Mental Health, Masculinities and Migration: how male migrants perceive mental health.

Major Undergraduate Project for BA(Hons) Politics

Juan Manuel Trujillo Garcia

SID:1739456

2021/2022

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 Abstract

It is widely known that a migratory process forced, or voluntary brings with it

experiences for good or for bad. The number of forced migrants fleeing their
countries due to political persecution or war has increase during the last decade,
most of them young men. Gender defined as a social construction helps to theorised
better the differences between and within genders and how its differentiation play an
important role in the appropriate diagnosis of mental health. For instance, the
masculinities and the gender stereotypes have created difficulties especially for men
to seek for help due to their strong and indestructible constructed image. However,
studies about the mental repercussions of male refugees and asylum seekers are
reduced. Westernization of psychology and psychiatry has had a negative impact in
the diagnosis process of migrants’ mental health due to a lack of cultural-led
approach. However, some progress in that area have been made and an
ethnopsychiatrical approach have been implemented in countries such as UK, Italy,
and France where considering the government’s inaction No-Governmental
Organizations have taken the lead on humanitarian action. The aim of this
dissertation is to find to what extend is mental health affecting the male population
living in as refugees and/or migrants living in extreme poverty situation. Also, how
that population understand the notion of mental health from a multicultural approach
where definitions from outside the eurocentrism optics; and, how often and in
comparison, with the native population refugees and migrants are seeking for help
and/or using such available services (if any) in the host countries taking into
consideration notions of masculinity, stigma, and gender construction.

I, Juan Manuel Trujillo Garcia assert that this dissertation comprises all my work and,
does not knowingly break any copyright law.

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 Table of content

Literature review………………………………………………………………………..4

Chapter 1
Mental Health……………………………………………………………………8

Chapter 2
Gender, Mental Health and Other Social Constructions…………………..15

Chapter 3
Migrants’ Mental Health: Male refugees in the UK, France, and Italy……23

Conclusion……………………………………………………………………………...29

Bibiography……………………………………………………………………………..32

Appendix I
Curriculum Vitae……………………………………………………………….33

Apendix II
Meetings Log…………………………………………………………………..39

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Literature review

This literature review aims to describe the different theories regarding migration and
how male refugees perceive mental health and how different socioeconomic, cultural
and ethnic backgrounds build different ideas of masculinities (Tovey & Broom, 2009)
and, therefore, their approach towards mental health wellbeing. Crenshaw’s theory
of intersectionality (Crenshaw et al., 2013) serves as a tool against discrimination
and single axis thinking and plays a major role in facilitating consideration of gender
and race.

Migration has been linked to human development since the beginning of times
(Daniels, 1990). Europe, for instance, has historically been defined as a target of
migration rather than a source, from the Roman Empire or the Moors in Spain or the
Kurds in 1638 (Daniels, 1990). Nevertheless, migration has been an undertheorized
field in the social sciences. (De Hass, 2021)

According to Ravenstein (1889), Lee (1980), Boswell (2002) and Borjas (2014),
there are different reasons why migration occurs. Ravenstein (1889) and, later, Lee
(1980) described it as a response to pull and push factors where push makes
reference to different situations occurred in the origin country, for example war or
socioeconomic issues, while pull factors are those attractive opportunities that
encourage migrants to leave the country of origin.

Drawing on both Ravenstein and Lee’s, Boswell (2002) adds three new theories or
approaches: the micro, the meso and the macro and the causal factors of migration.
The backbone of these approaches is the possibility to determine the reasons for
migration from the individual perspective, the state perspective and the networking
system that exists between those two perspectives (Boswell, 2002). Nevertheless,
since 1951, under the Geneva Convention, host countries have the duty to afford
humanitarian aid to migrants (UNHCR, 2021). Drbohlav (2011) found the majority of
the theories of migration are focused on immigrants’ countries (origin countries) and
are mostly based on labour migration and the economic aspect of the process,
excluding important variables such as female migration (; Massey et al., 1999, 2005;
Van Naerssen et al., 2008). But, perhaps ironically, as Hollifield and Brettell (2008)
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explain in their book, migration was not a relevant topic in politics in Europe or the
USA due to their heavy dependence on migrants or, as Castles (1973) defined it,
“The industrial reserve army of labour” and it was not until the 90s when the policies
of international migration emerged, and nation-states decided to work on
establishing entry and exit rules (Brettell & Hollifield, 2008).

Nevertheless, drawing on the micro approach of Boswell (2002), one of the problems
generating concern around migration is the wellbeing of refugees. Since diversity is
one of the characteristics of the flow of migrants coming to Europe, addressing a
unified approach has been a hard task for the existing mechanisms of control.
Nevertheless, whatever the reasons or causal factors, the approach taken for
migrants regarding the political and socioeconomic systems of the host country may
affect the mental health of the newcomers (Aranda & Vaquera, 2011; Falicov, 1998;
Paat & Pellebon, 2012).

Sodhi argued how the pre-migration vision and reason for migrating affect migrants
once having arrived at the host country and finding the obstacles and challenges of
the post-migration reality, showing discrimination as an example of this (Heller &
Gitterman,2011; Mott, 2010; Sodhi, 2017). Urrabazo (2000) noted multiple traumas
in immigrants from Mexico and Central America who had tried to cross the border
into the USA; robbery, sexual assault and other violent events associated with the
migration experience can create clinical conditions in immigrants such as post-
traumatic stress disorder (PTSD), adjustment disorder and major mood disorders
(Urrabazo, 2000).

Fernando (2010) explains how culture, race and ethnicity have been somehow
ignored by the Eurocentric approach to mental health (Fernando & Keating, 2009).
Fernando criticises how the westernization of what mental health means, its
diagnosis and its treatment have only brought about the reinforcement of inequality
and marginalisation (Fernando, 2010). Then, drawing on Capra’s idea of “systems
theory” (1982), and rejecting, the radicalised dichotomy between cultural relativism
and universality, he suggests a more fluid system using cross-cultural approaches
(Leong & Gupta, 2008). Using Fernando’s (2010) theory as a foundation in
addressing the cross-cultural factor in mental health and adding gender to the
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theoretical framework of the research, it is important to cite the work of Will
Courtenay (2000a, 2000b, 2001, 2004) and Paul Galdas, the former for its
contributions in theorising masculinity in the health context and the latter for the
theorisation around masculinities, identity and help-seeking behaviour (Galdas et
al., 2005, 2007; Tovey & Broom, 2009).

