427 Saviours of Islamic Spirit 2

SAVIOURS OF ISLAMIC SPIRIT
V o l u m e II
Abul Hasan All Nadwi
Edited and Translated by

(Late) Muhiuddin Ahmad
Academ y of
Islamic Research a n d Publications
Lucknow (India)
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F O R E W O R D
I a m glad to present the second volume o f the Saviours o f

Islam ic Spirit before the readers. T h e first volume o f the book
covered the revivalist endeavours m ade during the first six
centuries of the Islam ic era, from C aliph ‘ U m ar ibn Abdul
Aziz to M au lan a J a la l ud-dln R um i. In this voiume the
biographical accounts, thoughts and achievements o f three
lum inaries of the eighth century after H ijrah are sought to be
presented.
In the U rd u version o f this book, the second volume had
to be exclusively devoted to Sheikh-ul-Islam Ib n T aim iyah
because his splendid achievem ents in the intellectual and
religious fields were quite extensive and varied. It is not a t al)
extravagant to see the reverberating influence o f Ibn
T aim iyah’s thought in the generations succeeding him . O f late,
the m ore intelligent and educated section o f the M uslims has
shown even greater interest in the works an d researches o f Ibn
T aim iyah. H ow ever, I considered it appropriate to include in
the present volume the accounts o f two m ore personalities, dealt
with in the th ird p a rt o f its U rd u version, since all the three
belong to the eighth century. These lum inaries o f Islam —
Sheikh-ul-Islam H afiz Ib n T aim iyah, Sultan-ul-Aulia K hw aja
Nizam ud-dln A ulla a n d M akhdOm-ul-M ulk Sheikh S h a ra f ud-
d ln Y ahya M aneri—differ not only in tim e and space but also
in th e ir tem peram ents, efforts an d achievem ents; yet, one would
see a significant sim ilarity o f common ideal for w hich they all
worked throughout th eir lives. .A ll o f them fought against
internal deterioration caused by ignorance o f the masses, pro
tested against external encroachm ents o f alien thought and
customs and called a h alt to the decadence o f M uslim society
by sum m oning it back to the original purity and o rd e r o f Islam .
T h eir techniques differed according to th e ir circum stances and
needs o f the tim e, but they all tried to re-create the true bonds
o f relationship between the believer and the Suprem e Being.
It has to be borne in m ind, in this context, th a t by the
m iddle o f the eighth century the centre1o f Islam ic religious and
intellectual activities had shifted itself to In d ia where a pow er
ful M uslim power had been firmly established. Sim ultaneously,
the ravages o f th e Mongols had destroyed all traces o f culture
and civilization from T urkistan and Persia, in the east, to Syria
and borders o f Egypt, in the west, and extinquished the lam p o f
A bbasid C aliphate for ever. F or several hundred years to
come, In d ia had to assume the educational and intellectual and
and religious and spiritual leadership o f the w orld o f Islam . A
historian has thus inevitably to tu rn his attention to this new
centre o f Islam . It is for this reason th at a portion o f this
volume and one or two subsequent volumes, whenever they are
w ritten, would have to be devoted to the revivalist m ovem ent
in this country.
T h e rea d er will find in this volume a new religious dim ension
o f Islam revealed by M akhdum Sheikh S h a ra f ud-dln Y ahya
M aneri. T his is the inner and esoteric dim ension o f Islam ,
with its own peculiar concepts, im ageries and m odes o f
expression, experienced in a new environm ent and set forth not
in A rabic but in Persian, w hich hsid by then become the cultural
lingua-franca o f T urkistan, Persia a n d India. M ohi ud-din
A hm ad m ust have found it difficult to re n d er this portion in
English, but, as fr.r as I have been able to see, he has acquitted
him self well o f this onerous task. T h e d iffic u lt‘n ature of. his
undertaking will be realised by those who have had to describe
essentially eastern religious experiences in a foreign language
like English.
V
W ith this b rie f prologue, I place this volum e in th e

hands
of my readers. I hope th a t they w ould welcome it as
enthusiastically as they h a d received th e earlier p a rt o f th e
book.
Lucknow,
.
A bul H asan A ll
N adw l
Shawwal 14, 1334
O ctober 31, 1974
TRAN SLITERATION
T h e dashes to m ark th e long vowels : a as. in f a r ; 0 as in

loose : l as in m ean have been retained, leaving other conven
tional signs. T w o m ore signs c and 5 representing the A rabic
ain an d hamza have also been retained. T h e sounds o f K and
dj used in th e Encyclopaedia o f Islam have been replaced by q
and j respectively, w hich are now in com m on use. W here the
tw o consonants—ch, dh, gh, kh, sh, and th have been used, these
are to be sounded together, as, for exam ple, ch in ‘church’, sh in
‘ship’ an d th in ‘thin k ’. T h e sound o f gh resembles gz as in
‘ex act’, th a t o f kh is like ch in Scottish loch o r the G erm an ach
an d dh gives the sound th in ‘fath er’. W herever the two
consonants a re desired to give th e ir own sounds separately, an
apostrophe has been inserted in betw een as, for exam ple, in
Ad'ham, Is’haq, etc.
H ow ever, w here any proper noun is in com m on use in

English o r its pronunciation is generally known to the English-
speaking people no signs have been used.
CONTENTS
Pagts
!• Sheikh-ul-Islam H afiz Ibn T aim
iyah
I. •M uslim W orld in the Seventh C entury ... 3
II. E arly Life 19
III. T ria ls an d T ribulations 26
IV . C h aracter an d Achievements 61
V. R eform ative E ndeavour 73
V I. C riticism o f Philosophy and Dialectics 93
V II. R efutation o f C hristianity an d Shicaism ... 117
V III. R ejuvenation o f R eligious T hought in
Islam 138
2. Sultan-ul-M ashaikh K hw aja N izam ud-din Aulia

I. T h e C hishtiyah O rd e r in In dia 147
II. Life Sketch o f K hw aja N izam ud-dln
A ulia 166
II I. C h aracter an d Achievements 202
IV . N a tu ra l Affection 211
V. L earning an d Spirituality 220
V I. Blessings an d Benignity 228
V II. Religious and M oral R evival 238
3. M akhdum -ul-M ulk Sheikh S h arf ud-din Yahya

M aneri
I. From B irth to A dulthood ... 257

II . T h e F irdausiyah O rd e r ... 262
III. Life o f Self-Discipline ... 268
v iii
Pages
IV . C h a ra c te r a n d D eportm ent ... 275

V. O n the D eathbed ... 288
V I. M a k h d u m ’s Letters ... 296
V II. G od, the Absolute R eality ... 303
V III. D ignity o f M an ... 314
IX . Intuitive Insight ... 323
X. D efence o f F aith ... 331
B ibliography ... 342
Chronological T ab le ... 350

Glossary ... 357
In d ex ... 369
SHEIKH-UL-ISLAM
HAFI Z IBN T A I M I Y A H
Sheikh-ul-Islam
H A F I Z I BN T A I M I Y A H
Muslim World in the Seventh Century
M aulana J a la l ud-dln R G m ih a d sought to refute the exces

sive rationalism o f the dialecticians which was perm eated with
the spirit o f Greek Philosophy and excessive form alism . ROml
was, in fact, founder o f a neiv school o f scholasticism w hich was
based on a g reater sense o f realism and profundity o f thought
than its earlier counterpart, dialectics, the dom inant feature o f
which was em ploym ent o f cold logical argum entation. ^ R u m i’s
thought was grounded in the personal experiences o f a sublim ated
soul, a purified heart and an illum inated self. H e was not
simply an erudite scholar Of religion a n d a teacher o f dialectics,
but was also blessed with a keen intellect and an enlightened
heart. ; H e was disgusted by syllogism and vain disputation o f
the dialectics, when he was led by a God-m oved soul, through
prayer and penance and the grace o f G od, to the lofty heights o f
the certitude o f knowledge. H e soon realised th a t dialectics
was m ore o f an exercise in speeious reasoning, an a rt o f con
founding one’s ad versary thari propounding the tru th . He* tfaere^
fore, adopted ano th er m ethod d f expounding the mysteries o f
m ute reality1and m etaphysical truths w hich reposed trust in the
4 SAVIOURS OF ISLAMIC SPIRIT
intuitive experience, intim ate and personal, for th a t could be

felt deeply in the core o f one’s heart.
But, som ething m ore was needed to com bat the evil effects
o f philosophy and dialectics. Theological philosophy, too, delved
into the secrets o f im perceptible realities an d freely discussed the
n a tu re an d attributes o f th e Suprem e Being. Islam h a d not left
m an groping in the gloom o f uncertainty in so fa r as the postu
lates o f faith a re concerned ; instead, it h,ad expounded these
m atters in a m uch m ore lucid an d easy m anner intelligible to all
and sundry. For every ethical theory shaping the behaviour of
an individual o r the culture o f a society m ust be rooted in the
philosophical conception o f the** relationship between m an and
U ltim ate R eality; it had o f necessity to be set forth by Islam
quite clearly so th a t no further speculative effort was needed in
th at direqtioft. T h e prophets aiene, declared Islam , w ere the
fount o f know ledge in regard to the realities beyond the ken of
h u m an perception an d the unverifiable, incom prehensible U lti
m ate Being ; an d , therefore, th eir teachings constituted the last
w ord on a subject w hich could not be adequately com prehended
by m a n ’s intellect. T h e philosophy h ad, for th at reason, no
rig h t, nO locus standi, to in tru d e in a m atter o f which it did not
possess even rudim en tary know ledge—the basic prem ises from
w hich it could infer th e logical conclusions d raw n by it. But
th e questions which philosophy sought to discuss did not simply
ad m it any analysis o r speculation, nor w ere the philosophers
capable o f u ndertaking the ta sk ; but, curiously enough,
philosophy considered it pru d en t to m eddle w ith them ,
trying to explain an d elucidate an d even to bring in its verdict
on them . T h e constant aim o f its endeavour was to trace
every question dow n to its source a n d discover th e general
principles underlying every m etaphysical phenom enon as i f it
w ere a n organic m atter capable o f being analysed in a
lab o rato ry .
D ialectics cam e into existence to answ er the questions raised
by philosophy. But, it soon absorbed th e spirit o f its adversary
a n d its e lf tu r n e d in to a th eo lo g ical ph ilo so p h y , discussing
those v ery questions, em p lo y in g th e sam e claim o f
reasoning an d
MUSLIM W ORLD IN T H E SEVENTH CENTURY 5
trying, like philosophy, to ascertain the nature and attributes o f

ihc D ivine Being through the speculative categories o f reasoning.
Ill fine, dialectics, too, turned a deaf ear to the teachings o f the
prophets o f G od, and, placing reliance on lim ited hum an intellect,
tried to explain the inexplicable in term s o f Greek m etaphysical
terminology borrow ed from philosophy. All this vain effort
resulted in com plication and concealm ent o f the tru th behind a
veil o f words and phrases although th e n a tu re and attributes o f
Divinity could have been explained in a sim ple, d irect and intel
ligible m anner to the satisfaction o f all m inds, an d capable o f
•nkindling everyone’s heart. T he task could have indeed been
accomplished in the light o f the Q u r’an and the Sunnah, but the
dialecticians preferred to compile volum inous treatises on philo
sophic interpretation o f the simple tenets o f faith which betrayed
how far it was influenced by (jreek thought even though it
claimed to refute the latter. T his was a developm ent opposed
10 the spirit o f the teachings o f the Q u r’ an and the T raditions,
and, accordingly, a sizable section o f the M uslims never agreed
with the views put forth by the dialecticians. Still, a savant o f ‘
religious sciences with a penetrating intellect, extensive know
ledge and firm conviction in the revealed tru th was needed at
that tim e for expounding the Creed and its doctrines in a faithful
yet convincing m anner.
Islam was, at th a t tim e, confronted w ith several o th e r
internal and external dangers. A new evangelical m ovem ent
was taking shape am ongst the C hristians which sought to censure
Islam and set up C hristianity as the only saving principle for
humanity. T he incessant attacks by the C rusaders on Palestine
along with the presence o f a large num ber o f C hristians o f
European origin in Syria and Cyprus had em boldened them to
criticize the prophethood of'M nham m 'a'd, to compose works on
the truthfulness o f C hristianity and to invite the M uslim s to
debate and argum entation.
A nother danger, ra th e r mOre severe and hurtful to Islam
was th at posed by a so-called M uslim sect known as B atinites.
It had a peculiar creed interw oven from the texture o f
6 SAVIOURS OF ISLAMIC SPIR IT
M agian dogm a, Platonic concepts an d dangerous political am bi

tions, an d its followers like I sina’Hites, Assassins, D ruzes and
N usayris w ere always too w illing to help the enemies o f the
M uslims. N ot unoften were foreign aggressions the result
o f conspiracies hatched by the B atiniles. T hey sided with
the crusaders w hen the latter attacked Syria and Palestine and
were aw ard ed with offices o f dignity and confidence when the
Christians established themselves in Syria. T h roug ho ut the
reign of Zengi a n d Ayyubid dynasties the Batitiitcs continued
to conspire against the then M uslim sovereigns an d , when the T
a rta r hordes invaded the M uslim lands, they joined hands w ith
them to make com m on cause against Islam. Besides this, by
posing themselves as a sect o f the M uslims, they could easily
sow the, seeds o f intellectual dissension and spread
irreligiousness a n d apostasy am ong the sim ple-m inded folk.
In o rder, therefore, to w arn the M uslim s from being
fu rth er duped by the B&tinites and also to punish them for the
abom inable crim es already com m itted by them , it was
necessary to expose their nefarious activities and blasphem ous
beliefs. ,
A part from these, free intercourse w ith non-M uslim s, certain
external influences and the indolence o f th e th en doctors o f reli
gion had all com bined to introduce am ong M uslims certain
impious ideas running counter to the concept o f U nity and over
lordship o f G od, A lm ighty Like the Jew s and Christians, the
M uslim s h ad begun to glorify .their saints an d elevated souls as
those nearer; to God exercising some o f the D ivine functions.
A cting on the pagan principle—We w orship them only th a t they
m ay bring us near unto A llah’— even the educated saw no h arm
in supplicating to the dep arted souls and m artyrs o r resorted to
practices w orshipful in m anners and gestures even though the
Prophet o f h a d strictly forbiddfen his followers to indulge
in such practices. 'T h e careless and ung uard ed believe*' often
yielded to the tem ptation o f participating in feasts an d festivals of
the non-M uslim zimmis and adopted th eir m anners and customs
1. Q.. X IX X : 3
MUSLIM W ORI.D IN T H E SEVENTH C E N T l’RY 7
which wore the appearance o f harmless pleasure o r innocent

entertainm ent. The polytheistic. beliefs and customs o f th<; non-
Muslims being closely interwoven with eveiy circum stance of
their private and public life, the ujitutoied minds of the Muslim
laity were artfully led to w ithdraw their adoration from the
C reator to the abom inable associates o f divinity. In order to
warn the Muslims against these impious ideas and practices
which were destructive o f the religious value o f orthodox Islam ,
it was necessary to start a reform ative movement which could
m aintain the purity o f faith by uprooting irreligious rituals and
practices.
O n the other side, certain indiscreet schools o f mysticism
in Islam had, for reasons intellectual as well as those p ertain ing
to their development, absorbed neo-Platonic and H indu doctrine
o f initiation in divine mysteries. These m ystical-ascetic attitudes
had been so m ixed up with the Islamic beliefs and doctrines
that it had become difficult to distinguish one from the1other.
The popular thought o f the M uslim mystics showed visible
traces of neo-Plantonic gnosticism and H indu pantheism , incar
nation and union, cult of esoteric m eanings and hidden realities
and autinom ian practices. Although some o f the em inent
leaders o f mystic thought had vehemently protested against these
doctrines, still, a large p a rt o f the sfifls insisted on them and
quite a few of them even resorted to wonder-working and
magic spells. A m isguided sect o f the R a fa ciyah mystic order,
which was quite popular,in the seventh and the eighth century
of the Islam ic era, had taken to divination, charm s and w onder
working as a spiritual instrum ent. Thus, the siifls, with their
tremendous influence oil, the uneducated masses, were spreading
ideas completely divorced from the Q u r’ gnic system o f thc ight.
In the intellectual circles, too, rigidity an d stagnation had
overtaken the theologians who considered it a grievous sin to
deviate from the corpus of.tbeir own juristic schools. In th eir
disputes: over theological differences, they tried to in terp ret the
canon in accordance with th eir own cherished views instead of
subordinating their interpretations to the supremacy o f the
Q u r’ an and the Sunnah. T h e doors o f legislative process w hich

im p arts dynam ism to the legal system had alm ost been closed.
T h e dem ands of the changing social problem s required study
o f th e entire corpus o f legal doctrines o f th e earlier legists
and thinkers, an insight into the teachings o f the Q u r, 5n and
Sunnah, academ ic research and intellectual effort in the light o f
accepted
ju ristical norm s b u t the rigidity o f approach on the p art o f
the then theologians had so num bed th eir intellectual
capabilities th a t nobody d ared to re-interpret the Law for
keeping it abreast o f th e changing conditions. T h e legal
system o f Islam had thus lost its originality and dynam ism ,
thanks to the erroneous view th at nothing could now be ad d ed
to the corpus juris o f the Shari1ah already form ulated by the
earlier teachers.
T hese w ere, broadly, the disruptive forces w hich h ad to be
counteracted by a systematic effort before any m ovem ent o f
Islam ic renaissance could be started. In its conflict w ith tlie
speculative reasoning applied by the dialecticians, Islam
req u ired a doctor o f religion deeply versed in all the categories
o f philosophy an d dialectics, th eir points o f difference and th eir
grow th and developm ent. F or the polem ical disputes raised by
the Christians, a m an o f vast learning fully acquainted with
C hristianity as well as other religions, especially their original
scriptures an d the am endm ents and interpolations to which these
h a d been subjected from tim e to tim e, was needed who could
u ndertake a com parative study o f the different religions.
S im ilarly, the Batinite heresy could be com bated only by a m an
who was fully conversant w ith the beliefs and dogm as o f all the
Batinite sects. T h e reform needed for eradication o f external
influences, rites and customs and such o th er un-Islam ic practices
as suint-worship req u ired a doctor o f faith not only anim ated by
zeal for Islam an d abhorrence o f polytheistic cults but also
capable o f distinguishing clearly Islam from up-lslam and
discerning even the faint traces o f the pagan past. H e h ad
had to learn the lesson o f unalloyed Tnwhid directly from the
Q u r’ an and the Sunnah, an d follow in the foot-steps o f the
com panions of the holy Prophet rejecting all those prevalent
MUSLIM W O RLD IN T H E SEVENTH CENTURV 9
tim e which cut across the true concept o f the Oneness o f G o d .

