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Escapism

MATTHIAS R. HASTALL
Technical University of Dortmund, Germany

People use media to actively disengage themselves from troubling thoughts and
unpleasant mood states caused by challenging life situations. Escapism, which in short
can be defined as “avoiding real-life problems by engaging in media such as TV and
video games” (Li, Liau, & Khoo, 2011, p. 536), is one the most frequently reported
motives for engaging in media use. Originally describing the desire of deprived or
alienated individuals to “turn to the dreamlike world of the mass media for substitute
gratifications” (Katz & Foulkes, 1962, p. 179), the escapism concept was expanded
to include a larger number of motivational origins, media types, and effects. Early
descriptions from the 1950s and 1960s often adopted a sociopolitical perspective and
considered not just negative effects of escapism for societies, but also dysfunctional
aspects of societies that produce a strong need for withdrawal in large population
segments (e.g., Pearlin, 1959). Newer conceptualizations moved the focus more toward
individual psychological processes associated with escapist motivation and tend to
draw a more balanced picture of its positive and negative consequences. Although
still often carrying a negative connotation, escapism became increasingly accepted
as an important human need and less regarded as a definite signal of major social or
individual deficits.
Media escapism is a complex phenomenon that involves specific motivations, cog-
nitions, emotional states, media choices, media use periods, and short-term as well as
long-term consequences. Most notably, escapism is just one of several ways in which
individuals deal with challenging life situations. Origins of stress, available resources,
and acquired strategies to handle demanding situations vary greatly, which is why cop-
ing strategies are often individual-specific and hard to predict without sufficient knowl-
edge about someone’s situational demands, appraisal processes, and available resources
to tackle or avoid a problem. Although escapism and extensive media use are occasion-
ally used as synonyms, they should not be equated. Escapist media use periods can be
relatively short, because stressed individuals may have very little time for recreation.
Extensive media use can be the result of several motivations, such as the desire to fight
boredom, to learn, or to entertain oneself, and it can also be the result of habit or addic-
tion. Escapism, in contrast, requires a highly distressing problem and individuals who
are currently unable or unwilling to tackle it directly.

The International Encyclopedia of Media Effects.


Patrick Rössler (Editor-in-Chief), Cynthia A. Hoffner, and Liesbet van Zoonen (Associate Editors).
© 2017 John Wiley & Sons, Inc. Published 2017 by John Wiley & Sons, Inc.
DOI: 10.1002/9781118783764.wbieme0154
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Motivational basis of escapism

Even though the label escapism suggests mainly a flight impulse, the origin of this
media behavior is arguably best understood as a function of two parallel motivations.
First, escapism involves a strong motivation to avoid environmental stimuli that
are assumed to sustain or trigger distressing cognitive or emotional states. Lonely,
sad, or overworked individuals, for example, may purposefully attempt to avoid any
contact with cues that remind them of their troubling state or that make the upsetting
aspects even more salient. Accordingly, this avoidance motivation component is
not media specific, but instead directed toward all cues—including media offerings,
thoughts, social interactions, and environments—anticipated to increase or maintain
cognitive–emotional distress. Second, escapism entails a motivation to approach
media stimuli that are anticipated to be sufficiently distracting, absorbing, and mood-
enhancing. Entertaining, fictional, and rewarding media use activities are most likely
to be engaged in for this purpose. In line with these considerations, a recently proposed
two-dimensional conceptualization of escape through leisure-time activities (Stenseng,
Rise, & Kraft, 2012) proposes an intention to minimize ill-being (“self-suppression”)
and an intention to maximize well-being (“self-expansion”) as motivational basis for
escapism.
Conceptualizing escapism as a function of two parallel motivational processes, which
are triggered if stressful life demands produce the desire for cognitive disengagement
and mood improvement, helps distinguish this phenomenon from other media use
behaviors. Avoiding slightly annoying or irritating media content such as obtrusive
advertisements, for example, is usually not related to acute life demands and the desire
to temporarily escape them. Switching to other TV programs on account of their higher
entertainment value is likewise usually not elicited by the motivation to escape (e.g., to
avoid aversive or punishing stimuli that relate to current distress) but is instead the
result of a motivation to approach a more rewarding media activity. Desires for mood
improvement and relaxation through mass media, if not driven by the intention to
actively distract oneself from acute life problems, should likewise not be categorized
as escapism. Idle times, in contrast, in which individuals have nothing to do and use
media to avoid unfavorable self-evaluations or distressing thoughts about their current
life, can be classified as escapism (Kubey, 1986).
Earlier works from the 1950s and 1960s emphasized particularly the role of social
environments for individuals’ desire to escape them through media use. Specifically,
members of the working class were supposed to suffer from low life satisfaction due to
stressful working conditions and unpleasant personal experiences, which should pro-
duce the desire to flee into the happier and more rewarding world of mass media. A key
term to characterize the situation of escapism-motivated individuals was alienation,
which incorporated “the feeling of powerlessness or meaninglessness, or the feeling
of ideological or social isolation” (Katz & Foulkes, 1962, p. 380). Nowadays, escapism
is widely regarded as a universal phenomenon that is not restricted to members of
certain social classes or demographic groups but depends largely on individuals’ sub-
jective appraisals of their current situation and on their resources and willingness to
directly and effectively deal with life problems. The focus hence shifted to psychological
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states such as exhaustion, depression, anxiety, poor self-esteem, negative affect, reduced
well-being, and perceived discrepancies between the ideal and the actual self. These
states were found related to the motivation for escapist media use and for extensive
media use. Yet the causal connection is not clear, and most likely neither unidirec-
tional nor stable: All states can be both the reason for and the consequence of escapist
media choices; hence they are likely to change in strength during the process of escapist
media use.

