THE YENISEI KYRGYZ FROM EARLY

TIMES TO THE MONGOL CONQUEST

PROF. DR. MICHAEL R. DROMPP
RHODES COLLEGE, DEPARTMENT OF HISTORY / U.S.A.

lthough the Kyrgyz are one of the first Tur- on of the valley of the upper Yenisei River (which the
kic peoples to appear in historical records (at Kyrgyz called Kern), a territory they certainly inhabited
the end of the third century BCE), their his- by the T'ang era. This region is sufficiently distant from
tory remains poorly understood. The few native sour- China to explain the rather unclear image of the Kyrgyz
ces we have are epigraphic inscriptions dating from app- held by the Chinese. The terse Chinese accounts of this
roximately the eighth century CE and later. Other sour- people's ethnogenesis are of little value.
ces are scattered and in a number of languages, inclu- Chinese sources of the T'ang period describe the
ding Chinese, Persian, and Greek. In recent years, arc- Kyrgyz as "large, with red hair, white faces, and green
heological studies have helped to augment our know- or blue eyes,"" and similar descriptions are also found
ledge. Nevertheless, taken altogether, written sources in Tibetan and Islamic sources.° Because of this, a num-
and physical remains still yield a picture of the history ber of researchers have been tempted to see the early
and culture of the early Kyrgyz that is far from comp- Kyrgyz as a non-Turkic people or, at the very least, an
lete. ethnically mixed people with a large non-Turkic com-
The first known mention of the Kyrgyz people is in ponent. Many scholars have supported this idea after
Chinese sources of the Western Han era (202 BCE-9 identifying what they believe to be examples of non-Tur-
CE), where they are called either Ko-k'un or Chien-k'un. kic (particularly Samoyed) words among the Kyrgyz
The Chinese transcription of the name did not remain words preserved in Chinese sources. 7 It should be no-
constant, however. New forms-Ch'i-ku and Ho-ku-are ted, however, that the connection between language and
recorded in the sixth century CE, while still other forms "race" is highly inconclusive. The physical appearance
are attested during the T'ang dynasty (618-907 CE), inc- of the Kyrgyz can no more be considered as indicating
luding Chti-wu, Chieh-ku, Ho-ko-ssu, and Hsia-chia-ssu that they were not a Turkic people than can the lexical
(which was sometimes mistakenly written Chia-chia- appearance of a few possibly non-Turkic words, whose
ssu or truncated to Hsia-chia).1 In the Old Turkic runi- presence in the Kyrgyz language can be explained thro-
form inscriptions of the eighth century, their name ap- ugh the common practice of linguistic borrowing.8 The
pears as Kirkiz (Q1rqlz).2 In a sixth-century Byzantine Kyrgyz inscriptions of the Yenisei (eighth century CE
source the ethnonym Kherkhir appears (in reference to and later) are in fact written in a completely Turkic lan-
a female slave-a war-captive-pre- guage, and T'ang Chinese sources
sented by the Turks to the Byzan- state clearly that the Kyrgyz writ-
tines), which scholars also consi- ten and spoken language at that ti-
der to refer to the Kyrgyz.3 In ad- me was identical to that of the Tur-
dition, we should note a Tibetan kic Uygurs (Chinese Hui-ho, Hui-
text of the eighth century in which hu).9 Most of the Kyrgyz words
the name of the Kyrgyz appears to preserved in Chinese sources are,
be rendered in a number of forms: in fact, Turkic. There is no reason
Khe-rged, Gir-tis, Hir-kis, and pos- to assume a non-Turkic origin for
sibly Hir-tis.4 the Kyrgyz, although that possibi-
The Chinese accounts are unc- lity cannot be discounted.19
lear as to the exact geographic lo- Not all Kyrgyz had light eyes
cation of the earliest Kyrgyz; many and hair, however-at least not by
historians place the Kyrgyz of this the T'ang period. Chinese sources
time in South Siberia, in the regi- Petroglyph, Kyrgyzstan which describe the Kyrgyz of that

