

ftewards. Among thefe, Boniface was the favourite of his miſtreſs ;

and as Aglae mixed love with devotion, it is reported that he was

admitted to ſhare her bed . Her fortune enabled her to gratify the

pious defire of obtaining fome facred relics from the Eaſt. She

intrufted Boniface with a confiderable fum of gold, and a large

quantity of aromatics ; and her lover, attended by twelve horſemen

and three covered chariots, undertook a remote pilgrimage, as far
as Tarfus in Cilicia " .
in Illyricum
and the East The fanguinary temper of Galerius, the firft and principal au-
under Ga- thor of the perfecution , was formidable to thofe Chriſtians, whom
lerius and
Maximian . their misfortunes had placed within the limits of his dominions ;

and it may fairly be prefumed, that many perfons of a middle rank,

who were not confined by the chains either of wealth or of poverty,

very frequently deſerted their native country , and fought a refuge

in the milder climate of the Weft. As long as he commanded only

the armies and provinces of Illyricum , he could with difficulty either

find or make a confiderable number of martyrs, in a warlike country,

which had entertained the miffionaries of the goſpel with more

coldnefs and reluctance than any other part of the empire " . But

170 Optatus contr. Donatift. 1. i . c. 17, 18 .
171 The Acts ofthe Paffion of St. Boniface ,
which abound in miracles and declamation ,
are published by Ruinart (p. 283-291 . ) ,
both in Greek and Latin, from the authority
of very ancient manufcripts.
72 During the four first centuries, there
exift few traces of either bishops or bishoprics
in the weſtern Illyricum . It has been thought
probable that the primate of Milan extended
his jurifdiction over Sirmium , the capital of
that great province . See the Geographia
Sacra of Charles de St. Paul, p. 68-76 . with
the obfervations of Lucas Holftenius.
when
 OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 695

when Galerius had obtained the fupreme power and the government CHA
XVI. P.
of the Eaſt, he indulged in their fullest extent his zeal and cruelty,

not only in the provinces of Thrace and Aſia, which acknowledged

his immediate jurifdiction ; but in thofe of Syria, Paleſtine, and

Egypt, where Maximin gratified his own inclination , by yielding a

173
rigorous obedience to the ftern commands of his benefactor "". The

frequent difappointments of his ambitious views , the experience of

fix years of perfecution, and the falutary reflections which a lingering

and painful diftemper fuggefted to the mind of Galerius, at length

convinced him that the moſt violent efforts of defpotifm are infuffi-
cient to extirpate a whole people, or to fubdue their religious preju-

dices. Defirous of repairing the miſchief that he had occafioned , he

publiſhed in his own name, and in thofe of Licinius and Conftantine, -

a general edict, which, after a pompous recital of the Imperial titles,

proceeded in the following manner :

" Among the important cares which have occupied our mind for Galeriua
publishes an
" the utility and prefervation of the empire, it was our intention to edit of to-
leration .
" correct and re-eſtabliſh all thing according to the ancient laws
" and public difcipline of the Romans. We were particularly

" defirous of reclaiming, into the way of reafon and nature, the

" deluded Chriftians, who had renounced the religion and cere-

" monies inftituted by their fathers ; and prefumptuouſly defpifing

" the practice of antiquity, had invented extravagant laws and

46
opinions according to the dictates of their fancy, and had col-
" lected a various fociety from the different provinces of our em-
66
pire. The edicts which we have publiſhed to enforce the wor-

" fhip of the gods, having expofed many of the Chriftians to danger .

and diftrefs, many having fuffered death, and many more, who

173 The viiith book of Eufebius , as well as mentations with which Lactantius opens the
the fupplement concerning the martyrs of Pa- vth book of his Divine Inftitutions, allude to
leftine, principally relate to the perfecution of their cruelty.
Galerius and Maximin. The general la-
" fill
695 THE DECLINE AND FALL