Media content characteristics related to escapism

People seem either to know intuitively or to learn fast which media offerings are most
likely to satisfy their specific escapist desire. In order to distract from highly stress-
ful life problems and to reduce detrimental self-awareness and self-evaluations, media
content has to be sufficiently immersive to effectively attract and hold the audience’s
attention. Moreover, it must be hedonistically rewarding, in order to temporarily or ulti-
mately improve an audience’s mood states (Katz & Foulkes, 1962; Moskalenko & Heine,
2003). Media offerings promising physical relaxation will be preferable in some situa-
tions, whereas strong levels of tension and excitement might be favored in others. This
decision will depend on the amount of unpleasant physical arousal produced by the cur-
rent stressful situation, as well as on individuals’ intention to become either calmer or
more physically stimulated through media consumption. Watching television, surfing
the Internet, and playing video games are the most frequently studied escapist media
activities and are regarded as quite effective at gratifying individuals’ need to escape.
Several alternative media behaviors, such as reading fiction or comic books, visiting
social media sites, or chatting, are also available and not necessarily less effective. Still,
watching television and playing video games seem to offer particularly absorbing and
emotionally rewarding experiences, which allow a relatively fast escape into audiovi-
sual rich, emotional, and often fictional narrative worlds. Games can offer additional
rewards such as reaching the next level, unlocking new features, or improving one’s
high-score ranking, which can enhance players’ self-esteem (Li, Liau, & Khoo, 2011).
Engaging in multiplayer games can also lead to meaningful social interactions and pos-
itive social comparisons, which can be beneficial for both mood repair and problem
tackling. Naturally, these media activities can also yield negative experiences and con-
sequently increase distress.
As the motivation for escapist media use can stem from a highly unsatisfying life
situation, media content directly related to the current problem will likely disrupt the
desired cognitive–emotional disengagement. Unrealistic fictional and fantasy scenar-
ios, filled with extremely good and successful or bad and unsuccessful characters, are
particularly suitable to satisfy escapist needs (Katz & Foulkes, 1962). Protagonists and
antagonists of higher social status, as well as characters played by adored stars, are like-
wise presumed to support escapist disengagement. Protagonists of lower social status,
however, could provide opportunities for favorable, self-esteem-enhancing social com-
parisons. Additionally, miscellaneous formal presentation and content features that are
known to generally increase the likelihood of immersion, suspense, and enjoyment (e.g.,
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dynamic camera perspectives, beloved characters in acute danger, suspenseful music)


should likewise promote successful escapism.