THE TURKS 4471, EARLY AGES

time state that they considered black hair to be unlucky, ams of empire died with him when he was defeated by
and called those with dark hair and eyes the progeny of a Chinese army led by the Han general Ch'en T'ang in
the Han general Li Ling (see below)." Tuan Ch'eng- 36 BCE. It is to be supposed that after his demise, the
shih, author of Yu-yang tsa-tsu, wrote that dark-haired Kyrgyz once again came under the domination of the
and dark-eyed Kyrgyz were the descendants of Li Ling Hsiung-nu. But after Hsiung-nu power weakened furt-
and his Chinese troops, which is more logical than att- her in the first century CE, it seems likely that the Kyrgyz
ributing their existence to Li Ling alone.'' The tenth- enjoyed greater political autonomy, although we have
century Persian source Huchid al-`Alarm describes the no real evidence for this.
Kyrgyz as having "rough faces and scanty hair,"13 whi- It is not until the rise of the Turks (Gokturks, Chi-
le the eleventh-century Ghaznavid author Gardizi, also nese T'u-chaeh) in 552 CE that additional significant
writing in Persian, connects the Kyrgyz "reddishness of information becomes available for the Kyrgyz. Accor-
hair and whiteness of skin" to a supposed relationship ding to Chinese sources, the Kyrgyz at this time were a
between the Kyrgyz and the Slays (Saglab).14 strong nation, in control of territory bordered on the
Early Kyrgyz political history is bound up with that east by the Kurykan, on the south by territory under Ti-
of the Hsiung-nu, who established the first great noma- betan control, and on the west by the Karluk. This re-
dic empire centered on the Mongolian Plateau. Chinese alm was said to be equal in size to that of the Turks,
sources indicate that the Kyrgyz with whom the Kyrgyz engaged
(and neighboring Ting-ling) were in marriage alliances. The Chine-
attacked by the Hsiung-nu ruler se sources indicate that the
Mo-tun (r. 209-174 BCE) in about Kyrgyz were "attached to" the Hsi-
201 BCE.I5 After that, these sour- eh-yen-t'o, who appointed an el-
ces tend to regard the Kyrgyz as teber to oversee them; the highest-
subjects of the Hsiung-nu. They al- ranking native leaders, of which
so maintain that the Han general there were three, were called beg.
Li Ling (d. 74 BCE), who had sur- During this time the Kyrgyz had
rendered to the Hsiung-nu in 99 little contact with China.18
BCE, was sent by them to serve as The Kyrgyz came under the
an official to oversee the Kyrgyz. direct control of the Turks aro-
Li Ling and his troops were beli- und 560, when the Turk ruler Mu-
eved to have intermarried with Animal figure plaque Issik-lake Kurgan, 5-6. centuries
han Kagan (r. 553-572) extended
Kyrgyz women; we have seen that his power over them. Turk power
T'ang sources state that the appearance of dark hair and over the Kyrgyz had to be reasserted during the reign
eyes among the Kyrgyz was credited to this admixture of Ch'i-pi Kagan (r. 645-650). An edict from the brush
of Chinese blood. The Kyrgyz themselves apparently be- of the Sui emperor Wen-ti (r. 581-604), written in fury
lieved this to be true, and centuries later continued to over Turk attacks on Chinese territory, indicates the tre-
regard themselves (or at least their royal clan) as des- mendous resentment felt by the Kyrgyz against Turk
cendants of Li Ling,16 despite the T'ang sources claiming domination; he claimed that the Kyrgyz were "gnashing
that the Kyrgyz considered dark hair and eyes to be un- and grinding their teeth, waiting for their opportunity"19-
lucky. We can only supposed that this connection to presumably to throw off the yoke of the Turks. The Old
China's aristocracy was regarded as a means to enhan- Turkic inscriptions inform us that the Kyrgyz sent rep-
ce the prestige of Kyrgyz rulers. This became particu- resentatives to the funerals of the early Turk leaders Bu-
larly important during the T'ang era, as the T'ang im- min Kagan (r. 552) and his brother Ishtemi, but this is
perial house of Li was-by tradition if not by fact-rela- not a meaningful indication of the degree of Turk cont-
ted to Li Ling, and therefore to the Kyrgyz rulers (see rol, since states clearly independent of that control, such
below). as Tibet and Byzantium, also sent representatives.20
The early Yenisei Kyrgyz were, as has been noted, After the collapse of the first Turk Empire in 630,
under the political dominance of the powerful Hsiung- which was followed by Chinese domination of the Turks
nu empire. What that meant is not entirely known, but for some fifty years, the Hsieh-yen-t'o, Uygurs, and ot-
probably included some sort of political oversight (as hers-as well as the Chinese-attempted to increase their
in the appointment of Li Ling) and taxation. In the first own power in eastern Inner Asia. The Chinese emperor
century BCE, the Kyrgyz were caught up in a Hsiung- T'ang T'ai-tsung (r. 626-649), who oversaw the destruc-
nu succession crisis that began in 58/57 BCE, when fi- tion of the state of the Eastern Turks in 630, sent a ge-
ve candidates vied for the position of supreme ruler. Af- neral to establish contact with the Kyrgyz in 632.21 The-
ter the field had been narrowed, the two final conten- re was no immediate reaction, but in 648 the Kyrgyz
ders fought bitterly with one another. One of them, Hu- sent an official-an elteber-to T'ai-tsung's court. He was
han-yeh, sought help from China's Han dynasty (202 welcomed warmly by the Chinese emperor, who had
BCE-220 CE), while his half-brother Chih-chih moved ambitions to dominate both China and Inner Asia. Ac-
westward and asserted his authority over several peop- cording to the Chinese sources, the elteber became in-
les, including the Kyrgyz, in 49 BCE.'7 Chih-chih's at- toxicated with wine and then requested an official Chi-
tempt was not successful for long, however, and his dre- nese appointment. Although we have seen that early

