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Thebes in Cilicia (5°)

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Thebes in Cilicia (5°)

Lokrians in Cilicia?

Based on the possible “employment of the sign for the voiced occlusive instead of the sign for the
voiceless aspirated one” (Brixhe 2018 1864-1865), I have assumed that βρίγκος, a fish name used at
Thebes and defined in a Hesychian gloss (β 1136) as κητώδης, could belong to the same semantic field
as *φρῖκος, “tip, spike” (Höfler 2015, 2019). The alternation ἰώνγα/ἰώγα 1 attested in Boeotian, together
with the etymological arguments presented above, makes the previous assumption more acceptable.
That *φρῖκος- may mean the same as βρίγκος, namely kētos, “any sea-monster or huge fish” (LSJ) is
far from proven, but personal names such as Βρεικίδας from Thebes (IG VII 2430) 2 or Φρικόδαμος
(Polyaen. 7.46) from Oiantheia in western Lokris suggest that the hypothesis should be tested.
There is a complete legend of Phrikodamos (c. 373 BC), 3 tyrant of Oiantheia in western Lokris
(IACP 396-397), but for the moment we can focus only on his name, which consists of two roots, 1.
φρῑκ(ο) and 2. δᾱμ(ο): “Il est vraisemblable que la référence portée ici par la base 1 soit à un nom
d’homme Phrikos, comme il en est attesté dans la région (nombreux simples formés sur cette base dans
LGPN IIIb). Il s’agirait alors du peuple, d’un dème ou d’un parti, dont le leader aurait été Phrikos.
L’individu aurait été ainsi dénommé pour indiquer son appartenance ou celle de son père au parti de
ce leader.” 4
An alternative interpretation of Phrikodamos could arise from the Boeotian PN Χερσίδαμος, 5 whose
first part chersi- can be explained if we to refer to Chersis, another monster to be tamed by
Phrikodamos. In this direction, the comparison with the Homeric ἱππό-δᾰμος, “tamer of horses” (LSJ)6
would be straightforward. In Hyginus’ Fabulae, 7 Chersis is the daughter of Phorkys, who, according
to Euphorion, gave birth to the Cilician Typhon. 8 Hyginus’ isolated statement about the third daughter
of Phorkys should not be disregarded, since Chersis was king of Salamis in Cyprus and father of
Gorgos (Hdt. 5.104.2). 9 The very fact that Chersis chose the name of a monster for a son suggests that
his own name also comes from the same semantic field. 10 Moreover, Chersias (Paus. 9.38.9-10) is the
name 11 of a poet from Orchomenos 12 whom Plutarch considers a contemporary of the Corinthian tyrant
Periander. 13
The presence of names associated with monsters such as Chersis and Gorgos in Kypros, then near
Cilicia, 14 leads me to believe that the hypothesis about the origin of GN Ketis and PN Kati from Greek
kētos deserves special attention. Therefore, I would now go further and suggest that Kiršu/Kirši,15 a
toponym mentioned in the neo-Babylonian chronicles, now identified with Meydancıkkale, could