Effects of escapism

Discussions about the consequences of escapism involve different time dimensions


(short-term vs. long-term effects), targets (escapist individual vs. society), and effect
directions (positive/functional vs. negative/dysfunctional effects). Overall, despite
some disagreement in the literature, the negative effects of escapism are assumed to
outweigh its positive consequences. It is important to note that positive and negative
effects can occur simultaneously and that classification as either positive or negative
will largely depend on the judge’s perspective. A distressed viewer’s successful escape
into fictional TV worlds, resulting in relaxation and restored physical as well as mental
well-being, can be evaluated as functional for this individual, at least in the short run.
At the same time, it can be also perceived as a dysfunctional long-term strategy for
both the individual (e.g., increased distress, as the underlying problem is not solved)
and society (e.g., withdrawal instead of engagement in political activities that could
improve living conditions). Yet, engaging in escapist media use does not guarantee
that the audience will actually experience the anticipated effects. In addition, the
same escapist strategy may be functional for some individuals in some distressing
situations but dysfunctional for others or for the same individuals when they are
confronted with different problems. Finally, media use is only one of several strategies
that people employ to escape unpleasant or depressing situations; other strategies
include spirituality, daydreaming, sleeping, engaging in sport activities, gambling,
resorting to substance abuse, and committing suicide. These alternatives should be
taken into consideration when evaluating the effects of escapism through media use
on individuals and societies.
If escapism works as desired by an individual, positive effects such as distraction,
mood enhancement, improved well-being, increased confidence, restored energy, and
relaxation are likely to be experienced. Depending on the distressing problem and
on people’s abilities and willingness to solve it, these positive effects can be short- or
long-lived. Restored energy and confidence, perhaps coupled with improved sleep,
also can increase the motivation to solve the troubling situation. And, although often
overlooked, some types of escapist media uses can be considered as problem-solving
strategies—possibly unconsciously. If, for example, escapism is mainly motivated by
distressing feelings of loneliness, watching popular TV programs can help a person to
rethink and perhaps improve social interaction strategies, and the programs watched
can serve as conversation topics. Playing multiplayer games can help an individual
to connect with family and friends and meet people who share similar interests.
Escapist media use can also lead to accidental information gains that may be useful
in minimizing current or future stress episodes. Positive mood and relaxation are
also known to reduce anxiety and depression, as well as to improve physical and
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mental health, which should be beneficial for dealing more effectively with troubling
situations.
Yet escaping into entertaining media worlds as opposed to trying to solve distressing
problems has predominantly been considered to be problematic more than functional,
both for the individual escapist and for society. The fact that escapism is by definition
oriented away from the troubling problem and thus likely to delay or obstruct a solution,
at least in the short run, remains a major concern. Avoidant strategies such as escapism
are known for their potential to intensify stress over time and are linked to several psy-
chological problems. Considering that many TV programs suggest to their audiences
that the world is ultimately a just place, escapist media use is believed to decrease polit-
ical participation. Escapism is, further, considered to weaken interpersonal relations
among friends and family members and to reduce the motivation to reflect on “in-
ner impulses and thoughts” (Katz & Foulkes, 1962, p. 386). During the past decade,
escapism has frequently been studied as a direct or indirect cause of excessive media
use, especially in the context of pathological video game playing. Research shows that
escapist motivation is indeed linked to excessive gaming, which can cause and intensify
personal, social, financial, academic, and occupational problems—in roughly the same
way pathological gambling does. In summary, escapism can be two things at once: part
and intensifier of severe problems, but also participant in their solution.

Theoretical perspectives on escapism

Regrettably, no specific media escapism theory or framework has been proposed yet,
which is why the concept has been criticized as exploratory rather than theoretically
grounded. Escapism-relevant predictions, however, can be derived from several the-
oretical frameworks. The uses and gratifications approach calls attention to escapism
as one important kind of gratification from media use but does not further specify its
origins or effects. Survey studies conducted in this context suggest that people pur-
posefully and habitually use mass media to escape from demanding aspects of their
lives. Mood management theory comprises several escapism-relevant postulates about
people’s desire and tactics for mood improvement through suitable media choices, par-
ticularly choices of entertaining media content. In contrast to the uses and gratifications
approach, mood management suggests that individuals are not necessarily aware of
their motivation for mood regulation. According to this theory, media offerings with a
high absorption potential and a positive hedonic valence should be particularly suitable
for escapism, at least as long as it has little semantic affinity with the currently distress-
ing problem. Another media factor suggested as critical for media choices is a program’s
perceived potential to regulate physical arousal in the desired direction. Accordingly,
stimulating content should be favored by individuals who want to escape boredom,
whereas relaxing programs are chosen by individuals who want to escape acute feelings
of distress. Although not specifically conducted to test escapism, several experimental
mood management studies suggest that individuals, when experiencing stress or nega-
tive moods, show a preference for media stimuli that are suitable for tension reduction
and mood improvement (e.g., entertaining and relaxing TV programs, joyful music).
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Escapist-avoidant coping strategies are also included in several classifications of