THE TURKS 41411 EARLY AGES

T'ang sources refer to the Kyrgyz by a variety of forms sed from one Uygur clan to another in 795,32 the Uy-
of the ethnonym,22 the emperor T'ai-tsung gave the gurs were obliged to campaign against the Kyrgyz (which
Kyrgyz land the archaic name of Chien-k'un Prefecture it calls by the archaic name Chien-k'un) once again in
(recalling the Han-era name which was no longer in use) order to reaffirm dominance over them. This inscripti-
and gave the elteber the titles of general (sengiin) and on claims that the Kyrgyz were able to field more than
governor (totok).23 After that, contact between T'ang 400,000 archers in this particular conflict, and goes on
China and the Yenisei Kyrgyz continued on a regular to state that the Uygurs defeated them and killed their
basis, with diplomatic missions from the Kyrgyz coming ruler.33
to the Chinese court, often with gifts or "tribute" for the For at least part of the time during which the Kyrgyz
Chinese emperor.24 According to the Chinese sources, were under the domination of the Uygurs, Chinese so-
our first indication of the Chinese acceptance of the Li urces state that the ruler of the Kyrgyz was no longer
Ling story-a very important connection, since the T'ang referred to as kagan, but by a term rendered in Chinese
royal house of Li claimed descent from one of Li Ling's as a-fe, the original form of which is uncertain. Accor-
relatives-is found in a statement by emperor Chung- ding to the Chinese sources, the Uygurs granted the a-
tsung (r. 684, 705-710), who is reported to have said, je the title of Bilge Ton Irkin;34 it is uncertain if this tit-
"Your nation and ours are of the same family; you can- le was used by all the a-je, or only one. And yet the Ka-
not be compared with other foreigners."2' rabalghasun inscription refers to the rebellious Kyrgyz
During this time, the power of the Eastern Turks as being ruled by a kagan in the early ninth century.35
was reestablished in Mongolia by Elterish Kagan (r. 682- Since the sources are thus in contradiction, and since
691); the Old Turkic runiform inscriptions of Mongolia the Chinese state that A-je was also the Kyrgyz ruler's
speak of Ttirk efforts to overco- family name,36 it may be that the
me the Kyrgyz, whose ruler is sources are confused and that A-
called kagan-a title reserved (in je thus represents a proper na-
these inscriptions) for only the me rather than a title.
rulers of China, Tibet, the Sometime around 820, the
Kyrgyz, and the Turks themsel- Kyrgyz began renewed efforts to
ves. Turk sources indicate that throw off Uygur overlordship; at
the Kyrgyz were hostile to this this point, according to Chinese
renascent Turk power on the sources, the Kyrgyz a-fe took the
Mongolian Plateau.26 The title of kagan-a clear indication
Kyrgyz were defeated by the of his desire for political auto-
Turks in a surprise attack in 710, nomy. He was perhaps encoura-
and their kagan killed,27 but we Animal figure plaque Issik-lake Kurgan. 5-6. centuries ged in this by factionalism at the
do not know the subsequent ex- Uygur court, which weakened
tent of Turk domination over the Kyrgyz. A Kyrgyz en- Uygur power, and by the fact that he had powerful fa-
voy was sent to console the Turks on the death of Bilge mily ties to the Ttirgesh (through his mother) and the
Kagan's brother Kul Tegin in 731.28 Chinese sources Karluk (through his wife, who was the daughter of the
suggest that the Kyrgyz enjoyed sufficient autonomy to yabgtt of the Karluk). The Uygurs attempted to crush
continue some diplomatic exchanges with the T'ang co- the Kyrgyz revolt, but without success. Chinese sources
urt after their defeat by the Ttirks.29 paint a dramatic picture of the growing confidence of
After the collapse of the restored Turk empire in the Kyrgyz ruler, who is reported to have taunted the
742, the Kyrgyz must have enjoyed a higher level of in- Uygurs in these words: "Your luck has run out! I will
dependence; this was short lived, however, as they so- take your golden tent, and in front of your tent I will ra-
on came under the domination of another people-the ce my horses and plant my flag. If you can oppose me,
Turkic Uygurs, who rose to power in 744 after defeating then come on! If you cannot, then hurry away!"37 Fi-
first the Eastern Turks and then the Uygurs' own allies, nally, in 840, a renegade Uygur general, Kul Baga, as-
the Karluk and Basmyl, in 758. It was in that year that sisted the Kyrgyz in an attack on the Uygur kagan, who
the Uygurs reported a resounding victory over an army was killed. The Kyrgyz plundered the Uygur capital, se-
of some 50,000 Kyrgyz.30 After this, contact with China izing the Uygurs' treasures, and took into custody the
became impossible for nearly a century, and yet Uygur T'ai-ho Princess, who had been sent by the T'ang court
domination of the Kyrgyz does not appear to have be- to marry the Uygur kagan in 821. The Uygur Empire
en overwhelming, as the sources speak of continuing was destroyed, and Uygurs fled from the Kyrgyz onsla-
Kyrgyz commercial connections with the Karluk, Tibe- ught in virtually every direction.38
tans, and Arabs.31 Nevertheless, the Uygur "blockade" With the Uygurs routed, the Kyrgyz were able to re-
between China and the upper Yenisei valley was suffi- establish contact with China through a number of en-
ciently effective that very little is known about the Kyrgyz voys, the first of which arrived in 842. This envoy infor-
until their overthrow of the Uygur empire in 840-altho- med the T'ang court that the Kyrgyz had attempted to
ugh the Chinese text of the early-ninth-century Kara- return the T'ai-ho Princess to China (no doubt out of a
balghasun inscription indicates that after a period of desire both to reaffirm the supposed family ties betwe-