1
Déniz (2018 150).
2
Kalléris (1988 438) compares Βρεικίδας to Φρικίδας attested in Delphi (Fick and Bechtel 1894 283).
3
Polyaneus 8.46. On the probable historical core of the legend, Lerat (1952 45-46); Anderson (1954 87-89);
Katsonopoulou (2009 265); Brodersen (2017 665-667).
4
LGPN-Ling, Phrikodamos, [https://lgpn-ling.huma-num.fr/Phrikodamos]. Cf. W. M. Oldfather, RE, XXI 1, s. vv.
Phrikeion, Phrikion, Phrikiodamos, Phrikonis, Phrikos, coll. 760-762.
5
LGPN-Ling, Chersidamos, [https://lgpn-ling.huma-num.fr/Chersidamos].
6
Il. 2.23, Od. 3.17. Cf. LGPN-Ling, (H)ippodamos, [https://lgpn-ling.huma-num.fr/(H)ippodamos].
7
Hyg. Fab. Praefatio 9. Hyginus <Mythographus> (2002 12). Chersis is in the editio princeps (Higino 2008 42 n. 28),
but usually changed with Persis after Bursian. Cf. Robert (1901); Fowler (2000 II 253 n. 49).
8
Pindar, Pyth. 1.16, 8.16.
9
“Gorgos is the only Cypriot bearer of the name in LGPN 1, and the same is true of Chersis” (Herodotus 2013 289).
10
Cf. LGPN-Ling, Chersis, https://lgpn-ling.huma-num.fr/Chersis.
11
LGPN-Ling, Chersias, [https://lgpn-ling.huma-num.fr/Chersias].
12
Moggi and Osanna (2010 433).
13
“Periander (ca. 650–585 BCE) was tyrant (sole ruler) of CORINTH between 620 and 585” (Lewis 2012). Cf. Tsagalis
(2017 271-274).
14
For a review of the evidence of contacts between Cyprus and Cilicia in the Iron Age, Fourrier (2003).
15
Davesne, Lemaire, and Lozachmeur (1987 382).

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easily derive from Χέρσις, 16 since Greek epsilon can be transliterated as i in cuneiform. 17 We know
that the king of Pirindu Appuašu sought refuge on the island of Pitussa, 18 which is certainly to be
identified with ancient Pityussa (TIB V 380). It is noticeable that Stadiasmus Maris Magni mentions
the village of Kiphison and the river Melas in the coastal section opposite the island (TIB V 309). 19
Kephisos and Melas are two Boeotian rivers that flow into Lake Kopais near Orchomenos.
It is also noteworthy that the earliest archaeological remains found at Meydancikkale, ancient
Kiršu/i, have distinctive Aegean features, such as the style of Wild Goat pottery 20 the dating of which
has recently been revised: “Les fouilles de Clazomènes ont rendu caduque l’idée selon laquelle la
production nord-ionienne n’était guère attestée avant 600 av. J.-C. Le style clazoménien de la chèvre
sauvage remonterait au milieu du VIIe siècle et témoignerait d’une évolution chronologique parallèle
à celle de la céramique milésienne. Les analyses archéométriques confirment l’existence d’un atelier
actif à Clazomènes et révèlent un second groupe nord-ionien, dont la localisation encore incertaine
pourrait être Téos, plutôt que Smyrne ou Érythrées” (Coulié 2009 39). 21
Another aspect brought to light by the field research in the ancient capital of Pirindu is a royal tomb
whose architectural structure is comparable to similar monuments in Cyprus. In particular, the style of
the caryatids, which were part of the tomb’s vestibule, suggests a dating to the first half of the sixth
century BC. 22
A GN like Appuašu, which we know from the chronicles of the Babylonian king Neriglissar, 23 who
invaded Cilicia in 557/6, could say something about his origin and about Pirindu, the territory he
controlled. 24 The inscription of Saraïdin (KAI 261) 25 reveals the Aramaic version of his name, ‘pwšy,
and also the name of his son: wšwnš. According to scholars, the two names have the -wasu 26 component
in common, which seems to indicate their Luwian origin. 27
Ϝασίων (IG IX 1², 5, 1868), 28 a GN from Halai in Opuntian Lokris (c. 550-540 BC), 29 may be the
basis for Wasiōnas. This would explain the final s of the Aramaic wšwnš, but also the fact that wšwnš
bears the same name as his grandfather in the Cilician inscription. Wasiōnas would then be a common
patronymic construction. Perhaps the name of Επυαξα (401 BC), the wife of the Cilician king
Syennesis (Xenophon, Anabasis, 1.2.12, 25), is the assibiliated version of Ὀπούντια, i.e., “from
Opous”. In Cilicia, unfortunately, the only reference to Halai is in a ktetic attested by Stephanus (SB