coping responses (e.g., Skinner et al., 2003). The term escapism is used with a different
meaning in this research field and is not restricted (or even necessarily related) to media
use. Still, a consideration of these classifications can help to further clarify not only the
concept of escape through media use, but also its positive and negative consequences
for the media user. From a coping research perspective, escapism through media
comprises several distinct coping mechanisms simultaneously. For example, it most
likely involves—at least during the period of escapist media use—cognitive avoidance
(distraction), behavioral avoidance (not engaging in active problem solving), and
emotional regulation (including attempts to control negative feelings, mood repair,
and resting). It can also involve social withdrawal (self-isolation), wishful thinking
(e.g., unrealistic hope that the problem will disappear), denial, and active or uninten-
tional information seeking, as well as several other strategies. Accordingly, escapism
can be understood as containing several and varying facets, which complicates
general judgments about its adaptiveness. Nonetheless, to a certain extent escapism
contains components that are likely to hinder or delay problem solving, and this
can be problematic in the long run. However, avoidant coping strategies such as
escapism have been found beneficial if distressing situations are not solvable or are
too threatening to deal with immediately, since these coping strategies permit people
to reduce stress and to maintain hope (e.g., Roth & Cohen, 1986). It also seems
fruitful to consider the role of dispositional coping styles for escapist media behavior.
For example, the SVF120 coping inventory (Erdmann & Janke, 2008) distinguishes
20 coping strategies, which include distraction, substitute gratification, search for
self-affirmation, relaxation, escape, social withdrawal, and avoidance. The relation of
these and other dispositional strategies to escapism and its consequences remains to be
tested.
Individuals’ desire to flee from distressing demands of reality were also studied
for more than a century from the psychoanalytical perspective of human defense
mechanisms. These cognitive processes were theorized to protect individuals from
excessive anxiety, negative emotions, and a loss of self-esteem. In contrast to coping
strategies, defenses work largely outside humans’ awareness. Defenses such as sup-
pression, withdrawal, denial, emotional self-regulation, or retreat into fantasy become
activated in stressful and ego-threatening situations and help in reducing the conscious
experience of negative emotions (Cramer, 2008). Defenses are used by humans regu-
larly, as part of their normal functioning, and can be classified as mature or immature.
Most operate by manipulating or distorting one’s perception of reality, often by
directing humans’ attention away from threatening or unpleasant stimuli. Depending
on the type and frequency of their use, defense mechanisms are associated both with
adaptive outcomes (e.g., self-confidence, secure attachment style, outgoingness) and
with pathological ones (e.g., anxiety, self-centeredness, maladaptive behavior, reduced
physical or mental health). Approaching escapism from the theoretical perspective
of defense mechanisms can therefore help us gain further insights into its origins,
manifestations, and effects.
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Outlook

Entire industries offer myriads of ways to quickly escape the demands of daily life
through media use. Ironically, escapist dystopian societies are a relative common theme
in fictional novels, films, series, or games that are used for escaping. The process of
escapism, however, and the manifold individual and social consequences of successful
or unsuccessful escaping are not yet fully understood. Despite the popularity of the
escapism concept, no specific theoretical framework has been developed yet. And if,
for the reasons stated above, escapism is not reduced to mere mood management or
extensive media use, surprisingly few studies exist that have examined this process in
depth. It is not clear yet, for example, what types of escapism should be distinguished
and how they are linked to different stressful situations, media user personalities,
and outcomes. As revealed in coping research and in defense mechanism research,
escapism can have several adaptive as well as maladaptive effects simultaneously. Dis-
tinguishing functional and dysfunctional escapism styles requires deeper insights into
the complex interactions between situational factors and media user characteristics, as
well as into the wealth of possible short-term and long-term consequences. It seems
particularly promising to reconsider the adaptive value of escapism, as this response is
usually triggered by actually threatening situations for an individual (e.g., ego threats,
or threats to physical or mental well-being).
The measurement of escapist motivation and escapist media use also deserves further
attention. Mood management theory and defense mechanism frameworks jointly sug-
gest a strong unconscious motivational component in escapism. This, as well as the issue
of social desirability, complicates the use of self-report measures. Observational and
media user tracking techniques face the challenge of detecting and clearly classifying
certain media choice behaviors as escapism, at least as long as no additional information
is available about media users’ stress level and intentions to cognitively–emotionally
disengage from the problem.
Escapism will most likely remain one of the central motivations for media use,
and its suspected and actual consequences will continue to be debated. The academic
discussion of this phenomenon started from a sociological point of view and then
shifted toward a more psychological perspective. A better understanding of escapist
motivation, escapist media use, and their individual and social consequences can help
direct scholars’ attention back to the social and situational factors that produce the
desire to leave the real world and to characteristics of the media that foster or reduce
escapism.