Uygur weakness, when the rulership of the empire pas- en the Kyrgyz ruling house and the T'ang imperial ho-

THE TURKS • EARLY AGES

use of Li and to gain T'ang support both in terms of of- plan to grant appointment to the Kyrgyz ruler could be
ficial political recognition and trading privileges), but carried out.47 In addition, the Kyrgyz kagan who had
learned that she had been recaptured by Uygurs who thrown off the Uygur yoke was killed by one of his own
killed her Kyrgyz escorts and attempted-unsuccessfully- officials no later than 847. Despite this, the Kyrgyz sent
to use her as a pawn in negotiations with the Chinese.39 some 50,000 troops to collect the last of the Uygur re-
A letter to the Kyrgyz ruler, written by the Chinese chi- fugees in the region of the Mongolian Plateau. The Chi-
ef minister Li Te-yii in the name of the emperor Wu- nese emperor Hsuan-tsung (r. 846-859) later-after much
tsung (r. 840-846), praised the Kyrgyz actions-particu- procrastinating-gave Chinese official appointment to
larly their attempt to return the princess to China-and one of the murdered kagan's successors as Ying-wu
gave official acceptance to the kinship ties between the Ch'eng-ming Kagan.48 Another appointment is recor-
T'ang imperial house and the Kyrgyz.40 The Kyrgyz ka- ded for 867 under the emperor I-tsung (r. 859-873).49 It
gan's name was entered into the is unfortunate that the T'ang
T'ang imperial family regis- dynasty was entering its final
ters.41 The next envoy (843) was decline at this time, as Chine-
shown favor and placed above se records that might have pro-
the envoy from the Korean vided more information on the
kingdom of Parhae; the third Kyrgyz were lost after the T'ang
envoy (also 843) presented fal- collapse in 907.5°
cons and 100 horses to the The same scholars who
Tang court.42 Although these mistakenly assumed that the
contacts promoted cordial re- Kyrgyz seized control of the
lations between the two peop- Mongolian Plateau also assu-
les, the Chinese rejected the med that they were ejected
Kyrgyz kagan's request to be from that region by the expan-
granted the title of Tengri Ka- Bracelet Issik-Lake Kurgan, V-VI centuries sion of Kitan power in the first
gan-a title long associated with quarter of the tenth century.
the Uygurs-and instead tried to revive the archaic term There is, again, no evidence for this. The Kitan ruler A-
Chien-k'un. The fourth Kyrgyz envoy (844) brought mo- pao-chi did extend his influence onto the Mongolian
re gifts, including two white horses, but complained of Plateau in 924, but there is no indication whatsoever of
difficulties of communication with China43-difficulties any conflict with the Kyrgyz. The only information we
which can be explained by looking at Kyrgyz actions af- have from Kitan (Liao) sources regarding the Kyrgyz
ter their victory over the Uygurs. indicates that the two powers maintained diplomatic
Despite their new influence and power, the Kyrgyz relations.51 Scholars who write of a Kyrgyz "empire"
did not supplant the Uygurs on the Mongolian Plateau. from about 840 to about 924 are describing a fantasy.
All available evidence suggests that despite some brief
The T'ang court, concerned with the large number of
extensions of their power onto the Mongolian Plateau,
Uygur refugees at its northern frontier, urged the Kyrgyz
the Kyrgyz did not maintain a significant political or
to finish them off, but cooperation between the two po-
military presence there after their victories in the 840s.
wers was minimal-in large part due to the great distan- Chinese diplomatic interactions with the Kyrgyz in the
ce between them. The Kyrgyz did send an army to crush 840s do suggest that the Kyrgyz hoped to extend their
the last vestiges of Uygur power, but this was of little sway into the Tarim Basin and possibly other areas; it
consequence, as the Chinese had already absorbed or is also clear that they hoped for Chinese cooperation in
killed most of the Uygur refugees who had come to the- this project-cooperation which was not given, as the
ir border.44 T'ang state was itself not sufficiently strong to engage
Although many scholars have assumed that the in expansionism. At any rate, the projected joint ventu-
Kyrgyz extended their control over the Mongolian Pla- re fell through, and there is no evidence that the Kyrgyz
teau after 840, there is no evidence for this, yet the er- actually pursued the dream of empire on their own.'2
ror continues to be perpetuated in numerous publicati- I have suggested elsewhere that the reason that the
ons (despite the fact that some researchers, particularly Kyrgyz did not establish an empire based on the Mon-
Chinese scholars, have long indicated that there was no golian Plateau analogous to those of earlier Turkic po-
evidence for a significant Kyrgyz presence on the Mon- wers (the Turks and Uygurs) had to do primarily with
golian Plateau).45 It seems that the Kyrgyz were, for re- their mixed economy, which had both agricultural and
asons connected to their traditional way of life and cont- pastoral features.33 As many scholars have pointed out,
rol of certain trade routes, content to remain centered agriculture has been a part of many Inner Asian pasto-
on the upper Yenisei valley.46 Although they continued ral economies,'4 and the available information on the
to have some diplomatic exchanges with China, these ninth-century Kyrgyz suggests a heavier reliance on ag-
were infrequent. riculture than was typical of many other pastoral peop-
Problems in Kyrgyz-Chinese communications were les. We must also note the importance of trade-with
exacerbated by the death of the emperor Wu-tsung and well-established patterns linking the Kyrgyz and other
the cashiering of Li Te-ya in 846, before the emperor's peoples, particularly those to the west and southwest-

