The Sun-Disc in Akhenaten's Program I

The Sun-disc in Akhenaten's Program: Its Worship and Antecedents, I
Author(s): Donald B. Redford

Source: Journal of the American Research Center in Egypt , 1976, Vol. 13 (1976), pp. 47-
61
Published by: American Research Center in Egypt
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The Sun-disc in Akhenaten's Program:
Its Worship and Antecedents, I
Donald B. Redford
It is easier to describe the cult of the Disc which Akhenaten introduced in terms of what i
rather than what it is. Akhenaten, in a word, consigned to the rubbish heap far more than
ed. No mythology surrounds his god; apart from a brief period at the beginning of his
anthropomorphic depiction is permitted. The rich potential of mythological symbolism in
and magic can no longer be realized, as it is everywhere interdicted.1 Thus, the ever-growi
creative thought of an intelligent polytheism is repressed. The subtle and profound syncre
Egyptian religion which produced the Memphite Theology is viewed with suspicion and
Akhenaten's god does not absorb; he excludes and annihilates! No truth can come from any
the king; no teaching but his is to be accepted. The multifarious and mysterious world of th
so central to Egyptian religious lore, is swept away at a stroke. There is no further need f
old traditions of the mortuary cult, for the welfare of the deceased depends only on heark
the king's teaching. The complexity of the cultus, depending as it does on actualized myth
symbols, becomes a thing of the past. No cultic acts beyond the simple offering are permi
are the elaborate temples where such cultic acts were carried on. Gone, too, are the cu
the focal points of those cults. The multiplicity of divine names and the concept of divine
sequence of voluntary or necessary modes of existence are both foreign to Akhenaten
designation of the deity that is tolerated is the time-honored solar one, which has, howeve
reduced to the status of a mere epithet.
One may well ask, what is left? What was Akhenaten trying to do? The answer from his
may well have been: to teach men the truth. But what was Akhenaten's truth? He w
poured scorn on the commonly-held notion that he wished only to reveal a god who w
beneficent and universal. Amun-re had been all of that, and he was in the process of being p
The Sun Disc in Egyptian Religion Before Akhenaten
While for the reign of Akhenaten the word itn is often left untranslated, as though it had
the status of a personal name,2 the morpheme itself was originally a common noun, meaning
"disc/1 and soon came to mean "solar disc."3 Since it was also used of those circular objects
imitation of the sun and set upon the heads of deities,4 it became necessary to specify the
object as itn n hrw, "sun disc of the day"; and this in fact is the definition given to th
hieroglyphic sign for sun-disc in the Hieroglyphic Papyrus.6
The oldest example of itn known to the author is in an inventory text among the Abusir
It is listed as one of five parts of a wh-emblem (along with such others as id, "stand," dst
i'wty, "two uraei," etc.), inspected in the mortuary temple of Neferirkare in the twen
twenty-second year of either Unas or Isesi.
47

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48 JARCE XIII (1976)
The earliest well-defined group of texts in whi

although examples are fairly rare, the uses of
vehicle or manifestation in which a god or pe
person; (b) the tangible disc ornament which is
'Tower/' a hierophany in its own right.
The first use involves phrases in which a god i
in CT I, 226 f., some unruly denizens of the wo
who art in the (var. his) disc, who rulest over th
the midst of the disc!"9 The sun god is addre
disc !"10 The parallelism between the disc and th
tion between the Disc and the pre-existent su
however, is probably devoid of real significan
sun-boat: "I have made my way at the prow
himself, as this last example makes clear, can
indeed he can have "plenty of room in the mids
my place is in the Disc! Indeed how firm is my
is a conveyance, the concept of opening it to pa
sional reference to "that Power of heaven that o
In all these examples, the Disc is treated as an i
or through which a divine power works. The lat
Pursuant thereto texts speak of "Re who is in h
Disc."19 But in all cases, Re is never confused w
ment of concreteness that seems inherent in the
referred to above, as the term for the disc-headd
But, as in the case of other potent symbols, the
to graduate to the status of individualized de
religion, deities are distinct from merely poten
latter to the former as non-personalized agents
tian feels that the potency with which a religio
and not a god behind the scenes, he treats it as
the attributes of a person. A cult object is "pers
its own will. While the word itn is sometimes f
taken as indicating a tendency towards perso
463, designed to "present a man to the counc
moment, who guides Re through difficult paths
his visible disc is plain, even though the latter s
A few passages in the CT associate the word tin
which is certainly to be expected. A passage ref
Disc" is followed by a reference to "Re, the lord
where, the uraeus is alluded to in the locution "
the disc of //to";23 and in a passage in which th
speaker identifies with the cognate term ihhw,
fascinated, if a little mystified, by the idea of
ancestors had abstracted from experience. Th
a "light as (that of?) faience at the front of the
of //to," as he was the lord of the Disc, and wit
were closely allied with fiery heat,29 which, ho

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THE SUN-DISC IN AKHENATEN'S PROGRAM 49
identity with Sfg-irw within the i?hw;zo and they were so all-pervasive that the ini
to take possession of the sky by means of them.31 Some of the most curious passages,
if the metaphor is to be extended, are those which presuppose the concreteness of t
iihw may be traversed, just as heaven can be crossed;32 like the light (sw), the s
climbed.33 They may also be trod upon, or their footsteps followed,34 or the stairs
upon.35 In the light of the fact that the only two concrete images Akhenaten was t
cult were the Disc and its ubiquitous sunbeams, this early fixation with itn and
objects in the CT is of some interest.
The Weltanschauung of the CT is not concerned with putting Egypt as a state i
text; but, beginning in the Middle Kingdom, the word itn comes to be used in t
phrases which betoken a universalism which dominates Egyptian imperial think
sun-disc is referred to in a phrase denoting the universal dominion of the king: "to
I) belongs that which the sun-disc encircles daily, to him is brought 'the Eye' in the
which is in her, the Mistress of Being, in the form of what she creates."36 To the sam
says: "thou hast subdued what the sun-disc encircles/'37 The term "ruler (hki) of
sun-disc encircles" has, by the Eighteenth Dynasty, become firmly established as
raoh's worldwide dominion.38 The choice of the sun as a symbol betokening the aegi
the universal dominion is enjoyed leads naturally into the concept of the physical di
being the king's progenitor. And hence, the second stereotyped phrase which first a
Middle Kingdom to denote, in high-flown style, the passing of the monarch: "the go
ascended to his horizon . . . uniting with the sun-disc, the divine limbs coalescing
begat him."39
Since, to prolong the metaphor logically, this world-king emanated from the worl
must be like the thing that produced him. The scintillating splendor of the king in
likened to the shining of the Disc. Thus, of Amenemhet III, the poet says: "He i
beams people see, he is the one that brightens the Two Lands more than the sun-disc
"glimpsed like Re when he rises, as when the sun-disc shines, as when Khepry appear
Similarly, the chiefs of Pwenet address Hatshepsut as follows: "Hail to thee, thou kin
Racet who shinest like the sun-disc, our mistress!"42 And Amenophis III is one who "
Two Lands like him-of-the-horizon, lord of visible sunrays, like the Disc."43 An
permanent and his lifetime without end, so will the king enjoy an unending exi
belongs the kingship of Re in heaven, thy lifetime being as that of the sun-disc in i
the Disc will look down with favor and will shine upon the monuments the world-kin
and those monuments will themselves "provide illumination for the Two Lands like th
The universal symbol of the monarch's world -rule was also the sign under which th
in battle. It is not surprising that the Disc should sometimes be spoken of in context
or bellicose nature; for already in the CT, the Disc is associated with that savage, fel
Sekhmet or Hathor type. The uraeus, for example, is spoken of as "the mistress of f
one, who is on the brow of the Disc . . . ;"47 a feminine nisbe, derived from itn, is i
early as the CT as an epithet of the same goddess: "the disced one of Re, his urae
his brow!"48 As the Eye of Re, the fierce uraeus goddess is associated with the
identified with it. "The Eye of Re which is upon his Disc" is found in a Ramesside te
Sphinx Stela of Amenophis II, "what his Eye encircles" is paralleled by "what the
day illumines."50 Since "the uraeus which is in front of him (the king) quells the rebe
and, since "it is the fiery one that overthrows his enemies,"52 the image of the disc
far removed. The king is "like the Disc, a Horus beloved of his army,"53 "with a
Anhur, shining brightly in the eyes like the Disc,"54 and "a runner like the Disc wh