Regarding the methods used in refugee studies research, specifically in mental

health, the diversity is vast. For instance, Jeppson and Hjern (2005) conducted
mixed-methods research assessing the mental health of Southern Sudanese refugee
minors in Kenya while Paardekooper et al. (1999) pursued an exploratory study
comparing 316 Southern Sudanese refugee children in Uganda with 80 Ugandan
children on a number of mental health measures. On the other hand, in the US, a
qualitative interview was conducted by Goodman (2004) on unaccompanied children
from South Sudan in order to find levels of resilience and coping mechanism.
Nevertheless, despite a vast extant literature regarding refugee mental health, there
is (as far as I am aware) no literature regarding the mental health of the male
refugee in the Calais camp. Researchers also have noticed wide discrepancies in
the findings of different research methods due to interpretation (Tempany, 2009).
Using Crenshaw’s (2013) idea of intersectionality, it seems arguable to consider
necessary a research method based on the cultural differences of refugees in order
to create, as Fernando (2010) calls it, a cross-cultural approach and, therefore, bring
higher levels of reliability and accuracy to the future research findings.

The aim of this dissertation is to find to what extend is mental health affecting the
male population living in as refugees and/or migrants living in extreme poverty
situation. Also, how that population understand the notion of mental health from a
multicultural approach where definitions from outside the eurocentrism optics; and,
how often and in comparison, with the native population refugees and migrants are
seeking for help and/or using such available services (if any) in the host countries
taking into consideration notions of masculinity, stigma, and gender construction.
This dissertation is divided in three main chapters: chapter 1 where mental health as
a whole will be defined, using different optics and cultural beliefs, how the idea of
mental health had been evolving and the definition of all sorts of illnesses creating
different social changes affecting the perception of mental ill population; chapter 2
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discusses mental health from the constructionism perspective of gender.
Masculinities and its social construction and the social determinants that affects the
percentage of male population keen to seeking for help and the risk this represent for
men’s health. Also, chapter 2 discusses the role of social media in the perception of
mental ill population and most specifically how media affects host countries imagery
of male migrants and to what extend it might affect the subsequent seeking for help.
Finally, chapter 3 discuss the intersectionality of mental health, masculinities,
refugees and migration, governmental action and extracts of studies where male
refugees were treated for host countries and their respective findings

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Chapter 1
Mental Health

The definition of mental health has been widely argued and discussed in recent
decades. For instance, The World Health Organisation (WHO) has defined it as: a
state of wellbeing in which the individual is capable of performing his/her own
abilities, coping with the day-to-day life stress and able to be a productive and
participative member of the community (World Health Organisation, 2004).
Nevertheless, one of mental health issues is precisely the lack of agreement on a
general definition. Mental health can perhaps be defined as simply absence of
illness; in addition, as proposed by Sartorious (2002), it is an essential and integral
part of overall health. Mental health thus can be defined as the absence of disease,
a state of the organism that allows the full performance of all the functions and one’s
physical and social environment (Bhugra et al., 2013).

In 2006, the Public Health Agency of Canada (PHAC) added a definition of mental
health based on the WHO interpretation but also added an important holistic
approach arguing that mental health is also the capacity to feel and to think in order
to enhance the ability to enjoy life and deal with life’s challenges (Public Health
Agency of Canada, 2006). It is also a sense of spirituality and emotional wellbeing
that respects social justice, equity and the importance of culture. Based on those
definitions, it is plausible to argue that there are two different criteria used to reach a
definition of mental health; the first, the biomedical criteria, which is present in both
WHO and PHAC, alluding to the emotionality and positivity termed wellbeing and the
second is the cultural criteria that imply the ability to contribute to and work in the
community (Palumbo & Galderisi, 2020). Palumbu and Galderisi (2020), on the other
hand, propose a different approach to the definition of mental health based on the
criticism of both the WHO and PHAC idea of universal values and cultural
normatives. These, according to the authors, are part of a philosophical utopia due to
the context-dependent origin of values, for instance, religious fundamentalists who
might have respect for human life but, culturally, the respect for their God is the most
important issue and they will kill for it (Palumbo & Galderisi, 2020).
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Considering such critics, Galderisi et al. (2015) define mental health as: “A dynamic
state of internal equilibrium which enables individuals to use their abilities in harmony
with universal values of society. Basic cognitive and social skills; ability to recognize,
express and modulate one’s own emotions, as well as empathize with others;
flexibility and ability to cope with adverse life events and function in social roles; and
harmonious relationship between body and mind represent important components of
mental health which contribute, to varying degrees, to the state of internal
equilibrium”. Based on an evolutive approach, Huber et al. (2011) have defined
mental health as the capacity to adapt and self-manage (Galderisi et al., 2015).

The sense of coherence has been used as a key factor of this theory; it enhances
the capacity of coping, recovery from extreme psychological stress, and also works
as a preventer of future disorders (Palumbo & Galderisi, 2020). Therefore, an
individual capable of adapting and/or adjusting is healthy. Nevertheless, that
evolutionary concept and its representation of adaptation as an always positive
condition can lead to negative conditions (Palumbo & Galderisi, 2020). For instance,
if such concept is applied within the context of captivity, adaptation might concur with
the Stockholm Syndrome pathology. Also, metaphorically speaking, as depicted by
Goldstein in his boiled frog analogy, adaptation at all costs can lead to an irreversible
negative outcome (Goldstein, 2000).

Taking into account the aforementioned definitions of what can be interpreted as

mental health, it is pertinent to shed light to the reiterative idea of society within the
concepts and perhaps think about mental health as a concept that varies from one
society to another and as the result of a social construction. For instance, Conrad
and Schneider (1992) define diseases and illness as human judgements of natural
conditions that already exist in the world. Additionally, the evolution of language and
terminology throughout the last decades depicts the response to changing norms
and values, such as the professional classification of homosexuality as a mental
illness in 1974 or the “schizophrenic mother” term used to describe the mothers of
children suffering with such illness/condition (Brown, 1995). Within social
constructionism theory, the work of Spector and Kitsuse (1977) argues that social
problems are activities performed by individuals or groups of individuals making
assertions, claims and grievances.

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Furthermore, using such ideas as a foundation of new ideas, Miller and Holstein
(1993) have developed new insights in the social sphere; in constructionism
literature, for instance, notions of micropolitics of trouble have helped to develop
concepts such as workplace construction of meaning or interest group competition
for public resources. As a result, a vast part of the social constructionism debate is
based on the premise of the reality of the problem, whether the problem does exist,
or it is created by purposive actions by problem finders. Such premise can be found
during the theorisation of the causes of mental health problems and further diagnosis
(Brown, 1995). For instance, the lack of consensus regarding the causation drives to
a logical lack of legitimacy when such claims are driven by economics and ideology
in order to fit a specific interest, i.e., the pharmaceutic companies (Fernando, 2010).

Nevertheless, within the mental health sphere, there is a vast amount of literature
and terminology which, the majority of the time, is a hard task to explain, especially
when the term Western comes into the conversation. Without any doubt, the
Westernisation of psychology and psychiatry (despite the West is no longer the
owner of such subjects since Asian and African approaches have been taken into
consideration recently) is the tradition that tends to dominate the world (Fernando,
2010). Hence, there are some systems of helping people in trouble in Asia or Africa
that also can address the kind of problems that Western medicine attempts to. For
instance, the Ayurveda approach in India, where despite, similarities in the diagnosis
process with Western psychiatrics - judgement of the inspired or wise, observation
and inference (history-taken, examination and evaluation in the Western approach) -
differs in its focus, since Ayurveda focuses on the person rather than the disease as
a result of a holistic contextualisation of the being (holistic understood as a Holism
which comes from the Greek Holos weaning ‘whole’). In other words, a person is the
totality of physical, psychological, social and metaphysical aspects, a microcosm of
the cosmos (Fernando, 2010).