T h e re v ita lisa tio n o f th e in tellectual effort r e q u ite d a m
a ste rm ind—a theologian, a T raditionist a n d a legist, all com
bined into one—a m an who h ad m astered the entire theological
lite ra ture, h ad such a com m and over the Q u r 3a n an d the T
ra d itio n s th a t anything not acceptable to him could easily be
rejected- a s u n tru stw o rth y ; w as deeply-versed in th e
lexicography, g ra m m a r and usage o f the A rabic lan g u ag e; had
an encyclopaedic know ledge o f all the ju ristic schools ;
h a d a developed sense 0 f interpreting th e rules o f th e
Sharicah a n d d ra w in g a n a lo g ic a l inferences fro m th e
teachings an d practices o f the e a rlie? m a ste rs; an d , lastly,
he had to have been endowed w ith an incisive intellect and
prodigious retentive m em ory like th e T raditionists o f th e
earlier tim es bearing testimony to w hat was thus predicted by
the Prophet o f Islam : “ T h e parable o f m y people is th a t o f
ra in : nobody knows w hether its beginning is better o r its
last.” 1
Thus the m an o f the hour was to have not only m astered
all the religious and secular sciences but he was also to possess
all the ennobling qualities o f m ind and heart, a penetrating
intellect, logical thinking, m ental graspV b readth o f vision and
encyclopaedic knowledge so th at he could be held in the highest
esteem as an illustrious scholar and m aster by his contem pora
ries. H e h a d also to be a m an o f spirits so th a t he could will
ingly put his life a t stake for w hat he deem ed to be right. If,
on the one h an d , religious and political opponents o f BStinites
were being elim inated by terrorism and ttiurder, any effort
to oppose the popular M fi orders was, on the other, likely to earn
the displeasure o f the masses as s well as the ruling elite.
Sim ilarly, th e slightest deviation from the views held by earlier
legists was sure to be condem ned as impious and irreligious
inviting severe condem nation by the thendoc.tors o f religion.
Thus, the m an aim ing a t the reconstruction o f the religious
life and thought o f the then M uslim society h ad to have th e
courage to
1. Tirmizi on the authority of Anas ibn Malik
set his face against the then governm ents and the chiefs o f State,
the m isguided t ulama and the popular opinion o f the tim e, and
be willing to fight relentlessly on all fronts for the restoration
o f the tru e faith. Such was the m an needed by the w orld o f
Islam in the eighth century after H ijrah, an d it d id find him
in the person o f Sheikh-ul-Islam Ib n T aim iyah, who, by his
single- m inded devotion and idealism yoked w ith a strong
practical sense, erudite scholarship and dauntless courage
rescued the w orld o f Islam from th e ru t o f intellectual lethargy
an d dem oralisation.
P olitical and Social C onditions
F or a proper assessment o f the achievem ents o f Ibn

T aim iyah it is necessary to touch upon the com plex o f political,
social, religious and intellectual atm osphere o f the tim e within
w hich Ib n T aim iyah h ad to struggle for repovatioa o f Islamic
thought and social life. It was, indeed, a critical period o f
Islam ic history, beset by fast m oving events.
Five years h ad elapsed since the sack o f B aghdad and three
years after the capture o f H aleb (Aleppo) an d D am ascus by the
Mongols, when Ib n T aim iyah w as born. As a child he must
have heard the stories o f cruelty and barbarism o f the T a rta r
hordes invading the M uslim lands. W hen he was seven years
o f age, his hom e town o f H erran , situate in the north of M ongol
occupied territory o f Ira q , falling between the rivers o f Euph
rates an d T igris, was invaded by th e T artar?. Like num erous
oth er people belonging to th a t town his ow n fam ily m oved on
tow ards D am ascus to seek a place o f safety. Everyw here he
saw people terror-stricken, appalled an d panicky, running away
for th eir life in utter confusion an d disorder. L ater on, he
could never forget th e stupefied people scared to d eath by the
b rutality o f the T a rta r legioijts. Ib n T aim iy ah would have also
seen th e destruction w rought by the b arbariaii T a rta r legions
an d h eard o f jthe innum erable stories o f terrifying cruelty
perp etrated by them w hich m ust have raised a storm o f
hatred in his bosom against the b ru tal invaders an d aroused
the feelings
MUSLIM WORLD IN T H E SEVENTH CENTURY 1•
o f sympathy and compassion for the unfortunate, victims

of unprecedented tyranny.
At the same tim e, he must have also heard o f th e b rilliant
victory won by Al-M alik al-Z ah ir Baibers only three years be
fore his b irth a t ‘Ain Ja lu t. I t m ight have im parted to his
agitated heart,, as to many others o f his tim e, a sense o f satisfaction
and reassuring confidence in the sw ord-arm o f Islam .
T he M exnlaks o f Egypt
About twelve years before Ib n T aim iyah was born, the

Memluks had taken -over the adm inistration o f Egypt an d Syria.
T he M emluks, who w ere also known as Bahriyah,1 w ere the
T urk slaves o f the last Ayyubid Sultan Al-M alik Al-Saleh Ayytib
(d. 647 A .H .). O ne o f these MemlQks, ‘Izz ud-din Aibeck
al- T urk m an l had ascended the th ro n e u n d er the title o f Al-
M alik al-M ucIz in 647 A .H . after putting to sword T u ran
Shah, the descendent o f Al-M alik al-SiUete. H e was succeeded
by his son N u r ud-d ln c All w hen he was killed in 65'5 A .H .
NQr ud-dln
*Ali was overthrow n by Sa if ud-d ln K atz; once th e Prim e
M inister o f 1Izz ud-d ln Aibeck in 657 A .H . H e was th e first
M em luk Sultan who gave a crushing defeat to the T artars.
However, only a y ear after S aif ud*dln K atz donned the
purple, he was slain by R ukn ud-dln Baibers, who was also a
slave o f Al-M alik al-Saleh N ajm ud*din Ayytib. Baibers
ascended the throne w ith the title o f Al-M alik al-Z ah ir and
ru le d over Egypt for eighteen years. H e won splendid victories
over the invading crusaders and T a rta rs. .
W hen Ibn T aim iyah was born, Egypt and Syria were ruled
by Al-M alik al-Z ah ir Baibers an d when th e la tte r d ied, Ibn
T aim iyah was fifteen years o f age. Baibers was the first M uslim
sovereign who consolidated his forces to give m any a crushing
defeat to the enemies o f Islam . Ib n K a th ir w rites o f him in
1. Meaning the sea-man, they had derived this name from Bohr or sea, ai
river Nile is called. Memluks had their settlements by the side
of river Nile.
12 SAVIOURS OF IS&AMIC SPIR IT
Al-Bidayah wan-Nihayah :
“ C apable, courageous and brave, Baibers was always
alive to th e dangerous designs o f bis enemies an d ready to
m eet the th re a t from any q u arter. H e endeavoured to
strengthen th e disorganised M uslim power. R aised by
Providence to reorganise an d strengthen the dejected and
decim ated M uslim forces, he was, in tru th , like a thorn in
the flesh o f T a rta rs an d C rusaders. H e put a ban on the
sale o f w ine and expelled the hardened crim inals from his
dom inions. H e could never take rest until the wickedness
o r w iong b rought to his notice was set rig h t.” 1
Baibers held sway over the territories extending from the
riv er Euphrates in the East to the farthest lim its o f Sudan in the
South, w ith Egypt as its centre and C airo as its C apital. T he
large num ber o f educational institutions established by Baibers
and the presence o f the A bbasid C aliph A l-M ustansir b ’llla h in
Egypt h a d attracted m any renow ned doctors o f religion to C airo
which h a d thus become the nerve-centre o f political,
intellectual an d cultural activities in the East.
Baibers was an im ated by a genuine feeling o f love fo r Islam
an d fighting in the way o f G od, b u t he was arro g an t and
highh an d ed also as the au to crat sovereigns generally are. T
h e a n nalists o f his tim e have listed num erous acts o f his
haughty and despotic behaviour along w ith the b rillian t
victories won by him . O n e o f these incidents relates to his
reg rettab le m isbehaviour w ith Im am N awavl.*
T he kingdom o f Egypt and Syria ruled for eighteen long
years by Baibers so quickly changed hands a fte r his d eath th a t
ninfe sultans ascended the th ro n e w ithin 33 years betw een 676
A .H . to 709 A.H. D uring this period only one ru le r o f g rit and
ability presided over this Islam ic K ingdom . H e was A l-M alik
al-M ansur S a if ud -d ln Q alaw oon who inflicted a crushing defeat
on the T a rta rs in 678 A .H . an d liberated T ripolis from
t.:e
1. Ibn K athir, Vol. X III, p. 276

2. Tabaqat-us-Shaftfiyah, Vol. V, p. 168
MUSLIM W ORLD IN THE SEVENTH CENTURY 13
crtifaders after 185 years o f C hristian dom ination over the city.
H e donned the Im perial purple for twelve years from 678 A.H.
to 689 A .H . but after his death the kingdom again fell to the
lot o f incompetent rulers. At last MansUr Q alaw oon’s son Al-
M alik al-N asir M uham m ad ibn Q alaw oon wielded the sceptre
o f authority for the th ird tim e in 709 A.H. and ruled over the
kingdom for the next thirty-tw o years. M uham m ad ibn Q ala
woon was the contem porary sovereign during whose rule Ibn
T aim iyah held aloft the banner o f reform and renovation.
Blessed with several qualities o f m ind and heart like Baibers and
his own father M ansur Q alaw oon, he became a source o f unity
and strength to his kingdom . H e too, like his predecessors,
dealt smashing defeats upon the T artars.
D uring the whole o f this period, Ira q , Ira n an d K hurasan
continued to smother u nder the despotic contrpl o f the T artars.
Baghdad was not restored to the Muslims until its T a rta r ruler
em braced Islam . T he Abbasid Caliph o f Egypt him self led an
expedition against Ira q and Baibers foo m ade several attempts
to regain Ira q , but none p f these efforts proved successful.
Memluks, however, held the reign o f governm ent over Egypt,
Sudan, Syria and Hejaz.
System o f G overnm ent

T h e State religion o f the M em luk sultanate was Islam ; th e
kings and the nobles believed in an d ad ored Islam ; fought for
its defence ; ecclesiastical dignitaries like Q azls and Sheikh-ul-
Islams w ere regularly appointed by the State the Shan1ah was
enforced as the law o f the la n d ; educational institutions, free
from State control, im parted religious instruction ; but, despite
all these the sultans were the pivot o f jk>litico-militai*y structure
o f governm ent. A ll decisions ultim ately rested with the K ing
and his counsellors, w hich, sometimes, even lim ited the opera
tion o f the Sharjah laws, In its structure and (organisation, it
was a m ilitary oligrachy without any constitution, a codified law
or a consultative body.
; A l-M alik al-Z ahir Baibers and other M em luk sultans,
undoubtedly, Always tried to obtain the support o f the religions

leaders and if the culama ever strongly opposed any m easure of
the governm ent, it was postponed or given up. W hen Im am
N aw avl strongly condem ned the royal edict to confiscate all the
fiefs o f landlords in Egypt and S yria, Baibers expressed his dis
pleasure w ith the Im am and farced him to leave D am ascus, but
he could n o t enforce his decision arid th e status quo was m ain
tain ed . T he entire adm inistrative organ rested on the heredi
tary system but it Was often disrupted by a powerful m ilitary
general. In fine, it was not founded on the Islam ic principles
o f polity. A system o f governm ent congenial to Islam ic thought
a n d spirit req u ired the head o f the S tate to be a capable ruler
enjoying the confidence o f the com m unity: Meriiltik sultanate,
ju st the other way, owed its existence solely to the personal grit
an d am bition o f th e rulers. T he M em luk traditions o f Absolute
m onarchy, pow erful aristocracy and increasing concentration o f
m ilitary pow er enabled the am bitions m ilitary leaders to wrest
pow er w henever such an opportunity arose. T h e slaves
of AyyQbid dynasty took over th e em pire from th e ir m asters,
thanks chiefly to th eir own effort; courage an d prowess.
A lthough every M em luk sultan tried to ensure th a t one o f his
sons wielded th e sceptre after him , the M em luk trad itio n re-
asserted itself tim e and again, an d w henever an opportunity
was afforded, a valian t and zestful general replaced the
rightful prince. This, natu rally , encouraged internal conflict
and civil w ar to get hold o f the reigns Of governm ent, but the
M em luks always united to face any th reat o f aggression from
the T a r ta r or th e C ru sad ers’qu arters. :
M oral and Social con d ition s
T h e riding class o f the 'I ’tirkomari tribes was conscious

o f its superiority an d kept itself ^lo o f from the local
populatlori. I t spoke T urkish dialects and used A rabic only for
offering prayers o r conversing w ith the religious leaders an d
th e local populatio n . M ost o f them , however, knew A rabic
barely sufficient to perform the obligatory religious duties.
N evertheless, they
MUSLIM WORLD IN T H E SEVENTH CENTURY 15
respected the doctors o f faith, the pious and the elect, constructed
mosques and madrasns and did not discrim inate against anyone
OH grounds, o f race or language. Still, the higher civil and
military assignments w ent to the T urkom an elite. Sim ilarly,
most o f the grandees, noblemen an d landlords holding fiefs in
lieu o f m ilitary fcervi'cip w ere T urkom ans who m ade economic
gains a t the expense o f the cultivators and labourers; A n effort
m ade by H osam ud-dln L ajeen in 697 A .H . to redistribute the
agricultural holdings for im proving th e economic conditions of
the tillers o f the soil proved abortive as the T urkom an chiefs
opposing the m easure Tose in .ev o lt against him.
Another influential section o f the u rb an population in Syria
and Egypt consisted o f the T a rta r prisoners o f w ar who had
settled, in large num bers, in these lands. These countries were
full o f them , as al-M aqrizt reports, during the reign o f A l'M alik
al-Zahir Baibers and their m anners and customs h ad percolated
into the local population. T hey em braced Islam , no doubt, but,
they also continued to adhere to th e ir national characteristics,
habits and customs. T here were really only a few examples of
the new converts to Islam adopting the ethical and social ideals
of thei r new faith m arking a- total break w ith th eir past cultural
traditions, m anners and morals. I t was a distinctive charac
teristic of the Prophet’s companions alone, who, as if transform ed
by a Prophetic m iracle, eschewed all traces o f the conflict
between th eir adopted faith and th e pagan past. T hey appeared,
in tru th , to have been reborn in Islam . T his could not have
been expected o f the converts o f a later age when th ere was
neither any arran g em en t for th eir guidance and training in the
Islam ic ws y o f life n o r was the M uslim society dynam ic enough
to absorb an d re-fashion the new entrants into its fold. T he
social life o f these T a rta r neo-M uslims was, for these reasons, an
adm ixture o f Islam ic outlook and pagan traditions. T h e famous
historian o f Egypt, al-M aqrizl, who has sum m ed up all th at he
found floating dow n the stream o f tim e describes the social and
religious behaviour o f these new converts to Islam in these w ords :
“ T hese T a rta rs h ad learnt, in the M uslim countries, to
16 SAVIOURS OE ISLAMIC SPIR IT
read the Q u r’ an and adhered to religious canons

and observances but th eir life was an am algam o f vices
and virtues. They subjected themselves to the decisions
of the C hief QazS in m atters relating to p rayer, fasting,
poor-due,
• Haj, charitable endowments, adm inistration o f the
property o f orphans and the disputes between the espouses
but in their personal m atters, habits an d behaviour, they
followed the Mongol traditions and the laws prom ulgated by
Chenghiz
K h an , • They had appointed an ad m in istrato r known as
Hajib to adjudicate upon m atters falling in the sphere
of their custom ary law , to restore justice to the weak
am ongst them and to impose sanctions against the bully
and strong.
Disputes betw een the T a rta r traders in com m ercial m atters
as well a s those relating to property an d land holdings were
also decided in accordance with th eiro w n traditio nal laws.” 1
The> increasing tendency o f the local population to ad o p t the
T a r ta r usages even to the extent of accepting some o f the inapt
ideas was outcome o f free interm ixing:of the T a rta r and the
A rab M uslims. A parallel example o f the interchange o f ideas
culminating into a m utual absorption o f each other's cultural
strains and thought patterns can be seen in the contact between
Europe and Asia w hich first began in the battle-fields
during the Crusades.
T he free interm ixing o f different nationalities had thus given
b irth to a new society, neither A rab nor Islam ic in its m ake up,
w hich had brought to the fore new social an d cu ltu ral problems.
T his h ad , naturally, increased m, anifold the responsibility of
those religious doctors a n d reform ers who ab h o rred un-Islam ic
1. Khutat-i-Misr, Vol. II, p. 221
beliefs an d practices adopted by tlie M uslims. T hey w anted to
2. Q.. I I : 20fi
bring the M uslim society back to the p a th chalked out by the
Q u r’an an d the Sunn.ih—a path treaded by the earlier preceptors
in com pliance w ith the D ivine C om m and : E nter wholly into
submission (unto H im ).2
MUILIM W ORLD IN T H E SEVENTH CENTURY 17
Jptellectual A tm osphere
Barring a few exceptions we find in the century preceding
Ibn T aim iyah w idespread educational efforts and plentiful
writ--
lings on num erous subjects. Bui, by and, large, most o f the litera-
4ure produced du rin g , this period lacks depth o f thought and
profundity and can be classified as elucidations an d interpretations
o f the earlier works, T his lack o f originality was an outcom e
of the stratification o f ju ristic schools w hich, content to rem
ain within the inviolable bounds o f th eir own m aking, rejected
the ItAst deviation from the teachings o f th eir m asters. In
principle,
fell the four juristic schools o f orthodox Islam w ere deem ed to
be right, but the votaries o f cach r egarded the interpretation
o f their own school as the only faithful version o f the D ivine
ord inances. T h e only consideration they could show to others
was to concede th at the exposition o f the Law by th eir own fmg&i
though largely correct m ight contain a few mistakes, but th a
t o f the Others were likely to be correct only on a few points
but w ere much m ore faulty.
T he followers o f every-juristic school, th en , considered th eir
Own sect to be rightly guided, correct and God ordained w hile the
chief effort o f th eir learned theologians, had been diverted to
wards producing argum ents proving th e pre-em inence o f the
precursors of th eir ow n juristic schools over all others. T h e
psychology o f the then doctors o f religion is best illustrated :by
the resentm ent show® by the culemi belonging to the Shafe'I
school on the appointm ent o f the C hief Q a z i s of other juristic
Kchools in ad d ition to a Shafe4! State Ju rist by Sultan A l-M alik
tl-Z a h ir Baibers. These theologians were indignant th at in a
country where only a ShafecI doctor o f law held th at office,"
dignitaries o f equal rank should be appointed from am ongst the
followers o f other juristic schools as well. W hen the rule of
Baiber’s progeny over Egypt cam e to an end a few years after
this incident, it was construed by certain ShafecI l ulama as a
Divine punishm ent for the B aiber’s action.1
I. Tabaqat-us-Shaje' iyah
18 SAVIOURS O F ISLAMIC S PIR IT
N arrow -m indedness a n d rigidness Were not lim ited to the