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star of electrum when he shines in a chariot . . .

tion. Although the image of the king as the sun
out of the related themes of conquest and un
lands,"56 he is Re under whose guidance people
disc ;"57 he is "a dazzling sun-disc at the head of
ness of his strength/'58
The sun-disc as a symbol closely related to the
the sun-god and the monarch, which obtaine
versalist outlook forced on the Egyptians by
reness of the role the sun might play in Egypt
theless under the Eighteenth Dynasty, kings
with Re than ever before.59 And a concomitant
individuals to see the sun-disc throughout all et
express so frequently on the outermost parts of
During the Eighteenth Dynasty, the growing p
ance of the hymn to the sun, a popular, literar
locus classicus of the text is on the two sides of
where the deceased is depicted, facing east, in t
Tuthmosis III, demand for fuller texts had l
literature in the tomb, but also to the devel
paean to Re, placed probably on the superstruct
is discernible in some of this literature, the
recurrent themes include the light-bearing
supremacy over them; his defeat of Apophis; an
of Re when he rises on the eastern horizon of h
art Khepry, coming into being of thyself ! H
thou brightenest the Two Lands with thy ray
of heaven, risen as Harakhty-Atum whose bo
Re, at thy rising, Atum at thy beautiful sett
mother, arisen as king of the Ennead. Nut do
at all times. Thou crossest heaven with happy
is fallen, his arms are tied, and knives sever
barque has doomed him who attacked it. The
ers tow thee in adoration of thee, O thou prim
lord of what thou hast created, who emerg
forth his voice and the earth falls silent ! O s
earth, when earth and underworld existed no
During the early Eighteenth Dynasty, prior to
to think of the sun-god Re (or Amun-re) in term
creative and sustaining powers elsewhere ass
whom Hatshepsut identifies66 is described as
who completed its creation/' acts habitually a
and Hor hail is "one who created everyone and
to mankind's gaze at dawn and brightens hea
birth-form of Re, Atum, or Amun-re, now a P
the Power of heaven" says a hymn in Kheruef's
Lands with thy beauty, like heaven shot throug

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as the Disc in heaven/'69 The Disc is also the avatar of Amun: the latter is "the godly g
being came to be of itself . . . who made everything that is, emerging from Nun and rising
sun-disc."70 The common motif of the anthropomorphic sun-god riding in his daj'-barque c
be adjusted to accommodate a Disc born in the same conveyance.71 One senses that the
symbol and vehicle, the Disc, is in process of graduating to the status of an independen
a god of the same rank as other solar deities; and it is, therefore, not surprising to find an
to "thou Disc full of sunlight, who shinest every day/' among similar invocations to Ptah, A
Wennefer, Hapy, and Nepry.72
With Tuthmosis IV73 and Amenophis III, the link between the sun-disc and the king
even more explicit. If the historical scarab of the former king is genuine,74 its content un
in a striking way the instrumentality of the Disc in winning the battle, and puts the empire
at the service of the Disc alone. But even without the evidence of this doubtful piece, Tuth
stands out as a monarch identified with the Disc and other solar imagery. One of his
unequivocally refers to him as the sun-disc: Tjaneny calls himself "a trusted one of the Goo
who enters before the lord <in> holiness in the palace, who glimpses the Disc [in] his [horijzon
moment to moment/'76 A graphic illustration is vouchsafed us in an ivory armlet from a s
Tuthmosis IV which shows the king, in a tightly-curled bag wig with a large and prominen
on top, smiting an Asiatic before Montu.76 The same king's gratitude to the solar deity
plain by the Sphinx Stela and his attachment to various sun gods indicated by continu
current epithets such as "chosen of Re," "image of Re," "one who rises over every foreign c
"one who rises over Thebes,"77 "propitiating Re in the morning-barque, adoring Atu
evening-barque."78 Once in a series of statues depicted on a block from the third pylon at K
Tuthmosis IV is even shown with falcon wings and tail surmounted by his human head
the double crown!79
The closest approach to permanent popularity of the image of the king as disc was made under
Amenophis III. During his reign was coined the name Nb-tn?H-rc 'Itn thn, which was applied variously
to the palace atMalkata,80 to the royal barge,81 and to a company in the army.82 Quite literally, the
term can only be rendered "Nebmare is the Dazzling Sun-disc," not "Nebmare is the dazzlingness of
the At en," as has occasionally been suggested.83 The evidence in favor of the former rendering is as
follows: (1) The phrase is written with 'Itn before thn, and the prima facie probability is that it is
to be read in the same order. To reverse the order would presuppose honorific transposition, and
this is not attested with the common noun itn. (2) the rebus used in some sealings from Malkata is
a graphic rendering of the identity of the king and Disc that the name conveys. If itn is in honorific
transposition in the name, it would be separated in speech from Nb-tn;H-rc by the intervening thn,
and the collocation of signs evidenced in the rebus would not have suggested itself. (3) As we have
seen, the trend in the Eighteenth Dynasty up to this reign has been to identify the monarch with
the Disc itself, not with one of its attributes. (4) The expression Nb-msH-r* 'Itn thn hc fast nbt conjures
up an image best suited to the translation "Nebmare, the dazzling Sun-disc, arises (over) every
land." It is not "dazzlingness" that arises, but the sun itself. (5) In Ramesside times, the phrase
'Itn thn was certainly read in the same order in which it was written, and was a direct reference
to the Disc. In the Karnak stela of his first year, Sety I is called "a dazzling sun-disc over his army,
their hearts are confident in the greatness of his might."84 And Ramesses II is "the Moon of Egypt,
the dazzling Sun-disc of the commons, by whose rays they see."85
Although it is true that Reharakhty and other solar deities enjoy a new prominence in the mor-
tuary and offering cult during Amenophis Ill's reign,86 there is no evidence that this king built
any temple or established a cult for Reharakhty under the guise of the Disc. Maspero long ago
stated,87 with an assurance that was a little puzzling, that Amenophis III had constructed a temple

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to the Disc at Memphis.88 and another in his 10

in his accompanying note,89 where one would
himself with merely expressing his belief that
Amenophis II's temple. Several German scholars
of the inscription on Berlin 2072,90 believe t
lived to see it built.91 In actual fact, to anyo
the Berlin block is not so unusual : the figure is
of cases, the original cartouche has undergone
Of a different sort is the evidence from Theb
tau,94 and the burial of Hatiay in the same are
of the Mansion of the Disc/' and Hatiay was "sc
While Setau's burial shows traditional elemen
and calls for ' 'cool water from the materials that c
None of these gentlemen showed any aversion
nature in his interment, and this fact has led s
before Akhenaten came to the throne. As ther
mythological symbolism did not follow directl
Hatiay could have died and been laid to rest
natively, one could opt for the close of the "Am
the death of Akhenaten and the accession of
and the restored cults of other gods co-existed
evidence of the names of two of Hatiay's relativ
Century rather than to the third quarter of th
On the other hand, the name of the temple w
both views. A priori it would seem likely th
mature life in that city, and ipso facto would
Thebaid. Yet, nowhere in the texts from Amen
tional material from the first five years of hi
Theban temple. There was a temple of that nam
famous one at Amarna;100 but, if Hatiay and R
buried at Thebes? Four possibilities suggest the
Amenophis III built late in his reign; (2) a sh
a mortuary temple on the west bank) at Thebe
the Amarna temple, already planned early in t
were attached in anticipation of its completion
Tutankhamun, or Ay, begun at Thebes shortly
a close. Of the four, we have already given reas
between the remaining two, the choice is diffi
To sum up the evidence examined to this poin
Disc in Egyptian thought. Already in the C T, t
god or devotee could appear or ride, very much
possesses it, even though the deity can be born
the Disc is spoken of more rarely, but usually
eve of Akhenaten's reign, more or less on a par
Side by side with the Disc as potent symbol of
royal icon and symbol of Egypt's dominion. E
also by the age-old concept of the paternity