THE TURKS EARLY AGES

to the Kyrgyz economy.55 Such an economy based on ses (which were sufficiently larger than the traditional
mixed agriculture/pastoralism and trade would have ma- steppe pony to be commented upon by the Chinese his-
de it difficult, and indeed perhaps undesirable, for the torians), cattle, camels, and sheep. Meat, along with gra-
Kyrgyz to transplant their way of life from the Yenisei ins, was an important part of the Kyrgyz diet. Hunting
basin of South Siberia to that of the Orkhon River val- and fishing augmented the Kyrgyz diet and economy,
ley on the Mongolian Plateau.56 We should add to this particularly in the form of furs for trade.6' The Huchid
A la n affirms the importance of hunting to the Kyrgyz
the general reluctance of the Chinese to cooperate with
the Kyrgyz or add to their prestige (see above). As we economy.66 According to the Chinese, the Kyrgyz some-
times hunted on skis, "ascending and descending mo-
have seen, the Kyrgyz did make many efforts to estab-
untains and cliffs as if flying."67 Animals, were also part
lish closer ties with China; these were largely defeated
of Kyrgyz social entertainment, as the Kyrgyz perfor-
by Chinese disinterest and the great distances between
med tricks with camels and lions, and also did tricks
the two states.'7 It seems likely that this disinterest ca-
with horses and ropes-possibly feats of lassoing, etc.68
used the Kyrgyz to focus even more on their trade links The Kyrgyz also performed on various musical instru-
to the west and southwest.
ments for entertainment,69 and music-making also ap-
T'ang-period Chinese texts provide us with most of pears to have been connected to Kyrgyz shamanizing
our written information regarding the culture of the (see below). Finally, we should note that the Kyrgyz, li-
early Kyrgyz, although this can ke the Turks and Uygurs, marked
be supplemented from other so- time with the twelve-animal cycle
urces, including other written of years."
(particularly Islamic) docu- Archaeological evidence al-
ments as well as material rema- so confirms Chinese reports of
ins. Taken together, these sour- Kyrgyz activities in metallurgy.
ces can provide an image-howe- Gold, iron, and tin were used by
ver incomplete-of Kyrgyz cultu- the Kyrgyz to make many diffe-
re that is valid at least for the pe- rent tools and other items. They
riod from about the sixth cen- are known to have provided me-
tury CE to about the tenth or ele- tal weapons, such as high-quality
venth.
knives and swords, to the Turks
As has been indicated, it is during the latter's period of do-
clear from Chinese information minance in Inner Asia. The Chi-
and archaeological records that nese sources report the use of
the Kyrgyz of the Yenisei region Balbals in Balasagun, Kyrgyzscan bows and arrows as well as wo-
practiced an economy that inc- oden armor to protect their sto-
luded a significant agricultural element along with pas- machs, legs, thighs, and shoulders; the Kyrgyz also used
toralism. They lived in or near the region's river val- battle flags.7 I
leys,58 and their environment was suitable for the gro-
Kyrgyz clothing, which was said by the Chinese to
wing of dry-field grains such as millet, barley, and whe- be the same as that of the Turks, included the use of felt
at.59 Chinese sources speak of sowing and reaping,60
and furs, of which sable was particularly esteemed, as
and archeological excavations have unearthed ploughs-
well as various fabrics-including silks and brocades-ob-
hares (from wooden ploughs requiring draught animals
tained by trade with the oasis cities of the Tarim Basin,
to pull them) and sickles in the area.61 Chinese sources
the Arabs, and others. Kyrgyz men wore knives and
also indicate that this grain was used for both food and
whetstones at their waists; both sexes wore earrings.
fermented spirits (although they add that the Kyrgyz al-
The hands of men renowned for their bravery were tat-
so drank kumiss-fermented mare's milk);62 archaeolo-
tooed, and married women had the napes of their necks
gists have found millstones that confirm the Chinese re-
tattooed.72 Marriage was also marked by the giving of
ports of grinding grains into flour and grits. The Chine-
sheep and horses as betrothal gifts," although one Chi-
se report that the Kyrgyz did not cultivate fruits or gre-
nese source claims that the Kyrgyz did not give betrot-
en vegetables63-for which their climate was less well su-
hal gifts.74
ited. The description of the Kyrgyz territory that emer-
ges from Chinese sources is quite accurately revealed Trade was a vital part of the Kyrgyz economy. The
as a mixed riverine/mountain system with forests and Chinese sources make it clear that the Kyrgyz traded in
grasslands-well suited to the mixed economy that deve- furs and metal objects; it is to be assumed that domes-
loped among the Kyrgyz. Kyrgyz dwellings reflected the- tic animals also were objects of trade. To this list may
ir environment and mixed economy of agriculture and be added items mentioned in the Hudzid al- Alam: musk,
pastoralism; according to the Chinese, the Kyrgyz had special types of wood, and knife-handles made of ivory."
permanent wooden houses covered with bark-for use in Our sources tell us little of Kyrgyz religion. The Chi-
the winter months especially-as well as tents.64 nese reported that the Kyrgyz employed the divinatory
Animals, both domesticated and wild, were an im- power of shamans (qam), but that in regard to sacrifi-
portant part of the Kyrgyz economy. They raised hor- ces to gods or spirits, they considered the water and