A healthy individual is one that possesses the ideals of moderation, control and
responsibility. There is no differentiation between mental disorders and physical
illness nor any systematic theory as there is for the Western approach of mind and
mental processes. Therefore, insanity, in the Ayurvedic literature, is divided by
humoral and spirit possession causation, where the humoral instability is referred to

10
as anger or excitement. Regarding the practitioners, such approach includes a wide
variety, including shamans, herbalists and sorcerers, among others (Fernando,
2010). Additionally, as Clifford (1984) described in his book, Tibetan psychiatry has
been influenced by the Ayurveda approach and subsequently developed as a
comprehensive holistic system.

Tibetan medicine is an amalgam of religion, mysticism, psychology and rational

medicine. Basically, this medicine brings three different ameliorative approaches: the
Tantric, which refers to spiritual practices for self-healing; the Dharmic, the religious
concept of realising the nature of mind: and the Somatic, the one is based on
Ayurvedic system (Fernando, 2010). According to Tibetan medicine, causal factors
of diseases are divided in two general types: the long term and immediate, where the
long term finds its origins in ignorance, anger, desire and mental darkness or the so-
called three poisons of the mind, while the immediate finds it origins in environmental
changes, unhealthy diets and bad medicine (Fernando, 2010).

Chinese medicine, according to Kaptchuk (2000), aims to organise symptoms and

signs into an understandable configuration from an organismic and synthetic optic.
Understanding then any disharmony or unbalance as a disease, of the two
approaches the holistic is an important factor since the disease cannot be isolated
from the being; therefore, in order to treat such disease Chinese medicine focuses
on the person’s life and the biography (Fernando, 2010). Also, according to Hammer
(1990), classification of the 'pourquoi story' of the diseases is divided in emotions
and internal demons: anger, grief, joy and anxiety.

Furthermore, the African approach to mental health shares some similarities with the
above mentioned, but as a result of lack of literature and due to misinterpretations
and mystifications in the colonialism era, a vast number of studies describe African
healers as voodoo and/or black magic practitioners. However, as Mbiti has
described, African ‘medicine-men’ are trained in both sickness and misfortune and
have knowledge about herbs and a wide range of substances that help people with
their sickness and spiritual methods to help with the misfortune (Fernando, 2010).
Also, since sickness and misfortune are both understood by medicine-men as
religious experiences, their role is a doctor/priest role (Fernando, 2010). As argued
above, culture is a notion connected to mental health and its subsequent diagnosis.
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Studies around the world regarding the importance of culture within the mental
health sphere have reflected interesting outcomes and debates () (Fernando, 2010;
Gopalkrishnan & Babacan, 2015; Pilgrim, 2014; Sheikh & Furnham, 2000; Tseng,
2006). The cross-cultural study of mental health and diagnosis has its foundation in
three assumptions: mental disorder is manifested universally; specific expression of
mental disorder can be shaped in the specific cultural context; there are some
expressions of mental disorder that are culturally unique or so-called “culturally
related specific syndromes” (Tseng, 2006). Although the first assumption does not
lack of common sense and can work as an excellent starting point, it still has
imperialistic, colonialist and racist connotations (Pilgrim, 2014).

On the other hand, the second assumption could be taken as a signposting for
psychiatrists of the way they should understand semantic subtleties or specific belief
systems during the diagnosis process (Pilgrim, 2014). Finally, the third assumption is
perhaps the most contested of them all. In regard to the culture-related specific
syndromes, it is worth to note the evolution of its definition and interpretation. During
the first half of the past century, such mental disorders were referred to as peculiar,
atypical or exotic psychiatric conditions (Fernando, 2010). Nevertheless, throughout
the decades, scholars have found that some conditions are not related to a specific
culture or ethnic (culture-bound syndrome) but, on the contrary, can be found in
many different cultures (Pilgrim, 2014; Tseng, 2006). For instance, the
Taijinkyofusho, wrongly translated into English as anthropophobia, which means
literally interpersonal-phobias, was, for many decades, considered by Japanese
practitioners as a culture-bound condition, related to Japanese people and only
found in Japan (Fernando, 2010). However, in 1987 and 1996, respectively, Si-
Hyung Lee, a Korean psychiatrist and Cui, a Chinese psychiatrist, reported that such
disorder was prevalent in both countries (Tseng, 2006). Hence, it can be argued that
it is not a condition attached to Japanese culture but a psychiatric disorder that can
be observed in different societies among Asia and which presumably share cultural
traits such as social etiquette and the over concerning about interpersonal relations
(Lee, 1987).

Furthermore, as argued by Pilgrim (2014), the fundamental issue of cross-cultural

psychiatry is the dichotomy of being over-emphasised and introducing too much

12
sensitivity to the cultural differences. In the former, the essence of the assumption
regarding a worldwide stable body of knowledge would be under threat. On the other
hand, the latter might boost accusations of psychiatrists of being culturally insensitive
(Pilgrim, 2014, p. 191). Although the antipsychiatry movement is not directly related
to the aim of this dissertation it is worth mentioning it for the sake of the debate, the
argument and other social connotations related to the constructionism theories and
the forthcoming next two chapters.

During the second half of the last century, Western psychiatry practitioners began to
question themselves about the ethics within their practice and the existentialism
notions of Jean Paul Sartre, for instance, boosted such new ideas. Hence, in 1960,
Laing argued how psychiatry was stripping away patients’ agency, since, for him,
humans are the agents of their own identity and destiny and, at the same time,
human beings build themselves by their constantly active agency (Laing, 2010).
Therefore, for the author a so-called psychotic episode is just a patience struggling
to make sense of their experiences and a battle against contradictory and confusing
messages (Laing, 2010). Furthermore, Laing (2010) proposed a different approach
that focuses on the patience’s identity rather than their symptoms and signs and
called it existential phenomenology.

Foucault (1971), on the other hand, argued that although madness is not historically
a new concept or notion, madmen were a recent construction. Such argument was
based on the situation in France in the middle of the 17 th Century where the poor, the
(arguably) mad, and, in general, the people unable to contribute economically to the
society were confined, for the sake of the ongoing rapid economic and social change
in France at that point of time. Such thesis had a huge impact in social and cultural
spheres where there was criticism regarding the labelling of individuals as mentally ill
for the only reason of being unable to fulfil the social contract. Basaglia ( 2014), has
explicitly compared diagnosis of mental health with the process of social exclusion
based on economical utility. Also, Goffman (1961) defined the psychiatric diagnosis
as a deliberate policy where all institutions strip patients’ identity. Finally, Szasz
(1960) argues that mental health is not real since there is no measurable physical
marker for it, like, for instance, the levels of glucose in the body which can show if

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the patient has diabetes or not. He also argues that there is not right whatsoever for
threatening people against their will.

