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‘HYBRID WARFARE’: ONE TERM, MANY MEANINGS

Articles

Fri, 02/25/2022 - 4:52pm

‘Hybrid Warfare’: One Term, Many Meanings

By Tarik Solmaz

Introduction

Russia's recent aggression against Ukraine has brought renewed prominence to the debate around ‘hybrid warfare’ (see e.g., The Economist 2022; The Wall Street
Journal 2022; The New York Times 2022). However, the concept of ‘hybrid warfare’ is still as contested as it is popular. When scholars or practitioners mention the
‘hybrid model of warfare’ they do not always imply the same thing. Moreover, the definitions regarding ‘hybrid warfare’ adopted by Western states and institutions
show significant differences. So, ultimately, the term ‘hybrid warfare’ obscures more than it explains. This essay argues that the ideational ambiguity regarding ‘hybrid
warfare’ arises from two main reasons: First, the concept of ‘hybrid warfare’ has been widely discussed, criticized, and reformulated comprising new elements that were
lacking in the initial conception since it was first popularized by Frank Hoffman in his 2007 monograph Conflict in the 21st Century: The Rise of Hybrid Wars. Second,
the term ‘hybrid warfare’ has often been used to refer to inapplicable phenomena. That is, the term ‘hybrid warfare’ has been used to describe new cases that lack
essential features of the original concept. As such, the idea of ‘hybrid warfare’ has continuously been subjected to conceptual stretching, and thus, today, it seems rather
a vague and ambiguous concept. Yet still, a close investigation reveals that there are five major interpretations of the concept of ‘hybrid warfare’ that are related yet
different:

1. ‘Hybrid Warfare’ as the employment of synergistic fusion of conventional weapons, irregular tactics, terrorism, and criminal activities in the same battlespace.

2. ‘Hybrid Warfare’ as the combined use of regular and irregular forces under a unified direction.

3. ‘Hybrid Warfare’ as the use of various military and non-military means to menace an enemy.

4. ‘Hybrid Warfare’ as sub-threshold activities involving any mix of violent and non-violent means.

5. ‘Hybrid Warfare’ as a way of achieving political goals by using non-violent subversive activities.

This essay has two purposes: to provide an overview of the different conceptual versions of ‘hybrid warfare’ within a historical context and to briefly discuss the
possible implications of the lack of conceptual clarity surrounding ‘hybrid warfare’ for the West.

‘Hybrid Warfare’: An Ever-Stretching Concept

The use of the term ‘hybrid warfare’ dates to the 1990s. To our best knowledge, the term ‘hybrid warfare’ first appeared in Thomas Mockaitis’ book entitled British
Counterinsurgency in the Post-imperial Era in 1995 (Mockaitis 1995, 14-39). In the years that followed, several authors used the term ‘hybrid warfare’ to refer to a
diverse range of military campaigns (see e.g., Walker 1998, Nemeth 2002, Dupont 2003, Carayannis 2003, Simpson 2005). Indeed, the way these authors characterize
‘hybrid warfare’ was not that similar to each other. Nevertheless, in the final analyses, it seems right to argue that they have used the term ‘hybrid warfare’ to indicate a
mode of warfare that can be simply classified as neither purely conventional nor irregular. Yet, in truth, on the subject of ‘hybrid warfare’, the theoretical and practical
implications of the abovementioned authors were rather limited.

The first widely disseminated articulation of the term 'hybrid warfare' was a speech by General James Mattis at Defence Forum backed by the Naval Institute and
Marine Corps Association in September 2005 (Hoffman 2007, 14). Right after the conference, Mattis and Hoffman published a brief paper on ‘hybrid warfare’ in
November 2005. In that paper, the authors argued that the future threats will be a merger of different modes of warfare, and they call this synthesis ‘hybrid warfare’. The
concept of ‘hybrid warfare’ was not fully developed in that article, and the writers described the key characteristics of the ‘hybrid model of warfare’, rather than
defining it (Mattis and Hoffman 2005, 18-19).