legists alone, fo r the fixity o f theological philosophy h ad restricted
it, perhaps, to a fa r g re a te r extent to canalised ideas. T he
follow ers o f the four schools o f o rth o d o x Islam acknow ledged
each o th e r’s validity ; they m et, conversed an d h ad cordial
relations am ongst them , but it- w as impossible to see a sim ilar
to leran ce betw een the A sh‘arites and H anbalites. W hereas the
legists d eb ated sim ply ab o u t the correctness o f th e ir own inter
p retatio n , th e disputation betw een th e scholasticians was m ore
often m ean t to prove th a t the o th e r side h ad lapsed from faith.
T h e cre d a l fixity o f the dialecticians, as distinct from theological
rig id ity , stim ulated by a flair fo r logical disputation h ad m ade
these polem ical w ranglings a popular intellectual pursuit. T h e
g ran d ees an d th e nobles, the learned and the laity all took a keen
interest i n these verb al engagem ents.
As a lre a d y stated e a rlie r, mysticism seems to h av e captured
th e h e a rt a n d s p u l o f a g reat m ajority. T h e sufistic thought had
absorbed num erous un -Islam ic an d foreign ideas w hile m ost o f
the sufis, illiterate an d profane, w ere spreading infidelity and
indifference to th e teachings o f Islam ;
A section o f th e philosophers was busy, on the o th er h an d ,
in sp read in g its ow n agnostic ideas, often overtly, and a t tim es
covertly, com pletely disregarding th e prophetic teachings.
T h e re w ere others too w ho w anted to reconcile religion w ith
philosophy, for, they h a d assum ed th e superiority o f reason ovef
faith. Both these groups w ere, how ever, fossilised followers o f
A ristotle and P la to ; they held the two in the highest esteem
as fount o f all w isdom , an d th e ir theories as inviolate im
m utable.
T h is was, th en , th e political, social, ethical, a n d intellectual
atm osphere o b tain in g a t th e tim e in w hich Ib n T a im iy ah was
b ro u g h t Up a n d w herein he rose to give a call for all-round
refo rm a n d reg en eratio n o f th e M uslim w orld.
I I
Early Life
Birth and C hildhood o f Ibn T aim iyah

Born on M onday, th e I Oth p f Rabl-ul-A w w al 661 A .H .,
Ahm ad T a q l ud-dln Ibn T aim iy ah cam e o f a reputed fam ily o f
theologians belonging to H a rra n n ear Edessa (R o h a)’ in n o rth ern
Ira q . ’
H is father, Shahab ud-dln 1A bdul H alim Ib n T aim iyah
(d. 682 A .H .), was the pulpiter o f the great U m m ayyad mosque
and a professor o f T rad itio n s in DarulHad\th c Assakuriyah o f
Damascus.* Likewise, his gran d fath er A bul B arkat M ajd ud-
d ln Ibn T aim iyah (d. 652 A.H .) was a renowned teacher o f
H anbalite school and a m an o f letters, whose' Manlaqi-ul-AkhbUr
classifying all the T rad itio n s serving as th e source o f legislation
is still held as a w ork o f g reat erudition.3
T his was the tim e w hen the entire w orld o f Islam was
timorously trem bling w ith fear u n d e r the terrib le blows d ealt
with by the b arb aric T a rta r hordes, but the lands of. Ira<j and
Ja z ira h were a t the m om ent special targets o f th eir ho rrid
depredations. Ib n T aim iyah was seven years o f age w hen the
T artars m ounted an attack on H a rra n . F earfu l o f m assacres,
fip in es, conflagrations an d , above all, the indignities w hich
1. Known as Orfa, the town is now in Turkey

2. Ibn k a tih r, Vol. X III, p. 303
3 ShaukSrri later wrote a commentary on Mantaqi-ul-Akhbar under the title
of Nail-ul-Autar in eight volumes.
20 SAVIOURS O P ISLAMIC SPIR IT
w ere worse th a n d e a th , th e fam ily o f Ib n T a im iy a h left H
a rra n
along w ith th e terro r-sm itten m u ltitu d e to seek asylum in some
o th er M uslim country. T h e re was no question o f proceeding to
Ira q w hich h ad a lread y fallen to th e T a r ta r arm s. T hey h ad ,
therefore, to b end th e ir steps to D am ascus w hich was a com
paratively safer place ru le d by the pow erful M em luks o f
Egypt. L eaving beh in d th e ir en tire belongings, Ib n T a im iy a h ’s
fam ily chose to take aw ay w ith them only th e v alu ab le
treasu re of books they h a d , but, w ith no beasts o f b u rd e n
being available to pull th e carts, they h ad them selves to
p erfo rm th a t job. Confusion an d d iso rd er prevailed everyw
here, w hile th e fugitives, filled w ith g rie f a n d te rro r w ere
alw ays fearfu l o f being overtaken by th e T a r ta r cav alry . O
n ce, w hen a T a r ta r colum n was n e a r a t h a n d , th e wheels o f
th e c a rt got stuck up. T h e m em bers o f Ib n T a im iy a h ’s
fam ily fell p ro strate on the ground an d fervently beseeched
G od to save th e m from th e im pending calam ity. A t last, the
c a rt m oved on an d the c a rv a n got ah ead safely on its w ay.1
In D a m a sc u s
T h e new s o f th e a rriv a l o f this illustrious fam ily soon spread

in D am ascus. T h e people, specially the ed u cated , w ere aw are
o f th e scholarly achievem ents o f M ajd u d -d ln ib n T aim iy ah and
*A bdul H a lim ibn T aim iy ah . The la tte r, Ib n T aim iy ah ’s
fa th e r, w as invited to begin discourses on Hadlth. in the G reat
U m m ayyad m osque a n d th e Darul Hadlth 1Assakuriyah which
w ere atten d ed by a la rg e n u m b er o f students an d scholars.
P ro d ig io u s M em ory
Ib n T a im iy a h ’s fam ily was know n for its strong

retentive m em ory. H is fa th e r a n d g ra n d fa th e r both h a d
an eidetic m em ory b u t th e pro d ig io u s treasu re house o f th e m
ind endow ed to Ib n T aim iy ah surpassed even his forefathers.
W hen hewww.abulhasanalinadwi.org
was still a ch ild , th e feats o f hjs m arvellous m em
SARLY LIFE 21
the people lost in am azem ent. An eye-witness account o f

his , am azing m em ory preserved in Al-CCJqSd ud-Durriyah
runs as
follows
“ O nce a scholar o f H aleb w ho had come to D am ascus
heard o f a prodigious child, A hm ad ibn T aim iyah, renow ned
for his m arvellous retentive pow er. Com ing to a ta ilo r’s
shop near A hm ad’s house he sat dow n th ere to w ait
for the child. A fter a shOrt w hile, the ta ilo r pointed out
the boy sought by him . Hie sum moned the boy a n d asked
him to wipe off his tablet so th a t he could w rite on it. T h e
boy handed over the clean tablet to th e scholar w ho w rote
11 o r 13 T raditions o n it an d then askfed the boy to
read them once carefully. N ow , the scholar took back the
tablet and asked the boy to repeat w hat he had read . T
h e boy repeated them all w ithout a single m istake. T h e
scholar got the tablet wiped off again a n d w rote
thereon a few transm itting chains o f the T raditions.
T h e boy went through these and again repeated the
w hole th in g . Astonished at the feat o f the boy’s
m em ory he re m a rk e d : ‘I f G od wills him to live, he
w ould be a genius w ithout a peer in the whole w orld’.” 1
T here are num erous examples o f Ibn T aim iy ah’s am azing
feats o f m em ory which lend support to th e veracity o f this story.
In fact, the intellectual m arvels o f strong retentive, pow er pos-
lessed by the T raditionists an d other doctors o f religion,
recorded by historians On the authority o f unim peachable w it
nesses, show that the story n a rra te d about Ib n T aim iyah is not
at all exaggerated.
Education o f Ibn T aim iyah

Ib n T aim iyah was from his childhood an industrious
student and, as his biographers say, he never took any interest
in games and sports. L ater on, too, when he had grow n up, no
diversion, fun or festivity could ever hold his attention.
Nevertheless, his
1. Abu Zahra, p. 56 (cited from Al-*Uqud-ud-Durriyah) , p. 21
22 SAVIOURS OE ISLAMIC SPIR IT
works b e ar witness to the fact th a t he was fully aw are o f the

different sections o f society o f his tim e, their hab its an d customs,
m anners an d m orals an d even entertainm ents an d recreations.
It seems th a t he h a d not only spent his tim e as a scholar buried
in books b u t h ad also studiously pondered over the problem s o
f life a n d contem porary society.
Ib n T aim iyah gleaned know ledge o f a ll the secular a n d
religious sciences o f his- tim e, fie gave special attention to the
A rabic literatu re and gained com m and over g ram m a r an d lexi
cology. H e not only m astered the Al'-Kilab o f Sibaw aih, th e
greatest authority on g ra m m a r and syntax, but he pointed out
its mistakes too.1 H is proficiency in this field proved immensely
beneficial to him later on in the com position o f his own works.
H e g ain ed a thorough know ledge o f the entire collection o f prose
and poetry available a t the tim e. H e also studied the history o
f pre-lslam ic A rab ia as well as th a t o f the post-Islam ic era.
T he wide know ledge thus gained by him gave him a
b read th o f vision n o t found am ongst his contem poraries.
Ib n T aim iyah also learnt, besides these, calligraphy
an d m athem atics from the teachers o f these sciences.*
T u rn in g to the religious sciences, he studiously learnt the
Sharjah law s, Jurispru dence, Hadilh an d the Q u r’ an. H e studied
th e H an b ali system o f law from his ow n father. In Hadlth, he-
first le a rn t by h e art, as was the custom in those days, Im a m
H u m a ld l’s al-Jam'-o bain-us-Sahlkain and th en studied the science
from several reputed teachers o f Hadlth present a t the tim e in
Syria. Ib n eAbdul. H a d ! relates th a t the num ber o f Ib n
T a im iy ah ’s teachers in Hadith exceeds two h u n d red .3 Am ong
these a re included such em inent doctors o f Hadlth as Ib n c Abd
ud -D ay am al-M aqd isI a n d several others o f a n equal ran k and
standing. Ib n T aim iy ah thus went th ro ug h th e Musnad Imam
Ahmad and Sihah Sitia m ore than once to le a rn these from
1. Al-Kawaktb-ud-Durriyah, p. 2
2. Ibid, p. 2
3. H id,, p. 2
B A U .Y l i f e 23
different teachers.1
Ib n T aim iyah h ad a fancy for the exegesis o f the Q u r’an.
Al he him self says, he h a d tu rn ed over the leaves o f m ore than
A hundred com m entaries and glosses o f th e holy scripture.2 H e
wai endowed w ith a bent o f m ind wont to reflect and m editate
upon the pith and m eaning of the Q u r’ an. Ibn T aim iy ah has
him self explained the way he used to bring his m in d to bear
Upon the study o f the Q u r’anic verses. Says he :
“ Sometimes I have gone through as m any as h u ndred
com m entaries o f a single verse o f the Q u r’an. A fter I have
dipped into these pages 1 have supplicated God to enlighten
me about the tru e content and significance Of the Uyah. I
pray to G od thus on these occasions : ‘T hou a rt th e Exalted
T eacher of A dam an d Ib ra h im . Favour m e T h o u w ith
the essence o f this ayah.' O ften I betake to an abandoned
mosque o r wilderness an d beseech God w ith my forehead
on the ground : ‘O G uide o f Ib ra h im ! G ran t cognition
to m e.’ ” 3
T h e A sh 'arite school o f dialectics was then predom inant in
Egypt and Syria. Sultan S al a h ud-dln A yyubl was him self an
Ashcarite who h a d com m itted to heart, according to the famous
historian M aq rlzl, th e w ritings o f Q u tb u d -dln A bul M aca
lt al-Ashc a rl on scholastic theology. Salah u d -d ln even got
his Hons to learn these by h eart. W ith the patronage
afforded to the Ashcarite school by the princes o f Ayyubid
dynasty and la te r on by the M em luk sultans o f Egypt, the
Ashcarite school h ad gained immense popularity in those
countries.
Because o f the unending polem ical w ranglings betw een the
H anbalites and the Ashcarite theologians, the form er h a d come
to be looked upon as fundam entalists and opponents o f the m ore
popular m odernist Ashca rite school. T he Ashcarite
scholasticism, w ith its m ethod o f argum entation based upon
syllogistic
1. Al-Kwdkib-ud-Vuniyah, p. 2
2. Tajsir Surat-un-Nur, p. 136
3. Al-(Uqud-ud-Durnyoh, p. 24
24 SAVIOURS OF ISLAMIC S P IR IT
logic, appealed to reason and relied on the ap p aren t m eanings

o f the Q u r ’anic text and T rad itio n s. T he H anbalites, just
the o th er w ay aro u n d , w ere n eith er adept in discursive reason
ing n o r in philosophical induction w ith th e result th a t they
w ere u n ab le to justify th eir stand as dexterously as the
Ash£arites. M ore often they left a n im pression o f being
un-intelligent people, ineruditu an d shallow , having only a sm at
tering o f know ledge o f inductive reasoning. T h is would have
perhaps been th e feeling o f a proud and sensitive m ail, th a t Ibn
T aim iy ah was, who resolved to learn all about dialectics and
syllogistic form s, logic and philosophy. And he d id learn all
th e ins an d outs o f these ciences w ith a fullness o f knowledge
th a t enabled him to arg u e pow erfully against the G reek philoso
phers. H e pointed out the lim itations o f th e m ethods and con
cepts o f these sciences so m asterfully th a t a fter him no philoso
p h er o f note cam e fo rw ard to reb u t his criticism .
I n b rief, Ib n T aim iy ah interpreted the Q u r’ an an d the
Sunnah, established the superiority o f Islam over heresy, philo
sophical concepts an d o th er faiths a n d contributed to a genuine
revival o f religion a fte r a deep study and delib eratio n th a t was
necessary for fighting the religious and intellectual waywardness
o f th e tim e . Seeking to surpass his opponents, th e Jew s an d the
C hristians, the philosophers and the Batanites an d the mystics
an d the dialecticians, he m astered the m ethodology em ployed
by them to attack Islam . In fact, his learning, his erudition,
his intellectual attain m en t and his m ental g rit always left his
adversaries spell-bound. O n e o f his bitterest rivals, A llam a
K a m a l u d -d lh al-Z am alkaril, has p aid a glow ing trib u te to Ib n
T a im iy a h ’s encyclopaedic know ledge in these w ords .
“ G od h ad m ad e know ledge o f a ll the sciences as easy
for Ib n T a im iy ah as iron h ad been softened for (the p ro
phet) D av id . W henever he was asked any question, he
answ ered in a w ay th a t the au d ien ce th o u g h t him to have
spent his w hole life in acquiring know ledge o f th a t very
b ran ch o f know ledge alone and acknow ledged him as the
greatest authority on the subject. Scholars subscribing to
tA H L Y LIFE 25
different juristic schools attended his discourses and each

one o f them learnt som ething th a t he had not known earlier.
It never happened th a t he debated any point and was put
to sham e. W hatever be the subject m atter about w hich he
spoke, w hether religious o r discursive, he surpassed all the
authorities on th at p articu lar subject. In penm anship, too,
he was equally elegant.” 1
The Gifted Teacher