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THE SUN-DISC IN AKHENATEN's PROGRAM 53
powerful hypostasis of the imperial idea, visible to and easily interpreted by everyone. D
Eighteenth Dynasty, the Disc is spoken of in contexts where the king is described a
conqueror. The monarch, in his regalia of world ruler, is likened to the sun-disc; hi
are more dazzling than the sun-disc; and the sun disc looks down with favor upon his ex
monarch in fact is identified with the sun-disc: he is the sun-disc of all lands; a dazzling
the head of his army; the sun-disc in his horizon; etc.
It is interesting to note that this stream of development arises out of an extended me
smacks of literary imagery. The "dazzling Disc" as appelative of the monarch is a co
no historical or logical derivation from the sun-disc of the esoteric mortuary literature
is it connected with the figure or cult of Reharakhty, even though evidence is not lacki
reign of Tuthmosis IV, for example, of the king's obsession with the idea of the divine
If the image of the "dazzling Disc/1 coming from the reign of Akhenaten's father, wer
stream in the development which produced Akhenaten's deity, we should fully expect to
in other cultures and times would be termed a purely secular image. But Akhenate
from the outset an unexpected element in the person and name of the falcon Reharakht
The Iconography of Akhenaten* s God: Earliest Stage
In no text known to the writer prior to the reign of Akhenaten is Reharakhty associa
vocally with the sun-disc;102 but, from the inception of the new reign, the falcon-head
standing or seated,103 is everywhere in evidence. The disc on his head is usually very lar
equipped with a uraeus which hangs down and protrudes in front.104 The god's pose is t
as is his kilt. In one hand he grasps a large wss sceptre which he holds vertically in front
most frequent scene comes from the large blocks in pylon io105 and shows the king off
falcon-headed god. Then the liquid contents of vessels (pl. IV :i), a tray of edibles,106 or v
An offering stand is sometimes depicted between them, in one case holding bunche
draped over three ewers (pl. IV: 2), in another the vegetables alone.108
The falcon-headed god is not the only one invoked or worshipped during this period. H
grouped with Atum and Hathor, as in the tomb of Kheruef ;109 with Amun and Khonsu
tomb of Ramose;110 or with Osiris, Anubis and Amun, as on the statue of an official in
On private monuments his concomitant epithet differs from the one which is usually c
dactic name/' In the tombs of Kheruef,112 Parennefer,113 and on Berlin 2072 he is ntr
great lord, lord of heaven/'114 and in Parennefer's tomb he also is hry ib[. . .], "who resid
On a fragment of a door jamb in Tubingen, he is "the august god of the primordial
on the Brooklyn statue "Reharakhte the primordial, creator of all that is,"116 and on th
chief sculptor Bek he is "the living Disc, who brightens the land with his beauty."117 O
of Amenmose from Heliopolis, he is called "Reharakhte- Atum, the Lord of the Tw
Heliopolitan, the great sun-disc, the fashioner of brightness, the great god, lord of hea
like vein, a door jamb fragment now in the Sheikh Labib storeroom119 at Karnak links
the htp-dl-nsw formula with "Horakhty, the great sun-disc, the fashioner of brightnes
by "the ka of the king, the Lord of the Two Lands."120 Thus, already at the outset
although grouped indiscriminately with other deities, the Disc is singled out for empha
of its basic characteristics : (1) his creatorial nature, (2) his primordial existence, and (3)
ship with the sunlight.
In the new offering list from the Ninth Pylon,121 though the Disc is named with the
"didactic name," the offerings and the altars are ascribed to Re. The offerings(?) t
(are) upon the offering stands of Re," and "the King of Upper and Lower Egypt Ne

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Wa-en-re [institutes the offerings] for his fat

The altars in question are qualified as being lo
early in the reign, before the standardizati
discriminated against other deities, there w
sun-god, called variously Re, the Disc, or r
not inaugurate, the solar cult over wide stret
On the few royal monuments preserved from
the name Reharakhty (usually, if not always,
tin. To this epithet, a great deal of study h
precisely rendered, although the final elem
between "light" or "heat"124 which comes fro
is an approach to an abstract idea: Re-the-h
which emanates from the sun-disc.126 The fi
as essential to the message conveyed by the wh
The correct understanding of this first pa
semantic subject of hcy. Most translations
antecedent and semantic subject is Reharakht
ciate the component terms from the nuances
On the eve of the Amarna Period, during the
to be used as a name for part, if not the who
celebration of the jubilees.129 In the second y
form bhn H'y-ni-tht,1*0 which can only be re
That iht can be used metaphorically to desi
tomb of Tjaneny, quoted above.131 On the ba
for the epithet "He who rejoices in the horizo
On this understanding of the term, the divi
who rejoices in the horizon" connotes a clo
morphic falcon deity and the king. Consonan
representations of the new god from this ear
royal celebrant who faces him. Except for th
Reharakhty which Akhenaten came early to es
alter ego, the name which ends the epithet add
have likewise been inspired by the king. "Sunl
Akhenaten, who later at Amarna was to refer
The Iconography of Akhenaten's God
While Akhenaten did not subsequently conde

ment, it is occasionally found at Karnak with
(i.e. the form of the name so intimately conn
god was thus a bona fide supernal king, pa
image. Only a few examples of the anthrop
found at Karnak (cf. pl. VIII 12). Most are on
and on one at least (cf. pl. IV 13) the cartou
to a larger scene in relief in which the name
One cannot help but entertain a suspicion, th
as its original designation the didactic name e