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Two years later, Hoffman published his seminal monograph and formulated his own ‘hybrid warfare’ concept based on ‘fourth-generation warfare’, ‘compound
warfare’, ‘unrestricted warfare’, and the ‘2005 National Defence Strategy’. This time, Hoffman provided a well-organized and detailed definition of ‘hybrid warfare’.
Also, it was Hoffman’s monograph that popularized the term ‘hybrid warfare’ in the US academic and military-practitioner circles. Moreover, Hoffman’s definition has
shaped the US Army’s understanding of ‘hybrid warfare’ to a notable extent (see e.g., Casey 2008, 28; US Army 2010, 1-1; US Army 2011, 1-5). Therefore, I tend to
see his 2007 monograph as ‘the point of origin’ of the great debate on ‘hybrid warfare’.

In his monograph, Hoffman (2007, 8) has stated that:

Hybrid Wars incorporate a range of different modes of warfare, including conventional capabilities, irregular tactics and formations, terrorist acts including
indiscriminate violence and coercion, and criminal disorder.

According to Hoffman (2007, 36), Hezbollah’s method of warfare carried out in the face of the Israeli army during the 34-day war represents the most striking example
of ‘hybrid warfare’. Hoffman (2007, 37) states that “Hezbollah’s use of C802 anti-ship cruise missiles and volley of rockets represents a sample of what ‘Hybrid
Warfare’ might look like.” Arguably, he principally aims to raise awareness about the increasing state-like military capabilities of violent non-state actors in the post-
Cold War era. Nevertheless, he has pointed out that ‘hybrid warfare’ can also be conducted by states (Hoffman 2007, 8). In this regard, Hoffman (2007, 28) has
maintained that states can shift their regular forces to irregular units and employ non-traditional warfare tactics. So, in the final analysis, his notion of ‘hybrid warfare’,
in substance, refers to non-state actors with high-tech weapons and states who adopt irregular tactics. Indeed, Hoffman’s idea of ‘hybrid warfare’ well describes what
21st century insurgents such as Hezbollah, Hamas, the Taliban, ISIS, and PKK have done over the last two decades. Also, it captures state-based irregular fighters such
as Russia’s masked troops known as ‘little green men’, China’s maritime militias, and Iran’s Quds Force. So, although non-state actors with sophisticated weapons and
states who employ irregular tactics are not completely new, today they seem dominant in today’s armed conflicts, as Hoffman forecasted correctly in 2007.

Shortly after Hoffman published his monograph, the concept of ‘hybrid warfare’ gathered significant attention in the US military debates, and numerous military
thinkers reviewed and reformulated it. Many scholars called into question the newness of ‘hybrid warfare’. However, an in-depth examination shows that unlike
Hoffman, whose definition specifically focuses on the fusion of conventional and irregular forces in the same battlespace, some of them have characterized ‘hybrid
warfare’ as the simultaneous use of regular and irregular forces in the same operation. For example, in a book entitled Hybrid Warfare: Fighting Complex Opponents
from the Ancient World to the Present, which is one the most cited works in the existing ‘hybrid warfare’ literature, a group of military historians have maintained that
the history of war is full of examples of ‘hybrid warfare’ (Murray and Mansoor 2012). Nevertheless, the authors define ‘hybrid warfare’ “as conflict involving a
combination of conventional military forces and irregulars (guerrillas, insurgents, and terrorists), which could include both state and nonstate actors, aimed at achieving
a common political purpose” (Mansoor 2012, 2). Namely, they primarily focus on the combined coordination of conventional and irregular forces without referring to
Hoffman’s core idea that is, the merger of regular and irregular elements into a unified force. This line of argument has gained traction in the ‘hybrid warfare’ literature,
and several authors have continued to characterize ‘hybrid warfare’ as the coordinated and combined use of regular and irregular forces under a unified strategic
direction in the following years (see e.g., Deep 2015; Boot 2015; 15-18; Murray II 2017, 1).

On the other hand, another group of military thinkers such as McCuen (2008, 108), Jordan (2008, 20), Glenn (2009), Lasica (2009, 3), McWilliams (2009, 18-19), and
Burbridge (2013, 11) has found the concept ‘hybrid warfare’ quite battlefield centric. According to these authors, ‘hybrid warfare’ is realized at all levels of war, and
thus, the strategic use of ‘hybrid warfare’ is noteworthy as well. In that sense, they revised the concept of ‘hybrid warfare’ by adding some non-kinetic elements to the
scope of it.

For example, Glenn (2009) defines ‘hybrid threat’ as follows:

An adversary that simultaneously and adaptively employs some combination of (1) political, military, economic, social, and information means, and (2)
conventional, irregular, catastrophic, terrorism, and disruptive/criminal warfare methods.