Ibn T aim iyah was only twenty-two when his father died in
682 A-H. W ithin less th an a year lie was asked to take the
place of his father. T h e very first address he del vered at th a t
young age, in the presence o f such learned doctors as the C hief
Q azi B ah a1 u d-din ibn az-Zakl as-Shafe£t, Sheikh T aj ud-dln
al-Fazarl, Z ain ud-dln ibn al-M unja H anbali, was full o f thoughts
that breathe and words that burn. It was a speech so impressive
and forceful, sparkling and m ajestic th a t the historian Ib n K atfilr
lists it as an “ astonishing event” in th e annals for the year 683
A.H. “ It was so adm ired by all” , writes Ib n K a th lr, “ th at
Sheikh T aj ud-din al-F azart him self put dow n the speech in
w riting.” 2
In the year 692 A.H-. Ibn T aim iyah set out for H aj w ith a
Syrian caravan un d er the leadership o f al-BSstl.3
1. At-Kwakib-ud-Durriyah, p. 5
2. Ibn K athir, Vol. X III, p. 303
3. Ibid., p. 313
HI
Trials and Tribulations
H aving carved out a prom inent place for him self am ong
the lead in g scholars o f Syria, Ibn T a im iy ah ’s fam e was fast
spreading as a p o p u lar lectu rer w hen, in the year 698 A .H ., for
the first tim e, an un fo rtu n ate incident stirred up a tum ult
against h im . .
Some persons belonging to H am ah subm itted a question to
Ibn T aim iy ah asking h im to explain the n atu re an d attributes o f
the Suprem e-Being in the lig h t .of certain Q u ra n ic verses an d
T rad itio n s w hich spoke o f these in finite signs a n d symbols. Ib n
T aim iy ah gave a d etailed reply to the question1. H e explained
the view held by the com panions o f th e Prophet a n d th e ir succes
sors, the religious doctors o f yore an d th e dialecticians like
Im am A bul H asan Al-Ashca rl, Q a z i A bu B aqr B aqillanI, Im am
ul-H arm ayn a n d others th a t a belief in the essential attributes o
f God is the m ost im p o rtan t p a rt o f the M uslim s’ faith .
Ib n T aim iyah proved from th e w ritings o f the earlie r
authorities th a t all o f them acknow ledged the attributes o f God
w hom they reg ard ed beyond all sim ilitude and free from all
lim itations.
1. The reply of Ibn Taim iyah covering about 50 pages under the caption
*al-Aqeedalul Hamuyah-lul-Kubra’ is included in the collection entitled
' Majm'a-tar-Rasa'il al-Kubra published from Egypt in 1323 A.H. The
charge levelled against him th at he subscribed to anthropom or
phic concept of God is absolutely baseless.
THIALS AND TRIBULATIONS 27
Avowal o f tlie D ivine attributes by them was neither m eant to

anth ropomo rpb ise D ivine attributes nor they considered it neces
sary to d iy est H im o f all the positive qualities in their craze to
prove the eternity of His Being. W hile insisting th at the nature
Qf the Supreme Being cannot be adequately expressed in term s
flpniHar to the finite hum an understanding they had acknow
ledged the Supreme Being as the K now ing (or O m niscient), the
Powerful (or Alm ighty), the W illing, the Living, the H earing,
the Seeing and the Speaking. Sim ilarly, the theological doctors
of old recognised other attributes ascribed to G od, without any
interpretation either designed to avoid the similitudes o r negating
those qualities in a way th a t reduces His Being into sheer no
thingness. Ibn Taim iyah m aintained th a t the conception o f the
Life, K now ledge o r Power did not attribute finite hum an form
or personality to G od for H e is neither a substance circum scribed
with limits not determ ined by m easure; neither does H e
resemble b o d ies; neither is H e a substance, nor do substances
exist in H im ; neither is H e an accident nor do accidents exist in
Him . H e sits upon the throne, after the m anner w hich H e
H im self has described, and in th a t same sense which H e Him self
means, which is a sitting far rem oved from any notion o f con
tact, o r renting upon, o r local situation. H e is above the throne,
and above all things, even to the utm ost ends o f everything th at
has a being. H e is distinct from the creatures by His attributes,
neither is there anything besides H im self in His essense, n o r is
Hi? essence in any other besides H im . T herefore, it is not cor-
rect to conceive the inconceivable Being on the pattern o f any
finite form or substance or to consider the lim iting adjuncts o f
hum an expression as circum scribing H im with the lim itations of
finite forms, qualities or personifications.
Ib n Taim iyah went on further to explain th a t certain dialec
ticians, either too m uch impressed by the.; Greek philosophical
concepts or anim ated by an excessive zeal to uphold th e U nity
o f G odhead, interpreted the D ivine attributes in a way th a t was
directly opposed to what th e Prophet had taught and was under
stood by the companions and later scholars. T h e negation of
28 SAVIOURS O F ISLAU1C SP IR IT
D ivine attrib u tes, m ore often, en d ed up in reducing G od Al

m ighty to a nam eless, form less, nothing. The
in terp retation o f these dialecticians was, thus, far rem oved
from the teachings o f th e precursors o f faith, th e earlier
theologians and even th e ir ow n m entors. Ib n T aim iyah
severely taxed these m isguided scholastics w hom he called an
ignoram us lot unaw are o f th e tru e w o rth and m erit o f th e
prophetic teachings and blind followers o f th e Indo-G reek
philosophical concepts. H e concluded his reply w ith several
exam ples o f philosophers w ho were ultim ately disillusioned by
th e ir v a in pursuit an d end ed u p w ith an expression o f sorrow ful
disenchantm ent. M any o f them , said Ib n T aim iy ah ,
acknow ledged th e religious dogm a before joining th e g reat
m ajority.
T h e reply by Ib n T a im iy a h was a full-fledged treatise well
docum ented w ith quotations from the Q u r ’ a n a n d th e Hadith,
Which restated th e tru th in a convincing m an n er, criticised se
verely th e philosophers a n d dialecticians an d sounded a n#w note
in theological w ritings by its m asterly b len d in g o f a spirited
defence o f religion w ith th e elegance o f style a n d expression.
T h e w ay it was w arm ly received by th e H anbalites inflam ed a*
feeling o f b itte r resentm ent am ong the dialecticians an d
cAshcarites who held posts o f influence a n d au th o rity in the
ad m in istratio n . D escribing th e events o f 698 A .H ., Ib n K a th lr
w rites th a t a group o f theologians w hich opposed Ib n T aim iy ah
kdm anded th a t he should ap p ear before the H anafite Q a z l
Sheikh J a l a l U d -d in to clarify certain points but Ib n T aim iy ah
refused to d o so. H is ad v ersaries'k ick ed Up a tu m u lt against
h im b u t n o rm al conditions w ere ultim ately restored ow ing to
th e firm h andling o f th e situation by A m ir Sa if U d -d in Jag h S n .
T h e situation m ig h t have again taken a n ugly tu rn , b u t the
T a rta r ad v an ce against S yria left no room for any acrim onious
disputation am ong the educated circles. T h e occasion, how
ever, afforded ano th er opportunity to Ib n T aim iy ah to rise
as a spirited defender o f the faith and a popular le a d e r o f
1. tin Kathir, Vol. XIV, p. 4

4W A L S AND TRIBULATIONS 29
the masses.
'Tartar Attack on D am ascus

v* i - ■■
•),, Intelligence in reg ard to the projected attack on Syria by
G hazan,1 the T a rta r ru ler o f Ira n and Ira q , had begun to pour
In the beginning o f 699 A .H . It was reported that, the T a rta r
forces were planning to capture Dam ascus. W ith the impres-
llons o f te rro r still fresh in the m inds o f the M uslims, the popu
latio n o f border districts like H aleb and H am ah took to flight.
T he exodus was so gre&t th a t a horse could be hired for trans
port from H am ah to D am ascus for tw o hundred dirhoms. How-
fver, the news that A l-M alik al-N asir M uham m ad ibn Q alaw oon
■had left Egypt with a pow erful arm y to check the advance o f
the T a rta r forces enabled the terror-stricken Syrians to heave a
figh o f relief. Egyptian forces w hich entered D am ascus on the
8th o f R ab^-ul-A w w al, 699 A .H ., w ere w arm ly received by the
population o f the city.
Defeat o f Qalawoo,*!
O n th e 27th o f R abcI-ul-Awwal, 699 A H . the Egyptian and
T artar arm ies encountered each other in a bloody battle. T h e
operations o f w ar were conducted by both sides in equal vigour
but the Sultan was vanquished and he im m ediately retreated to
Egypt w ith his rem ainiug forces. Now D am ascus lay open,
undefended, before th e trium phant arm ies o f G hazan. T he
entire n o b ility , of the cap ital including the Shafe*ite and
Mfilakite Q azls, religious scholars, the adm inistrators and the
traders took to flight leaving only the com m ander o f the capital
citadel. A ll the com m unications leading to the city w ere cut
off, prices increased m anifold, public tranquillity was disturbed
1. GhazSn, alio known as Mahmud, was the great grand-son o f Chenghiz

Khan. He had embraced Islam in 694 A. H. owing to the persuasion of
Amir Tuzaun, but he could not have been expected to have reformed his
manners and morals within the short period of five years. The Tartars
were then as ferocious and given to rapine and plunder as before their
conversion to Islam.
30 SAVIOURS O F ISLAMIC SPIR IT
by th e prisoners who broke open the gates o f th e gaol and loot

a n d arson becam e o rd e r o f th e day. T h e d an g er o f im m inent
attack by G h azan ad d ed to the chaos an d an arch y in th e city
which was incapable o f putting up any resistance an d hopeless o
f getting re lie f from any q u arter.
Ibn T aim iyah m e e ts Ghazan
Ibn. T aim iy ah an d th e rem aining p atrician s o f th e city then

decided th a t they should lead a delegation o f th e lulama an d
oth er noblem en, w hich should m eet G hazan an d sue for the
peace o f th e city.
3Jhe representatives o f the city accordingly m et G hazSn
at N abak1 on th e 3 rd o f R a b 'f-u l-T h a n l, 699 A .H . Sheikh
K am Sl
,ud*dln ibn al-AnjS, w ho accom panied Ib n T aim iy ah in
the delegation has left a m em orable account o f his m eeting
w ith G h azan . H e says t
“ I was w ith th e Sheikh (Ib n T aim iy ah ) on this occa
sion. H e set forth in his address to the K in g t^ e Q u ran ic
verses an d the T ra d itio n s o f the P rophet enjoining fairness
a n d ju st conduct. His voice grad u ally rising, he was d ra w
ing n e a re r to the king until his knees Were about to touch
those o f G h azan who was attentively listening to th e Sheikh
b u t d id not ap p ear to be displeased w ith him . H e was
strain in g liis ears as if struck w ith aw e. At last h e asked
‘W ho is he I have never seen a m an 'lik e h im —so brave
an d co u rag eo u s; none has m ad e a-dent in my h e a rt as he !’
T h e S heikh was then introduced to th e K ing. T h e Sheikh
said to th e K in g : ‘You claim to be a M uslim . I have been
told th a t you hav e w ith you a Q a z l an d a n Imam, a Sheikh
an d a m uaizin; yet you have deem ed it p ro p er to m arch
upon th e M uslim s. Y our forefathers w ere heathens, but
they always abstained from breaking th e prom ise once m ade
by them . T hey redeem ed the pledges they m ade b u t you
V tltlA LS AND TRIBULATIONS 31
Im underfoot your solemn declarations in o rd er to lay a

hand if : on th e servants o f God !” '
Sheikh Kam&l' u d-dln adds th a t despite Ib n T aim iyah’s
(remonstrance in a strong language, the K ing bade him good-bye
W ith the highest m arks of respect. H e even set free, on Ibn
T aim iyah’s recom m endation, a good num ber o f the
prisoners. Ibn T aim iyah often used to say : ‘O nly he fears
who has a
tlkkness in his h eart.'
it: >Chief Q a z i Abul £A bbas, who jvas also adm itted to
the
Imperial presence along' w ith Ibn T aim iyah, has given
some m ore details o f this rem arkable embassy. H e says th a t
when food was brought before them , Ib n T aim iyah refused to
partake
(the meals on the ground th at it had come but o f the looted
property o f the Muslims. “ At last” , adds A b u l1A bbas, “
when the
K ing asked the Sheikh to pray for him , he began by saying: ‘O
•God ! H elp G hazan if he has taken up arm s to defend T hy reli
gion ; if not, then do w hatever T hou desirest with him .” T h e
companions *of Ibri T aim iyah trem bled w ith fear lest they should
■11 be executed because o f the Sheikh’s im prudence but they
were am azed to see the K ing saying am en to his prayer. W hen
Ib n T aim iyah returned to Dam ascus, he Was escorted by 300
nobles and chiefs o f th e G hazan’s arm y .1
A lthough G h a z in had granted am nesty to Dam ascus, the
irregular troops o f the invader w ere spreading terro r and d e v
iation in the outlying areas and suburbs o f th e city. G hazan
had nom inated Saif u d-dln Q abjak as h>s deputy over Syria.
His forces entered D am ascus and dem anded surrender o f all
arm s, horses and w ealth concealed by the citizens. In this hour
o f savage licence, w hen every passion was inflam ed and every
restraint was rem oved, the precepts o f religion seldom influenced
the behaviour of th e newly converted T a rta r savages. Several
o f the most honourable citizens w ere surprised and m assacred ;
a large num ber o f innocent women an d children w ere sold into
1. Al-Kawikib ud-Durriyah, p. 25
2. Ibid., p. 25
32 SAVIOURS O F ISLAMIC SP IR IT
c a p tiv ity ; libraries an d charitable trusts w ere e x tirp a te d ; and

the m alicious T a r ta r soldiers ro am ed th ro u g h o u t th e city in
quest o f prey a n d riches. T h e com m ander o f th e fort, A rjaw ash
how ever, refused, u n d e r th e advice o f Ib n T aim iy ah , to open
th e gates o f the citadel to the T a r ta r c h ie f appointed by
G h a z a n .1 ■
Ib n T aim iyah, alongw ith a few o th e r respectable
citizens o f D am ascus, rep aired again to seek audience w ith G
h azan but he was not allow ed to see the K ing. I n th e m eantim
e th e T a r ta r forces laid siege to capture the fort. Ballistas
were set up aro u n d th e fort an d th e citizens were
conscripted for forced labour. Ib n K a th ir w rites th a t the city
gave a deserted look as nobody d a re d to com e out o f his
house except ■disguised as a M ongol for fear o f being obliged
to help th e T a r ta r attack on th e fo rt. “ D uring, a F rid ay
service in th e g reat 'Urtimayyad M osque” , says Ib n K a th ii, “
there w ere not enough worshippers to m ake up a single row.
O n the 19th o f Ja m a d -u l-O la G h azan left fo r Ira q , leaving
sixty thousand troops u n d er the com m and o f hia deputy. He
declared his intention to return w ith a larger force in the ensuing
a u tu m n to c o m p le te th e unfinished c a m p a ig n o f g a m in g
co n tro l over Sy ria as well as Egypt.
A fter the K in g h ad d ep arted , one o f his chiefs, A m ir B u lalJ,
started to ransack the su rro u n d in g areas. V ast tracts o f lan d ,
tow ns and cities w ere d evastated, a larg e num ber o f M uslim
ch ild ren w ere forcibly taken aw ay from th e ir parents to be sold
as serfs w hile B filai1 him self extracted larg e sums o f m oney from
D am ascenes 'th ro u g h geneial extortion and im m oderate fines.
Ib n T a im iy ah decided to m eet Bfllal3 to alleviate th e m isfortune
o f his countrym en. H e m et B u lai’ on the 8th o f R a ja b and was
successful in liberating quite a good nu m b er o f th e captives,3
both M uslim s and n o n -M u slim s/
1. Ibn Knthir, Vol. X IV , pp. 7/8

2. Ibid., p 9
3. Ibid.. p. 11
4. Abu Zahra, p. 39
f lf A L S AND TRIBULATIONS 33
In the m eantim e th e news of the E gyptian forces com ing to

the rescue o f Syria was broken by the com m ander o f the D am as
cus fort. No sooner was this announcem ent m ade, the T a rta r
IlQrdes hurriedly retreated from the city leaving it again w ithout
■ny semblance o f adm inistration. ArjawSsh and a few other
prom inent citizens including Ib n T aim iyah decided to m aintain
and order in the m etropolis. Ib n T aim iyah was seen during
(llis period keeping yigil by night and exhorting people to take
VIP arm s for th eir defence. These self-appointed guardians o f
the city also decided to root out the abuses th at had flourished
during the b rief rule o f the T artars. T he avarice o f S aif ud-
dln Q ubjuk had prevailed upon him to patronise the sale o f
wine which was a source of income to him . Ibn T aim iyah
toured the city with his friends and students, destroyed every
tvine-cask, bowl and cup and punished every dru n k ard and
ruffian in accordance with the law. T he courageous action
taken by Ib n Taim iyah was received with approbation and plea-
»ure by all the law -abiding people o f the city.8
Pnnitive Expedition to the Hills
T he Christians, Batinites and Ism a’ilites settled in the hilly

fracts o f Syria had afforded w hole-hearted support to the T a rta r
invaders against the M uslims. They had surprised and attacked
the retreating M uslim troops, killed m any o f them and looted
their provisions. T hey were in fact a heretic people, without
faith in any religion, who despised all authority and were used
to a semi-independent existence in the difficult terrain out o f the
reach o f arm s o f law.3
A punitive expedition was despatched under J a m a l u d -
dln Xqoosh al-Aft am after peaceful conditions had been
restored in Syria, to punish the recalcitrant hill dwellers
o f J a r d and Kasr wan. Ibn T aim iyah accom panied this
expedition w ith a
1. Ibn Kaxhir, Vol. X IV , p. 12