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THE SUN-DISC IN AKHENATEN's PROGRAM 55
The exact date of the introduction of the cartouches into the name cannot be ascertained with
certainty. Nor is it sure that the writing of the name in cartouches immediately and totally re-
placed the older practice of writing it in columns or horizontal registers. One piece of linen from the
tomb of Tutankhamun, dated in year 3 of Akhenaten, still writes the name in a column;134 while
another piece with the same provenience, dated to year 4, second month of rsdmu1 (?) (or ftroyet?),
employs the cartouches.135 This evidence might, with due caution, be advanced in support of the
contention that the change from the hypothetical intermediate stage to the final stage of the icono-
graphy is to be dated no later than the end of year 3.136
Some effort to represent the god by an abstract symbol, before the familiar icon was devised, is
evidenced by Berlin 2072. Here, while on the left of the central panel the falcon-headed god appears,
on the right, the lower curve of a large disc is seen over the king's head. Two uraei flank the disc on
either side, and from them are suspended two large 'nhs. Three smaller cnhs hover beneath the disc
without visible means of suspension. This latter omission, along with the absence of any graphic
and direct relationship between the disc and the king, renders this particular form of the symbol
less satisfying than the final result of experimentation.
The Iconography of Akhenateris God: Final Stage131
The ultimate stage in the development of a non-cultic representation, towards which Akhenaten's
thought seems to have been moving, is represented by the following revolutionary changes : (1) The
falcon-headed man, as a mythopoeic representation of "Light which is in the Disc/' is replaced by
a series of long, straight, stick-like arms which splay down and terminate in human hands. (2) The
Disc is retained, but has suffered a quarter turn, so that now the uraeus is seen face-on. (3) The
cartouches, which formerly belonged to the Reharakhty falcon-figure, now apparently qualify the
Disc, and are placed on either side of it. (4) A new epithet is placed between the cartouches and the
Disc and designates the latter as "the great living Disc which is in jubilee, lord of heaven and earth,
who resides in (temple name)."
The following observations are in order. First, Reharakhty, who formerly was depicted wearing
the Disc on his head, and was thus distinct from it, has now witnessed the arrogation of his cartouches
by the Disc itself. Second, in all subsequent patterns of scene in which the king performs the cultic
act, he can no longer be portrayed as celebrating before a god. The Disc is above him, not before him,
and, moreover, is now shown full-face. The effect is to make the celebrant, the king, the focal point
of attention. Third, the new epithet, with its pointed reference to the jubilee, would seem to prove
that the stage in the iconographic development under discussion coincided with the first si-festival.138
A block from the Tenth Pylon, and, to judge by certain features of its decoration, coming from the
beginning of the final iconographic stage,139 makes the point (rather crudely) that it is the si-festival
that the Disc vouchsafes to the king: the stunted outside arms of the arc of limbs clumsily hold out
a si-pavilion hieroglyph and seated M-figures to the nose of the monarch. Fourth, the use of hry-ib,
in preference to m or some other locution,140 suggests that the Disc is not a permanent resident in
any of the structures named, but only a transient guest. His home is not in any structure, nor in
art is he depicted in a shrine: he is always above it, shining down upon it, in graphic illustration of
the dictum "heaven is thy temple."141 Fifth, the reduction of the god's emblem to a simple, non-
tangible form provides a counterblast to the prevailing involvement of magician and craftsman
in the manufacture of the god's earthly "body," his cult-image. Rather pointedly Akhenaten
refers to the Disc as "the one who built himself by himself, with his (own) hands - no craftsman
knows hini!"li2 Sixth, decoration employing the new iconography was mainly used on buildings
constructed of talatat; but construction and decoration in the larger sandstone blocks was not

103.43.162.2 on Mon, 13 Mar 2023 13:13:20 UTC
halted with the introduction of the new style. Buried
deeply incised and showing traces of colour, in whic
the royal head, delineated in a manner suggesting the
The supreme innovation of the new icon are the su
perform three functions : they extend life and prospe
celebrant, as well as to sundry other parts of his (o
caress, shelter and support the celebrant, and those
symbolism (e.g., the uraeus) ; and they take possession o
Bestowal of life, prosperity, and dominion is symbolize
sunray hands (pls. VII, X). These need not always be
sometimes the arms holding them descend to the fi
torso with the physical well-being thus symbolized. W
arms and hands of his celestial father. 143a The sunray
proffer; rather the cnh and w;s are poised between thu
in the process of being released (pl. XI: 8).
The manner in which the rays fondle and protect the
of the close tie between the king and queen and the he
down into the king's open palm, as though about to car
his hand towards and touches the cartouches of his fat
outline of his arm in a gesture of approval (pl. IX :
descend in front of him, as though protecting the pat
common arrangement of elements in the offering scen
and supporting the upper arms of the king and queen
Even more common is the motif in which the sunray
uraei on the royal headdress in protecting fashion (pls.
even hold the sign of dominion to the nose of the serp
wearing (pl. X:2).
Even though the arrangement of elements in the typ
offering to a blank wall, there can be no doubt as to t
often extends a great number of its stick-like arms in a
possessing them, debarring them from outsiders (cf. p
that is an artist's subject, the Disc's hands may be sh
of the brazier, undaunted by the intense heat (pl. V
(To be continued)
University of Toronto
1 Cf . H. Bonnet, Reallexikon is not somewhat

der misleading to speak of "derRe-
dgyptischen alten
ligionsgeschichte (Berlin, 1952), einfachen61;
Bedeutung
J. 'Sonnenscheibe'
Assmann, " in contrast
JNES
31 (1972), 146. to "der Gott Jati" (so G. Fecht, ZAS 94 [1967], 48,
2 On this topic cf. K. Sethe, NGW 1921, 106, n. 47). Generically, Akhenaten's god was the Disc;
108 n. 1. To the writer's mind, by occasionally em- his name was Reharakhte.
ploying the definite article with the word, Akhenaten 3 Wb. I, 145 : 1. Examples of its basic use are legion,
emphasized that he was describing the object he but some stress its physical (as opposed to its mystical)
worshipped, not suggesting a mysterious and latent aspect more than others. In Urk. IV, 1948:14, for
essence betokened by a formal name. The word itn example, it is used in parallelism with the moon, as
would have been classified by the Egyptians as the two celestial orbs one desires to see in the Here-
neither rn nor nhbt. One wonders, in fact, whether it after. When solar and lunar eclipses are referred to,

103.43.162.2 on Mon, 13 Mar 2023 13:13:20 UTC
itn is employed with respect to the former:

written Urk.
in the Malkata jar sealings shows a seated
VI, 123 (E. Hornung, ZAS 86 [1961], king
114; R. the
with A.sun-disc on his head holding the miH-
Caminos, The Chronicle of Prince Osorkon [Rome, feather, seated inside a simple disc conveyed on a
J958], 89). The astronomer Hor says that "I know the boat: W.G.Hayes, JNES 10 (1951), 170, ftg. 25,
course (taken by) the Disc every morning to his point E-F.
of touching'' (Berlin 14085: Agyptische Inschriften 15 CT V, 187; it is also possible that "to open" here
aud den Koniglichen Museen zu Berlin, vol. 2, 309), means a creative or inaugural act, rather than to
whereby he undoubtedly means that the varying throw open a thing previously closed.
path of the sun through the heavens during the 16 It is also at times the god Thoth who, from at
course of the year is familiar to him. Cf. also the least as early as the First Intermediate Period,
Prophecy of Neferty (W. Helck, Die Prophezeiung enjoyed a relationship of sorts with the disc as a
des Nfr'tj [Wiesbaden, 1970], 21 f.): "the sun-disc is symbol. In CT I, 230L, it is Thoth who, as son of
clouded over and does not shine so that men may see. Horus and grandson of Osiris ("son of your son"),
People cannot live when storm clouds cover it ... ." is both pupil and teacher "within the disc." The
To judge from the determinative, itn could also be passage hovers on the periphery of, but nonetheless
used of the moon's disc: cf. L. Habachi, JNES 11 is already aware of, the myth of Horus's begetting
(1952), pl. 33 (upper left). Thoth through sodomy with Seth (cf. Chester Beatty
4 Cf. CT III, 240, "Hathor with her prominent I, 12, 5ff, where the disc itself is the product of the
disc;" CT IV, 181, "that day of turmoil before necks impregnation). The motif of Thoth, as the disc itself,
had been tied and gods' heads had been copied, emerging from the god's brow to take its pi ce a at
before the sun-disc had been implanted on the horns, headdress, is reflected also in Thoth's epithet "he
or the face of Bat modelled" (the word-picture is who emerged from the brow" (cf. C. J. Bleeker,
clearly that of the horn and disc headdress). A Sekh- Hathor and Thoth [Leiden, 1973], 112), a punning
met statue from Karnak is called "Sekhmet of the aetiology on Thoth's role as judge (wpi) of Horus and
disc" (with undoubted reference to the proclivity of
Seth. Whether there is a cosmic element in the myth,
such feline deities to wear this ornament), P. E. the moon (Thoth) being a product of the union of
Newberry, PSBA 25 (1903), 221, no. 55; cf. also light (Horus) with darkness (Seth) (cf. J. Spiegel,
"Hathor . . . the Eye of Re, without peer, she with Die Erzdhlung vom Streite des Horus und Seth [Gliick-
the beautiful face, who resides in his disc:" J. Van-stadt, 1937], 58) is difficult to say.
dier, Ugaritica, vol. 6 (Paris, 1969), 494, fig. 3. For 17 Litany of Re, columns 41, 48. On ntr ts imy
the disc and horns as the most common of Hathor' s itn'f, as an allusion to the nocturnal sun, see Ass-
headdresses, see Vandier, RdE 17 (1965), 135 f. mann, Liturgische Lieder, 39-40.
5 F. LI. Griffith, Two Hieroglyphic Papyri from 18 CT VII, 21, 1.
Tanis (London, 1890), xiii, 9; cf. also G. C. Goyon, 19 V. Scheil, MMIFAO 5 (1894), 562.
Confirmation du pouvoir royale au nouvel an (Cairo, 20 Cf. the examples cited in note 4, above, to which
1972), no, n. 248. add CT VII, 256a, and ibid., IV, 34b-g.
6 P. Posener-Krieger and J. L. de Cenival, Hieratic 21 CT V, 335-
Papyri in the British Museum, V Series. The Abusir 22 CT V, 187!
Papyri (London, 1968), pl. 14. 23 CT IV, 34b-g.
6a Cf. inter alia, G. Thausing, "Amarna Gedanken 24 CT VII, 93.
in einem Sargtext," in Vorderasiatische Studien (Vien- 25 The idea of light, as opposed to darkness, seems
na, 1956), 108 fL to be conveyed by the word $w. *Ishw, on the other
7 Cf. Wb. I, 145:2; see Sethe, NGW 1921, 106, n. 1. hand, as its ever-present determinative and erstwhile
8 A little differently in R. O. Faulkner, The An- ideogram shows, was inspired by the observable
cient Egyptian Coffin Texts (Warminster, 1973), 47. sunbeams.
9 Cf. also the obscure passage in CT II, 27 (BiBo). 26 CT II, n6f.
10 CT IV, 292D-C. Cf. W. Westendorf , Studia 27CTII, 119b.
Aegyptiaca I (Budapest, 1974), 392> with references.28 CT VII, 17c.
11 On the later concept of the disc as the nocturnal 29 CT YH, i65e; cf. also ibid., II, 1121-g, " I have
form of the sun wherein the mystery of his reproduc- not been hacked by the sun-disc, ithw has not over-
tion takes place, see J. Assmann, Liturgische Lieder whelmed me."
an den Sonnengott (Berlin, 1969), 40. 30 CT III, 337b-e.
12 ct yut 267a-b; var. "I have made my way in 31 CT VII, i3n-o.
the prow of the barque of him who shines in his disc." 32 CT II, 82d-83a.
13 CT I, 209c. 33 CT VI, 89e-f .
14 CT VII, 2O7e-h. It is interesting to observe that u CT VI, 184a, b; cf. ibid., IV, 152.
the rebus with which the name Nb-miH-r* itn thn is 36 CT III, 63d; already PT no8a-c.