CHAP
XVI. . " ſtill perfift in their impious folly, being left deftitute of any
66
public exerciſe of religion , we are difpofed to extend to thoſe

" unhappy men the effects of our wonted clemency. We permit

" them therefore freely to profefs their private opinions, and

66 to affemble in their conventicles without fear or moleftation ,
CC
provided always that they preferve a due refpect to the eſtabliſhed

" laws and government. By another refcript we ſhall fignify our

" intentions to the judges and magiftrates ; and we hope that our
" indulgence will engage the Chriftians to offer up their prayers to

" the deity whom they adore, for our fafety and proſperity, for
174 99
" their own , and for that of the republic " . " It is not uſually in
the language of edicts and manifeftos, that we fhould fearch for the

real character or the ſecret motives of princes ; but as theſe were the

words of a dying emperor, his fituation , perhaps , may be admitted as

a pledge of his fincerity.

Peace of the When Galerius fubfcribed this edict of toleration, he was well
church.
affured that Licinius would readily comply with the inclinations of

his friend and benefactor, and that any meaſures in favour of the

Chriſtians, would obtain the approbation of Conftantine. But the

emperor would not venture to infert in the preamble the name of

Maximin, whofe confent was of the greateſt importance, and who

fucceeded a few days afterwards to the provinces of Afia. In the

first fix months, however, of his new reign, Maximin affected to

adopt the prudent counfels of his predeceffor ; and though he never

condefcended to fecure the tranquillity of the church by a public

edict, Sabinus, his Prætorian præfect , addreffed a circular letter to

all the governors and magiftrates of the provinces, expatiating on the

Imperial clemency, acknowledging the invincible obftinacy of the

174 Eufebius (1. viii . c. 17. ) has given us a collect how directly it contradicts whatever
Greek verfion , and Lactantius (de M. P. c. they have juſt affirmed of the remorse and re-
34. ) , the Latin original, of this memorable pentance of Galerius.
edict . Neither of theſe writers feems to re-

Chriftians,
 OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 697

Chriſtians, and directing the officers of juſtice to ceaſe their ineffec- CHA P.
XVI.
tual profecutions, and to connive at the fecret affemblies of thofe en-

thufiafts. In confequence of theſe orders , great numbers of Chriſtians

were releaſed from priſon , or delivered from the mines. The con-

feffors, finging hymns of triumph, returned into their own coun-

tries ; and thoſe who had yielded to the violence of the tempeft,
folicited with tears of repentence their re-admiffion into the boſom
of the church "
".

But this treacherous calm was of fhort duration, nor could the Maximin
prepares to
Chriſtians of the Eaſt place any confidence in the character of their renew the
perfecution.
fovereign. Cruelty and ſuperſtition were the ruling paffions of the
foul of Maximin. The former fuggefted the means, the latter

pointed out the objects, of perfecution . The emperor was devoted

to the worſhip of the gods, to the ſtudy of magic, and to the be-
lief of oracles. The prophets or philofophers, whom he revered as

the favourites of heaven, were frequently raiſed to the government

of provinces, and admitted into his moft fecret councils. They

eafily convinced him , that the Chriftians had been indebted for their

victories to their regular diſcipline, and that the weakneſs of poly-

theiſm had principally flowed from a want of union and fubordi-

nation among the minifters of religion. A fyftem of government

was therefore inftituted , which was evidently copied from the policy

of the church. In all the great cities of the empire, the temples

were repaired and beautified by the order of Maximin ; and the of-

ficiating prieſts of the various deities were ſubjected to the authority

of a fuperior pontiff, deftined to oppoſe the bishop, and to pro-

mote the cauſe of paganiſm. Theſe pontiffs acknowledged , in their

turn, the fupreme jurifdiction of the metropolitans or high- priests

of the province, who acted as the immediate vicegerents of the em-

peror himſelf. A white robe was the enfign of their dignity ; and

175 Eufebius, 1. ix. c. 1. He inferts the epifle of the præfect.

VOL. I. 4 U thefe
 t
698 THE DECLINE AND FALL

CHAP.
XVI. theſe new prelates were carefully felected from the moſt noble and

opulent families. By the influence of the magiftrates, and of the

facerdotal order, a great number of dutiful addreffes were obtained,

particularly from the cities of Nicomedia, Antioch, and Tyre, which

artfully repreſented the well-known intentions of the court as the

general ſenſe of the people ; folicited the emperor to confult the laws
of juſtice rather than the dictates of his clemency ; expreffed their