2. Ibid., p. 16
I. Ibid., p. 23
large n um b er o f volunteers a n d the people belonging to H
auran .
Ib n T a im iy ah exhorted th e tribesm en to renew th eir allegiance
to J a m a l u d-d in, follow the precepts o f tru e faith and return the
p ro perty despoiled by them e a rlier.1
The Second Tartar Invasion
F o r tw o years, beginning from R ajab , 700 A .H .,

uncertainty and instability prevailed in Syria. W ith the
re p o rt o f second
T a r ta r invasion reaching'D am ascus, people began to abandon
th e ir h earth s an d hom es. Ib n T a im iy ah started urging people
to eschew co w ardice an d defend th e ir hom e and honour instead
o f deserting th e cap ital. H e prevailed upon the adm inistration
to put a b an on th e people leaving th e city w ithout obtaining its
p rio r perm ission. H a rd ly h ad th e situation been stabilized
w hen the news o f advan cin g T a rta r forces reaching a place
know n as B irah was broken. An announcem ent o f jihad, the
holy w ar, was m ad e an d the glad tidings o f Sultan Ibn Q ala-
w oon’s d ep artu re from Egypt for the defence o f Syria were
announced. O f a sudd en, a com m unication was received th a t
the Sultan no longer w anted to come for a second encounter
w ith th e T a rta rs. I t was n a tu ra l th a t the people exasperated
by earlie r sufferings resolved to tran sfer th e ir fam ilies and
belongings to th e m ore secure places in Egypt. Ib n T aim iyah,
how ever, not only arrested the exodus by his pow erful and pas
sionate h aran gu ing b ut also m et the E gyptian G overnor o f Syria
in his cam p outside D am ascus and p ersuaded him to oppose
th e progress o f th e T a rta r arm y. T h e G overnor an d other pro
m inent citizens an d religious doctors requested Ib n T aim iy ah
to seek a n audience w ith the' Sultan an d urg e him not only to
send the levies but c o n d u ct the operations o f w ar himself. Ib n
T a im iy a h w ent to Egypt and m ade a spirited appeal to the
S ultan for checking th e ad vance o f T a rta r forces. H e asked
him n ot to be terrified by the m ultitude of his foe. “ Even if
Syria h awww.abulhasanalinadwi.org
d not been a p a rt o f your dom inions” , said Ib n T aim iyah ,
TRIALS a n d t r i b u l a t i o n s 35
rm■ ——-- —---------------------------
"It was a duty incum bent on you to have come to its rescue
in this hour o f danger. T he responsibility o f its safety rests on
your shoulders; but, if you care nothing for its welfare, tell us
Mid we shall make our own arrangem ents. Wc shall select a
monarch who would at least defend the land against its enem ies.”
Ibn T aim iyah rem ained w ith the Sultan for eight days and . at
lait persuaded him to lead his forces for the defence o f Syria.
By the time Ibn T aim iyah returned to Damascus a large
Humber o f Damascenes had already left the city. Ibn T aim iyah’s
return with the news of.Sultan’s im pending arriv al emboldened
the people to make preparations for facing the enemy but the
T artars turned back on this occasion.1
Encounter with the Tartar Army
News o f the T a rta r forces advancing tow ards Syria was

ig a in broken in R ajab , 702 A .H. Delay in the arriv al o f the
lu lta n from Egypt was causing panic am ong the people in
Damascus, m any o f whom again left for safer places. After,
|0m e time, two detachm ents o f the select T urkish w arriors
reached Damascus by the end o f Shca b a n that year. Sim ulta
neously, however, a stream o f refugees from the n o rthern
districts began pouring into Dam ascus. A controversy was also
raised, perhaps, by some oyertim id theologians who raised the
question w hether D am acenes need fight the T a rta rs at all since
the latter had em braced Islam ? T he legists were asked to
define their position in the light o f the Sharjah, for, the T artars
Could neither be called non-believers nor rebels o f any M uslim
|Overnm ent. Ibn T aim iy ah put them in the category
o f Khauarij, i.e. the sect w hich had revolted against the
authority Of both the Caliphs £Ali and M ucaw iyah and h ad
prom oted it- l .l f to the dignity o f C aliphate, and
pronounced the juristic Opinion th at it was perfectly law ful to
fight such people.
T he S ultan was still far aw ay w hile the reports of T
a rta r forces draw ing n earer to the capital were in everyone’s
m outh.
I, tkn Kalhir, Vcl. X IV , p. 16
Ib n T a im iy a h ag ain w ent to u rg e th e Sultan w ho was on his

w ay to D am ascus, to speed up his journey. Ib n T aim iyah
extorted a solem n o ath from the Sultan th a t he would live or
die w ith th e people w hom G od h ad entrusted to his care.
A ssum ing th e spirit o f a hero, he com m unicated a sim ilar
enthusiasm to th e troops. Ib n T aim iy ah even swore to G od
th a t the E gyptians w ould be victorious this tim e. H e quoted
in his suppo rt th e Q u ra n ic verse :
“ W hoso h a th retaliated w ith th e like o f th at w hich he
was m ad e to suffer and then h a th been w ronged, A llah will
succour h im .” 1
H e felt so assured th a t if anybody asked him to say :
“ if it should please G od A lm ighty” ; he replied, “ Yes, if it
should please G od A lm ighty, definitely an d unequivocally.” 2
T h e M uslim forces o f Syria an d Egypt w ere a t last arrayed
against th e T a r ta r arm ies in the p lain o f T h a q h a b on the 2nd
o f R a m a d h a n , 702 A .H . Ib n T aim iy ah pronounced th e legal
opinion th a t the troops should break the fast on th a t day. He
w ent to every d etach m en t an d the line to offer them som ething
to b reak th eir fast atid told them o f the T ra d itio n w hich s a id :
“ T om orrow you shall have to face the enem y and you would be
stronger if you do not keep fast.”
S ultan al-M alik al-N asir M u ham m ad ibn Q alaw oon and
the A bbaside C aliph A bur R a b cl Sulaim an were both present in
the battlefield. T h e Sultan fought w ith indom itable courage
and v a lo u r ; he chained th e legs o f his horse lest it should ru n
aw ay in the heat o f action. A fter a bloody conflict, which
continued till th e evening an d in w hich a large n u m b er
o f T urkish veterans an d chiefs w ere killed th e Egyptian forces
d isp e rse d and d ism a y e d th e T a rta r a rm s. T a k in g
advantage
1. Q.. X X IoI :f 60
the darkness, a large n u m b er o f T a rta r soldiers
2. Ibn Kathir, Vol. X IV , p. 23
to o k sh elter in th e ra v in e s a n d caves, b u t th e M uslim s k e p t
vigil for the whole
WUALS AND t r ib u l a t io n s 37
*Blght and did not allow them to escape th eir revenge. M any
TbI•tars who had survived the perils o f the sword fell to the
'fttahers’ arrow s or w ere drow ned in the Euphrates.
f ■ O n Tuesday, the 5th o f R am ad h an , the Sultan entered
Dnmascus with the Galiph and his arm y generals to receive the
Warmest congratulations o f his subjects.
iitruggle against Innovations and Abuses
i After the T a rta r danger was rem oved, Ibn T aim iyah again
Occupied him self w ith teaching an d preaching the purer spirit o f
Itligion. As stated earlier, the unhealthy influences o f the
Jew ish and C hristian cults had given rise to m any heretical
practices am ong the ignorant masses. A rock by the side o f the
river Q ulut in the vicinity o f Dam ascus was held as an object o f
reverence by the local population w here they regularly repaired
Ho seek divine favour. Ib n T aim iyah got the rock cut to pieces
Under his supervision by masons and stone-cutters and thus he
put an end to a heretical practice.1
Ibn T aim iyah always tried to prevent, by force if necessary,
•11 accretions and innovations in re lig io n ; for, keeping the
pristine purity o f religion constituted the highest form o f faith
According to & pronouncem ent o f the holy Prophet o f Islam :
.•“ W hoever am ongst you should see any act being
com m itted against the dictates o f thfe Shari1ah, he should
put a stop to it by fo rc e ; but if h e does not find it
possible, he should criticise and try to reform i t ; and if
he does not find even th at m uch possible, he should at least
hate it, although this constitutes the lowest category o f
faith .”
It was really the business o f the adm inistrators to see th at
irreligious practices d id not spread am ong the M uslims but
they had no tim e to devote th eir energy to this im portant task.
T he religious doctors, too, m ore often th an not either did not,
care or fought shy to oppose , such accretions out o f regard
for the popular sentiments. Ib n T aim iyah had, therefore,
taken upon
I. Ibn Kathir, Vol. XIV, p. 34
h im se lf the onerous responsibility o f acting as a public censor

of religion an d m orals. He h a d form ed a society, along w ith
his followers and students, to censor th e notorious irreligion of
the ignorant folk and guilty schismatics. T his was a
voluntary effort w ith no other aim except to seek the pleasure
o f God by m aking these people to observe the sacred law.
An old m an who called him self A l-M ujahid Ib ra h im ibn al-
Qattsfn and w ore a long flam boyant quilt w ith long nails and
h a ir was b ro u g h t before Ib n T aim iyah in R ajab 704 A .H . on
charge o f being addicted to intoxicants and abusive language.
H e o rd ered his nails and h a ir to be trim m ed an d his quilt to be
to m to pieces. T h e m an was m ade to renounce drunkenness
and revilem ent.1 A nother old m an, M u ham m ad al-K h ab b az
al-Balasi, w ho claim ed to be a n in terp reter o f dream s an d mys
teries was forced by Ib n T aim iy ah to give up his impious
practices. H ow ever, as Ib n K a th lr reports, Ib n T a im iy ah
earned the displeasure o f a section o f population on account
o f these reform ative activities.
Jihad against Heretics
Ib n T aim iy ah h ad earlie r accom panied al-A fram in his ex

pedition against th e heretical sects living in the hills in 699 A.H.
In Z il-hijja 704 A.H. he ag ain visited them w ith Z ain ud-dln
ibn ‘A d n a n and a large num ber o f his friends a n d followers.
A lthough his efforts to b rin g them back to th e fold o f Islam
were p artially successful and quite a good num ber o f them
repented from th e ir sins, yet they rem ained, as a whole, indiffe
rent to Islam . The separatist sects generally consisting o f
Batinites, Ism a Jilites, H akim ites an d N usayrites h ad caused
severe h arm to the M uslim s. T hey were the people who had
invited the C rusaders and the T a rta rs to invade the M uslim
countries, helped the invaders against M uslim s, led expeditions
o f loot and p lu n d er w henever they found th e la tte r weak and
defenceless and they still posed a d an g er to th e security o f the
1. [bn K u th ir, Vol. X IV , p. 33

TRIALS AND TRIBULATIONS 39
surrounding areas. Ib n T aim iyah invited the attention o f the

Sultan tow ards the crimes com m itted by these people in a letter
in which jje w ro te: “ W hen the T a rta r hordes had attacked
Syria, these forsakers o f true faith had misbehaved with the
retreating M uslim forces. These very persons had been in league
with the Christians o f Cyprus and had helped them to capture a
portion o f Syria. They form ed the vanguard of the C yprian
arm ies, trafficked in M uslim arm s, horses and serfs and trans
ferred a large num ber of them to Cyprus. For twenty days,
they held regular bazars to sell the M uslim captives and m uni
tions of w ar to the Cyprian Christians. They gleefuHy welcomed
the T a rta r invaders but when God bestowed victory to the
Egyptian forces, they openly expressed their grief at the defeat
o f our enemies. Those people had earlier conspired with
Chenghlz K h an and H alaku and they were responsible fof the
sack o f Baghdad, destruction o f H aleb and Salehiya. T here
are, in fact, numerous other instances o f perfidious and disorderly
conduct to th eir discredit. T he peace o f the surrounding M uslim
areas is continuously disturbed by them ./ They carry out noc
turnal raids, ravage the M uslim habitations and commit grievous
crimes against the M uslims. W hen Cyprians visit their lands
they extend a red carpet treatm ent to them but 110 M uslim can
travel safely in their country.” 1
Ibn T aim iyah headed an expedition against these schisma
tics for the third tim e which set out from Damascus on the 2nd
of M uharram , 705 A. H . H e was supported by a powerful arm y
led by the governor o f Syria. Inaccessible areas o f Ju rd
inhabited by Rawafiz and the hilly tracts o f T iyam na were
opened up according to a judicious plan by w hich the roving
plunderers were completely subdued. T he hilly tract had dark
and im penetrable plantations w hich threatened every step o f
the invading troops with its secret snares and am bush. Ibn
Taim iyah pronounced the legal opinion that the cutting down
of these plantations was permissible under the Sharjah since
I. Abu Z ah™> P- 45
sim ilar action was taken by the P rophet in the case o f B am An-
N a d h lr. “ T h e presence o f Sheikh-ul-Islam in this expedition,”
says Ib n K a th lr, “ proved propitious. Both his eru d ite
learn in g an d courage pro v id ed strength to the M uslim s an d
filled th e hearts o f th e enem ies w ith m alice a n d grief.” 1
Contention o f the Rafaiyah Mendicants
O n 9 th J a m a d u l-U la, 705 A .H ., a group o f extrem ist

R a fa 'ly a h m endicants called up o n the g o v ern o r o f Syria an d
d em anded th a t Ib n T aim iy a h should be stopped from enforcing
th e rules o f Sharlâh on them . Ib n T a im iy a h , on th e o th e r h an d ,
insisted th a t every one w ould have to govern his conduct
according to the principles laid do w n in the Scripture and th e
T ra d itions, a n d , w hoever tried to transgress these rules,
w ould be opposed by him* T h e R a fa cIyahs also
volunteered to enact c e rta in black a rts like w alking o n fire as a
p ro o f o f th e ir being on the righteous a n d divinely approved
p ath . T h ey claim ed th a t th e ir w onder-w orking w as accepted
as a m a rk o f piety by th e T a rta rs. Ib n T aim iy ah refused
th e ir plea an d rem ained firm o n his d em and w ith th e result th
a t th e R a fa ciyahs h a d to p u t off th e iro n rings w orn by them .
L a te r on Ib n T aim iy ah w rote a n exhaustive article delin eatin g
th e history, beliefs a n d th e practices o f th e ,R afaciy ah order.*
Opposition o f Ibn Taim iyah
T h e way Ib n T a im iy a h was trying to enforce the m oral

a n d religious principles o f the Shari-ah h ad earn ed him a vast
following. A section o f influential religious doctors, however,
annoyed a t Ib n T a im iy a h ’s taking the law in his h a n d an d
jealous o f his grow ing popularity, was looking for an
opportunity to discredit h im in th e eyes o f th e a d m in istration
an d the people. Ib n K hathSr w r ite s :
“ A group o f theologians was jealous o f Sheikh T a q i

2. Ibid., Vol. X IV , p. 36
TRIALS a n d TRIBULATIONS 41
ud-din ibn T aim iyah because of his position in the court o f

the governor and also for his acting as a public censor who
had taken upon him self the responsibility o f enforcing what
was lawful and preventing what was prohibited. They
were envious o f his growing popularity and of the love and
respect accorded to him as well as o f his learning and zeal
for religion.” 1
Contradiction of the ‘Unity of Being’
By this tim e, Ibn T aim iyah was again obliged to take p art
in certain predal disputations. M uhi ud-din ibn cA rabl (d. 638
A.H.) was regarded as the most respected m entor and undisputed
teacher o f the mystic thought. Ib n T aim iyah openly rejected
his teachings expounded in Futuhat-t-Makkiyah (The Meccan
Revelations) and Fusus il-Hekam (T he Mosaic o f W isdom), which
contained a rapturous discussion o f the indw elling o f God in the
created being's and the identification o f m an with God. T he
pantheistic monism of Ibn ‘ArabI attem pted to square the exis
tence o f a transcendental God with a God indwelling in the
world and all created, m aterial objects w hich were to him
nothing etse than His m anifestations.2 T he writings of Ibn
Taim iyah show that he had carefully studied the works o f Ibn
‘ArabI and reached the conclusion that the pantheistic monism
of Ibn cA rabl could in no way be deem ed com patible with the
teachings o f the Q u r’ an and the Sunnah? H e was particularly
critical o f T ilm isanI and Ibn SabcaTn, the two disciples of Ibn
‘A rabt, who had failed to m ake any distinction between the
C reator and the created. T he form er emphasised the negation
o f D ivine Attributes, but preached pantheistic ideas o f the union
o f m an with God, em anation o f all things from the Divine
essence and, finally, the worship of all created beings. Ibn
T aim iyah pointed out how some o f the misguided mystics had
1. Ibn Kalhir, p. 37
2. Ar^Radd aUAqwam, p . 11
3. Al''Furqdni p p . 147-48
4. I b i d p . 145
42 SAVIOURS O h ISLAMIC SP IR IT
m ad e th e ir m ystical creeds a cloak for liberation from m

oral restraints a n d a licence fo r practice o f sensuality.1
T he reigning m o narch o f Egypt and Syria, Al-M alik al-
N a sir M u ham m ad ibn Q alaw oon h ad delegated all authority
to R ukn ud-dln Baibers al-Jashanglr. T he latter was a devoted
disciple o f Sheikh N asar Al-M am bijl who held Ib n l A rabl in
the highest esteem as the greatest mystic o f Islam . Ib n T aim iyah
thus earned the displeasure o f Sheikh al-M am biji, who, as it was
to be expected, misled the unphilosophic and m oderately educated
T u rk , Baibers al-Jash an g lr, to h a rb o u r m alice against Ibn
T aim iyah.
Ibn Taim iyah in Egypt
Ibn T aim iy ah was sum m oned to Egypt on the 5th o f R am

a- d h a n 705 A .H . H is friends an d disciples, naturally, felt
worried a t the su m m o n ; even the governor o f Syria
advised Ibn T aim iyah to w ait until he got the whole affair
straightened up through correspondence w ith the Sultan.
But Ib n T aim iyah who h a d already decided to undertake the
journey, set out for Egypt. O n his way to the C apital Ib n
T aim iy ah delivered a serm on in the principal m osque o f G aza
w hich was attended by a large audience.
Ibn Taim iyah Arrested and Released
Ib n T aim iyah reached Egypt on the 2 2 n d -o f R a m a d h a n .

O n F riday, he was asked to attend a m eeting o f the
theologians,
jurists a n d the chiefs o f the State held in the F o rt after F riday
prayers. Ib n T aim iyah stood up to address the gathering but
he was asked to sit dow n. T hen, certain persons raised
objections about the dialectical issues w hich he h ad already
repeatedly explained in S yria during his discourses as well as in
his w ritings. Ib n T aim iyah again stood up to answ er th e
ch arg es’ levelled
1. Al-Radd al Aqwam,., pp. 52-142.