THE TURKS EARLY AGES

grass as paramount-an apparent connection to the Turk ye been lost to them, they (unlike the inscriptions of the
cult of the iduk yer sub (the sacred earth and water)-and early Turks) have little to tell us about Kyrgyz political
did not perform their sacrifices at particular set times.76 history-although they do attest to relations with both
One Chinese source, the Yu-yang tsa-tsu, indicates that China and Tibet.89
the Kyrgyz believed themselves to be descended from Gardizi also claims that among the Kyrgyz some
the union of a spirit and a cow. This union took place people worshipped animals such as oxen, hedgehogs,
in a cave, which the Kyrgyz thereafter considered their falcons and magpies, while others worshipped trees or
ancestral cave. In his recounting of this belief, Tuan the wind. He also mentions shamans among the Kyrgyz;
Ch'eng-shih pointedly separated the Kyrgyz from the these shamans gathered on certain days and, to the ac-
Turks, who (according to some legends, at least) beli- companiment of musical instruments, entered into an
eved one of their ancestors to be a she-wolf. 77 It is not altered state of being. Gardizi comments that the Kyrgyz
known if the Kyrgyz carried out rituals at that site, as people then questioned these shamans about many
the Turks are known to have done at their ancestral ca- things regarding the future, "whether distress or abun-
ve.78 dance, rain or dearth, anxiety or security or conquest
In regard to Kyrgyz religion, it should also be re- of the enemy. And they tell all and most of that [which
membered that after their destruction of the Uygur Em- they say] usually happens exactly as they have said it."9°
pire in 840, the Kyrgyz ruler is Gardizi's statements are repeated
known to have requested Chinese in the early twelfth-century Arabic-
investiture as Tengri Kagan-sug- language account of al-Marwazi.91
gesting that the cult of the sky-god Efforts to suggest that the Sogdi-
Tengri, known among the Turks ans proselytized for the Manicha-
and Uygurs, was also known ean religion among the Kyrgyz are
among the Kyrgyz. As has been not particularly convincing.92
noted, the Chinese resisted gran- In terms of political administ-
ting such a powerful title to the ration, the Kyrgyz had various of-
Kyrgyz kagan.79 The Yenisei runi- ficials, referred to in Chinese sour-
form inscriptions also contain re- ces by both Chinese and Turkic (to-
ference to Tengri, mostly in the tok, tarkan) titles. Taxation was in
phrase tengri elim, "my divine re- Pecroglyph in Osh, Kyrgyzsun kind, paid in sable and other pelts.
alm,"80 although the notion of Laws were strict, with capital pu-
Tengri as a powerful deity is clearly seen in one insc- nishment for a number of crimes, including refusal to
ription which contains the phrase iize Tengri yarhkach, engage in battle.93 This evidence runs counter to the
"Tengri on high decreed."81 Hudtid al-Alatn's claim that the Kyrgyz were "lawless,"
Death among the Kyrgyz was accompanied by spe- although it may serve to support that source's next ad-
cial rituals; mourners circled the corpse thrice while we- jective, "merciless." The author of Hudtid al-Alam also
eping, but did not lacerate their faces as did many ot- states that the Kyrgyz kagan lived in a town (which re-
her Turkic peoples (although at least one source, the mains unidentified), but that no other Kyrgyz live in vil-
Tang hui-yao, claims that wives lacerated their faces lages or towns.94 Indeed, the description given in that
upon the deaths of their husbands). Bodies were cre- source emphasizes their pastoral activities and has not-
mated, and then the bones collected and buried a year hing whatsoever to say about agriculture among the
later.82 The Hudtid al-Alam states that the Kyrgyz ve- Kyrgyz.
nerated fire and cremated their dead." Gardizi does not The historical sketch presented above reveals that
claim this, but instead asserts that the Kyrgyz regard the Kyrgyz had a strong desire for independence and
for fire as "the purest of things" was the cause for Kyrgyz frequently waged war to preserve or recover it. Indeed,
cremation of the dead.84 It should be noted, however,
early Kyrgyz history is in many ways characterized by
that fire and smoke were used by many Turkic peoples
Kyrgyz subjugation to stronger powers and subsequent
for purposes of ritual purification, including the Eas-
struggles to reassert Kyrgyz autonomy. Like most pas-
tern Turks (Gokturks) whose primary objects of vene-
toral peoples-even those engaging in significant agricul-
ration were the high god Tengri and his consort Umay,
along with the tdtek yer sub mentioned above.8' The tural activities-the Kyrgyz clearly considered warfare
an important activity of the state. We have considered
Kyrgyz erected stone funerary inscriptions in the runi-
form script also employed by the Turks and Uygurs, alt- their wars against the Turks and Uygurs; the tenth-cen-
hough the Kyrgyz did employ some variant graphs.86 tury Hudad al- Alam states that the Kyrgyz were excel-
Once thought to be older than the Old Turkic inscripti- lent fighters and warlike, and adds "they are at war and
ons of the Mongolian Plateau, these inscriptions in fact on hostile terms with all the people living round them."95
are contemporaneous or later (i.e., eighth to eleventh After the tenth century, there is little additional in-
centuries CE).87 More than 140 such monuments have formation regarding the Kyrgyz until their absorption
been found.88 As the inscriptions on these monuments into the Mongol Empire in the thirteenth century. The-
are quite brief and usually simply express the lamenta- re was a conflict between the Kyrgyz and the Kara Ki-
tion of the deceased over the worldly things, which ha- tay around 1130; the Kyrgyz were not defeated, but the-