Following Foucault’s (1971) notions of mental health as a social construction, it is

worth mentioning that, in order to understand how mental health can affect the
population. it is perhaps important to conjoin the notions of gender, culture and race.
Social changes such as migration or globalisation have made change the
perspective of a vast number of topics, including the gender roles or what is and
what is not culturally correct. For instance, due to migration, some host countries
have created services for newcomers where the understanding that the variety of
cultures can bring a variety of definitions and perceptions of mental health has
helped to find and to work on mental issues such as depression, suicidal thoughts
and anxiety.

Looking at the gender effects, the fact that most of the migrants are men has
affected both women and men in the host and in the origin country. For instance, a
study on women from Bangladesh living in the UK has identified that, due to poverty,
poor housing, racism, discrimination and physical and emotional abuse, they have
driven to a high number of depression and anxiety disorders (Barn, 2008). On the
other hand, despite, studies are growing in number, research about men’s mental
health is still at a starting point (Andermann, 2010). Nevertheless, as will be explored
in the following chapter, the growing literature is progressively showing men’s
vulnerabilities and, therefore, a rising awareness among scholars, students and the
population in general.

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Chapter 2

Gender, mental health and other social constructions

Despite psychological and psychoanalytical attempts to develop the notion of

masculinity in the first half of the twentieth century by Freud, Jung and Adler to name
a few, it was not until decades later before a more coherent idea of the science of
masculinity emerged (Broom & Tovey, 2009). Nevertheless, this does not intend to
suggest the failure of such scientists but, on the contrary, to stress the difficulty of
the task of defining what masculinity is. In order to give context to the discussion, it is
important to start with a sociological definition of gender.
Historically, contextualisation of gender has had three different approaches; first, the
categorical approach which takes its gender definition from the dichotomy of
biological theories about bodies. Such approach arguably can be regarded as the
first approach to understanding gender and has played an important role in gender
policies and reforms in areas such as education, employment, and health
(Courtenay, 2009). Nevertheless, it has been argued that the conceptual weakness
of the categorical approach is its lack of recognition of the diversities within the
gender categories, assuming there can be only one (Courtenay, 2009). Therefore,
the impossibility to conceptualise the dynamics of gender, such as hegemonic and
subordinated masculinities or lesbian and heterosexual women’s sexuality, has
driven theorists to develop a more sophisticated theory (Broom & Tovey, 2009, pp.
11-24).

Second is the poststructuralist theory where gender is now contextualised as fluid,

shifting and variable since its theoretical core is based on the construction of gender
identities through the discourse (Connell, 2012). Butler, for instance argued that

15
gender is rather performative and not expressive, in other words, individuals
construct gender by performing gendered actions that help to identify themselves as
masculine and feminine (1990). Poststructuralism theory has brought new
understanding to the culture and played an important role in the new activism,
especially as regarding transgender and queer activism. However, due to its focus
on the cultural arena, its lack of research on areas such as economic processes or
organisational life has not being as prolific as it could be in areas such as gender
dynamics in the economy of health or war and social violence (Connell, 2012).

Third is the relational theory which, as posited by Connell, sees gender as a way of
social practice, the everyday actions of life within the “reproductive arena”. Thus,
gender relations, or interaction among people within the reproductive arena, create
structures in the societies and such structures create configurations of gender
practice such as masculinity or femininity (2012). Hence, gender is not a fixed or
static category or a role container where women and men are in possession of a
singular personality, but, rather, there are various forms of femininity and masculinity
that both women and men can demonstrate.

Following the constructionism perspective, it is arguable that women and men’s

actions and behaviour are the outcome of the concepts they adopt from their specific
culture rather than their roles, identities, or psychological traits. In addition, Bohan
(1993) and Crawford (1995) also defined gender as the result of social transactions
rather than something that resides in the person.

A crucial concept in this paper is stereotypes, which are the cornerstone of how men
and women perceive mental health and, therefore, its impact in their lives.
Stereotyping is a set of representation practices that reduce individuals to a few,
narrowing them to simple and essential characteristics (Ellemers, 2018).

As Dyer has argued, stereotyping is not the same as social typing. Differing from the
reductionist and naturalising purpose of stereotyping, social typing refers to a social
classification that is established in order to make sense of the world and the events,
objects and people in it (1999). In other words, a scheme of classification is required
in terms of culture and social positions which facilitate the understanding of who a
16
person is based on the accumulation of such classificatory details. Nevertheless,
despite both social typing and stereotyping are practices in the maintenance of social
order, the latter differs to the former in its rigidity regarding the division between the
so-called normal and the different. It symbolically fixes boundaries and excludes
everything which does not belong (Dyer, 1999).

Following the discussion of the previous chapter regarding diagnosis, it is important

to add a gendered perspective of it. In its Diagnosis and Statistical Manual of Mental
Disorders, the American Psychiatric Association has categorised and distributed a
vast number of mental disorders (schizophrenia, body dysmorphic disorder and
avoidant personality disorder) relatively evenly among women and men.
Nevertheless, it seems that such mental illnesses are particularly sensitive to gender
(see Table 1).

On the other hand, such a dichotomic way of explaining and contextualising gender,
while at the same time using the same measuring tools between men and women to
explain mental health diagnosis, has caused an increment of wrong diagnosis in
men. According to Smith et al,, men tend to manifest a higher rate of externalised
symptoms such as violence or alcohol abuse (2108). Women, on the other hand,
tend to experience higher levels of internalised symptoms such as depression and
anxiety. Thus, such manifestations are the outcome of the traditional gender roles
adopted by the individuals during their lifespan, causing a distortional view or
perception of what really are the differences of men’s symptomatology since, as
pointed out by Smith et al., inadequate survey assessments of men’s experiences
and practitioners’ subconscious tendency to overlook men distress have led to
underestimate the regularity of depression and anxiety among men (2108).

DISORDER RATIO
WOMEN/MEN
Generalised anxiety 2:1
Panic 2:1
Agoraphobia 3:1
Eating 9:1

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 Depression 3:1
Somatization Conversion 2:1- 10:1
Personality Multiple 3:1- 9:1
Borderline 3:1
DISORDER RATIO
MEN/WOMEN
Alcohol 5:1
Abuse/Dependence
Illicit Substance Abuse 3:1 -4:1
Antisocial Personality 3:1
Obsessive Compulsive 2:1
Personality Disorder

(Brooks, 2001)

Considerable research appraises the differences of gender in mental health.

Unfortunately, such studies are mostly focused on women’s issues due to an
arguably necessary feminist approach in order to make women a more central area
of study. Nevertheless, such approach has failed to provide in-depth analysis as to
men with stereotypically feminine disorders such as depression or anxiety as well as
insufficient understanding of stereotypically gender symptoms such as substance
abuse or violence.