2. These related to the n a tu re and attributes of God on w hich Ib n
T aim iyah had penned several articles and dissertations and also
explained them in the debates held for the purpose.
TRIALS AND TRIBULATIONS
against him but he was once m ore heckled down with the rem ark
'th at they had not gathered to listen to his sermons. Thereupon
Ibn T aim iyah asked, “ W ho is the Ju dg e in my case ?” He was
told th at it was to be decided by Q azi Ibn M ukhluf M aliki.
Ibn T aim iyah raised the objection : “ How could h e ? H e is
my rival and adversary.” Q a z i Ibn M akhluf M aliki got
enraged and prom ptly pronounced the decision th at he should
be im prisoned. Ib n T aim iyah was accordingly kept in custody
for some tim e in a tu r r e t and then transferred, on the night of
'■Id, to the famous prison o f J u b (the Well) alongwith his two
brothers, S haraf ud-dln cA bdull|ih and Zain ud-dln cA bdur
Rahm Sn.1 Ibn T aim iyah’s sympathisers, particularly the
governor o f Egypt and a few other theologians and legists had
been trying all the while to get him released from the gaol.
After full one year, on the night of'■Id next year (706 A .H .), he
was offered to be set free provided he renounced the creed held
by him . T he offer was m ade to him as many as six times, but
he always turned down the proposals saying : “ T he prison is
d earer to me than w hat I am asked to affirm.” 2
Sinners and Criminals Redeemed
Ib n Taim iyah found his fellow prisoners sunk into m oral

disease -spending their tim e in frolics and amusements and
recreations like chess and checkerboard, w ithout the least con
cern for obligatory prayers o r the rules o f ethical conduct. H e
raised his voice against these abuses, recom m ended tem peiance
and discipline and inculcated the sense of piety and prayer in
the prisoners. Not long after his arriv al in the prison, he was
successful in changing its atm osphere. T he ^prison was turned
into a m onastery resounding w ith prayers, ejaculations and
rem em brance o f God. A num ber of prisoners became his
devoted disciples who, on being released, would m uch rath er
not go
1. Ibn Kathir, Vol. XIV, page 38. Ibn Taimiyah has also given a
description of his imprisonment in a letter which has been published
recently.
2. Ibid., Vol. XIV, p. 42
SAVIOURS OF ISLAMIC SPIR IT
back to th eir families but rem ain w ith him in the prison.1
A fter an o th er four m onths an effort was m ade again to
get him released from the ja il. T h e C hief Q Szl B adr ud-dln
ibn
J a m a ca h m et him on the 14th o f Safar, 707 A .H . but Ibn
T aim iyah again refused his offer. O n the 23rd o f R ab cI-ul
Awwal A m ir H osam u d -d ln M ah an a ibn ‘Isa, a n A rab
C hief o f Syria, saw him in the prison and brought him out o f
it after putting him on oath. A m ir H os5m u d -dln took
him to the governor o f Egypt on whose advice Ib n T aim iyah
decided to rem ain in Egypt for some tim e m ore.
Moral Excellence
T he episode o f Ib n T aim iy ah ’s arrest an d release revealed

his m oral grit and courage. H e d id not bow dow n before the
threats o f tyranny, nor d id he yield to the offers o f w orldly gains,
position and riches. H e rej ected all offers of royal favours and
privileges w hich he could have easily won by retracting from
his stand.
But this incident also speaks o f his an o th er excellence— a
nobility o f ch aracter seldom to be witnessed even in those
claim ing the distinction o f ran k and blood. H e forgave all
those evilhearted persons w ho h ad tiie d to get him into trouble
w ithout giving a second th o u g h t to th e whole affair. He
announced th a t he h ad no grudge, no bitterness against anyone.
In a letter he sent to S yria soon a fte r his release, he says :
“ M ay G od be pleased w ith you. You know th a t
I have never wished a single M uslim to get into any
trouble
o f any s o r t ; th en , how can I desire th a t m y friends (scholars
an d theologians) should com e to g rie f on account o f me?
I have no com plaint, nothing to grum ble against anyon® ;
on the contrary, I have a greater love a n d respect for
them all— for th e ir le arn in g and status as they verily
deserve. I f someone opposes an o th er m an, he is either a
scholar and m an o f principle o r an evilhearted w rong-
doer and a
1. www.abulhasanalinadwi.org
Al-Kwakib ud-Durriyah, p. 181
/ sinner. In the form er case he deserves our thanks and a

goodly return from G od ; an d, if he falls in the latter cate
gory, one needs to pray for his redem ption as well as fo r1
me and all the believers. I do not w ant th a t anybody
should be avenged for my sufferings o r for levelling false
allegations against m e, for, I have already forgiven every
one of them. I desire well-being of every M uslim —the
same as I desire for myself. A ll those persons who discre
dited ine or deposed false evidence against me or caused
trouble to m e are not the least accountable so far as I am
concerned ; no responsibility lies upon them on my score.” 1
Teaching and Preaching in Egypt
D uring his stay in Egypt, Ib n T aim iyah took up w ith a

renewed zeal the task o f explaining his view-point to the scholars
and theologians. H e delivered several lectures in different
educational institutions, particularly in M adarsa Salehiya in
which he dwelt upon the intricate dialectical issues in the p re
sence o f select gatherings o f scholars, jurists and theologians.
He opposed the mystical traits showm g influences o f the Greco-
In dian thought, exceeding the limits of Islam ic spiritual dim en
sion set by the earlier mystics or m arking a break with the
protecting mould o f the Sharfah ; for, he quite often praised the
masters of spiritual path like Sheikh cAbdul Q a d ir J ila n i and
Sheikh cA dI ibn M usafir A m aw l in his writings and discourses.
How ever, Ib n T aim iyah’s criticism o f pantheistic monism was
not taken kindly in a country w hich had a long trad ition o f the
neo-Platonic thought o f which the poet Ibil al-FSridh (d. 632
A .H .) h a d built a stately rim e. A famous mystic of Egypt, Sheikh
Ibn ‘A ta 1 U llah Iskandarl,2 brought up a case against Ib n
T aim iyah in the royal court on b ehalf o f the Egyptian mystics.
A court o f enquiry instituted under the royal edict heard Ibn
T aim iyah’s forceful exposition o f his view-point and decided to
1. Abu Z«hra, p. 62
2. The author of Al-Htkam, a famous treatise on mysticism.
dismiss th e com plaint against him . Soon a fte r th a t another

com plaint was m ade against him . H e was now to stand tria l
for the view held by him th a t no cry for help except to G od,
not even to the Prophet o f Islam , was perm issible u n d er the
Sharfah. T h e doctors o f religion to whom the m atter was refer
red could not again find fault w ith Ib n T aim iyah. T he C hief
Q a z f only rem arked th a t Ib n T aim iy ah ’s view savoured, if at
all, some disrespect to the Prophet although it n eith er am ounted
to heresy n o r sacrilege. T he adm inistration h ad, however,
grow n w eary o f the never-ending com plaints against him an d ,
therefore, he was asked either to re tu rn to D am ascus o r to go to
Isk an d aria (A lex an d ria), b u t in either case he was asked to
comply w ith certain restrictions im posed o n him . I f none o f
these alternatives was acceptable to him , he was told, then he
w ould have to retu rn to the prison again. Ib n T aim iy ah pre
ferred the th ird alternative but on the insistence o f his friends
an d disciples he agreed to re tu rn to D am ascus. H e set out for
Syria on the 8th o f Shaw w al but he was brought back the sam e
d ay a n d sent to ja il. T h e detention, on this occasion, was analo
gous to house arrest, for he was allow ed th e services o f ail
atten d an t an d anybody could come to see him . Shortly there
after Ib n T aim iy ah was set free on a unanim ous request m ade
by the theologians an d jurists.
Ibn Taim iyah again in Trouble :
Suddenly th ere was political change in Egypt w hich m ade

the m atters w orse for him . N asir ibn Q alaw oon abdicated and
went aw ay to K irk, leaving Baibers al-Jashangtr, as the undis
puted ru le r o f Egypt and Syria. Ib n T aim iyah h ad been res
pected by th e outgoing M o n arch since the days o f his close
association w ith him d u rin g the T a r ta r w ar. Now , considered
a n enem y o f the new ru le r, he w as also despised by Sheikh N asr
al-M am bijl, the spiritual m entor o f Baibers a l-Jash an g lr a n d a
zealous defender o f the d octrine o f pantheistic m onism . A royal
edict for the exile and internm ent o f Ib n T aim iyah in Isk an d aria
was issued in the m onth o f S afar, 709 A .H . Ib n T aim iy ah , how
ever, did not sit idle even in these unfavourable conditions and
his forceful elucidation o f the Q u r’an and Sunnah soon earned
for him a respectable place in the literary circles of Iskandaria.1
The city of Ib n T aim iyah’s internm ent was a stronghold of the
Sabciniyah order of mystics. Pantheistic cult of the sect
preached em ancipation from the ritual of Islam ; its diffusion
among the masses had led thousands o f reckless and profligate
spirits to enter upon the path of error. Ib n T aim iyah launched
a powerful m ovem ent against the SabcIniyah order and w ithin
his short stay of eight months in Iskandaria, he was successful in
winning back a large num ber o f its adherents to the m oral
law o f the Sha.fi'-ah.1
Dawnfall of Baibers al-Jashangir
As already predicted by Ibn T aim iyah, the rule o f Baibers

al-Jashanglr came to an end within a year o f his assuming the
im perial purple. N asir ibn Q alaw oon first established him self
in S yria by gaining control over Damascus, without any resis
tance, on the 13th of Shc ab an , 709 A.H. T hen he advanced
tow ards Egypt where too he found a ready support from the
elite and the masses. Baibers al Jash an g ir abdicated and Ibn
Q alaw oon entered C airo on the day o f cId that year. Al-
Jashangir fled to S yria where he was captured and executed by
the governor o f Syria on the 7th o f Zil Q acada, 709 A.H.
Baibers al-Jashanglr was an able and popular prim e
m inister but no sooner had he ascended the throne than his
eminence and authority began to peter out. “ H e was virtuous,
tem perate, modest and dignified” writes the annalist of Egypt,
al-M aqrizl, “ but from the m om ent he assumed the title of Sultan
and ascended the throne, his glory and eminence began to melt
away and he was taken as a weak ruler. T he people began to
make bold and the grandees as well as his slaves becam e defiant.

2. Letter of Sheikh Sharf ud-dln ibn Taimiyah to the people of Damascus
and Ibn Kathir, Vol. X IV , p. 50.
Unsuccessful in achieving his aims, he soon cam e to g r ie f ; his

ru le cam e to an end an d he breathed his la st.” 1
W ho knows th a t his unexpected dow nfall was not a punish
m ent inflicted b y Providence for the unjust persecution o f a
blessed s o u l!
Release o f Ibn Taim iyah - '
Sheikh *Alam u d-din al-Barzail, a contem porary o f Ibn

T aim iyah , says th a t w hen S ultan Q alaw oon entered Egypt on
the day o f c/cf, th e anxiety upperm ost in his m ind was to b rin g
back Ib n T aim iy ah . Accordingly, th e royal summons to bring
him back reached Isk an d aria the next day an d he departed
from th e city on th e 8th o f Shaw w al. A large crow ed in
Iskand aria h ad g athered to bid farew ell to him .
T h e king and his courtiers cam e out o f the royal cham ber
to receive Ib n T aim iy ah . A fter w arm greetings extended to
Ib n T aim iy ah by all, the king took him to the in ner cham ber
w here the tw o rem ained alone for some time.®
Ib n T aim iy ah later told Q azi J a m a l ud-dln ibn al>QalanisI
th a t w hen he was alone w ith the Sultan, the la tte r solicited his
consent fo r the execution o f all those ju rists w ho h ad sided w ith
A l-Jashanglr. T h e S ultan showed him th e legal verdicts given
by these persons in favour o f A l-Jashanglr and said th a t these
very persons w ere responsible for his ow n sufferings. Ib n
T aim iyah adds th a t as soon as he cam e to know o f the Sultan’s
intention, he began praising those jurists an d told the Sultan
th a t if these ju rists w ere put to sword there would be nobody to
replace them . T h e Sultan, however, again said th a t these p er
sons h ad left no stone un turned to put Ib n T aim iy ah to the most
grievous h arm . T o this, Ib n T aim iyah replied th a t he h ad
already forgiven them . H e had , therefo re, no claim u pon them .
Ib n T aim iy ah kept on u rg in g the S ultan until h e prom ised to
p ard on the offending jurists.3
1. Khutat Misr, Vol. II, p. 418
3. Ibid.
Ibn K a th lr relates on the authority of Q azi Ib n M akhluf,

©ne o f the bitterest enemies o f Ib n T aim iyah, th at he had not
Men a m an more large-hearted th an him . Ib n M akhluf confess-
lid to Ibn K ath lr th at he h a d always tried to instigate and pro
voke the adm inistration to take action against Ib n T aim iyah,
but the latter, when his tu rn cam e, not only forgave his misdeeds
but also pleaded his defence.
Ibn T aim iyah again turned to the pursuits o f teaching and
reform ative endeavour. A num ber o f his adversaries expressed
regret for th eir past behaviour, who Were all prom ptly acquitted
Of th eir previous enm ity by Ibn T aim iyah, but a few still conti
nued to harbour a grudge against him . However, as they found
it difficult to say anything openly against Ibn T aim iyah, they
Itarted to m align him am ong the ignorant masses and instigated
them to raise a tum ult against him . T heir efforts bore fruit
and on the 4th o f R ajab 7 11 A.H. a few persons, evil-m inded and
wicked in spirit, m anhandled and caused bodily injuries to him .
Soon a large crowd gathered to take revenge on his behalf, but
Ibn T aim iyah firmly forbade th em to take any action. “ T here
are only three alternatives’\ said he, “ and the first is th a t I
'have a Claim upon them. T his I forgo, and declare th at they
are released from every claim th at I m ay have upon them .
I f you have a claim against .them and you do not also w ant
to listen to me, then <io w hatever you please. A nd, if God
has that claim , H e shall have H is due whenever H e likes.”
O n another occasion a theologian fulm inated against him
in a gathering,but, on having second thoughts later on, apolo
gised to him . Ib n T aim iyah im m ediately forgave him saying “ I
never take revenge.” 1
Ib n T aim iyah d id not confine his activities only to
the instruction o f his disciples o r propagation o f th e teachings o
f the Qpr> Sn and the i$unnah. H e also tendered advice to th e
Sultan and got some im portant reform s introduced in
Egypt and Syria. A royal edict sent to D am ascus in 712
A.H. prohibited
I. Abu Zahra, p . 74
appointm ents to public offices being m ad e on m onetary consi

derations for the p ractice encouraged dishonest persons to hold
these posts for m inting money out o f them . A nother o rd er issued
by the Sultan forbade unauthorised retaliatory action against a
person ch arg ed w ith m anslaughter. T h e culprits were ordered
to be arrested an d im peached in accordance w ith the law . Ibn
K ath lrsay s th a t both these orders were issued by the S ultan on
the advice o f Ib n T a im iy a h .1
Ibn Taim iyah returns to Damascus
R eports o f renew ed T a r ta r efforts to invade Syria reached

Egypt in Shaw w al, 712 A .H . T h e S u ltan him self advanced to
m eet th e t h r e a t ; he left the cap ital on the 8th o f Shaw w al and
arriv ed a t D am ascus on the 23rd o f th a t m onth. Ib n T aim iyah
also accom panied th e Sultan. I n D am ascus, he was given a
rousing reception by the citizens. Ib n T aim iy ah had come
with th e intention o f participating in the holy w ar against the
T a rta rs, but on reaching D am ascus he cam e to know th a t
the invading T a r ta r arm y h ad retired . H e w ent to Jeru salem
w ith the intention o f visiting B ait-ul-M uqaddas. He
returned to D am ascus after com pleting the pilgrim age on
the 1st o f Z il Q a cad aj
Attention paid to Juristic Issues
Ib n T aim iyah again got him self busy, on his re tu rn to

D am ascus, in the intellectual and religious pursuits, but there
was a difference this tim e in his literary engagem ents. E arlier
he had paid m ore atte n tio n to the scholastical issues relatin g to
the cult and creed, w hich were the subject o f a lively deliberation
betw een th e Ash*arites an d H anbalites, b u t now he devoted his
thoughts to th e ju ristic problem s. It seems th a t Ibn T
a im iy ah felt th a t the dialectical problem s d id n o t req u ire his
attention any m ore fo r he h ad clearly expounded its contentious
issues in his earlie r speeches an d w ritings.