16
For an alternative etymology, Casabonne and Porcher (2003 133-134).
17
About the Neo-Babylonian rendition of Greek epsilon, Monerie (2014 52): “La voyelle grecque epsilon est ainsi
généralement rendue par une transcription « courte » à l’aide des voyelles -e- ou -i-. Ce flottement vocalique semble avoir
été en partie induit par le système d’écriture cunéiforme akkadien, qui laissait dans de nombreux cas la vocalisation des
signes à l’appréciation du lecteur de la tablette.” Cf. Parpola (2007 xvi): “Since e had never phoneme character in Akkadian
and later widely merged with the vowel i, it is actually unnecessary to make any distinction between them in transliteration;
the indifference of the Assyrian scribes themselves in the matter is illustrated by the fact that the i- and e- signs were freely
interchangeable and apparently frequently used as homophone signs”. In more general terms, Reiner (1973 45-46).
18
SMM 184-185, Müller (1855 483-484). “During his short reign, Neriglissar sponsored several building activities in
important Babylonian cult centers and undertook at least one military campaign. During his third regnal year (557), he
marched west with his army to Cilicia, defeated king Appuašu of the land Pirindu, and captured, looted, and destroyed
several royal cities of his, including the island fortress Pitusu; Appuašu, however, managed to avoid capture” (Weiershäuser
and Novotny 2020 2).
19
SMM 187, Müller (1855 484). Cf. Heberdey and Wilhelm (1896 98).
20
Davesne, Lemaire, and Lozachmeur (1987 360); Laroche-Traunecker (1993 19).
21
Denti (2008); Coulié (2013).
22
Laroche-Traunecker (1993 17); Traunecker, Laroche-Traunecker, and Hermary (1998).
23
Joannès (1991); Casabonne (1999); Lemaire (2014b).
24
Davesne, Lemaire, and Lozachmeur (1987); Casabonne (2004 143 and n. 605).
25
Lemaire and Lozachmeur (1990 153). Lemaire (2014a 322) dates this inscription to the end of 6th-beginning of 5th
century BC.
26
Yakubovich (2002 197-202).
27
Casabonne (2004 65).
28
Goldman (1940 428-430); Guarducci (1967 298-299). Cf. LGPN-Ling, Wasiōn, [https://lgpn-ling.huma-
num.fr/Wasiōn]. Cf. LGPN-Ling, Asiōn, [https://lgpn-ling.huma-num.fr/Asiōn]. attested at the Lydian Apollonis in the 1st
century AD (TAM V (2) 1203 V, 17).
29
IACP 667-668.

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V 135): ̣̔Αλική. 30 Nevertheless, this record is important for my line of research, because, as mentioned
earlier, Bryklikē is close to Halike.
Ὀπούντιος, Ὀποέντιος are the common ethnonyms for the inhabitants of Opous, 31 and the mutation
of the cluster -nti- to -s- can be explained by assibilation. A linguistic change that, despite the eloquent
example of Runtiya > Runza, 32 cannot be attributed to a Luwian adstratum, 33 but could be explained
differently, as Brixhe (1996 14) has noted about the Pamphylian dialect: “On a un autre exemple sûr
d’une semblable stigmatisation et du reflux de l’articulation si(:), celui que nous offre le pamphylien.
Lors de l’arrivée des colons doriens, les Achéens fortement métissés (par osmose avec la population
indigène) qui habitaient la Pamphylie prononçaient vraisemblablement si(:). Les Doriens imposèrent
une nouvelle norme, ne laissant subsister la prononciation ancienne que dans le lexique et
l’anthroponymie.”