SEE ALSO: Emotion Regulation and Coping via Media Use; Empowerment; Entertain-
ment Effects: Enjoyment; Media Addiction; Mood Management Theory; Motivation;
Uses and Gratifications: Basic Concept

References

Cramer, P. (2008). Seven pillars of defense mechanism theory. Social and Personality Psychology
Compass, 2, 1963–1981. doi: 10.1111/j.1751–9004.2008.00135.x
8 ES C A P I S M

Erdmann, G., & Janke, W. (2008). SVF Stressverarbeitungsbogen: Stress, Stressverarbeitung und
ihre Erfassung durch ein mehrdimensionales Testsystem [SVF stress processing questionnaire:
Stress, stress processing, and its measurement through a multidimensional test system].
Göttingen, Germany: Hogrefe.
Katz, E., & Foulkes, D. (1962). On the use of the mass media as “escape”: Clarification of a con-
cept. Public Opinion Quarterly, 26, 377–388. doi: 10.1086/267111
Kubey, R. W. (1986). Television use in everyday life: Coping with unstructured time. Journal of
Communication, 36(3), 108–123. doi: 10.1111/j.1460–2466.1986.tb01441.x
Li, D., Liau, A. & Khoo, A. (2011). Examining the influence of actual–ideal self-discrepancies,
depression, and escapism, on pathological gaming among massively multiplayer online
adolescent games. Cyberpsychology, Behavior, and Social Networking, 14, 535–539. doi:
10.1089/cyber.2010.0463
Moskalenko, S., & Heine, S. J. (2003). Watching your troubles away: Television viewing as a stim-
ulus for subjective self-awareness. Personality and Social Psychology Bulletin, 29, 76–85.
Pearlin, L. I. (1959). Social and personal stress and escape television viewing. Public Opinion
Quarterly, 23, 255–259. doi: 10.1086/266870
Roth, S., & Cohen, L. J. (1986). Approach, avoidance, and coping with stress. American Psychol-
ogist, 41, 813–819. doi: 10.1037/0003–066X.41.7.813
Skinner, E. A., Edge, K., Altman, J., & Sherwood, H. (2003). Searching for the structure of coping:
A review and critique of category systems for classifying ways of coping. Psychological Bulletin,
129, 216–269. doi: 10.1037/0033-2909.129.2.216
Stenseng, F., Rise, J., & Kraft, P. (2012). Activity engagement as escape from self: The
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Further reading

Baumeister, R. F. (1991). Escaping the self: Alcoholism, spirituality, masochism, and other flights
from the burden of selfhood. New York, NY: Basic Books.
Henning, B., & Vorderer, P. (2001). Psychological escapism: Predicting the amount of
television viewing by need for cognition. Journal of Communication, 51, 100–120. doi:
10.1111/j.1460–2466.2001.tb02874.x
Knobloch-Westerwick, S., Hastall, M. R., & Rossmann, M. (2009). Coping or escaping? Effects
of life dissatisfaction on selective exposure. Communication Research, 36, 207–228. doi:
10.1177/0093650208330252
Zillmann, D. (1988). Mood management: Using entertainment to full advantage. In L. Donohew,
H. E. Sypher, & E. T. Higgins (Eds.), Communication, social cognition, and affect (pp. 147–171).
Hillsdale, NJ: Lawrence Erlbaum Associates.

Matthias R. Hastall is Juniorprofessor at the Technical University of Dortmund,


Germany. His research interests include strategic communication, selective exposure
research, health communication, narrative persuasion, and research methods.

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