103.43.162.2 on Mon, 13 Mar 2023 13:13:20 UTC
36 Cairo JE 71901, line 9: A. Rowe, ASAE 39 (Boston, i960), pls. 25, 33; J. Capart, ASAE 37
(1939), pl. 25; E. Blumenthal, Untersuchungen zum [1937], 10); ir*n Rc (Dunham, Semna Kumma, pl. 29;
dgyptischen Konigtum des Mittleren Reiches (Berlin, Urk. IV, 552:10); mry-rc (Urk. IV, 551:11); s<rm i?<
1970), 199 f. ; D. Lorton, The Juridical Terminology(Urk. IV, 556:12); tit r< (Urk. IV, 552:16-17); mity-r<
of International Relations in Egyptian Texts through(Urk.IV,555:2).
Dyn. XVIII (Baltimore, 1974), l8> 37- 60 J. J- Tylor and F. LI. Griffith, The Tomb of
37 Sinuhe B 213. Paheri at El Kab (London, 1894), pl. 8; Habachi,
38 Urk. IV, 82:13 (Tuthmosis I); Urk. IV, 1293:5, Kind 18 (1968), 53, fig. 4; A. Fakhry, ASAE 42
1277: 8, 1286:5 (Amenophis II) ; cf. G. Maspero, ASAE (1943), 461!; Cairo (display) 12041; Urk. TV, 938;
9 (1909), 186; see Wb. IV, 490. 1183:15; 1483:14; 1512:19; 1635:14; 1830:19.
39 Sinuhe R 6-8; see Blumenthal, Agyptisches 61 In general, see H. M. Stewart, Bulletin of the
Konigtum, 53 i; cf. Urk. IV, 54: 15-16, and the epithet Institute of Archaeology 6 (1967), 29 ff, and Assmann,
of Tuthmosis I, "sharp-horned one who emerged Liturgische Lieder, passim; M. Debot, AIPHOS 20
from the sun-disc," in Urk. IV, 266:4-6. (1973), i8off.; also the notes which follow.
40 Blumenthal, Agyptisches Konigtum , 100; cf. nfr 62 Stewart, JEA 46 (i960), 84.
ma mi wbn itn, ' 'good to look at, as when the sun-disc ** Idem, JEA 53 (1967), 34ff.
shines," used of Nebiryeraw (16th Dyn.) : P. Lacau, 64 Berlin 7270 = Agyptische Inschriften, vol. 2,
Une sthle juridique de Karnak (Cairo, 1949), 5f. p. 193. For versions and literature, see J. Leclant,
41 Urk. IV, 19:6-8. Montouemhat, quatrUme pr ophite d'Amon, prince de
43 Urk. IV, 332:10-12. la ville (Cairo, 1961), 44 f.
43 Urk. IV, 1670:7-8; cf. Urk. IV, 1762:16. 65 Stewart, JEA 46 (i960), 86.
44 Urk. IV, 1664:18-19; cf. ibid. 348:9-10; 575:12; 66 See above, n. 53.
cf . also R. Randall-Mad ver and C. L. Woolley, Buhen 67 A. de Buck, Egyptian Readingbook (Leiden, 1948),
(Philadelphia, 191 1), pl. 19, p. 52. 114, line 2.
45 Cf. Urk. IV, 362; 391:3-4. 68 Fakhry, ASAE 42 (1943), 462.
46 Urk. IV, 357:7; cf. ibid., 1648:18. 69 Ibid., 482.
47 See above, notes 20 and 4. 70 Ibid., 501.
48 CT VII, 231a; cf. also "[Hathor(?) mistress] of 71 Ibid.
Karnak, she-with-the-beautiful-face, she-with-the- 72 W. C. Hayes, The Scepter of Egypt, vol. 2, 271,
disc-on-her-brow, on whose face the flourishing ones fig- 175; cf. A. Varille, ASAE 40 (1940), pl. 65, line 7.
are coiled:" A. Gardiner and N. de G. Davies, The 73 The desire to make the reign of Amenophis II the
Tomb of Amenemhet (London, 1915), pl. 30; for the "break with the past," as it were (cf. M. and J. Do-
goddess yItnt in Ptolemaic texts, see Wb. I, 145:9.resse, JA 233 [1941-42], 181 ff.), is based largely on
49 Cairo (display) 11853. the material of this king from the region of the Sphinx.
50 Urk. IV, 1277:8. It is probably just by chance, however, that more of
61 Neferty, 65. Amenophis IFs inscriptions than of his predecessors
52 Urk. IV, 1230. have come to light there, since it is known that the
53 Unpublished stela of a king Montuhotpe, found royal court used Memphis as a more or less permanent
by Chevrier in the 2nd pylon, and now lying in the residence at least as early as Tuthmosis I (Urk. IV,
Sheikh Labib Storehouse at Karnak. 91), and, as this reference indicates, heirs apparent
54 Stela of Sobekhotpe IV from Karnak, line 2. were even at that early date promenading near the
55 Urk. IV, 1684:16. Giza pyramids. The cult of the Sphinx, in its guise
56 J. Cerny, The Inscriptions of Sinai, pt. 1, pl. 64, as Harmakhis, was only a local one under the early
no. 196; Urk. TV, 1466:20-1; cf. also the text of 1 8th Dynasty, as Tuthmosis IV's "Sphinx-stela"
Hatshepsut, quoted by Kees in Ancient Egypt, a makes plain: "to him (the Sphinx) came Memphis
Cultural Topography (London, 1961), 270, where the and every town which was in its environs, bearing
act of creation is ascribed to the Disc; see also Lorton, great gifts to his ku" (Urk. TV, 1542:5-9). Never-
op. cit., 8f. theless there are a few isolated examples of Amenophis
67 Gardiner, apud Sir W. M. F. Petrie, Gizeh and II 's devotion to the solar deity that might be construed
Rifeh (London, 1907), pl. 27, o, lines 6-7. as harbingers of things to come. For one thing, an
58 Cairo (display) 13716; see also D. Wildung, ZAS early representation of a sort of (two) -armed sun-disc
99 (1972), 33ff.; cf. R< thn hc hprs, "a dazzling sun, dates to his reign (cf. Doresse, loc. cit.), and a curious
appearing in the blue crown," L. Habachi, ASAE 52 statuette from the reign shows the king enveloped
(i954)> Pi. 26. by a large Re-harakhty falcon (cf. Habachi, Studia
69 Gardiner, JEA 32 (1946), pl. 6:38!; Urk. IV, Aegyptiaca I (Budapest, 1974), I37^-)-
1232:15-17; 1543; cf. also such epithets as stp'n i?c 74 For the case in favor, see A. W. Shorter, JEA 17
(Urk. TV, 553:1; 1569; D.Dunham, Semna Kumma (1931), 23*1.; F. A. Bannister, H. J. Plenderleith, JEA