Awarikus or Phrikos/Brinkos?
Before even attempting to bridge the distance between the two entities, I will briefly summarise the
state of research about “King Urik (Urikki, Awarikku) of Que,” “one of the tributaries of Tiglath-
pileser III, who paid tribute to him from 743, his third year” (Elayi 2017 91). After the discovery of
Çinekoy’s bilingual, the question of whether “Warika king of Hiyawa may be identified with
KARATEPE’s Awariku king of Adanawa, and further, whether either or both names may refer to
Urikki king of Que known from the inscriptions of Tiglath-pileser III and Sargon II of Assyria” gained
importance. After revisiting the question, Hawkins concludes that he finds no “compelling arguments”
to change his “original understanding of the situation: namely, that Awariku/Warika do refer to Urikki
king of Que (minimum dates, c. 738–709 BC), and that he promoted Azatiwada of KARATEPE to a
position of authority, from which after Urikki’s disappearance he was able to seat the latter’s posterity
on its paternal throne” (Hawkins 2021b 211-212). 34
The inscription (KAI 287, COS 3.55) of Cebel Ires Daği (ca. 625–600 BC), published by Mosca
and Russell (1987), introduces an unknown toponym, wrykly (line 3a), in connection with land grants
fromʾšlprn, governor of ylbš (1a), in favour of mtš and klš.
The correction of the editio princeps proposed by Lemaire (2001) 35 and adopted by Bordreuil (2010
226, 231) changes wrykly to wryky: “En effet, l’editio princeps lisait à la ligne 3B le toponyme
WRYKLY mais un examen détaillé des photographies révèle qu’il faut plutôt lire WRYKY,
«Urikkiya», toponyme visiblement dérivé du nom de son fondateur «Urikki»“ (Lemaire 2006 195).
Instead of warikliya retained by Röllig (2008; 2011 52-53), we would then have warikiya.
Nevertheless, Younger’s suggestion to analyse wrykly as wryk + ly (COS 138 n. 13) can still be applied,
as can his translation in which he considers wlwy as GN in wryk(l)y: “And furthermore, he (Asulaparna)
gave WLWY in WRYKLY to Mutas and Kulas” (3a1-3b, COS 138). 36
The distance between Rough Cilicia, where the inscription was found (Gözüküçüklü), probably at
the site of the Hellenistic Laertes (MR 2 nn. 5-6; TIB8 678), 37 and Plain Cilicia has sometimes
discouraged attempts to discover a broader historical context (Kottsieper 2001), although Mosca and
Russell had already pointed this out (1987 13) - and apparently it is a shared belief among semitists -
that the land given to Mutas and Kulas by ʾšlprn (Asulaparna), the governor of ylbš, 38 bears a name

30
TIB V 169-170, 201-202.
31
Ὀπούντιος is also attested as a PN (LGPN II 354). Cf. LGPN-Ling, Opountios, [https://lgpn-ling.huma-
num.fr/Opountios].
32
“Ρω(ι)ζις in Pisidia (the latter from assibiliated *Runza-)” (Melchert 2013 7).
33
Melchert (1987 192-195) contradicts Hawkins, Davies, and Neumann (1974 181-184). Cf. Starke (2019 618-619 and
n. 59). For an alternative explanation, Melchert (2003 135-137).
34
Cf. Hawkins (2009).
35
Cf. Puech (2009)394 and n. 25.
36
“Aber auch wlwy gab er dem Mitas (? mtš) und dem Kulas (? klš) in Warikliya (wrykly)“ (Röllig 2008 52).
37
Bean and Mitford (1962 195-196); Russell (1991 291); Stückelberger and Grasshoff (2017 513).
38
Yalbas?, Röllig (2008 52); Bordreuil (2010 231).