THE TURKS 40) EARLY AGES

re is some speculation that at some po- Although they did not sig-
int they came under the sway of the Ka- nificantly extend their power af-
ra Kitay.96 Almost 80 years later, in ter 840 to create a great empi-
1207/1208, the Kyrgyz submitted to the re in the manner of the Hsiung-
rising power of the Mongols under nu, Turks (Goktrirks), or Uy-
Chinggis Khan. A year later, the Uygurs gurs, the Kyrgyz are nonethe-
of the Tarim Basin voluntarily submit- less historically of great impor-
ted to Mongol rule, once again linking tance, particularly in the effects
Kyrgyz and Uygur history. Under Mon- that their destruction of the Uy-
gol domination, the Kyrgyz soon ente-
gur steppe empire had on other
red a period of instability, as they we-
peoples. Not only did the Kyrgyz
re caught in the various Mongol wars
cause the migration of Uygurs
of succession between the Mongol prin- Potteries from the excavation in Osh, Kyrgyzstan
ces Kubilai and Arig Boke, and then to the Tarim Basin and its en-
between Kubilai and Kaidu.97 These conflicts apparently virons, but they also influenced the rise of both Kitan
initiated some movements of Kyrgyz people. and Karluk power in Inner Asia by removing the Uy-
gurs, who had kept those (and other) peoples constra-
Although Kyrgyz continued to inhabit the upper Ye- 100 The political focus of the Eurasian steppe thus
nisei region after that, their connection to the modern ined.
Kyrgyz of the T'ian-shan region is unclear.98 Some scho- shifted-until the rise of the Mongols in the thirteenth
lars believe that some Kyrgyz began to migrate to the century-from the Mongolian Plateau to the east (the Ki-
northern slopes of the T'ian-shan as early as the first tan of Manchuria) and the west (the Karluk of the Se-
century BCE, and heightened their movement in the mirechie). Not only was the Kyrgyz action of overthro-
eighth to tenth centuries CE, with still later stages of wing the Uygur steppe empire highly significant in it-
migration during the Mongol era, but conflicting the- self, but so was its consequence-the dramatic alteration
ories are numerous.99 of the power structure of Inner Asia.

NOTES
1 With the exception of Chu-wu (mentioned in Ou-yang, Hsin T'ang
shu, ch. 217b, p. 6146), all of these names are considered in Pul-
leyblank, "The Name of the Kirghiz. ".
2 For the location of this ethnonym's appearance in these inscripti-
ons, see Orkun, Eski Turk YazitIan, pp. 914-915.
3 Blockley, The History of Menander the Guardsman, pp. 120-121;
see also the comments of Pulleyblank, "The Name of the Kirghiz, "
pp. 101-102.
4 Bacot, "Reconnaissance en Haute Asie septentrionale par cinq en-
voyes ouigours au Ville siecle, " p. 146; Clauson, "A propos du ma-
nuscrit Pelliot tibetain 1283, " pp. 22-23.
5 Wang, T'ang hui-yao, ch. 100, p. 1784; Ou-yang, Hsin T'ang shu,
ch. 2176, p. 6147.
6 An eighth-century Tibetan text describes the Kyrgyz (Gir-tis) as ha-
ving blue eyes and red hair; see Bacot, "Reconnaissance en Haute
Asie septentrionale, " p. 146. The eleventh-century Ghaznavid wri-
ter Gardizi mentions the Kyrgyz as having red hair and white skin;
see Martinez, "Gardizi's Two Chapters on the Turks, " p. 126.
7 Schott, "Uber die achten Kirgisen, " pp. 441-447; Ligeti, "Mots de
civilisation de Haute Asie en transcription chinoise, " pp. 150-168,
especially pp. 150-155; Kyzlasov, Istoriia Tuvy v srednie veka, pp.
88-90. See also the remarks of Golden, An Introduction to the His-
tory of the Turkic Peoples, pp. 176-179.
8 See the comments of Pulleyblank, "The Name of the Kirghiz, " pp.
104-105.
9 Ou-yang, Hsin T'ang shu, ch. 217b, p. 6148.
10 For some current theories on the ethnogenesis of the Kirghiz, see
Golden, An Introduction to the History of the Turkic Peoples, pp.
177 and 404-406.
11 Wang, T'ang hui yao, ch. 100, p. 6184; Ou-yang, Hsin T'ang shu,
ch. 217b, p. 6147.
12 Tuan, Yu-yang tsa-tsu, ch. 4, p. 36.
13 Minorsky, p. 96.
14 Martinez, "Gardizi's Two Chapters on the Turks, " p. 126; see also
Golden, An Introduction to the History of the Turkic Peoples, p.
178, n. 128.
15 Ssu-ma, Shih chi, ch. 110, p. 2893; Pan, Han shu, ch. 94a, p. 3753.
16 Wang, T'ang hui-yao, ch. 100, p. 1785.
17 Pan, Han shu, ch. 94b, p. 3800; Ssu-ma, Tzu-chih t'ung-chien, ch.
27, p. 891; see also Lin, Hsiung-nu li-shih nian-piao, pp. 34-55.
18 Ou-yang, Hsin T'ang shu, ch. 2176, p. 6149.
19 Li, Pei shih, ch. 99, p. 3292; Wei, Sui shu, ch. 84, p. 1866. The text
of Sui shu writes Khitan (Ch'i-tan) instead of Kyrgyz (Ch'i-ku), but
this is believed to be an error; see Liu, Die chinesischen Nachrich-
ten zur Geschichte der Ost-Tiirken (T'u-lciie), vol. 2, p. 246, n. 524.
20 Tekin, A Grammar of Orkhon Turkish, p. 264.
21 Wang, Tang hui-yao, ch. 100, p. 1784.
22 Wang, T'ang hui-yao, ch. 100, pp. 1784-1785.
23 Ou-yang, Hsin T'ang shu, ch. 217b, p. 6149; Ssu-ma, Tzu-chih t'ung
chien, ch. 198, pp. 6252-6253.
24 Suprunenko, "Nekotorye istochniki po drevnei istorii kyrgyzov, " pp.
240-241.
25 Ou-yang, Hsin T'ang shu, ch. 217b, p. 6149.
26 Tekin, A Grammar of Orkhon Turkish, p. 265.
27 This event is described in all three major Old Turkic monuments;
see Tekin, A Grammar of Orkhon Turkish, pp. 269, 276, 287.
28 Tekin, A Grammar of Orkhon Turkish, p. 272.
29 Suprunenko, "Nekotorye istochniki po drevnei istorii kyrgyzov, " pp.
241-242. The author notes evidence for Kyrgyz envoys to China in
707 and 709 (prior to their defeat by the Turks), and at least five or
six such envoys between 711 and 758.
30 Liu, Chiu Tang shu, ch. 195, p. 5201.
31 Ou-yang, Hsin T'ang shu, ch. 217b, p. 6149.
32 Mackerras, The Uighur Empire, pp. 10-12.
33 Schlegel, "Die chinesische Inschrift auf dem uigurischen Denkmal
in Kara Balgasun, " pp. 80-86. On the identity of the Uygur kagan
whose deeds included this re-conquest of the Kyrgyz, see Macker-
ras, The Uighur Empire, pp. 184-187.
34 Ou-yang, Hsin Tang shu, ch. 217b, p. 6149.
35 Schlegel, "Die chinesische Inschrift, " p. 84.