What distinguishes this conceptual version of ‘hybrid warfare’ from those discussed earlier is the stress on non-kinetic means and techniques. As such, unlike the
tactical-operational understanding of ‘hybrid warfare’, which is inherently military-oriented, the two constituent parts of this conceptual version of ‘hybrid warfare’
have become military and non-military instruments.

After the Russian annexation of Crimea in 2014, NATO preferred the term ‘hybrid warfare’ to refer to Russia’s so-called ‘new’ form of conflict in Ukraine. This choice,
arguably, is the most crucial turning point in the evolution of the concept of ‘hybrid warfare’. First, the use and popularity of the term ‘hybrid warfare’ increased
dramatically in the West’s military and strategic debates. Second, because Russia's activities in Ukraine did not fully fit the previous conceptualizations of ‘hybrid
warfare’, the meaning of ‘hybrid warfare’ was subjected to conceptual stretching once again. Briefly speaking, Russia achieved its political goals in Ukraine by
employing a mix of non-kinetic tools including cyber-attacks, propaganda, disinformation, economic coercion, and diplomatic pressure, and military methods such as
conducting covert operations and empowering proxy warriors. In addition, Russia systemically denied its involvement in Ukraine. So, Russia’s so-called ‘hybrid
warfare’ in Ukraine did not only consist of a combination of regular and irregular elements or the combination of military and non-military tools but also covert action
and deception. So, the main defining characteristics of Russia’s subversive campaign in Ukraine were creating ambiguity and enabling plausible deniability. Therefore,
in this context, the ‘hybrid model of warfare’ was largely associated with the so-called 'Gerasimov doctrine' that emphasizes the blurring distinctions between war and
peace. As such, the concept of ‘hybrid warfare’ was generally characterized by sub-threshold activities including kinetic and non-kinetic methods in both scholarly
papers, and policy/strategy documents of Western institutions (see e.g., NATO 2014; NATO n.d., The European Commission 2016; Hybrid CoE n.d; Military Balance
2015, 5; Popescu 2015, 1). In truth, this understanding of ‘hybrid warfare’ appears to be a cocktail of previous conceptual versions. Namely, it captures nearly all
categories included in ‘hybrid warfare’ literature: conventional and irregular; military and non-military. Nevertheless, as noted above, this formulation gives particular
emphasis to plausible deniability and the notion of remaining the threshold of the outright act of war, and thus, represents a departure from previous conceptualizations
of ‘hybrid warfare.

In the years that followed, the concept of ‘hybrid warfare’ has continued to evolve and gain new meaning in the West’s strategic discourse. This is because Western
politicians, scholars, think-tank experts, and media have often been used the term ‘hybrid warfare’ just to refer to non-violent subversive actions such as cyber-attacks,
economic coercion, disinformation campaign, election meddling, and recently weaponization of migrants (See e.g., Der Spiegel 2016; Sahin 2017; Deni 2017;

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Kuczyński 2019; Shedd and Stradner 2020; Aslund 2021; EURACTIV 2017; BBC 2021). Obviously, this conceptual version of ‘hybrid warfare’ represents an extreme
departure from the original approach to ‘hybrid warfare’ which has originally been included in the West’s military lexicon as a battlefield-centric concept.

As a result, clearly, the term ‘hybrid warfare’ has been used to describe a wide range of aggressive activities with different characteristics, and this makes it a highly
ambiguous concept after all. Let us continue by asking the ‘so what’ question: Why does that matter?

Implications

Without a doubt, defining ‘hybrid warfare’ is not just a matter of intellectual debate. As discussed earlier, the term ‘hybrid warfare’ has already deeply been embedded
in and part of the West’s military and strategic lexicon. Western governments and institutions have often used the term ‘hybrid warfare’ (or ‘hybrid threats’) to refer to
contemporary security challenges. However, as already mentioned, this usage is not based on a mutual understanding of what ‘hybrid warfare’ entails.