As a result of the stereotypic approach, the findings of most of the aforementioned

research are that: first, men and women have approximately equal rate of disorders
overall (Rieker, et al., 2010); (Rosenfield & Smith, 2009) and second, men and
women tend to experience different kind of psychiatric illnesses (Rosenfield &
Mouzon, 2013); (Rosenfield & Smith, 2009); (Rosenfield, et al., 2000). In addition, as
a result of those externalised symptoms that men manifest, such as lying, stealing,
destruction of property and violence towards animals and people, this, according to
Courtenay, has affected and, in some instances, impeded the correct development

18
of high-quality relationships and acted as an added weight leaving men with fewer
options of social relationships (2003).

Much of the available literature on gender and mental health as posited above has a
lack of a specific examination of men’s mental health due to a between-gender
rather than within-gender research (Smith, et al., 2108). Such practice has driven to
misleading and incomplete diagnosis and scholarship. For instance, traditional
assumptions regarding gender and mental health which divide gender between
internalising (women) externalising (men) has been shown as problematic (Hill &
Needham, 2013). Thus, according to the National Comorbidity Survey Replication in
the USA, despite the highest number of women meeting mental illness criteria, the
number of men suffering depression and/or anxiety disorders is still at least
concerning; 5.6 million men were reported in 2013 to suffer at least one episode of
mental illness; in 2020 it was 8.4 million (Smith, et al., 2108). That is to say that men
also show internalising symptoms just as women also can show externalised
symptoms. Furthermore, a within-group gender study has shown that, for instance,
anxiety is the most recurrent disorder among men (14. 3%) (Harvard Medical School,
2007).
Nevertheless, men are less likely to seek help for mental health than women, to have
symptoms that fit the standards of the measurement tools and less likely to have
their mental health problems identified by their practitioners. All things considered, it
is arguable that measurement and clinic bias have influenced the current findings in
men’s mental health. Smith et al. have developed a graphic explaining the reasons
why men’s mental health has been underdiagnosed and undermined (see Figure1)

Figure1
Patient fully Practitioners
discloses fully recognise Diagnosis
symptoms2 symptoms 3

Patient seeks
general medical or
mental health care
services 1
Patient only Practitioners
No diagnosis
. partially do not fully
discloses recognise
symptoms 2 symptoms3
19
Pathways and potential bias in detecting depression among men in clinical
1
settings (Smith, et al., 2108). Men seek health care less than women (Courtenay,
2000). 2 Men are unlikely to disclose symptoms (Courtenay, 2000) 3Practitioners are
less likely to recognise depression symptoms among men (Swami, 2012)

Another conventional explanation for gender differences in mental health is

socialisation (Smith, et al., 2108). Historically, men and women socialise differently,
according to their gender. This is the case of the industrialisation era when gender
roles were more identifiable and men worked in the public sphere, making them
economically privileged and powerful, a social position that, as Lennon and
Rosenfield have argued, offers better outcomes in mental health (1994). Thus, men
are supposed to use their social position as a shield to protect themselves from the
stress and low levels of control and power (Connell, 2005); (Lennon & Rosenfield,
1994). Nevertheless, dominant notions of masculinity encourage boys and men to be
assertive, competitive, and independent, and it is the stress of this “breadwinner”
behaviour or the sadness of not being able of fulfil the masculine role which leads to
negative mental health outcomes (Connell, 2005).

Help-seeking research has demonstrated that men are characterised for their
unwillingness to ask for help, and, therefore, tend to be less diagnosed, but, as
argued above, that does not mean men are less keen to be ill. Nevertheless, it is
arguable that such behaviour can find its origin in the notions of hegemonic
masculinity which portrays men as independent and self-sufficient beings (Connell,
2005). On the other hand, men within the classification of subordinated masculinities
(working class men and men of colour) are keener to seek for help (Springer &
Mouzon, 2011). Nevertheless, although the representation of masculinity as a white
and heterosexual monolithic has changed since the pluralisation of masculinities
used as a core concept in the social constructionism gender framework, the notion of
a less powerful masculinity tends to be understood as an outcome of seeking
medical help. Nevertheless, according to similar studies, seeking medical help can
also be interpreted as way to preserve or manage the masculine identity (O’Brien).
As a result, it is arguable that men use their environment, age, life stage and

20
occupation to construct a set of imageries in order to portray the culturally dominant
masculine ideas (O’Brien, et al., 2005).

Furthermore, media and globalisation have been reinforcing such hegemonic

masculinities and changing the global order (Kimmel, 2010). For instance, one of the
outcomes of living in such an interconnected and globalised world is the articulation
of local and global masculinities and, therefore, the transformation of men’s lives
(Kimmel, 2010, p. 143). As with the economic development theory of the relationship
between development and underdevelopment and the existence of one depending
on the other, the historical construction of masculinity was created based on the
portraying of others whose masculinity was devaluated or problematised (Connell,
2005). For instance, colonisers tended to make colonised masculinities difficult to
understand or mystified them. As an example, the Bengali men in British India were
considered as weak and unmanly, while Sikhs were perceived as uncontrolled,
aggressive, and excessively manly. Kimmel has linked such hegemonic masculinity
to the globalisation concept and has drawn a set of political negative outcomes, like
religious fundamentalism and ethnic nationalism, as vehicles used by locals as a
representation of resistance against global hegemonic masculinities and
globalisation (2010). For instance, the far-right Aryan white supremacists in the USA
or the Iranian revolution in 1976 and the origin of Taliban and Al Qaeda terrorists
where stereotypical male norms and exaggerated masculinity accompanied with
unconventional positions about women, violence and heavy drinking are the core of
what Connell has coined as protest masculinity (Connell, 2005). However, are those
extremist attitudes what drive nations and particularly social media in those nations
where, due to globalisation (and other drivers such as conflict, economic growth,
climate change and demographic trends) migratory processes (as will be discuss in
Chapter 3) have taken place during the last two decades from the Global south
towards the Global North, mostly.

To illustrate these themes, it is important to take into consideration the political views
of far-right movements in three of the nations in the Global North most affected (as
principal destination for immigrants to arrive) by migration processes: The United
Kingdom, France, and Italy. The proliferation of neoliberal and far-right ideas among
Europe has had a huge impact on how migrants have been perceived by locals and,

21
therefore, their attitude towards them, creating a flood of fake news and allowing
room for hate speech or even blatant racist laws approved by politicians like Mateo
Salvini in Italy. Additionally, Marine Le Pen in France and Nigel Farage in France
and the UK, respectively, have also boosted and helped to misinform the population,
spreading a well-built language based on sets of incendiary adjectives to refer to the
migration process, such as: flow, hordes, invasion, or swarms (Svere, 2017). Having
said that, it is arguable that such dehumanisation of migrants and the media’s
reduced scope for empathy, attributing them with inferior qualities or portraying them
as non-human categories such as rats or cockroaches, have boosted the odds of
developing new traumas or worsening already existing ones (Pruitt, 2019).