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“formed on the personal name Wryk, a royal scion of Kawa/Que who appears in line 8AB” (Schmitz
2018 124). 39
The temporal gap between the attestation of wryk as king in Cebel Ires Daği and kings with similar
names in Karatepe (CHLI), Çinekoy (Tekoǧlu and Lemaire 2000), Amathous (Puech 2009), Hassan-
Beyli (Lemaire 1983), Incirli (Kaufman 2007), and in the Karaman area (Lemaire 1977) suggests that
we are dealing with a dynastic name like Syennesis that was later adopted by Cilician kings. Hopefully,
we can make some headway on this controversial issue 40 by considering that a district related to wryk
(wrykly) can be traced through the GN Bryklikē, certainly in Plain Cilicia, near Adana, but because of
this proximity a good candidate to represent a district controlled by Awarikus, king of Adana (c. 738–
709 BC). Assuming this, we can use the relationship established in the Cebel Ires Daği inscription
between Wrykly and Wlwy (KAI 287 A+B:3), a toponym 41 whose meaning is still unclear 42 but which
could provide a valuable clue to the dynasty itself.
I propose to identify wlwy in wrykly with Olba, based on the Byzantine records of Valva
(Tomaschek 1891 61), Ourba, Oropi (Mango and Scott 1997 187) 43 and on Stephanus (SB IV 159),
who writes about Seleukia as follows: “Früher hiess sie Olbia und Hyria.” 44 The main reason for this
assumption is that Olba is close to Seleukia and belongs to Kētis. If the latter is the equivalent of
*Brykli-, namely wrykly, then we can conclude that wlwy in Cebel Ires Daği refers to Olba.
From Strabo’s only testimony we know that the temple of Zeus at Olba was “a foundation of Aias
the son of Teukros” (14.5.10). 45 The latter, who would later become the eponym of the Trojans
(Andrews 1965), was the half-brother of Ajax the Greater, son of Telamon (Higbie 2011). If we want
to continue the Lokrian thread, we should turn to the Lesser Ajax from Opus in East Lokris (Polinskaya
2011), who achieved lasting fame on behalf of Homer and Pindar (Hornblower 2004 168-170).
Ὀιλεύς is the father of Ajax, whose memory is preserved in dynastic names down to Christian times.
Although the Ajax remembered in Cilicia seems to be the son of Telamon (MacKay 1990 2084) and
not that of Oileus (Edgeworth 1985), the choice in favour of the Ajax Telamonius-Teucer pair may
have been dictated by proximity to Cyprus where the latter was the main figure of a nostos myth
(Tuplin 1996 70 nn. 165 and 166; Christodoulou 2014).
Οὐλιάδης (or Οὐλιάδας), Ολιατος (KPN § 1085-2), Υλιατος (KPN § 1627) 46 are popular PNN in
Caria, but also in Ionian cities. The GN, namely wlwy, found in Cebel Ires Daği, could stand for Οὐλιά-,
wlw-iya, i.e., Olbia, “the city of Oileus”. Since Ἀγυιεύς was transliterated as aguweus in the syllabic
script of Cyprus (Egetmeyer and Hintze 2012 6), we recognize that the correspondence between the
Phoenician wlwy and a possible extension of the Greek name could be punctual. If basileus is rendered
as pa-si-le-wo-se (Egetmeyer and Hintze 2012 129), then Ὀιλεύς would correspond to wo-i-le-wo. In
fact, wo-i-no stands for οἶνος (Egetmeyer and Hintze 2012 211).
The island of Nēsulion mentioned in the Stadiasmus Maris Magni (TIB V 366-367, 384), which is
39
“Then King Awariku handed over to Masanazamis all these fields (of Kulas)” (8a-8b, COS 138). “Und (da) (8)
übertrug König Awarikku (wryk) dem Masanaʾazmis alle diese Felder“ (Röllig 2008 53). Among others, Lemaire (1989
125); Younger (2018 383).
40
For the moment, without further evidence, it is impossible to go beyond what is already noted in the editio princeps
of the Cebel Ires Daği inscription: “it is tempting to suggest that they belong to the same royal house, which would thus
continue to survive for over a century in Rough Cilicia, if not in the Cilician Plain” (Mosca and Russell 1987 20). Cf.
Lemaire 2006 Lemaire (2006).
41
“Die Erstbearbeiter dachten an einen Distrikt in wrykly oder an einen Personennamen. Letzteres ist ausgeschlossen,
da es sich dann um das Subjekt zur folgenden Verbalform handeln müsste, der Satz dann aber kein Objekt hätte. Stattdessen
muß man an eine Konstruktion wie in Z. 2 denken, wo ebenfalls das Akkusativobjekt (krm zr) vor das Verbum gestellt ist.
Man muß also annehmen, daß hier noch das gleiche Subjekt wie in Z. 1 und 2 handelt und wlwy das Objekt ist, das den
beiden mit l eingeführten Herren übergeben wird. So könnte hier die Vergabe eines Lehens bzw. eines Lehenslandes
vorliegen” (Röllig 2008 53).
42
“Es ist sehr bedauerlich, daß wlwy bisher keine befriedigende Deutung gefunden hat. Die Erstbearbeiter dachten an
einen Distrikt in wrykly oder an einen Personennamen“ (Röllig 2008 53). Simon (2018 314) has lately claimed a Luwian
interpretation for wlwy.
43
Cf. TIB V 369 and Elton (2018 293).
44
W. Ruge, Olbe, RE XVII, 2399.
45
Strabo (2014 633). Cf.
46
Masson (1988); Blümel (1992 16); Adiego (2007 428); Vernet Pons (2012).