TRIALS AND TRIBULATION* 51
Ibn T aim iyah was a H anbalite like his forefathers, and

most of the legal opinions given by him conformed to that
ichool, but he d id not follow the H anbalite school exclusively.
O f a tru th, no scholar o f Ib n T aim iyah’s compass o f m ind,
having an insight into the teachings o f the Q u r’a n and the
Sunnah as well as the objectives, principles and rules o f their
Application evolved by the earlier juristic schools, could possibly
rem ain a blind follower o f any particu lar juristic school. In
ipecific m atters, therefore, he preferred the school which m ore
appealed to reason o r which he found upheld by a greater
num ber o f the Prophet’s com panions and their successors. But,
in spite o f his erudition and intelligence, he always praised the
profound knowledge, creative thought, honesty and piety o f the
precursors o f all the juristic schools, whom he regarded as
icholars correctly basing th eir rules o f interpretations on the
principles o f the Q u r’an, the synnah, ijml a and qiyas. H e never
liked those who sought to destory o r d iscard w h a t
previous generations h ad built up, n o r he favoured those who
showed disrespect to the earlier IniamSi1
The Question of Three Talaqs
Just as Ibn T aim iyah often rejected the Hnnbalite view, in a

few cases he drew up his statem ent o f legal position disagreeing
w ith all the four principal juristic schools. In these cases too
he claims to have inferred directly from the express laws of the
Scripture and the T raditions. O ne such case in w hich he
differed with all the other juristic schools related to the repudiation
o f one’s wife by three sentences o f divorce, all given a t a time.
T he question was whether a divorce thus pronounced
thrice Kt a tim e, although offending the law as well as
irreg u lar and
1. Ibn Taimiyah wrote Raf*at Malam

Ay^mmatil c7ilSm to show that
the founders of all the four juristice schools were men of piety who
endeavoured to expound the Shari'ah in the light of the Qpr^Sn and the
Sunnah according to their own lights.
sinful according to all ju ristic schools and th e consensus o f the

M uslim s, took legal effect o r n o t? T h e issues this question.,
raised w ere w hether revocation o f such a divorce was possible
o r n o t ; w hether the th ree sentences o f divorce would be reck
oned as one revocable pronouncem ent o r taken as an irreversible
s e p a ra tio n ; an d w hether the wife so divorced could retu rn to
h e r husband o r not w ithout halalah (i.e. until the divorced wife
was m arried to another m an, the m arriag e was consum m ated
and th en divorced by th e second husband) ? All the earlie r jurists
and T raditionists, such as Auza‘ l, Nakh*ee, T h a u rl, Is’h&q ibn
R a h u w a ih , Abu T h a u r, B u k h arl, as also a m ajority o f the Pro
p h et’s com panions a n d th e ir descendants h ad held the view th a t
such a pronouncem ent, how ever sinful and heterodox, would
sufficiently am ount to an im plied divorce tak in g legal effect.
T his view found support from several T rad itio n s o f th e Prophet
in w hich he h ad held all the th ree sentences o f such a divorce
as separate pronouncem ents and ordered th e wife to be irre
versibly divorced.1
Ib n T a im iy ah a n d solne o f his friends and disciples, on the
c ontrary, held th a t th e th ree sentences o f divorce should be
reg ard ed as one revocable divorce. H e form ulated this view
on th e basis o f the Q u r’an, the T rad itio n s a n d analogy and
gave sufficiently w eighty reasons in support o f his view-point.8
Divorce by Swearing
T h e re was an o th er form ofd iv O rce in w hich Ib n T aim iyah

held a view different from all o th er jurists a n d w hich h ad h ad
an im p o rtan t bearing upon the relationship betw een the then
«
governm ents and th e people.
1. Falawah Ibn Taimiyah, Vol. I l l , p. 38

2. Contrary to the views held by other jurists Ibn Taimiyah-proved th a t t
Traditions of the holy Prophet on which others based their legal opinion
were not of unim peachable veracity in accordance w ith accepted canons
of criticism. For fuller discussion on the subject see ££rf-u/-A#«*aif by
Ibn Qayyim and Ighathatallahfan.
i A commoti form o f divorce, in those days, was to asseverate

one’s veracity or will to do a thing under oath on the penalty o f
divorcing one’s wife. Its common form was to say to one’s
w ife : “ I shall do (or not do) this, otherwise you will be
divorced.” D uring the governorship o f H ajjaj ibn Yusuf, the
oath of fealty m ade to the ruler was also linked with it which
Stipulated that in the case o f breaking that oath the separation
from one’s wife would also autom atically take place.
In response to a request for a statem ent on the juristic
position o f such divorces, Ibn T aim iyah expressed the legal
opinion that such a declaration constituted a simple oath
affirming to do or not to do a th in g ; and where a swearer failed
in its fulfilment, expiation was incum bent on him , but the
failure did not take the legal effect o f separation between him
an d his wife. Ibn Taim iyah cited in his support the legal
Opinions o f certain oarlier jurists,1 but his view deviated
from the consensus of
juristic verdicts on the point. This, naturally, caused vexation
among the theologians who tried to forbid Ibn T aim iyah from
expressing legal opinions in such cases. “ O n Tuesday, the
fifth of R abcI-ul-Awwal” , writes Ibn K ath ir un d er the
annals o f 718 A. H ., “ the C hief Q azl S hams ud-din ibn M
uslim m et Ibn Taim iyah and advised him not to express his
legal opinions on cases pertaining to divorces by swearing which
m ight be referred to him. T he Sheikh accepted his advice
and promised to act likewise in deference to thfe wishes o f the
C hief Q a z l and other
jurists. T hen, in the beginning o f Jum ada-ul-U la, a royal
edict was received from Cairo which prohibited Ibn T aim iyah
from giving legal opinions in such cases. T he royal m
andate was road out in a gathering and Ib n T aim iyah
prom ised to 'ab id e by it.” 2 T hereafter, it seems, Ibn T aim
iyah reconsidered the
( m atter and reached the conclusion th at the adm inistration had
no right to interfere in this m atter, nor was it proper for him to
desist from expressing w hat he believed to be right for fear o f

2. Ab'ti Z°hrai pp. 436-37
governm ent. A ccordingly, he again started giving legal

opinions in these cases. O n Tuesday, the 22nd p f R ajab , 720
A. H ., a council o f theologians and ju rists was convened by the
governor o f Syria to consider the com plaint against Ibn
T aim iy ah . It was decided to detain him in the citadel where
he was transferred th e sam e day. H e rem ained in this preven
tive detention for five m onths and eighteen days and was
released, on the orders received directly from C airo, on the 10th
o f M u liarram , 721 A . H .2
The Last Imprisonment
For about five and a h a lf years betw een 721 A. H- to 726

A. H ., Ib n T aim iy ah devoted him self again to the teaching in
M ad rasa H an b alia and his own madrasa in Q assasin, pouring
forth his encyclopaedic knowledge. H e also revised some o f
his older works. H is ready pen would have, perhaps, produced
some m ore classical works b u t his intellectual brilliance and
pre-em inent individuality, w hich tended to overshadow his
contem poraries was a constant cause o f trouble for him .
Ib n T aim iy ah h ad expressed a legal opinion, seventeen
years back, th a t no jo u rn ey to a shrine, even if it be to the grave
of the H oly Prophet o f Islam could be undertaken as an act
o f devotion u n d e r the S h a n cak. H e h a d based his opinion on
the
T radition w hich said : “ D o not saddle a d o rm ed ary except for
three mosques, the M asjid-i-H aram (K a 'a b a ), my ow n Mosque
(the Prophet’s M osque) and the M asjid-i-A qsa (Bait-ul-
M u q a d d a s').” Ib n T aim iy ah h ad explained how the
pilgrim age to shrines o f saints opened the d o o r to ascribing
divine powers to th e saints a n d perform ance o f cerem onies
w hich itnply reliance on beings o th er , than G od. In his
support he had cited several o ther T rad itio n s o f the
P rophet s a y in g : “ The curse o f God be on the Jew s an d
C hristians who have turned

2. Ibid., p. 97
3. In Jerusalem
the graves o f their prophets into places o f w orship,” 1 or, “ O

Allah, do not make an idol o f my grave th at it m ay be
worshipped.” 2
T he enemies o f Ibn T aim iyah unearthed this seventeen
year old statem ent o f legal opinion to discredit him am ong the
ignorant folk. It was given wide publicity in order to injure
the susceptibilities o f the masses, on the one hand, who consi
dered it an act o f great m erit to visit the Prophet’s grave, and
to enlist the support o f the theologians, on the other, against a
m an at odds with th e ir unanim ous view. T his did have the
desired effect as the feelings o f the masses w ere stirred up to an
extent th at the adm inistration felt obliged to intervene in the
m atter. T he o rd er to put him again behind the bars was issued
on the 7th o f Sh‘aban, 726 A. H . W hen the news was com m u
nicated to Ibn T aim iyah, he said, “ I was looking forw ard to it.
It has a lot o f goodness and grace for m e.”
Ib n Taim iyah was taken to the D am ascus citadel. A sub
sistence allowance was fixed for him and his brother Z a in ud-din
£A bdur R ahm an ibn T aim iyah was allowed to rem ain w kh him .
D etention o f Ibn T aim iyah was a victory achieved by his
adversaries. H is friends and disciples w ere m anhandled and
some o f them .w ere even o rdered to be cast into prison. They
were all released a fte r a few days, but H afiz ibn Q aiyyim , one
of the devoted •disciples o f Ib n T aim iyah, rem ained w ith
his m entor in detention till his d eath .3
Protest by the Scholars
Im prisonm ent o f Ib n T aim iyah was a source o f satisfaction

to his enemies, but it saddened the h earts o f a large num ber
of scholars and doctors o f religion as well as th e m ajority o f
the Muslims in S yria a n d other countries. N um erous appeals
were m ade an d petitions preferred to the Sultan urging him to
release
1. Bukhari and Muslim

2. Musnad Imam Ahmad
3. Abii %ahra, p, 84
56 SAVIOURS OP ISLAMIC S PIR IT
the S heikh. T h e petitions subm itted to the Su ltan from every

p a rt o f the realm and from the far-flung lands o f th e Islam ic
w orld show the extent o f p opularity and respect ib n T aim iyah
enjoyed am ong the people O ne such petition sent by the
scholars o f B aghdad to the Su ltan expressed deep concern and
the sorrow ful gloom overtaking the intellectual circles a n d th e
o rth o d o x M uslim s o f eastern countries, p a rticu larly I ra q , and
the gleeful m irth exhibited b y the heretics an d non-conform ists
over Ib n T a im iy a h ’s in tern m en t.1 A n u m b er o f religious
doctors even sent th e ir ow n legal opinions in support o f the
stand taken by Ib n T aim iy ah .
Ibn Taim iyah’s Preoccupations in the Citadel
T h e in tern m en t o f th e Sheikh, how ever, provided him ,

a fter a long tim e, the m u ch needed repose a n d rest w hich he
fully utilised in prayers and literary endeavours. H e com pleted,
along w ith his b ro th er Z ain u d -d ln ‘ A bdur R a h m a n , eighty
recitals o f the Q u r ’ S n d u rin g th a t short p e rio d .2
T h e g reater p a rt o f Ib n T aim iy ah ’s w ritings d u rin g the
p eriod o f detention consisted o f exegesis o f th e Q u r’a n w hich
shows th a t th e tim e left by recitals o f the holy Scripture was
spent in pond erin g over the Q u ra n ic verses. H e also w rote a
few m onographs explaining certain specific issues w hich were
referred to him by the scholars. H e was thus enabled to carry
on his lite ra ry activities undisturbed du rin g the in itial period
o f his last detention, except, o f course, the serm ons which he
used to d eliver for th e benefit o f th e people.
Further R e strictio n s
T h e w ritings o f Ib n T a im iy ah w ere taken o u t o f the gaol

and th eir copies sent to scholars in every p a rt o f the country.
Am ong th e treatises an d m onographs w ritten by h im d u rin g this
p e rio d , o ne len g th y d is s e rta tio n w as in d ite d on p ilg rim a g e
which
1. Al KawakiHud-Duniyah. p. 198 and Al *Uqud ud-Burriyah p. 350

he wrote in reply to an article o f a M alikite Q azl

cA bdullah ibn al-A khnalJ. Ibn T aim iyah showed at length
how ignorant And unlearned the Q azi was.1 Thereupon; —
A bdullah ibn al-Akhnal’ lodged another com plaint in the
royal court agaitist Ib n •Taimiyah which resulted in the issue
of. another decree ordering th a t every book, paper and pen
should be taken away from him.
The royal edict confiscated all the books and writing m aterial
possessed by Ibn Taim iyah on the 9th o f Jam ada-ul-U khara,
728 A.H. O n the first o f the following R ajab, even the manus
cripts and loose sheets of paper were taken away from him and
kept in the library of Ju d iciary .2
Writings by Charcoal
Ib n T aim iyah neither protested nor even showed any

resentment over this attem pt to shackle his pen. After the
ink and pen w ere taken away, he used to w rite with charcoal
on loose sheets of such paper as he could lay his hands on.
Some of these writings were found later on an d preserved
for a long time. H e seemed to have reconciled him self to
his fate and accepted the inevitable without repining and
regarded his tribulations as trials and sufferings o f fighters
in the way of God. Expressing the same feeling in a letter he
w rote . “ T hank God that we are now engaged in a fight in
the way o f God. T he battle we are fighting here is not a bit
lower in order than our previous w arfare against G hazan, the
heretics of the hills and the propagators o f pantheistic
monism. T his is undoubtedly a blessing o f God on us,
although most o f the people are not aw are 3f it” 3.
1. See Al'AkhnaHyah
2. The building now houses the office of Al-Majm*a ul-[Imi-ul-*Arbi. This
was the place where Ibn Khallikan wrote his famous Wa/ay i t tl-'A yan
and lectures were delivered by Ibn Malik who later wrote Al-Fih. The
material confiscated from Ibn Taimiyah, under the Royal edict, com
prised 60 books and i 4 folios of his maniscript.
i, Abu Z*A™
58 SAVIOURS OF ISLAMIC SP IR IT
Serene R esign ation .

H is serene contentm ent and calm subm ission to th e will o f
God bespeaks o f the faith delivered unto th e saints. “ The
grace and blessings o f G od” , w rote Ib n T aim iy ah in another
letter, “ lie in w h at G od decides for H is bondsm en. V erily, H e
is the strong, the D o m in an t, the W ise a n d the K now er. M an is
p ut to h arm only by his ow n sins, for, says G od : ‘W hatever o f
good befalleth thee (O m an) it is from A llah an d w hatever o f ill
befalleth thee it is from thyself.’1 T h erefo re, it is incum bent on
m an to be thankful to G od a n d praise H im ever an d anon, and
seek forgiveness for his sins from the cradle to- th e grave. For
benediction to G od brings H is grace and blessings, supplication
for D ivine forgiveness averts His w rath and punishm ent. W hat
ever God ordains for H is bondsm an, it is always th e best for
him . T h e P rophet o f God is reported to have said* : ‘I f pros
perity attends a believer, he is thankful (to A lla h ); an d if
adversity befalls h im , he is patient ■and it is good for h im .”
But Ibn T aim iy ah was also convinced th a t he was w ithout
reproach : the only fault he owned was th a t he d id not yield
obedience to the authorities in a religious m atter in >which he
considered him self to be ju st an d right. H e acknow ledged his
intractability, if it could be so nam ed ; but, far from being sorry
fo r th e shortcom ing, he considered it the harvest o f his conviction
in the U nity o f G od. In yet another letter w ritten by h im from
the ja il he says : “ T h e ir greatest charge against m e is th a t the
orders given by a m an were disregarded by m e. But, i f the
o rd er given by a hu m an being, w hether he be a m aster o r king,
contravenes th e com m andm ents o f G od a n d H is Prophet, then
th a t should never be obeyed. O n the contrary, the entire
M uslim com m unity is agreed on the view th a t no obedience is
perm issible in anything opposed to an express m andate o f God
and the P rophet.”
1. Q,. IV : 79
2. Muslim, on the authority of Suhaib ibn Si nan
?he Last Days

Z ain u d -din cA bdur R a h m a n relates th at after com pleting
eighty recitals o f the Q u r’an, Ib n T aim iyah started it again
With him . However, w hen he reached the closing verses o f the
SUrah al-Qamar-^Lo! the righteous will dwell am ong gardens
and rivers firmly established in the favour o f a M ighty K ing1—
he expressed his desire to continue the recital fu rth er w ith
cA bdullah ibn M uhlb and his brother ÂbdullSh az-Z ara£ee.
Both these brothers w ere pious and pure o f heart, and th eir recital
was very m uch liked by Ib n Taim iyah. But he had not completed
this recital o f the Q u r’a n when the knell summoning him to
heaven was sounded.
T he S heikh had been indisposed for a few days when the
governor o f Dam ascus called upon him . O n his request to
pardon him for th e inconvenience caused on his account, Ib n
Taim iyah replied : “ I h av e already forgiven you and all those
persons Who have beea hostile to me, T hey knew not th at I was
in the right. I bear no m aliee nor have I any grievance against
the K ing for putting m e in ja il at the instance o f the theologians.
He d id not do it o f his own accord and is free from a ll responsi
bility in this reg ard . I h av e pardoned every m an in this affair
except those w ho a r e enem ies o f G od and H is P rophet.”
Ib n T aim iyah was taken ill twenty-two days before his
death. H is health gradually dw indled till the journey’s end
drew near in the night o f the twenty second o f Zil-Qa*ada, 728
A .H., when he quit this w orld a t th e age o f 67 years. “
Everyone th a t is thereon w ill pass away ; there rem aineth
b u t the C ountenance o f thy Lord o f M ight and G lory.” 2
T he crier o f the citadel m osque announced the death o f Ibn
T aim iyah from the m in aret, w hich was repeated by the guards
in the turrets and soon it spread in the city like wild fire. T he
gates o f the fort w ere throw n open to allow wave after wave of
teem ing drowd coming to pay its last hom age to the dep arted
1. Q.. LIV : 54-55