abhorrence of the Chriftians, and humbly prayed that thoſe impi-

ous fectaries might at leaſt be excluded from the limits of their

reſpective territories. The anſwer of Maximin to the addreſs which

he obtained from the citizens of Tyre is ftill extant. He praiſes

their zeal and devotion in terms ofthe higheſt ſatisfaction , defeants on

the obftinate impiety of the Chriftians, and betrays, by the readineſs

with which he conſents to their baniſhment,, that he confidered him-

felf as receiving, rather than as conferring, an obligation. The prieſts

as well as the magiftrates were empowered to enforce the execution

of his edicts, which were engraved on tables of brafs ; and though it

was recommended to them to avoid the effuſion of blood, the moſt

cruel and ignominious puniſhments were inflicted on the refractory

176
Chriftians

End of the
The Afiatic Chriftians had every thing to dread from the ſeverity
perfecutions.
of a bigoted monarch, who prepared his meaſures of violence with.

fuch deliberate policy. But a few months had fcarcely elapfed, be-

fore the edicts publiſhed by the two weſtern emperors obliged Maxi-
min to fufpend the profecution of his defigns : the civil war which he

fo rafhly undertook againſt Licinius employed all his attention ; and

the defeat and death of Maximin foon delivered the church from the
177
laft and moſt implacable of her enemies "
".
In

176 See Eufebius, 1. viii . c. 14. 1. ix. c. feveral martyrs, while the latter expressly
2-8. Lactantius de M. P. c. 36. Thefe affirms, occidi fervos Dei vetuit.
writers agree in reprefenting the arts of Maxi- 177 A few days before his death, he pub--
min : but the former relates the execution of lifhed a very ample edict of toleration, in
4. which
 OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 699

In this general view of the perfecution, which was firft authorized CHA
XVI. P.
by the edicts of Diocletian, I have purpoſely refrained from deſcrib-
Probable ac-
ing the particular fufferings and deaths of the Chriftian martyrs. It count of the
the martyrof
would have been an eaſy taſk, from the hiſtory of Eufebius, from fufferings s
and confef
the declamations of Lactantius, and from the moſt ancient acts, to fors.

collect a long feries of horrid and difguftful pictures, and to fill

many pages with racks and ſcourges, with iron hooks, and red hot

beds, and with all the variety of tortures which fire and ſteel, ſavage

beafts and more favage executioners, could inflict on the human

body. Theſe melancholy ſcenes might be enlivened by a crowd of

vifions and miracles deftined either to delay the death, to celebrate

the triumph, or to diſcover the relics, of thoſe canonized faints who

fuffered for the name of Chriſt. But I cannot determine what I ought

to tranſcribe, till I am fatisfied how much I ought to believe. The

graveſt of the ecclefiaftical hiftorians, Euſebius himſelf, indirectly con-

feffes, that he has related whatever might redound to the glory, and

that he has fuppreffed all that could tend to the diſgrace, of reli-

gion "
". Such an acknowledgment will naturally excite a ſuſpicion,

that a writer who has fo openly violated one of the fundamental

laws of hiſtory, has not paid a very ſtrict regard to the obſervance

of the other : and the fufpicion will derive additional credit from
the character of Eufebius, which was lefs tinctured with credulity,