In much of its doctrinal documents, the US Army has adopted Hoffman’s definition of ‘hybrid warfare’ or the slightly modified versions of it. For example, the US
Army’s Training Circular (TC) 7-100 codifies ‘hybrid threats’ “as the diverse and dynamic combination of regular forces, irregular forces, and/or criminal elements all
unified to achieve mutually benefitting effects” (The US Department of Army 2010, v). More recently, Army Doctrine Publication (ADP) 3-0, defined a ‘hybrid threat’
as “the diverse and dynamic combination of regular forces, irregular forces, terrorists, or criminal elements acting in concert to achieve mutually benefitting effects”
(The US Department of Army 2019, 1-3). These definitions reflect the battlefield-oriented understanding of ‘hybrid warfare’. However, one may encounter notably
different definitions regarding ‘hybrid warfare’ in the US military documents. For example, U.S. Army Training and Doctrine Command (TRADOC) G-2, defines
‘hybrid warfare’ as “the use of political, social, criminal, and other non-kinetic means employed to overcome military limitations.” Obviously, non-kinetic means have
come to the fore in this definition of ‘hybrid warfare’ (TRADOC 2015, 94).

On the other hand, currently, NATO and the EU, characterize ‘hybrid warfare’ as a way of achieving political objectives by employing a mix of kinetic and non-kinetic
means while remaining below the threshold of traditional war in their official documents. For example, according to the NATO (n.d) website:

Hybrid threats combine military and non-military as well as covert and overt means, including disinformation, cyber-attacks, economic pressure,
deployment of irregular armed groups and use of regular forces. Hybrid methods are used to blur the lines between war and peace and attempt to sow doubt
in the minds of target populations. They aim to destabilise and undermine societies.

Likewise, the EU's 'Joint Framework on countering hybrid threats declares that:

The concept of hybrid threats aims to capture the mixture of conventional and unconventional, military and non-military, overt and covert actions that can
be used in a coordinated manner by state or non-state actors to achieve specific objectives while remaining below the threshold of formally declared warfare
(The European Commission 2016).

However, Western policymakers and practitioners have mostly associated the term ‘hybrid warfare’ with non-violent destabilization operations. In this regard, for
example, alleged Russian interference in the 2016 United States election, Russia’s cyber-attacks against Western institutions, and Belarus’ weaponization of Middle
Eastern refugees have been labeled an act of ‘hybrid warfare’ (France24 2018; EURACTIV 2017; BBC 2021). This indicates that Western decision-makers use this
term in a way that is inconsistent even with their own definitions, and this exacerbates the lack of conceptual clarity regarding ‘hybrid warfare’.

Today, Western states and organizations strongly emphasize that the West ought to be prepared to counter ‘hybrid threats’. Then, the question that should be asked is:
How is that possible given that key actors/players in the West’s security architecture do not agree on the core meaning of the concept of ‘hybrid warfare’?

Conclusion

The term ‘hybrid warfare’ has drawn remarkable attention in the West’s strategic debates over the last fifteen years, and apparently, it will continue to draw attention.
Nevertheless, it is still an extremely contested concept. The definitions concerning ‘hybrid warfare’ significantly differ from each other. Moreover, it has been used to
describe a wide range of different phenomena that necessitate different countermeasures. The concept of ‘hybrid warfare’ has been so stretched that today hybrid
warfare, which has originally been included in the West’s military lexicon as a battlefield-centric concept, has even been used to refer to just non-kinetic destabilization
operations. Hence, alongside a poor understanding of such a concept, the ideational confusion weakens the capabilities of Western states and organizations to effectively
deal with what they deem ‘hybrid threats’. As such, the concept of hybrid warfare seems to be suffering the same fate as ‘terrorism’ which is another contested term in
the strategic lexicon. Hence, eliminating such a conceptual haziness should be prioritized by Western policymakers and defense intellectuals.

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About the Author(s)

Tarik Solmaz (/author/tarik-solmaz)

From 2014 to 2018, he served as a security specialist in the Undersecretariat of Public Order and Security (Turkey), whose main task is to
develop counter-terrorism strategies. Currently, He is a PhD Candidate at the University of Exeter, Strategy and Security Institute. His
thesis examines the changing character of warfare and, in particular, ‘hybrid warfare’.