22
Chapter 3
Migrants’ Mental Health: Male refugees in the UK, France and Italy.
Studies have reported anxiety, depression and agoraphobia symptoms among
refugees and asylum seekers as a result of trauma stressors like torture, forced
displacement and war (Rousseau, 2017). However, the mental health of such new
arrivals if frequently not improved because some of those symptoms can be
exacerbated by conditions in the receiving country, such as detention, social
isolation, poor housing conditions, racism, and unemployment, among others.

As discussed above in the previous chapters, the perception of mental health and
mental health treatments is one of the primary obstacles that refugees encounter
when seeking for help (Schweitzer, 2019). The way mental health is perceived by
refuges varies between and within cultures (Galderisi et al., 2015). Unfortunately,
due to the number of refugees arriving to their new homelands, such countries find
themselves unable to offer the appropriate ethnopsychiatric help meaning that it is
important to identify the key themes that can bring a wider perspective of the
different backgrounds with the goal of easing the cultural barriers that hamper the
help-seeking behavior and further access to health services (Gopalkrishnan &
Babacan, 2015).

In the specific case of male refugees, although some areas are understudied
compared to women and/or children, they are more likely to be persecuted in the
homeland for different reasons, such as ethnic differences (Mezey & Thachil, 2010).
In addition, as argued by Mezey and Tachill (2010), male refugees can also be
victims of male trauma; the outcome of outrageous violence perpetrated by those in

23
power positions with the sole aim of disempowering them and/or stripping them of
their masculinity. Specific methods used on men seeking to escape persecution can
include direct genital trauma or non-consensual trauma involving such practices as
rape, sexual humiliation, kicking or forced nakedness. The ensuing male trauma has
long-lasting effects on refugees’ mental health, thus, as Mezey and Tachill (2010)
argued, the experience of these brutal techniques might be directly related to the
reluctance of men in seeking help, as a psychosomatic reaction to avoid re-
traumatisation from those they may consider as authority figures. Additionally, due to
cultural perspective of masculinity and sex role beliefs, the idea of leaving family
members behind, especially the elderly or vulnerable, might increase the severity of
post-traumatic stress disorder, depression, and anxiety. However, as argued above,
receiving countries do little in regard to the alleviation of such mental illnesses; on
the contrary, male refugees find it harder than women and children to gain access to
services like housing (Vitale & Ryde, 2016).

THE UK

According to Priti Patel, the Home Secretary, the Nationality and Borders Bill, aims to
fix a broken asylum system (Besana et al., 2022). However, the bill comprises a
series of policies that might increase the difficulty of refugees to have access to
asylum and, therefore, the impossibility of having a meaningful life in the UK. It is
based on a two tier system where those in possession of a valid visa are separated
from those who made it to the UK by their own means, e.g., crossing the channel or
in a lorry, which will be considered as inadmissible thereby denying the, asylum
status but affording a Temporary Protection Status with fewer benefits than the
refugee status (e.g., no automatic right to settle, restricted family reunion rights, no
guarantee of welfare support) (Besana et al., 2022). Thus, the negative effects on
the refugees’ mental health under this new bill will have an exponential increment,
since the resulting number of people in need of health and social care services will
collapse the system and the public sector will have fewer prepared and trained
workers (Taylor, 2009).

Another aspect of the new bill is the accommodation system which is based on the
usage of institutional sites such as military barracks or hotels, most of which are

24
located in remote areas where the lack of services undermines the access to
appropriate healthcare (Besana et al., 2022). For instance, the outbreak of COVID-
19 at the Napier Barracks in 2021 exemplifies how the institutional accommodation
preventing refugees having access to primary services can end up in a catastrophe
(Pollard & Howard, 2021). Nevertheless, it is not the only concern in regard to
refugees’ mental health in the UK. According to the law, the Home Office oversees
those refugees lucky enough to be granted Leave to Remain status and further
support in regard to obtaining a National Insurance number or claiming job benefits.
However, as pointed out by Doyle (2014), refugees often find themselves homeless
once the status is granted.
Research studies about refugees’ mental health have been mostly focused on the
effects of trauma or past experiences. However, there is little information about the
specific needs of male refugees after the Leave to Remain status is granted (Vitale &
Ryde, 2016). In 2016, research was conducted with male refugees in a non-profit
nongovernmental organisation (NGO) located in the South-West of England who had
been granted Leave to Remain status. Due to its explanatory nature, it was a
qualitative study based on semi-structured interviews where knowledge was
regarded as an interpretative explanation of reality rather than objective in order to
bring a social constructionism approach to the interviews (Vitale & Ryde, 2016, pp.
106-125). The findings indicate that, the participants initially felt positive and happy
about the new status, full of hope that a full integration would be finally possible;
however, on the contrary, the new status brought an extra burden, and with it stress,
as now they had to confront new challenges without the appropriate support.

Despite the Refugee Council’s recommendations in regard to resettlement and

government support, the Home Office seems to be unable to support refugees until
they can achieve their potential as residents and have full control of their mental
health (Vitale & Ryde, 2016, pp. 106-125). Furthermore, the lack of support, lack of
integration in the community, lack of employment and lack of adequate mental
healthcare were defined by the participants as the main reasons of feeling powerless
after being granted Leave of Remain (Vitale & Ryde, 2016, pp. 106-125). Drawing on
previous chapters a correlation between such issues and masculinities is identifiable,
since, for instance, the feeling of being dependent on someone else, from a
masculine provider perspective, creates low self-esteem and depression. In addition,
25
the lack of appropriate housing (usually too expensive, isolated, shared
accommodation) undermines male mental health and affects progress in their new
lives and, ultimately, the interaction with the community, affecting the level of
integration and the possibility of building new relationships and social networks
(Pollard & Howard, 2021).

France

France’s legislation in regard to asylum seekers and refugees shows little difference
in comparison to the UK’s. National legislation specifies that asylum seekers are
entitled to universal health coverage (May, 2021). However, as in the UK case, there
are some institutional barriers, such as administrative delay, the requirement of
documents (e.g., birth certificate or proof of taxation) which in most cases are
impossible to obtain from a person who is fleeing war, and access to health
institutions (Tortelli et al., 2020). In regard to mental health care, due to unstable
housing, difficulties in having access to welfare benefits, past experiences of
stigmatisation, language barriers and insufficient knowledge of how local health
services work, refugees find even more difficulties in gaining access to such services
(May, 2021).

The French mental health system is organised by subunits or centres which are
assigned to people based on residence proximity. In principle, this is to ensure
appropriate attention for all the inhabitants, nevertheless, this is the origin of one of
the difficulties refugees faces since access to housing is not granted (May, 2021). In
addition, the ethnopsychological approach adopted by France is paradoxically the
origin of another constraint in regard to refugees’ asylum- seeking process (Sturm et
al., 2009). Thus, while the French idea of specific practitioners with specific
knowledge of refugees and trauma has led to the creation of specific centres where
newcomers can be treated in a more cultural-led environment, unfortunately, those
centres are not part of the government subsidies and are not free, which drives to an
even wider inequality in accessing mental health services (Sturm et al., 2009).