103.43.162.2 on Mon, 13 Mar 2023 13:13:20 UTC
22 (1936), 3 ff. ; for the case against, see H. Schafer, which see W. S. Smith, The Art and Architecture of
OLZ 34 (1931), 788fL Ancient Egypt (Harmondsworth, 1958), 281 n. 12;
75 Urk. IV, 1016:8. L. Keimer, ASAE 49 (1949), 442, fig. 16; B.Lohr, SAK
76 Schafer, ZAS 55 (1918), 35, fig. 30; cf. the motif2 (1975), I39ff.
from a panel of Tuthmosis IV's chariot (P. Krieger, 89 Maspero, L' Orient classique, 316, n. 2.
RdE 12 (i960), 57, fig. 23) where the king, symbolized 90 Aegyptische Inschriften, vol. 2, 120; C. Aldred,
by a large cartouche surmounted by a falcon's head Akhenaten, Pharaoh of Egypt (London, 1968), pl. 45.
and provided with human arms, deals the death-blow 91 Cf. H. Kees, Der Gotterglaube im alien Agypten2
to a grovelling enemy. (Berlin, 1956), 370; A. Erman, La religion des Egyp-
77 Urk. IV, 1569. tiens (Paris, 1937), I3^'> E. Meyer, Geschichte des Alter-
78 Urk. IV, 1549:3-4. tums2, vol. 2, pt. 1, 383; cf. A. Badawy, ZAS 87 (1962),
70 S. Sauneron, BIFAO 70 (1971), pl. LXIX, and 79.
see also below, n. 101. 92 There have not been lacking those who have
80 L. Borchardt, MDOG 57 (1917), 25; W. Wolf, denied the evidence of 2072, as well as the validity
ZAS 59 (1924), no; W.C.Hayes, JNES 10 (1951), of Maspero 's statement: see Sethe, NGW 1921, 105,
97, 178L; H. W. Fairman, in Pendlebury, The City n. 2; Schafer, ZAS 55 (1918), 27; Wolf, ZAS 59
of Akhenaten, pt. 3, vol. 1, 200; H. W. Helck, MIOF 2 (1924), 115; C. F. Nims, JNES 32 (1973), 185.
(1954), 2O5- For the tomb of the steward of this palace, 93 B. Porter, R. Moss, Topographical Bibliography
Nefersekheru (no. 107), see idem, MIOF 4 (1956), of Ancient Egyptian Hieroglyphic Texts, Reliefs and
i iff.; for the guard Aya, see Cairo 34087, and for the Paintings2, vol. 1, pt. 1 (Oxford, i960), 86.
guard Neb-ansu, Cairo 34055; for the scribe Pashedu, 94 Ibid., vol. 1, pt. 2 (Oxford, 1964), 688.
see Cairo 34068. 95 G. Daressy, ASAE 2 (1901), iff.
81 Urk. IV, 1737; the form here is probably simply 96 T. G. H. James, Corpus of Hieroglyphic Inscrip-
an abbreviation: cf. pr itn thn for pr Nb-miH-r* itn tions in the Brooklyn Museum, (London, 1974), P*- 73
thn, in Hayes, JNES 10 (195 1), 49, fig. 9, no. 108. (no. 283); J. Cerny, A Community of Workmen at
82 Standard-bearer Kamose: Urk. IV, 1923; cf. Thebes (Cairo, 1974), 5°*-
A. R. Schulman, Military Rank, Title and Organiza- 97 The coffin of Ta'o found in the tomb of Setau
tion in the Egyptian New Kingdom (Berlin, 1964), refers several times to "Akhetaten": ibid., 51.
164L ; deputy standard-bearer Karay, Cairo 34061. 98 Daressy, ASAE 2, 9, fig. 8. Glanville, in JEA 15
83 E.g., Hayes, JNES 10 (1951), 97f.; 98, n. 174. (1929), 6, dated the tomb to the reign of Amenophis
84 Cairo 137 16. III, but Kees was doubtful: cf. Orientalia 18 (1949),
85 G. Lefebvre, ASAE 25 (1925), 37; Kuentz, ibid., 441, n. 3.
193- 99 Cairo 34182.
86 Cf. Wolf, ZAS 59 (1924), inf.; S. Schott, Das 100 Earliest attestation in Akhenaten's 6th year:
schone Fest vom Wikstentale (Wiesbaden, 1952), 13; T. E. Peet and L. E. Woolley, The City of Akhenaten,
on the tendency in this period to view all gods as pt. 1, pl. 63: 170 (J); for discussion see H. W. Fair-
mere manifestations of the supreme world-god, the man in J. D. S. Pendelbury, The City of Akhenaten,
sun, see Sethe, NGW 192 1, 102 f. ; for the predomi- pt. 3, 191. Badawy (ZAS 87, 86) has compared the
nance of solar deities, cf. the offering scenes in Ra- enclosure wall of the hwt ps itn at Amarna with the
mose's tomb: Davies, The Tomb of the Vizier Ramose butressed temenos at Medinet Habu; and, in private
(London, 1941), pls. 6, 13; for the sun-hymn of Suty conversation, my colleague Dr. Nicholas B. Millett
and Hor, perhaps the clearest expression of solar has plausibly suggested a mortuary nuance in the
theology from the period, see most recently G. Fecht,expression involving hwt.
ZAS 94 (1967), 25 ff.; cf. also the balanced htp-di-nsw 101 Cf. the motif of the king in the costume of the
formula on the statue of the builder Hor, where falcon (bik) which was popular among the Thut-
mosids: H. Brunner, ZAS 83 (1958), 74 f.; idem, ZAS
Reharakhty who resides in the horizon, and Amunre
head the two groups of gods: J. Vandier, ZAS 87 (1962),
97 76 f.; P. Krieger, RdE 12 (i960), 37ft.;
(i97i),pl. 10. Sauneron, BIFAO 70 (1971), pl. 69; D. Wildung,
87 G. Maspero, Histoire ancienne des penples de LA II, 1 (1975), 96 f. See also above, n. 79.
V Orient classique, vol. 2 (Paris, 1897), 316. 102 The hymn of Suty and Hor, characterized as an
88 The evidence cited {Ibid., 316, n. 1), viz. the "adoration of Amun when he rises as Harakhty,"
collocation of >Imn and itn in Mariette, Monuments balances rl nfr n r( nb against itn n hrw in two formulae
diverses recueillis en Egypte et en Nubie, pl. 56b, p. 18,beginning ind hrk, apparently dividing the hymn
is by no means conclusive, as it could as easily point into two sections: I. E. S. Edwards, Hieroglyphic
to a date at the close of the A mama period, when forTexts from Egyptian Stelae etc. in the British Museum,
a time symbiosis of cults is attested. From this periodpt. 8, pl. 21. I see no precursor of the alleged Reha-
probably dates most of the Memphite material, for rakhty-Aten theologizing of Amarna (pace G. Fecht,