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in-ukraine-accountability-and-reparations/) by Opinio Juris

Compilation of Countries’ Statements Calling Russian Actions in Ukraine “Genocide” (https://www.justsecurity.org/81564/compilation-of-countries-statements-calling-

russian-actions-in-ukraine-genocide/) by Just Security

Intelligence Sharing and Ukraine: The Jus in Bello (http://opiniojuris.org/2022/05/13/intelligence-sharing-and-ukraine-the-jus-in-bello/) by Opinio Juris

The PLA’s Evolving Outlook on Urban Warfare: Learning, Training, and Implications for Taiwan (https://www.understandingwar.org/report/pla’s-evolving-outlook-urban-
warfare-learning-training-and-implications-taiwan) by Institute for the Study of War

Reassessing the Assessment of Special Operators: New System Overhauls Elite School’s Records (https://www.ausa.org/articles/reassessing-assessment-special-
operators-new-system-overhauls-elite-schools-records) by Association of the United States Army

Artificial Intelligence and Chemical and Biological Weapons (https://www.lawfareblog.com/artificial-intelligence-and-chemical-and-biological-weapons) by Lawfare

Time for a U.N. Peace Enforcement Operation in Northern Ukraine? (https://www.lawfareblog.com/time-un-peace-enforcement-operation-northern-ukraine) by Lawfare

Russian Leaders Know They’re Committing War Crimes. Their Laws of War Manual Says So. (https://www.lawfareblog.com/russian-leaders-know-theyre-committing-
war-crimes-their-laws-war-manual-says-so) by Lawfare

The Belarusian railway workers who helped thwart Russia’s attack on Kyiv (https://www.washingtonpost.com/world/2022/04/23/ukraine-belarus-railway-saboteurs-
russia/?utm_source=pocket_mylist) by Washington Post

Claymores: Bringing Russian Convoys to a Dead Halt (https://sofrep.com/news/claymores-bringing-russian-convoys-to-a-dead-halt/?utm_source=pocket_mylist) by

SOFREP

As Finland considers NATO membership, citizens mobilize for an invasion by Russia (https://www.latimes.com/world-nation/story/2022-04-24/as-finland-considers-nato-
membership-citizens-mobilize-for-an-invasion-by-russia) by Los Angeles Times

How Will President-Elect Yoon Manage The South Korea – U.S. Alliance And North Korea? (https://www.19fortyfive.com/2022/04/how-will-president-elect-yoon-manage-
the-south-korea-u-s-alliance-and-north-korea/) by 1945

The Struggle for the Soul of Latin America's Left (https://www.securefreesociety.org/research/the-struggle-for-the-soul-of-the-latin-american-left/?

utm_source=The%20Struggle%20for%20the%20Soul%20of%20the%20Latin%20American%20Left&utm_medium=info%40securefreesociety.org&utm_campaign=Issue%2008
by Center for a Secure Free Society

What’s Behind the Spike of Violence in El Salvador? (https://www.lawfareblog.com/whats-behind-spike-violence-el-salvador) by Lawfare

The Best Path for Accountability for the Crime of Aggression Under Ukrainian and International Law (https://www.justsecurity.org/81063/the-best-path-for-accountability-
for-the-crime-of-aggression-under-ukrainian-and-international-law/) by Just Security

Looking for answers: accounting for the separated, missing and dead in international armed conflicts (https://blogs.icrc.org/law-and-policy/2022/04/11/separated-missing-
dead-international-armed-conflicts/?_hsmi=209643049&_hsenc=p2ANqtz-8VwMDLRjECmHT5NyqL6gBkRRsox_WRefo_TPWcYiJFnY0zc5WA5pVDqsPTiaylhMj_Xqxv-
YvzL3SV5-HmP9g1VUsiqA) by Humanitarian Law & Policy

Is Genocide Occurring in Ukraine? An Expert Explainer on Indicators and Assessments (https://www.justsecurity.org/80998/is-genocide-occurring-in-ukraine-an-expert-

explainer-on-indicators-and-assessments/) by Just Security

Mass Graves in Ukraine Should Be Treated as Crime Scenes – and Urgently Secured (https://www.justsecurity.org/80986/mass-graves-in-ukraine-should-be-treated-as-
crime-scenes-and-urgently-secured/) by Just Security

What Does Arming an Insurgency in Ukraine Mean? (https://www.lawfareblog.com/what-does-arming-insurgency-ukraine-mean) by Lawfare

Russia, the Int’l Criminal Court, and the Malign Legacy of the U.S. “War on Terror” (https://www.justsecurity.org/80942/russia-the-intl-criminal-court-and-the-malign-
legacy-of-the-u-s-war-on-terror/) by Just Security

Crafting a Humanitarian Surge to Respond to the War on Ukraine (https://www.hstoday.us/featured/crafting-a-humanitarian-surge-to-respond-to-the-war-on-ukraine/) by