and more practifed in the arts of courts, than that of almoft any

of his contemporaries. On fome particular occaſions, when the ma-

giftrates were exafperated by fome perfonal motives of intereft or

refentment, when the zeal of the martyrs urged them to forget the

which he imputes all the feverities which the character to cenfure and fufpicion. It was
Chriſtians fuffered to the judges and govern- well known that he himſelf had been thrown
ors, who had mifunderstood his intentions. into priſon ; and it was ſuggeſted that he had
See the Edict in Eufebius, 1. ix . c. 10. purchaſed his deliverance by fome difhonour-
178 Such is the fair deduction from two re- able compliance. The reproach was urged
markable paffages in Eufebius, 1. viii . c. 2. in his lifetime, and even in his prefence , at
and de Martyr. Paleftin . c. 12. The pru- the council of Tyre . See Tillemont, Me-
dence of the hiftorian has expofed his own moires Ecclefiaftiques, tom. viii . parti. p . 67 .

4 U 2 rules
 THE DECLINE AND FALL
700

CHAP. rules of prudence , and perhaps of decency , to overturn the altars, to

XVI.
pour out imprecations againſt the emperors , or to ſtrike the judge

as he fat on his tribunal, it may be prefumed that every mode of

torture , which cruelty could invent or conftancy could endure , was

exhauſted on thofe devoted victims "
". Two circumſtances , how-

ever, have been unwarily mentioned , which infinuate that the ge-

neral treatment of the Chriftians , who had been apprehended by the

officers of juſtice , was lefs intolerable than it is ufually imagined to

have been. 1. The confeffors who were condemned to work in the

mines, were permitted , by the humanity or the negligence of their

keepers , to build chapels, and freely to profeſs their religion in the

midſt of thoſe dreary habitations 180 2. The bishops were obliged

to check and to cenfure the forward zeal of the Chriftians , who vo-

luntarily threw themſelves into the hands of the magiftrates . Some of

theſe were perſons oppreffed by poverty and debts , who blindly fought

to terminate a miſerable exiſtence by a glorious death. Others were

allured by the hope, that a ſhort confinement would expiate the fins

of a whole life ; and others again were actuated by the leſs honour-
able motive of deriving a plentiful fubfiftence , and perhaps a confi-

derable profit, from the alms which the charity of the faithful be-

ftowed on the prifoners " . After the church had triumphed over all

her enemies , the intereft as well as vanity of the captives prompted .

them to magnify the merit of their refpective fuffering. A conve-

nient diftance of time or place gave an ample ſcope to the progrefs .

of fiction ; and the frequent inftances which might be alleged of holy

*79 The ancient, and perhaps authentic, Paleftin. c. 5.

account ofthe fufferings of Tarachus, and his 180 Eufeb. de Martyr. Paleftin. c. 13.
companions (Acta Sincera Ruinart, p. 419- 181 Augustin . Collat. Carthagin. Dei, iii.
448) , is filled withftrong expreffions of refent- c. 13. ap. Tillemont, Memoires Ecclefiaf-
ment and contempt, which could not fail of tiques, tom. v. part i. p. 45.. The contro-
irritating the magiftrate. The behaviour of verfy with the Donatifts has reflected fome,
Adefius to Hierocles, præfect of Egypt, was though perhaps a partial, light on the hiftory.
fill more extraordinary, λόγοις τε καὶ ἔργοις τον ofthe African church.
δικαςτην · " Ca. Eufeb. de Martyr.
martyrs,
 OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 701

martyrs, whofe wounds had been inftantly healed, whofe ftrength CHA P.
XVI.
had been renewed , and whofe loft members had miraculously been

reſtored , were extremely convenient for the purpoſe of removing

every difficulty, and of filencing every objection . The moſt extra-

vagant legends, as they conduced to the honour of the church, were

applauded by the credulous multitude, countenanced by the power of

the clergy, and atteſted by the fufpicious evidence of ecclefiaftical .

hiſtory.