26
According to Eurostats statistics, the rate of protection granted to refugees in France
is one of the lowest; the denial of refugee status in 2014 was 78% and the average
of legal uncertainty was 2.8 years, meaning that refugees had to wait almost three
years for an answer from the government (Tortelli et al., 2020). Studies have proven
the negative effects on refugees’ mental health caused by living in legal limbo,
particularly in male refugees who find their self-worth diminished, depressed and
with no hope for plans in the future (Havrylchyk & Ukrayinchuk, 2017). Also, as
shown by Luebben (2003), long periods of uncertainty lead to existential fears,
episodes of re-experiencing of trauma and deep despair. Some examples of the long
waiting periods for undocumented immigrants to be granted any refugees status in
France is the number of newcomers living in Paris or the uncontrolled situation in
Calais. Most migrants coming into France are from Sudan, Eritrea and Afghanistan,
and are mostly men as such countries are killing or recruiting young boys for war
purposes (May, 2021). Migration routes from Africa to Europe are particularly harsh;
in some countries, like Libya, women are raped in order to have permission to cross
the border; the climate conditions are also unbearable, and few women and children
will survive such terrible conditions (Tortelli et al., 2020). Additionally, people were
living for more than five years in the infamous refugee Calais camp until the French
authorities dismantled it, forcing them to live in even worse conditions, triggering
what Luebben (2003) has called existential fears.
Italy

Immigrants, refugees and asylum seekers are entitled access to mental health
services in Italy (Dennison & Geddes, 2022). Unfortunately, as in the UK and
France, there are institutional barriers and underfunded programmes (Dennison &
Geddes, 2022). The Italian reception process is divided into two types of reception
centres, first line reception and second line reception (Mendola & Annalisa, 2018).
Some of the first line centres are those where asylum seekers and refugees are sent
after their arrival until the result of the asylum seeker interview. Some of those
centres offer shelter, first aid services, food, and languages courses (Mendola &
Annalisa, 2018).

Normally asylum seekers can stay in these centres up to 30 days (Mendola &
Annalisa, 2018). On the other hand, the second line reception centres are where

27
beneficiaries of international protection, refugee status, or humanitarian permits can
be accommodated for up to six months (Mendola & Annalisa, 2018). Additionally,
those centres also offer some of the basic services as the first line centres, asylum
seekers are provided with vocational training and other means for full integration
(Mendola & Annalisa, 2018). However, due to the growing number of asylum
requests and the high percentage of denied permits (60%), according to Médecins
Sans Frontiers, a significant portion of newcomers (10,000), ended up living in harsh
conditions, which, as stated above, affects their mental health (Mendola & Annalisa,
2018).

The post-migration living difficulties within an Italian system that is focused on

helping the asylum seeker but lacks resources to help the refugees do not much
differ from the UK or France. For instance, research conducted in Southern Italy
among a sample of Nigerian immigrants, most of them having fled their homelands
due to terroristic and religious persecution, has revealed re-experiencing trauma
episodes among participants during their post-migratory process; long periods of
waiting for a response were also determinant factors for the newcomers’
experiencing episodes of anxiety and depression (Tessitore et al., 2022). Another
research conducted in Sicily at an asylum seekers’ centre during 2014-2015 to
young men coming from West Africa countries confirmed once again a high burden
of reactive mental health conditions with post-traumatic stress disorder, depression,
and anxiety among the mental illnesses found in the study (Crepet et al., 2017).
While a few pre-existing conditions were found, emotional distress was mostly due to
displacement, multiple losses and difficulty in adaptation experienced during and
after the migratory process (Crepet et al., 2017). Additionally, evidence of physical
abuse and violence was evident on the bodies of most of the newcomers since the
route taken by the majority of migrants (in some cases for more than 12 months) was
across Libya which is known for the extremely frequent persecution of migrants of
Sub-Saharan origin (Crepet et al., 2017). Finally, although not the main topic of this
dissertation, it is worth mentioning the important role of the NGOs.

Unfortunately, a growing number of governments in host countries are seeking

political benefit by creating a hostile environment for immigrants from the time they
arrive until their legalisation (Garkisch et al., 2017). Fortunately, as a result of

28
governments failing to comply with international standards, a vast number of NGOs
and other voluntary groups have emerged (Garkisch et al., 2017). Thus, such
organisations have become an integral part of the refugees’ lives. NGOs’ functions
are many, from advocating, assisting, and reporting, to analysing and lobbying with
the aim of bring effective standards and an adequate policy and practice (Garkisch
et al., 2017). Arguably the success of NGOs is the result of their cooperative and
conjoint work with the newcomers, understanding better their needs and working as
intermediaries between them and the governments, thereby contributing to
strengthening refugees and asylum seekers’ recognition, not only under the Refugee
Convention but also under humanitarian and international law.

Conclusion
Mental health awareness has gathered momentum during the last two decades and
as a result the vast amount of literature available about the topic. However, as large
as it is, such literature varies in definitions, concepts and ideas. The definition of
mental health used by The World Health Organisation (WHO) as a state of wellbeing
in which the individual is capable of performing his/her own abilities, coping with the
day-to-day life stresses and able to be a productive and participative member of the
community can be understood as a generic way of defining the concept.
Nevertheless, such definition has been used as a starting point for scholars to a
consensual definition (Galderisi, et al., 2015) (Pilgrim, 2014) (Sartorius, 2002). For
instance, some notions of biomedical and cultural analysis of mental health retrieved
from such definition have worked in the build-up of a wider concept, as Galderasi
has put it: A dynamic state of internal equilibrium which enables individuals to use
their abilities in harmony with universal values of society. Basic cognitive and social
skills; ability to recognize, express and modulate one’s own emotions, as well as
empathize with others; flexibility and ability to cope with adverse life events and
function in social roles; and harmonious relationship between body and mind
represent important components of mental health which contribute, to varying
degrees, to the state of internal equilibrium.
Taking into account such definition, it is easier to navigate cultural psychology
studies and perhaps have a better analysis of non-Western definitions. The

29
Westernisation of psychology and psychiatry has caused enormous negative effects
on the understanding of mental health and its diagnosis. Approaches such as the
Tibetan, African, Chinese, and Indian were ignored for centuries as a result of
colonialism, imperialism and racism. However, scholars started to work on cross-
cultural concepts of mental health and some concepts were developed, such as the
idea that specific expressions of mental disorders can be shaped in the specific
cultural context or the assumption that mental disorder is manifested universally, and
the culturally related specific syndromes concept which, despite of having racist and
imperialistic connotations, worked as a starting point for other concepts.