THE TURKS • EARLY AGES

36 Ou-yang, Hsin T'ang shu, ch. 217b, pp. 6147-6148.
37 Ou-yang, Hsin T'ang shu, ch. 217b, p. 6149.
38 Liu, Chiu Tang shu, ch. 195, p. 5213; Ou-yang, Hsin Tang shu, ch.
2176, pp. 6149-6150; Ssu-ma, Tzu-chih t'ung-chien, ch. 246, pp.
7946-7947.
39 Drompp, "Breaking the Orkhon Tradition, " pp. 393-395.
40 Li, Li Wei-kung Hui-ch'ang i-p'in chi, ch. 6, pp. 37-38, translated
in Drompp, "The Writings of Li Te-yil, " pp. 276-282.
41 Ou-yang, Hsin T'ang shu, ch. 217b, p. 6150.
42 Li, Li Wei-kung Hui-ch'ang i-p'in chi, ch. 6, pp. 38-40, translated
in Drompp, "The Writings of Li Te-yu, " pp. 303-309.
43 Li, Li Wei-kung Hui-ch'ang i-p'in chi, ch. 6, pp. 40-42, translated
in Drompp, "The Writings of Li Te-yu, " pp. 320-324.
44 Drompp, "The Writings of Li Te-yu, " pp. 275-335.
45 Drompp, "Breaking the Orkhon Tradition, " pp. 391-393, especially
n. 19, and p. 398.
46 See Drompp, "Breaking the Orkhon Tradition. ".
47 Ou-yang, Hsin Tang shu, ch. 2176, p. 6150; Wang, T'ang hui-yao,
ch. 100, p. 1786; Ssu-ma, Tzu-chih t'ung-chien, ch. 248, p. 8015.
48 Ou-yang, Hsin T'ang shu, ch. 217b, p. 6150; Ssu-ma, Tzu-chih t'ung-
chien, ch. 248, pp. 8030, 8032.
49 Ssu-ma, Tzu-chih t'ung-chien, ch. 250, p. 8117. For additional evi-
dence of T'ang contact with the Kyrgyz at this time, see, Butanaev
and Khudiakov, Istoriia eniseiskikh kyrgyzov, pp. 89-90.
50 Ou-yang, Hsin T'ang shu, ch. 217b, pp. 6150-6151.
51 Drompp, "Breaking the Orkhon Tradition, " p. 398.
52 Drompp, "Breaking the Orkhon Tradition, " pp. 393-394 and 396-
397; Drompp, "The Writings of Li Te-yti, " pp. 283-286.
53 Drompp, "Breaking the Orkhon Tradition, " pp. 398-403. On the mi-
xed agricultural/pastoral economy of this region, see Di Cosmo, "An-
cient Inner Asian Nomads, " pp. 1100-1104 (especially pp. 1103-
1104), and Vainshtein, Nomads of South Siberia, pp. 145-146 and
164.
54 See in particular Di Cosmo, "Ancient Inner Asian Nomads. ".
55 Drompp, "Breaking the Orkhon Tradition, " pp. 401-403.
56 This interpretation is in opposition to the thesis of Thomas J. Barfi-
eld, who has argued that the Kyrgyz were "wild" and "ignorant" no-
mads lacking the sophistication required to create a confederated
steppe empire; see Barfield, The Perilous Frontier: Nomadic Em-
pires and China, pp. 164-165.
57 Drompp, "The Writings of Li Te-yii, " pp. 275-335.
58 Wang, T'ang hui-yao, ch. 100, p. 1784.
59 On agriculture among the early Kyrgyz, and the Yenisei region's su-
itability for agricultural production, see Drompp, "Breaking the Ork-
hon Tradition, " pp. 400-401.
60 Ou-yang, Hain T'ang shu, ch. 217b, p. 6147.
61 Kyzlasov, Istoriia Tuvy v srednie veka, p. 116; Okladnikov, "Anci-
ent Population of Siberia and Its Cultures, " p. 57.
62 Ou-yang, Hain T'ang shu, ch. 217b, p. 6147.
63 Ou-yang, Hsin T'ang shu, ch. 217b, p. 6147.
64 Ou-yang, Hsin T'ang shu, ch. 217b, p. 6148. According to Bacot, a
Tibetan text of the eighth century states that the Kyrgyz (Khe-rged)
covered their tents with birch bark, but "tents" must be an error for
"houses"; see Bacot, "Reconnaissance en Haute Asie septentrionale
par cinq envoyes ouigours au VIIIe siecle, " p. 146. For petroglyph
images of houses from the Yenisei basin, see Martynov, The Anci-
ent Art of Northern Asia, pp. 65-66 and 224-226.
65 Ou-yang, Hsin T'ang shu, ch. 217b, p. 6147.
66 Minorsky, Huded al-'Alam, p. 96.
67 Wang, T'ang hui-yao, ch. 100, p. 1784.
68 Ou-yang, Hain T'ang shu, ch. 217b, p. 6148.
69 Ou-yang, Hsin T'ang shu, ch. 2176, p. 6148.
70 Ou-yang, Hsin Tang shu, ch. 2176, p. 6147.
71 Ou-yang, Hsin T'ang shu, ch. 2176, p. 6147. On Kyrgyz arms and
armor, see Khudiakov, Vooruzhenie eniseiskikh kyrgyzov VI-XII
vv.
72 Ou-yang, Hsin Tang shu, ch. 217b, pp. 6147-6148. Some of these
features (belts with knives or sabers, earrings, etc.) can be seen in
the stone "portrait statues" of the seventh to ninth centuries, some
of which are found in lands associated with the Kyrgyz; see Marty-
nov, The Ancient Art of Northern Asia, pp. 95-98 and 256-258. So-
me scholars see the Kyrgyz heartland (i. e., the Minusinsk basin) as
the place of origin of such statues; see Martynov, pp. 96-97.
73 Ou-yang, Hsin T'ang shu, ch. 217b, p. 6148.
THE TURKS
74 Wang, T'ang hui-yao, ch. 100, p. 1784.
75 Minorsky, Hudiad p. 96; see also Schafer, The Golden
Peaches of Samarkand, p. 242. According to Schafer, this ivory,
known as khutO in Arabic and hu-t'u in Chinese, refers primarily
to walrus ivory, but could possibly also refer also to fossil mam-
moth ivory from Siberia or fossil narwhale ivory from the Pacific
coast.
76 Ou-yang, Hsin Tang shu, ch. 2176, p. 6148.
77 Tuan, Yu-yang tsa-tsu, ch. 4, p. 36; see also Sinor, "The Legendary
Origin of the Turks. ".
78 Ling-hu, Chou shu, ch. 50, p. 910.
79 Li, Li Wei-kung Hui-ch'ang i-p'in chi, ch. 6, p. 39; see also Drompp,
"Breaking the Orkhon Tradition, " p. 400.
80 Orkun, Eski Turk Yazitlan, pp. 441, 449, 527, 529; see also Cla-
uson, An Etymological Dictionary of Pre-Thirteenth-Century Tur-
kish, p. 524.
81 Orkun, Eski Turk Yazitlan, p. 554; see also Clauson, An Etymo-
logical Dictionary of Pre-Thirteenth-Century Turkish, p. 280.
Tengri is also used in these inscriptions to mean simply "the sky";
see Orkun, Eski Turk Yazitlan, p. 590, and Clauson, An Etymolo-
gical Dictionary of Pre-Thirteenth-Century Turkish, p. 709.
82 Ou-yang, Hsin T'ang shu, ch. 217b, p. 6148; Wang, T'ang hui-yao,
ch. 100, p. 1784. Scholars looking for cultural differences between
the Kyrgyz and other early Turkic peoples-to support the notion
of a non-Turkic origin for the Kyrgyz-have emphasized the fact
that the Kyrgyz did not lacerate their faces in mourning (although
we have seen that there is contradictory evidence concerning this
particular practice) and burned their dead.
83 Minorsky, Huclud al4tlam, p. 96.
84 Martinez, "Gardizi's Two Chapters on the Turks, " p. 128.
85 For some recent comments on the religion of the Turks (Goktiirks),
see Kljastornyj, "Les Points Litigieux dans l'Histoire des Turcs An-
ciens, " pp. 163-170. It should be noted that the name of the god-
dess Umay appears in one of the Yenisei inscriptions, where it
oddly seems to be part of a man's name-Umay Beg; see Orkun, Es-
ki Turk Yazulan, pp. 511-512 and Clauson, An Etymological Dic-
tionary of Pre-Thirteenth-Century Turkish, p. 165.
86 See the chart of runiform graphs in Rona-Tas, An Introduction to
Turkology, p. 111.
87 Rona-Tas, An Introduction to Turkology, pp. 56-57.
88 For a recent collection, see Vasil'ev, Korpus tiurkskikh runiches-
kikh pamiatnikov basseina Eniseia.
89 See Orkun, Eski Ttirk Yazitlan, p. 483 (China) and p. 515 (Tibet)
as well as Kormushin, Tiurkskie eniseiskie epitafii, pp. 270-276
(China) and pp. 66-74 (Tibet). In addition, see Bazin, "Eine Insch-
rift vom oberen Jenissei als Quelle zur Geschichte zentralasiens. ".
90 Martinez, "Gardizi's Two Chapters on the Turks, " p. 128. What
exactly Gardizi meant by "worship" is uncertain.
91 Minorsky, Sharaf al-Zaman Tahir Marvazi on China, the Turks
and India, p. 30.
92 Maenchen-Helfen, "Manichaeans in Siberia. ".
93 Ou-yang, Hsin Tang shu, ch. 217b, p. 6148.
94 Minorsky, Hudtid p. 97.
95 Minorsky, Hudild p. 96.
96 Golden, An Introduction to the History of the Turkic Peoples, p.
187.
97 Golden, An Introduction to the History of the Turkic Peoples, p.
295.
98 See Golden, An Introduction to the History of the Turkic Peop-
les, pp. 343-345 on the development of the modern Kyrgyz; pp.
404-406 on the relationship between the Yenisei Kyrgyz and the
T'ien-shan Kyrgyz, and pp. 413-414 on the modern "Khakas. For
a more detailed discussion of the relationship between the Kyrgyz
and the "Khakas, " see Butanaev and Khudiakov, Istoriia eniseis-
kikh kyrgyzov, pp. 18-40.
99 Bernshtam, "On the Origin of the Kirghiz People, " pp. 120-124;
Butanaev and Khudiakov, Istoriia eniseiskikh kyrgyzov, pp. 137-
144.
100 On the Khitans, see Li, Li Wei-icing Hui-ch'ang i-p'in chi, ch. 14,
pp. 115-116 and Ssu-ma, Tzu-chih t'ung-chien, ch. 246, p. 7967,
both translated in Drompp, "The Writings of Li Te-yii, " pp. 208-
210; on the Karluks, see Golden, "The Karakhanids and Early Is-
lam, " p. 350.
EARLY AGES
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