The vague defcriptions of exile and impriſonment, of pain and Number of

martyrs.
torture, are fo eafily exaggerated or foftened by the pencil of an

artful orator, that we are naturally induced to inquire into a fact

of a more diſtinct and ſtubborn kind ; the number of perfons who

fuffered death in confequence of the edicts publiſhed by Diocletian,.

his affociates, and his fucceffors. The recent legendaries record

whole armies and cities, which were at once fwept away by the un-

diſtinguiſhing rage of perfecution. The more ancient writers content

themſelves with pouring out a liberal effufion of looſe and tragical

invectives, without condeſcending to afcertain the preciſe number of

thoſe perſons who were permitted to feal with their blood their belief

of the gospel. From the hiſtory of Eufebius, it may however be col-

lected, that only nine biſhops were puniſhed with death ; and we are

affured, by his particular enumeration. of the martyrs of Paleftine,.

that no more than ninety-two Chriſtians were entitled to that ho-

nourable appellation . As we are unacquainted with the degree

of

13 Eufebius de Martyr. Palestin. c. 13 . cruelty, the moſt remote and fequeftered

He clofes his narration, by affuring us, that country of the Roman empire, he relates ,,
theſe were the martyrdoms inflicted in Palef- that in Thebais , from ten to one hundred .
tine, during the whole courfe of the perfecu- perfons had frequently fuffered martyrdom in
tion. The vth chapter of his viiith book, the fame day. But when he proceeds to men--
which relates to the province of Thebais in tion his own journey into Egypt, his language
Egypt, may feem to contradict our moderate infenfibly becomes more cautious and mode-
computation ; but it will only lead us to ad- rate. Instead of a large, but definite num--
mire the artful management of the hiftorian. ber, he ſpeaks of many Chriftians ( e. ) ;.
Chufing for the ſcene of the most exquisite and moft artfully felects two ambiguous words
Απορησάμενο
702 THE DECLINE AND FALL

CHAP.
XVI. of epifcopal zeal and courage which prevailed at that time, it is not
in our power to draw any uſeful inferences from the former of theſe

facts : but the latter may ferve to juftify a very important and pro-

bable conclufion . According to the diftribution of Roman provinces,

Paleſtine may be confidered as the fixteenth part of the Eaſtern

empire " ; and ſince there were fome governors, who from a real

or affected clemency had preferved their hands unstained with the

*, it is reaſonable to believe, that the country
blood of the faithful "

which had given birth to Chriſtianity produced at leaſt the ſixteenth

part of the martyrs who fuffered death within the dominions of Ga-

lerius and Maximin ; the whole might confequently amount to about

fifteen hundred, a number which, if it is equally divided between

the ten years of the perfecution, will allow an annual conſumption of

one hundred and fifty martyrs. Allotting the fame proportion to

the provinces of Italy, Africa, and perhaps Spain, where, at the

end of two or three years, the rigour of the penal laws was either

fufpended or aboliſhed, the multitude of Chriſtians in the Roman

empire, on whom a capital puniſhment was inflicted by a judicial

"
fentence, will be reduced to fomewhat leſs than two thouſand perfons.
Since it cannot be doubted that the Chriftians were more numerous,

and their enemies more exafperated, in the time of Diocletian than

they had ever been in any former perfecution, this probable and

( υποψήσαμεν, and υπομείναντας ) , which may fig- 183 When Paleſtine was divided into three,
nify either what he had ſeen, or what he had the præfecture of the East contained forty-
heard ; either the expectation, or the execu- eight provinces. As the ancient diſtinctions
tion, of the punishment. Having thus pro- of nations were long fince abolished, the Ro-
vided a ſecure evafion , he commits the equi- mans diftributed the provinces, according to 1
vocal paffage to his readers and tranflators ; a general proportion of their extent and opu- 1
1
justly conceiving that their piety would in- lence.
duce them to prefer the moſt favourable ſenſe. 184 Ut gloriari poffint nullum fe innocen- "
There was perhaps fome malice in the re- tium peremiffe, nam et ipfe audivi aliquos
mark of Theodorus Metochita, that all who, gloriantes, quia adminiftratio fua, in hâc
like Eufebius, had been converfant with the parte, fuerit incruenta. Lactant. Inftitut.
Egyptians, delighted in an obfcure and in- Divin. v. 11.
tricate ftyle. (See Valefius ad loc.)