Nevertheless, some antipsychiatry concepts surged during the second half of the
20th century where the likes of patient’s agency and existentialism were added to the
idea of psychology as a social constructed notion used specifically as an exclusion
tool where people diagnosed with mental health issues are automatically excluded
from the productive society (Foucault, 1971). Other scholars in the same theoretical
line have also argued that mental health cannot be measured since there is no
physical proof of any symptom (Szasz, 1960). However, social constructionism
theory has helped to shed light on gender notions and differences between male and
female perception of mental health. Unfortunately, most studies in regard to mental
health are conducted on women, women and children and women and men; too little
has been written about the male perception of mental health or men’s mental health.
Nevertheless, poststructuralist and relational theories of gender have helped to
contextualize notions of gender fluidity and concepts such as masculinity and
femininity. Also, since gender (taking the poststructuralist theoretical concept) is a
social construction; individuals construct gender by performing gendered actions that
help to identify themselves as masculine and feminine.
Poststructuralism theory has brought new understanding to the culture and played
an important role in the new activism, especially as regarding transgender and queer
activism. Following the constructionism perspective, it is arguable that women and
men’s actions and behaviour are the outcome of the concepts they adopt from their
specific culture rather than their roles, identities, or psychological traits. In regard to
mental health and the gender diagnosis of both men and women, this has changed
during the years. Stereotypical approaches have failed to comply with the idea that

30
men tend to manifest a higher rate of externalised symptoms such as violence or
alcohol abuse.
Women, on the other hand, tend to experience higher levels of internalised
symptoms, such as depression and anxiety. Thus, such manifestations are the
outcome of the traditional gender roles adopted by the individuals during their
lifespan, causing a distortional view or perception of what really are the differences
of men’s symptomatology since, as pointed out by Smith et al. inadequate survey
assessments of men’s experiences and practitioners’ subconscious tendency to
overlook men distress have led to underestimate the regularity of depression and
anxiety among men (2108). Having a clear understanding of the concepts of mental
health, gender, masculinity, and stereotypes will help to theorise around the
perception of refugees and asylum seekers in regard to mental health taking into
consideration their cultural differences.
Refugees and asylum seekers are, in general, forced displaced people who have
fled their countries for life-threatening reasons and trips that can last 12 months
crossing deserts and lawless countries such as Libya where migrants from Sub-
Saharan countries are persecuted and women raped. As a result of such harsh
conditions, newcomers that have arrived in the UK, France and Italy have been
diagnosed with post-traumatic stress disorder, depression, anxiety, and even some
with physical proof of torture and violence. Unfortunately, the suffering for refugees
and asylum seekers does not end once they are in the host countries, but often gets
worse. Due to political interests, host countries find themselves unable to bring about
the necessary help for those people in need, forcing them to live under inhuman
conditions and prolonging their uncertainty, as e in France where the long period of
waiting for a response to requests for refugee status has driven the creation of
illegal settlements, or the new UK-Rwanda deal that seeks to relocate all the illegal
migrants coming to the UK to Rwanda as a blatant violation of the system of
protection for those experiencing war and persecution.
Research has shown that newcomers’ mental health gets worse and rapidly
deteriorates once they arrive because of the lack of governmental tools offered to
them to have a better life. Institutional barriers such as underfunded host centres,
poor housing condition, language barriers and ill-trained staff, are noted as triggers
for episodes of re-experiencing trauma. However, the governmental inaction and
lack of delivery of effective and humanitarian policies have led to the emergence of
31
new non-governmental organizations, public support, and other voluntary lobbies.
The humanitarian nature of NGOs has helped refugees to regain dignity, self-
esteem, and a reason to keep going and, from an ethnopsychological perspective,
help them to understand their bodies and their minds, empowering them to speak up
for their rights as human beings.

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 APPENDIX I
Meeting logs

All meeting took place with the dissertation supervisor Dr Richard Carr via Microsoft
Teams and Microsoft Outlook.

25th January 2022 General discussion about the dissertation topic, literature review,
and the best way of writing a dissertation

18th February Discussion about the introduction, the first chapter and the format of
the document.

16th March Discussion about Chapter 2 and the content of chapter 3

20th April final discussion about the dissertation the formatting and the structure.

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 Appendix II
Curriculum vitae

Juan Manuel Trujillo Garcia

198b King Hedges Road.
CB4 2PB, Cambridge, United Kingdom.
Mobile number: +4407740598981.
Email: Kini02@hotmail.com.

Profile :

Passionate student of Politics with special interest in humanitarian

action, migration, and refugee studies. +1 year of experience as a
volunteer in different charities in my local area and as an emergency
response volunteer with the British Red Cross.

Education and Qualifications:

2019-CURRENT – BA (HONS) POLITICS.

Anglia Ruskin University, Cambridge

Modules include:
- Globalization and Security.
-French Foundation 2

44
-Race, Racism and Cultural Identity.
-Mobilities and Migration.
-Sociology of Globalization
-The Era of Thatcher and Blair

2018–2019 – Foundation Degree: Communication

and Media Studies

ARU College

Modules include:
- Critical Thinking
-History of Art.
-Intercultural Studies
-Composition and Style
-Interactive Learning Skills and Communication.
2021- Summer Course: Migration and Integration:
Refugees, Rights and Realities

University of Amsterdam

Employment History

2019 – CURRENT: Sous Chef Byron Burgers, Cambridge, United Kingdom

Duties included:
- I have been responsible for motivating team colleagues by developing regular
product and service training and adjusting my communication skills to the
different team members.
- Manage a team of 8 during the shifts in absence of the Head Chef by
ensuring excellent function without any irregularities.
- I reported to the Head Chef on daily team achievement by establishing a solid
relationship with my superiors and analysing new way of improving sales
following the standards of the head office.
- Ensure the compliance of the food standards either by ensuring the hygiene
and the necessary stock levels.
- I have been responsible of the elaboration of my team members schedules
ensuring a perfect balance of work and free time.

45
 Volunteer Experience

2020- CURRENT – EMERGENCY RESPONSE BRITISH RED CROSS

- TO GIVE EMOTIONAL SUPPORT TO PEOPLE AND COMMUNITIES AFFECTED BY THE
EMERGENCY OF COVID-19 IN CAMBRIDGE AND NEARBY AREAS.
- RESPOND TO EMERGENCY CALLS OUT

JULY-2020 -AUGUST-2020 – COMMUNITY VOLUNTEER CAMBRIDGE CITY COUNCIL

- TO COOK, PACK AND DISTRIBUTE FOOD AROUND CAMBRIDGE IN AREAS WHERE
PEOPLE WAS WORST AFFECTED BY THE EMERGENCY OF COVID-19

Key Skills

LANGUAGES: NATIVE SPANISH SPEAKER; FLUENCY IN ENGLISH(C2); BASIC LEVEL OF FRENCH(A2);

INTERMEDIATE LEVEL OF PORTUGUESE(B2)
IT SKILLS: PROFICIENT USE OF MICROSOFT OFFICE PACKAGE, INCLUDING WORD, EXCEL, POWERPOINT,
PUBLISHER, AND OUTLOOK.

46
47