103.43.162.2 on Mon, 13 Mar 2023 13:13:20 UTC
6o JARCE XIII (1976)
119 See I
ZAS 94 [1967], 35ff.)> and pl.see
V:3 (block,
no no. 0713 03201; 29.5 x
necessity 70
for
cm.). That itfollowing
considering the divine names is in fact part of a door
itnjamb asis "dem
suggested,
not only
Jati untergeordnet" {ibid., by theMoreover,
36). smooth surface on theit right side, but
is deba-
table whether the allusion
also by to Horusto and
its similarity the
two other "sturdy
fragments which
almost certainly as
shepherd'* are to be understood comereferring
from jambs, viz. 0714
to03201
the
and 0713 than
king {ibid., 37 ff.). Rather 03900 (see presaging
pl. V: 1,2; both are in the Sheikh
Amarna,
the hymn to my mind looksLabib storehouse).
backwards These showed
to thecolumns of text
tendency
of the early 18th Dynastycomprising the cartouches of the
of addressing Disc, and
solar the titulary
gods and
conceiving them in terms and cartouches
of the of Akhenaten.
visible sun, the disc
of the daytime. 120 The second column, also a htp-di-nsw formula,
invokes "Montu,
103 Aldred, JEA 45 (1959), 19^, Lord pl. of 3-Thebes, the very strong,
104 I.e. the group whichKingthe Hieroglyphic
of the Gods" and again "the ks of Papyrus
the king ..."
calls "the sundisc of Re": Griffith,
121 R. Tanis
Saad, JEA 57 (1971), Papyri,
pl. 21, lines 12-13. It
xiii, 11. Exceptionally, the is unclearuraeus
whether theseems to be
"offering stands of Re,"absent:
located
cf . pl. VIII : 1 (unless this between block
Memphis and bethe Ramesside,
northern extremities which
of the
is possible in view of its provenience, viz. Luxor Delta, are all to be the recipients of the offering-
temple). menu which follows. Certainly, the first part of the
105 These large sandstone blocks, which come from list details the offering which the king instituted in
the interior of the 10th Pylon and belonged to one Memphis; perhaps this was deemed an inaugural
of the earliest structures of the new reign, will be celebration, and a prototype for the local cult centers
treated in more detail in a forthcoming publication. of the Delta to follow.
106 See pl. VIII: 2. The small-scale scene shows 122 por occurrences of the epithet in columns, i.e.
Akhenaten facing left in a sndyt, with only a slight before being enclosed in cartouches, see Davies,
paunch in evidence. Just visible on the farther side ofRamose, pl. 30; idem, JEA 9 (1923), pl. 27I1; Berlin
the offering stand is an extended arm holding the wts.2072; G. Legrain, ASAE 3 (1902), 260L; Urk.IV,
The whole is fairly traditional. 1962; M. Sandman, Texts from the Time of Akhenaten,
107 See JARCE 12 (1975), pl. ib. The accom- 147:6; R. Saad, JEA 57 (1971), pl. 21, lines 12-13.
panying formula reads "giving various herbs." In an For small objects see R. Anthes, ZAS 90 (1963), 3,
adjacent scene the king, wearing the white crown,n. 1 ; this format is common in the Reharakhty blocks;
waves the ^/^-scepter over three small, trussed bulls. for the talatat cf. pl. VIII 17.
Except for a trace of obesity in the abdomen, and a 123 See Sethe, NGW 1921, io6ff.; B. Gunn, JEA 9
(1923), 168 ff.; Bonnet, Reallexikon, 60; G. Fecht,
slight bulge of thigh, the king's figure is not a far cry
from the traditional. Cf . also pl. VIII : 3 (where theZAS 85 (i960), iooff.; Anthes, ZAS 90 (1963), 36.;
feet in the register above suggest that a wall surface W. Westendorf, Studia Aegyptiaca I (Budapest, 1974),
with scenes in panels is being depicted) . In pl. VIII :392!;
4, J. Assman, LA I, 526ff.
5 the scene of offering to Reharakhty seems to be 124 Anthes, ibid., 4-5.
used to adorn the sides of a ship's cabin. 125 Not "which is in the Disc," as this would almost
108 The fact that on the talatat most depictionscertainly
of be rendered by imy itn.
the falcon-headed god are in a small scale may find an126 Anthes' rendering (ZAS 90, 4L), which reduces
explanation if such representations are supposed to m bern'f and m $w to coordinated phrases depending on
of relief or painted decoration on walls or otherhy, founders on the variant alluded to in the following
surfaces already standing when the talatat structure note: ... r irt pi bnbn '/ n R^-hr-My m rn'f m $w nty
in question was put up. If this be the case, the firstm itn. This would seem to clinch the understanding
stage in the iconography may not be directly repre- of what follows the second m as the name itself.
sented at all in the talatat. 127 Silsileh Quarry inscription: Urk. IV, 1962.
109 A. Fakhry, ASAE 42 (1943), 459, 463. 128 Theoretically, hy could be construed as passive
110 Davies, Ramose, pls. 30, 31. participle with resumptive rn-f, thus "(Reharakhty is)
111 James, Corpus Brooklyn, pl. 74, no. 287. one at whose name they rejoice in the horizon."
112 Fakhry, ASAE 42, 459. 129 Hayes, JNES 10 (1951), 163!, 177!
113 Davies, JEA 9 (1923), pl. 23. 130 Ibid., 180.
114 Cf. H. Bonnet, Reallexikon, 61, fig. 20; Aldred, 131 Above, n. 75.
Akhenaten, pl. 45. 132 A passage in Anii (vii, 16) smacks of the trans-
115 Brunner, ZAS 97 (1971), 13. cendence of "sunlight" {pi sw): "the god of this land
116 James, loc. cit. is the Sunlight in the horizon; his images are upon
earth" (A. Volten, Studien zum Weisheitsbuch des
117 W. Kaiser, Agyptisches Museum Berlin (Berlin,
1967), no. 766. Anii [Copenhagen, 1937], I][I)- The context of the
118 Cairo 34146. passage, which is a series of admonitions on how to