Homeland Security Today

Fueling Insurgency: Liquified Natural Gas, ISIS, and Green Berets in Mozambique (https://mwi.usma.edu/fueling-insurgency-liquified-natural-gas-isis-and-green-berets-
in-mozambique/) by Modern War Institute

Competing Against Authoritarianism (https://www.realcleardefense.com/articles/2022/03/18/competing_against_authoritarianism_822472.html) by Real Clear Defense

Wither Hybrid War (https://www.realcleardefense.com/articles/2022/03/15/wither_hybrid_war_821791.html) by Real Clear Defense

General Valery Gerasimov’s Great Ukrainian Disaster

(https://www.realcleardefense.com/articles/2022/03/14/general_valery_gerasimovs_great_ukrainian_disaster_821552.html) by Real Clear Defense

International Law Goes to War in Ukraine (https://www.foreignaffairs.com/articles/ukraine/2022-03-15/international-law-goes-war-ukraine) by Foreign Affairs

The View of Ukraine from Taiwan: Get Real About Territorial Defense (https://warontherocks.com/2022/03/the-view-of-ukraine-from-taiwan-get-real-about-territorial-
defense/) by War On The Rocks

Model Indictment for Crime of Aggression Against Ukraine: Prosecutor v. President Vladimir Putin (https://www.justsecurity.org/80669/model-indictment-of-the-crime-of-
aggression-against-ukraine-vladimir-putin/) by Just Security

Supplying Arms to Ukraine is Not an Act of War (https://www.justsecurity.org/80661/supplying-arms-to-ukraine-is-not-an-act-of-war/) by Just Security

What to know about the role Javelin antitank missiles could play in Ukraine’s fight against Russia (https://www.washingtonpost.com/world/2022/03/12/javelins-ukraine-
russia/) by Washington Post

https://smallwarsjournal.com/jrnl/art/hybrid-warfare-one-term-many-meanings 6/7
7/23/22, 12:20 AM ‘Hybrid Warfare’: One Term, Many Meanings | Small Wars Journal
U.N. General Assembly Should Recommend Creation Of Crime Of Aggression Tribunal For Ukraine: Nuremberg Is Not The Model (https://www.justsecurity.org/80545/u-
n-general-assembly-should-recommend-creation-of-crime-of-aggression-tribunal-for-ukraine-nuremberg-is-not-the-model/) by Just Security

The Int’l Criminal Court’s Ukraine Investigation: A Test Case for User-Generated Evidence (https://www.justsecurity.org/80404/the-intl-criminal-courts-ukraine-
investigation-a-test-case-for-user-generated-evidence/) by Just Security

Foreign Fighters in Ukraine? Evaluating the Benefits and Risks (https://www.lawfareblog.com/foreign-fighters-ukraine-evaluating-benefits-and-risks) by Lawfare

Urban warfare expert offers Ukrainians tips on battling Russians in close combat (https://taskandpurpose.com/news/urban-warfare-expert-offiers-ukraine-tips-battling-
russia-urban-combat/) by Task & Purpose

Global Counterterrorism in (and After) a Pandemic (https://www.lawfareblog.com/global-counterterrorism-and-after-pandemic) by Lawfare

More Than Rhetoric? International Criminal Justice, Crime Semantics and the Role of the ICC in the Ukraine Conflict (http://opiniojuris.org/2022/02/25/more-than-
rhetoric-international-criminal-justice-crime-semantics-and-the-role-of-the-icc-in-the-ukraine-conflict/) by Opinio Juris

International Law and the Russian Invasion of Ukraine (https://www.lawfareblog.com/international-law-and-russian-invasion-ukraine) by Lawfare

Great-Power Competition Comes for Latin America (https://warontherocks.com/2022/02/great-power-competition-comes-for-latin-america/) by War On The Rocks

Opinion | The China Connection in Mexico’s Illegal Economies (https://mexicotoday.com/2022/02/04/opinion-the-china-connection-in-mexicos-illegal-economies/) by

Mexico Today

Brief: Climate Migration in Mexican and Central American Cities (https://www.mayorsmigrationcouncil.org/news/climate-migration-mexican-central-american-cities) by

Mayors Migration Council

Defending the City: An Overview of Defensive Tactics from the Modern History of Urban Warfare (https://mwi.usma.edu/defending-the-city-an-overview-of-defensive-
tactics-from-the-modern-history-of-urban-warfare) by Modern War Institute

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