moderate
 OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 703

CHAP..
moderate computation may teach us to eſtimate the number of pri-
XVI.
mitive faints and martyrs who facrificed their lives for the important

purpoſe of introducing Chriſtianity into the world.

We ſhall conclude this chapter by a melancholy truth, which ob- Conclufion.

trudes itſelf on the reluctant mind ; that even admitting, without

heſitation or enquiry, all that hiftory has recorded, or devotion has

feigned, on the ſubject of martyrdoms, it muſt ſtill be acknowledged ,

that the Chriftians, in the courſe of their inteftine diffentions, have

inflicted far greater ſeverities on each other, than they had expe-
rienced from the zeal of infidels. During the ages of ignorance

which followed the fubverfion of the Roman empire in the Weſt,,

the bishops of the Imperial city extended their dominion over the
laity as well as clergy of the Latin church. The fabric of fuper-

ftition which they had erected, and which might long have defied

the feeble efforts of reaſon, was at length affaulted by a crowd of

daring fanatics, who, from the twelfth to the fixteenth century,

affumed the popular character of reformers. The church of Rome

defended by violence the empire which ſhe had acquired by fraud ;

a ſyſtem of peace and benevolence was foon difgraced by profcrip--

tions, wars, maffacres, and the inftitution of the holy office. And

as the reformers were animated by the love of civil, as well as of

religious freedom, the Catholic princes connected their own intereft

with that of the clergy, and enforced by fire and the ſword the
terrors of fpiritual cenfures.. In the Netherlands alone , more

than one hundred thouſand of the fubjects of Charles the Fifth are

faid to have fuffered by the hand of the executioner ; and this ex-

traordinary number is attefted by Grotius " , a man of genius and

learning, who preferved his moderation amidſt the fury of contend-

ing fects, and who compofed the annals of his own age and country,

at a time when the invention of printing had facilitated the means.

185 Grot. Annal . de Rebus Belgicis, 1. i. p . 12. Edit. fol..

off
 704 THE DECLINE AND FALL, & c.

CHAP. of intelligence, and increaſed the danger of detection. If we are

XVI.
obliged to fubmit our belief to the authority of Grotius, it muſt be
allowed, that the number of Proteftants, who were executed in a

fingle province and a ſingle reign , far exceeded that of the primitive

martyrs in the ſpace of three centuries, and of the Roman empire.

But if the improbability of the fact itſelf ſhould prevail over the

weight of evidence ; if Grotius fhould be convicted of exaggerating

the merit and fufferings of the Reformers "" ; we ſhall be naturally

led to inquire, what confidence can be placed in the doubtful and

imperfect monuments of ancient credulity ; what degree of credit

can be affigned to a courtly biſhop, and a paſſionate declaimer, who,

under the protection of Conftantine, enjoyed the excluſive privilege

of recording the perfecutions inflicted on the Chriftians by the van-

quiſhed rivals or diſregarded predeceſſors of their gracious ſovereign.

156 Fra- Paolo (Iftoria del Concilio Tri- The priority of time gives fome advantage to
dentino, 1. iii. ) reduces the number of Belgic the evidence of the former, which he lofes on
martyrs to 50,000. In learning and mode- the other hand by the diſtance of Venice from
ration, Fra-Paolo was not inferior to Grotius. the Netherlands.

END OF THE FIRST VOLUME.

SILAUSAN
40
.

LIPE E
PATRRT
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185

192