103.43.162.2 on Mon, 13 Mar 2023 13:13:20 UTC
THE SUN-DISC IN AKHENATEN's PROGRAM 6l
behave before one's god, has a curious equivocal relatively early in the reign. See the writer in JA RCE
12 (1975), PP. 9#.
ring : mutatis mutandis it could be a set of instructions
on how to comport oneself before the king. In this 139 Aldred, Akhenaten, pl. 46. The following features
passage the deity is the object of offering and censing;link this relief to the "revolutionary" period of the
so was the Amarna pharaoh. The god is said to have art of Akhenaten: the exaggerated paunch of the
abominations; so did Akhenaten. He appears (hy) king, the Disc with its arms, the Disc's name within
and is carried in a portable conveyance; a king could cartouches. But the gesture of the arms in censing,
also be the semantic subject. He displays his power and the chubby face are in contrast to the vast majo-
and exalts him who exalts him-all possible predications rity of talatat decoration. I am grateful to Dr. Charles
of a monarch of the Amarna age. Rather than being an F. Nims for his discussions with me on this and other
anticipation of the latter, as some think (Volten, subjects.
op. cit., 60 ff., 116; S. Morenz, Die Heraufkunft des 140 M is only rarely found in the talatat : cf . pl. VIII : 6.
transzendenten Gottes in Agypten, 36), it seems to me 141 Sandman, Texts, 71:8; hence no cult image
the passage in Anii lies in the wake of Akhenaten. and no need for axial processional temples : A. Badawy,
133 See above, n. 105; cf. also JARCE 12 (1975), ZAS 102 (1975), 79. On one block (0106 07706) the
pl. Ib. Disc is said to "shine in the House of the Disc." Cf.
134 Cairo display no. 1229. also J. Assman, JNES 31 (1972), 147.
135 Cairo display no. 1230. 142 Boundary stela K, line 30; Urk. IV, 1971 : 12-13
136 On the assumption that Akhenaten's regnal (or "no craftsman is capable of it"?).
years began on the first month of proyet: Redford, 143 See pl. XII: 2. On the sunray arms see M. and
JNES 25 (1966), 122. J. Doresse, JA (1941-2), 183 n. 7; E. Hornung, ZAS
137 To try to refine our understanding of the incep- 97 (1971), 74L Sun-discs are farely shown equipped
tion of the new art form by postulating more stages with arms in other periods: for an example from the
and sub-stages than the three isolated here is quite reign of Amenophis II, see Doresse, op. cit., p. 188.
frankly tantamount to introducing fantasy, at least The temple of Hibis at el-Kharga contains a curious
on the basis of the evidence presently at hand. Such example of a sun-disc provided with two clumsy
attempts as have been made to this end have usually arms which swing an ankh towards the nose of the
relied heavily on the scenes in the Theban tombs king (Persian period : Porter and Moss, Topographical
of Parennefer, Ramose and Kheruef, along with a Bibliography, 7 (Oxford, 1951), p. 276 at 59).
handful of talatat and other fragments long known. 143a JARCE 10 (1973), pl. 9:1.
Private tomb art cannot be said to be a reliable 144 PL X:3. The fact that, in pl. IX: 2, the king's
guide, as it does not reflect directly the hand actually
tastes and extends over, and touches, the Disc's
persuasions of the setters of fashion, being cartouche,
on the suggests that the latter is to be construed
periphery of the world of royal art as represented as something in concrete, and therefore distinct from
the temples. We should not expect, then,the theusual epitheta which flank the Disc in every
three
tombs in question clearly to reflect evolutionary scene. Could we be dealing here with an actual "cult
stages in the style of art with which the king was object"? In this regard one is reminded of the curious
decorating his structures in Thebes ; and their private limestone block discovered in the first court at Karnak
nature, together with the possibility of a time-lag (cf. R. Saad, C. Traunecker, Kemi 20 (1970), 124,
renders them very dangerous to use as evidence. fig. 106) in which the face is almost entirely occupied
138 It is doubtful whether the stock phrases on one by the two large upright cartouches of the Disc, the
of the Reharakhty blocks (no. 101) should be inter- top conforming to the curvature. (The sides show the
preted as a specific reference to the king's first jubilee: names of the king below the Disc's names.) The
" Utterance: 'I grant thee a s<2-festival [....]» I cause scholars who published this text wondered whether it
thy name to be established [....]; I1 grant thee my was "la representation en ronde bosse du dieu, sym-
lifetime in heaven . . .'" The weight of the Karnak bolist par son nom, lie* a celui de son promoteur"
evidence, however, is strongly in favor of a sd -festival (ibid., 171).

103.43.162.2 on Mon, 13 Mar 2023 13:13:20 UTC
DONALD B. REDFORD! THE SUN-DISC IN AKHENATEN'S PROGRAM PLATE IV
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103.43.162.2 on Mon, 13 Mar 2023 13:13:20 UTC
PLATE V JARCE XIII (1976)
(071403201) Cartouche of Disc on jamb (?).
(071303201) Htp-di-nsw invocations to Amun-

reharakhte and Montu
(071303901) Cartouche and titulary of

Akhenaten on jamb(?).

103.43.162.2 on Mon, 13 Mar 2023 13:13:20 UTC
DONALD B. REDFORD! THE SUN-DISC IN AKHENATEN'S PROGRAM PLATE VI
(TS 47) Akhenaten offering in the temple Rwd-mnw.
(TS 9) Akhenaten with the WY-muw and his own first prophet, offering in one of the shrine

103.43.162.2 on Mon, 13 Mar 2023 13:13:20 UTC
PLATE VII JARCE XIII (1976)
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103.43.162.2 on Mon, 13 Mar 2023 13:13:20 UTC
DONALD B. REDFORDI THE SUN-DISC IN AKHENATEN'S PROGRAM PLATE VIII
i. (047501208) Reharakhte with sun-disc. 2. (010410615) Akhenaten offering to

Reharakhte. 3. (012404808) Depiction of an architectural decoration in which
Akhenaten offers to Reharakhte. 4. (012201515) Akhenaten offering to Reharakhte :
decoration of ship's cabin. 5. (020313819) (same) 6. (045106210) Text using m,
" in, " instead of hry-ib. 7. (04871 1404) Titulary of Reharakhte.

103.43.162.2 on Mon, 13 Mar 2023 13:13:20 UTC
PLATE IX JARCE XIII (1976)
Nefertity and Meretaten presiding over the offering in Hwt-bnbn.
(TS 62) Sunrays caressing the king's arm.

103.43.162.2 on Mon, 13 Mar 2023 13:13:20 UTC
DONALD B. REDFORDI THE SUN-DISC IN AKHENATEN'S PROGRAM PLATE X
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103.43.162.2 on Mon, 13 Mar 2023 13:13:20 UTC
PLATE XI JARCE XIII (1976)
1. (012702308) Sunray hand protecting uraeus. 2. (015803704) Sun-

ray arms supporting queen's arms. 3. (020213406) Sunrays fondling
queen's crown. 4. (01 73 20 no) Sunrays extending prosperity and l
to the queen and her uraeus. 5. (015 109304) Sunray hand protectin
uraeus. 6. (011109712) Sunray hand in the flames of the braziers.
7. (011918001) Sunray hands protecting uraeus. 8. (012408010) Sun-
ray hand releasing ankh.

103.43.162.2 on Mon, 13 Mar 2023 13:13:20 UTC
DONALD B. REDFORD: THE SUN-DISC IN AKHENATEN'S PROGRAM PLATE XII
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103.43.162.2 on Mon, 13 Mar 2023 13:13:20 UTC

The Sun-Disc in Akhenaten's Program I

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The Sun-Disc in Akhenaten's Program I

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The Sun-disc in Akhenaten's Program: Its Worship and Antecedents, I

Author(s): Donald B. Redford

Stable URL: https://www.jstor.org/stable/40001118

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The Sun Disc in Egyptian Religion Before Akhenaten

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The earliest well-defined group of texts in whi

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star of electrum when he shines in a chariot . . .

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to the Disc at Memphis.88 and another in his 10

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The Iconography of Akhenaten* s God: Earliest Stage

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Wa-en-re [institutes the offerings] for his fat

The Iconography of Akhenaten's God

While Akhenaten did not subsequently conde

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The Iconography of Akhenateris God: Final Stage131

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1 Cf . H. Bonnet, Reallexikon is not somewhat

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itn is employed with respect to the former:

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(071403201) Cartouche of Disc on jamb (?).

(071303201) Htp-di-nsw invocations to Amun-

(071303901) Cartouche and titulary of

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(TS 47) Akhenaten offering in the temple Rwd-mnw.

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i. (047501208) Reharakhte with sun-disc. 2. (010410615) Akhenaten offering to

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Nefertity and Meretaten presiding over the offering in Hwt-bnbn.

(TS 62) Sunrays caressing the king's arm.

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1. (012702308) Sunray hand protecting uraeus. 2. (015803704) Sun-

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