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identified with the present-day Boğsak Adası in the Taşucu Gulf, 47 could be further evidence of this
connection with Ὀιλεύς, the father of Ajax, if the name of the island is parsed as νῆσος (“island”) +
Οὑλίων (LGPN IIIb 329). Considering that Ὄλιος is frequently found as epiclesis of Apollo instead of
Οὔλιος (Masson 1988) and that the diphthong OI tends to become monophthongised (Teodorsson 1974
198-109, 202-205), OU could graphically represent the final result of this process. 48
Of course the above suggestions are just an attempt to view very complex problems from a different
perspective and well-known problems still remain, such as the puzzling initial a- in Awarikus, which
may imitate the Assyrian scribal style when adding the prefix a- to the transcription of proper names
(Eph’al 1982 (Eph'al 1982): 122 n. 415).
However, the main obstacle to assuming equivalence between Urik (ú-ri-ik) and Phrikos/Brinkos is
the idea that Hier. wa- or Ass. u- (cf. Hier. wa/i+ra/i-pa-la-wa/i- Ass. Iur-bal-la-a) may represent a
spirantized stop. However, if we go back to what Brixhe claims about the Greek development *bh >
ph > f > v: “a) conditioned voicing of all voiceless obstruents (ph > bh), b) spirantization of aspirates (bh
> v), c) spirantization of voiced stops (b > v)” (2018 1864-1865), we could look at the news from recent
discoveries in Amuq. The proximity of the voiced bilabial fricative [β] to the labial-velar semivowel
[w] might be the reason why wa- was chosen in Amuq as the Luwian transcription of a spirantized
stop. Weeden explains the alternation between P/Walistin (Hawkins 2009 171) 49 as follows: “It is
possible that the initial consonant, rendered alternately by a /p/ or by a /w/ in the Anatolian
Hieroglyphic script, corresponded to the sound /f/, or started out as /p/, as in one older inscription, and
was later lenited to /f/” (Weeden 2013 11).
The use of ú in Neo-Assyrian writing could reflect that spirantized bilabial, as shown in the
transcription of the Urartian Waisi as ú-e-si. 50 A treatment not unprecedented in cuneiform texts: the
Mittani letter (EA 24, ca. 14th century B. C.) rendered the bilabial fricative /w/ with ú (Wilhelm 2008
85). According to Simon (2012 43-44), Hittite cuneiform found the following solution to the
embarrassment ensuing from a few Hattic phonemes. “Hattic distinguishes two kinds of phonemes,
i.e., the one that is spelled interchangeably with the p/w- ligature and the one spelled only with the w-
ligature signs. Phonetically, he argues that the p/w- phoneme reflects a voiceless labio-dental fricative
[f], while the w- ligature reflects a voiced bilabial fricative [ß]. Görke and Sasseville show that the
same distribution can be found in Palaic lexemes” (Sasseville 2020 368-369). 51

Originally Published: 19 October 2023

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