2. Q . L V : 26-27
60 SAVIOURS O f ISLAMIC S PIR IT
teacher. M any o f them kissed, w ith tears brim m in g in their

eyes, the forehead th a t frequently rem ained p ro strated before
the Lord.
T he bier was brought to the Ummayyacl M osque for funeral
service. T he th ro n g in g crow d w hich was getting stronger every
m om ent was so g reat th a t th e arm y h ad to force its w ay into it
for carrying th e bier w ith g re a t difficulty. In the vast m ultitude
jostling an d pushing to get n e a r the bier m any lost th eir shoes.
At last the procession ended in S uqral-K hall w here ano th er
funeral service w as led by his younger b ro th er Z ain ud -d ln
‘A bdur R ah m 3 n . A fter th e service, Ib n T aim iy ah was la id a t
rest in M aqbartis-Sufiyah1 by th e side o f his b ro th er S h araf
u d -d ln cA bdullah. It is estim ated th a t a tra in o f 60,000 to
1,00,000 persons o f w hich a t least 15,000 were w om en joined
th e funeral procession.* ' '
In several Islam ic countries lying to the south and east o f
Syria funeral services w ere held in absentia for Ib n T aim iyah.
Ib n R ajab , a chronicler w ho w rote Tabqat-ul-HanSbilah, Says that
th e funeral services w ere held in several n earer an d far o ff lands
like Y em an and C hina. “ T h e funeral service o f an expositor o f
the Q u r ’ a n will now be h eld ,” w as th e announcem ent m ade
a fte r F rid ay prayers in a fa r off city according to the travellers
retu rn in g from C hina.
1. In this burial ground where such luminaries as Ibn fAsBkir, Ibn us-Salah,
Ibn al-Ath?r, Abul H ajjSj Al-Mizzi, Hafiz Im id ud-din Ibn KathTr were
buried, only the grave o f Ibn Taimiyah now remains in an open space
before the Hall of the University of Syria and the Hospital.
2. Hn Ktihir, Vol. X IV , p. 136-39
IV
Character and .Achievements
Intellectual Brilliance
Ibn T aim iyah occupied a pride o f place among his contem

porary scholars and doctors o f religion, theologians and legists
who had all to acknowledge, without any exception, his super
lative m erits in every branch o f learning. T his was not due to
his fire o f genius alone but also because of his marvellous reten
tive m emory which was, indeed, a God-given gift granted to a
few beneath the heavens. By Ib n Taim iyah’s tim e, the religious
sciences had been vastly developed and encyclopaedic literature
had been accum ulated on scores o f its branches. No scholar
could, w ithout a prodigious m emory, claim m astery over the
whole o f it, m uch less sit in judgem ent over the thoughts and
findings o f the savants in every field of knowledge. But the
rem arkable treasure house o f Ib n T aim iyah’s m ind enabled him
to have a t his finger tips the whole o f the then extant literature
on exegesis, T raditions, jurisprudence, dogm atic theology,
scholasticism, history, biography, lexicography and syntax. He
could always utilize this store-house o f knowledge in his thrilling
career o f intellectual and literary pursuits.
His contem poraries and successors both are agreed th a t he
possessed a w onderful m em ory, nim ble m ind, quick grasp and
a rad ian t flam e of intellect. O ne o f his classmates, cAlam ud-
dln al-B arzall, says that “ he enshrined in his m em ory w hatever
he h eard , rarely anything faded from his m ind an d , intelligent as
he was, he h a d a w ide know ledge.’’1 Sham s ud -d ln al-Z ahabi, the

famous historian an d biographer has avouched th a t he has not
seen “ a m an m ore adept th a n Ib n T aim iyah who could rehearse
the T raditions so correctly (w ith the correct w ordings an d the
narrative^ chains), recall these a t the appropriate tim e an d cite
the correct references.” 2 Everyone conversant-with the! science
o f T raditions knows how difficult it is to learn by h eart the
entire literatu re on T raditions. But, strange though it m ay
seem, no contem porary scholar o f Ib n T aim iyah, not even his
bitterest critics, ever disputed the testimony o f al-Z ah ab i who
s a id : “ It can truly be claim ed th a t no T ra d itio n w ould be
acceptable i f Ib n T aim iyah pleaded ignorance o f it.” 3 K am al
ud -d ln ibn az-Z am alkani disagreed w ith Ib n T a im iy a h on m any
issues an d h ad figured against him in several polem ical
disputations. O nce he acknow ledged th at “ no m an o f such
prodigious m em ory has been born in the last four o r five
h u n d red years.” 4 T o quote al-Z ahabl ag ain , Ib n T aim
iy ah w as “ a flam e o f intellect” and “ a m arvel o f sparkling
intelligence and a sharp w it.” 5
Encyclopaedic Knowledge
Ibn T a im iy ah had so com pletely assim ilated all the know

ledge o f his tim e th a t even th e talented doctors in different fields
o f learning w ere am azed to see his m astery in th eir ow n sciences.
A num ber o f em inent scholars have paid glowing tributes to
Ib n T aim iyah. T a q i u d -d in Ib n D a q lq ul-cI d occupies a
distinguished place am o n g the teachers o f T rad itio n s. His
im pression, after Ib n T aim iy ah m et him in Egypt in 700 A.H.
w as: “ I felt th a t he h a d a ll th e sciences before his e y e s; he
called up w hatever h e liked and left w hatever he w an ted .” '1
1. Ar-Raid ul-W afir, p . 6G

2. Al-Qatd-il-Jali, p. 101
3. A i-K m fik ib ud-Durtiyah, p. 145
4. Ibid p. 145
5. A r-Radd-ul-W afir, p. 29
6. H id p. 31
CHARACTER AND ACHIEVEMENTS 63
K arnal ud-dtn ibn az-Zam alkanl was a renowned scholar in

several sciences. Expressing his astonishment over Ibn Taim iyah’s
agility o f m ind he says, “ W hen he is asked anything, his reply
gives the'im pression that he has spent his whole life in acquiring
the knowledge of that very science alone and there is none else
who can equal Jiim in th a t branch p f learning.” 1 T aq t ud-dln
ibn al-Subki, one o f Ibn T aim iyah’s rivals who had w ritten
many books to confute Ib n T aim iyah’s views on certain juristic
issues, w rote in his letter to al-Zahabr. “ I am fully aw are that
Ibn T aim iyah is an erudite scholar, his knowledge is profound
and deep in all the religious and secular sciences ; he is m ature
in thought an d sparkling in intellect, an d I also know th a t his
icholarship is beyond all praise. I have always acknowledged
these qualities o f Ibn Taim iyah before my friends and asso
ciates.” 2
Ibn Taim iyah was not a student o f history. However, his
competence in this field too was acknowledged by a historian
like Sham s ud-dln al-Zahabl in these words : “ His knowledge
of history is rem arkably astonishing.” Ib n Qayyim has left an
account o f Ib n T aim iyah’s am azing proficiency in this field as
well as sliarpness of m ind. H e writes in ul-Mal ad th a t once
the Jew s (of either Syria o r Iraq ) produced as scroll o f crum b
ling paper with a w riting in the old script w hich showed that
the Prophet had exempted the Jew s ofK h aib ar from the paym ent
of JiZyah (poll-tax). T he docum ent had the signatures o f c All,
Sacad ibn M a £5 z and a num ber o f other companions o f the
Prophet as witnesses. C ertain scholars, not so well-versed
in
.history, accepted it as a genuine docum ent and gave the
decision that the Jew s should be exem pted from the paym ent o
f poll-tax. But when th e docum ent was shown to Ib n T aim iyah
he at once declared it to be a fake docum ent and gave as m any
as ten rea- lo n rfo r holding th at opinion. Some o f the reasons
given by Ib n Taim iyah for declaring th e docum ent as spurious
were th at it had
1. Ar-Radd ul-Wajir p. 30
2. Taiqat-1 t-Shifeîyah
the signature o f Saca d ibn M al az b u t he h a d d ie d before th e battle

o f K h a ib a r ; th ere could be no question o f any exem ption from
the poll-tax because the Q u ran ic verses im posing th e ta x were
revealed in th e y ear o f TabQk i.e. three years a fter th e b attle o f
K h a ib a r was fought. T h e exem ption o f the Jew s from forced
labour, a m ention o f w hich was m ade in the docum ent, was absurd
for the P rophet o r his com panions neither considered it lawful
u n d er the Sharfak nor th ey ever subjected anybody to forced
labour ; and, lastly, no historian, T rad itio n ist o r legist had m ade
a m ention o f the docum ent in question in his w ritings.” 1
A nother story o f his nim ble wit and facility o f poetization
has been told by Saleh T a j ud-din. H e says th a t once a Jew brought
a question about fate in the form o f eight verses. Ib n T aim iyah
re a d the verses, pondered over the question for a few seconds
and then started w riting its reply. W hen he h ad com pleted the
reply it was found th a t he h ad composed 184 verses in th e same
m etre and rhym e in w hich the question h ad been indited.
Saleh T a j ud -d ln adds th a t Ib n T aim iy ah ’s verses were so
profound th a t a com m entary on them w ould h a v e filled tw o
copious volumes.*
Ib n T aim iy ah ’s g reat store o f know ledge has been acclaim ed
by his contem porary and succeeding scholars w ith such com pli
m entary rem arks as “ T h e M aster Spirit o f the A ge,” “ The
Grown o f Scholars,” “ L ast o f the E nlightened scholars,” and
“ A Sign am ong the Signs o f G od.” Ib n Saiyid-in-Nas (d. 734
A .H .) says th a t ‘his contem poraries d id not see an o th er m an like
him , nor d id he him self witness his p eer.” 3 Sim ilarly, Shams
u d -d ln a l-Z ah ab i testifies: “ I f I w ere asked to testify before
the K a cab a I will sw ear by G od th a t n eith er I saw a scholar
like him no r d id he him self see a m an o f his stature.’’
Dauntless Courage
T h e T u rk chiefs an d m ilitary generals w ere am azed to see
1. Z i d ul-toa<ad, Vol. I , p. 336

2. Al-Kawakib ad~Durriyah, p. 154
3. Ibid.
CHA RACTER AND ACHIEVEMENTS 65
the dauntless valour o f Ib n T aim iyah w hich he had shown

against the Mongols on the battle-field. “ Seated on the horse
back,” says H afiz Siraj ud-dln, “ he assumed his station in the
front line like a brave soldier and flew at the enemy ranks as if
he h a d no fear.” 5 T he rem arkable courage shown by him
against the kings and rulers in raising the voice of tru th was
undoubtedly the outcome o f a n still deeper, spiritual and
enduring element of his ch aracter. M any scholars before him
had expounded the issues h e touched upon, but the singular
courage a n d fearlessness exhibited by him in explaining the true
content o f the U nity o f G odhead and placing one’s trust in Him
alone as against the innovation o f sflflstic ideas like pantheistic
monism or union and absorption into the Absolute Being or
other aberrations of the m isguided sects, and the way he endured
all adversities patiently and steadfastly show the fortitude and
grit o f his m ind and character. Paying a glowing tribute to
this brave, venturesome characteristic o f Ibn T aim iyah, al-
Zahabi writes : “ None am ongst his predecessors and successors
dared to explain his view p o in t so forcefully as did Ibn T aim iyah
and the result was th a t a large num ber o f theologians o f Egypt
and Syria became h is : enemy. His adversaries left no stone
unturned to hum iliate and discredit him . They charged him
with innovation, joined issues w ith him and wrote treatises to
confute him , but he rem ained steadfast against all odds and
difficulties. H e resisted all tem ptations and rem ained firm on
what he considered to be rig h t an d correct. T he conclusions he
bad reached w ere not only the result o f his own ponderings and
wide knowledge o f the Scripture and T raditions but also a
product o f his piety, fear o f God and deference to the ordinances
Of the Shan1ah, O n m any an occasion he had to face the com
bined antipathy o f opposing scholars, but h e was always helped
fey God to emerge u n hu rt from the vindictive w rath o f his
Opponents.” 2
11 A l-K ivakiiud-D uniyah, p . 161

li A r-Radd-ul-Wfijir, p. 67
66 SAVIOURS 0 * ISLAMIC SPIR IT
T h e com prehensive know ledge and intellectual brilliance o f

Ibn T aim iy ah b ad been acknow ledged by his contem poraries,
friends an d foes both, but the secret o f his greatness and
im m ortal fam e lay in his inquiring m ind, coherent thought and
ability to c h a rt an u n tro d d en course for him self. N o scholar
before him h a d d ared to point out the mistakes o f Sibaw aih,
th e undisputed authority on g ram m ar and syntax, as he did.
G reek philosophy h ad so pow erfully captured th e m inds o f the
scholars an d doctors o f religion th a t even its greatest critic,
Im S m AbQ H a m id al-G hazS ll, h ad not succeeded in completely
shaking off the influence o f Greek m etaphysics and ethics in his
fam ous w ork Ihyd? ul-cUloom.' But Ib n T aim iy ah ’s writings do
n o t show the slightest tra c e o f com prom ise w ith th e Greek
philosophy and its way o f thinking. In KitBb ur-Radd-i-l a M
Mantaqiyin his criticism o f th e logical syllogism smashes the
entire structure o f G reek philosophy from w hich it h ad been
borrow ed. I n T rad itio n s an d ju risprudence too, the scholars
never d a re d to discuss an y issue except w ithin th e lim its set by
th e e a rlie r teachers, b u t Ib n T aim iyah h ad the courage to re
open m any issues w h ich h a d by then been taken as decided once
for all. H e fearlessly presented his findings w ith cogent reason
ing couched in a literary style, w hich stirred th e stagnant
th o u g h t o f his tim e. At last, he raised him self above th e four
orthodox ju ristic schools an d began to base his legal opinions
only on the S cripture, th e T raditions o f th e P rophet an d the
practice o f the com panions. “ F o r th e last few years” , says al*-
Zahabx, ''h e is not giving his legal opinions in accordance w ith
any recognised ju ristic school, but stands by w h at he considers,
to be rig h t. H e has set f o r t h 'a series o f such reasons a n d j
proofs, as none else h a d done earlier, w hich u phold th e correct*)
ness o f following th e precepts o f th e Prophet arid the earliest!
followers o f Islam .” * i
I t is n a tu ra l for m a n to e rr, and Ib n T aim iy ah too was at!
!. For a fuller discussion see Falasufatul Ikhlag Jil Islam wa Silituha til Falsa-
fa til Ighriqiah and Tarikh-i-Akhlaq by Dr. Muhammad Yflsuf .MOSS. !
2. Ar-Radd-ul-Wafir, p. 17 1 * \
CHA RACTER AND ACHIEVEMENT* 67
fault in some o f his ‘unique’ opinions ; b u t there is not the least

doubt about his sincerity. H e never blindly followed any Imam
nor gave up the opinion o f the founder o f any juristic school
either on account o f false pretence, inertia o r sluggishness,
vanity or expediency. H e was always disposed to act w ith
careful regard to w hat w a s ' right and enjoined by the Book
o f God and T raditions o f the Prophet. T h e character o f Ibn
T aim iyah can best be summed up in the words o f Ibn H
ajar cAsqaIanl which is w orth repeating here. H e says th at
“ Ibri T aim iyah was w ithout doubt the Saint o f saints. Even
in m atters in which he was censured, he d id not form his
opinion out o f arrogance. H e insisted on his opinion only
whe» he was satisfied about its correctness. In all those
num erous m atters in which his opinion has been accepted as
correct, one ought to avail oneself o f his wisdom and raise his
hands in prayer for the peace o f his soul. O ne need not
follow him where he is mistaken, but he cannot be
reproached even in those m atters. All the erudite scholars o
f his tim e have affirmed th a t he had attained th at position
o f scholarship and learning w hich enables a m an to form ulate
juristic opinions. Even Sheikh J a m a l ud- dln az-Z am alkam ,
who was his bitterest enemy always trying to put him to harm
, has acknowledged the erudition o f Ibn T aim iyah.” 1
,l Furtherance o f the cause o f true faith was all his
business, from m orn till eve. H e h a d no other occupation, no
vocation, which could divert his attention from the
rem em brance o f God and service o f his fellow beings—
neither a trade to ply, nor dependants to engage his attention
he ever had.
Ibn Taim iyah’s engagement in literary pursuits and devotion
to G od so engaged his atten tio n th a t h e never th o u g h t o f
accepting the responsibilities o f a m arried life. H e busied him -
lelf in giving legal opinions and helping others to solve th e ir
problems since early m orning until th e tim e a rriv ed fo r offering
m id-day prayer. H e spent the whole day in th a t m an n er a n d
I. Ar-Radd-ul-WdJir, p. 78
tau g h t the students u n til it was quite late in th e n ig h t.

In betw een these engagem ents, he would keep him self busy
in recollection o f G od, in praising H im an d in seeking
His forgiveness.1
Acquisition o f know ledge was the o ther e rra n d in which
Ib n T aim iyah continuously kept him self em ployed. “ I t seems” ,
says Siraj ud-dln Abu Hafs al-BazzSr, "th a t study and edification
h ad become his m ood and m ental aptitude, dw elling in him
an d pervading all bis actions.*
Ib n T aim iy ah ’s sincerity an d honesty o f purpose is apparent
from the fact th a t on every occasion when h is enemies caused
h im trouble an d distress, he was generous enough to d e c la r e :
“I acq u it every M uslim accountable for the troubles caused to
m e,” . T h e way h e forgave Q azi. Ib n M ak h lu f and insisted on
S ultan Q alaw oon to p a rd o n all those theologians a n d jurists
who h ad ea rlie r opposed h im speaks volumes o f his largeheart-.
edness an d nobility o f disposition. Always scrupulously careful
to ad h ere to th a t w hich was m anifestly tru e a n d rig h t even in
thought, his differences o f opinion w ith o th e r doctors o f religion
w ere always because o f disagreem ent on religious an d intel
lectual issues an d never ow ing to personal acrim ony. A nd,
indeed) it was only on account o f his unim peachable honesty o f
purpose a n d uprightness th a t he was enabled to bequeath,
w ithin the span o f 67 years from b irth to d eath , w hich was full
o f restlessness a n d m entally tiring activities, anxiety an d anguish
caused by his adversaries, a n d adverse fortune a n d untow ard
events b ro u g h t by destiny, a store o f encyclopaedic literatu re
w hich was enough to gain recognition not for one b u t several
eru d ite scholars.^ H e profoundly altered th ro u g h his sincerity,
1. Al-Kawakik ud-Dumyah, p. 156

2. / « r f , p . 156
3. Full details of all the writings of Ib n Taimiyah, many of which have
lost, are not available now. However, the total number of his worker
which include treatises, monographs and books, some of which cover only
/ Continued on next pegI
c h a r a c t e r a n d a c h ie v e m e n t s 69
independence o f m ind and indefatigable efforts, not only the

course o f religious thought o f his tim e but also left such indelible
im prints and influences which a re still pregnant for the future.
H e can thus rightly be claim ed as the harbinger o f a new era
o f intellectual and religious thought in Islam .
Literary Achievements
T here are some distinguishing characteristics o f Ibn

T aim iyah’s w ritings which m ake them sigularly different from
those o f his contem porary scholars. T hey can still hold our
interest and are, in fact, again exerting a form ative influence on
the m ore thoughtful sections o f th e M uslim society.
T he first impression th a t a reader gathers from his writings
is th at the au tho r has reached the core o f religion. His discus
sions tend to centre round the fundam ental bases of. the subject
m atter w hile his forceful, lucid and exhaustive treatm ent o f the
subject captivates the h eart an d m ind o f the reader. Almost
all his compositions, w hether full-fledged treatises or sm all
articles, especially those w hich deal with a credal, dialectical or
juristic question, throw light on some inmost aspect o r essence
of the Wiurfck. ,
A nother feature o f his writings is th at they reflect the ideas,
conditions and problems o f his day. O ne can easily find out
from his essays the m oral and intellectual conditions, social
problems and religious and cultural life o f the society o f his
time. These descriptions also speak o f the likes and dislikes,
views and feelings o f Ib n T aim iy ah in reg ard to the prevailing
conditions for he never w rote ais an unconcerned and indifferent
n arrator o f the events.' . , ; *■■■■■
20 pages while others run into Sfeveral volumes, is 621. O f these, the
writings on exegesis number 102, on Traditions 41, Jurisprudence and
discussion of juristic issues 166, dialectics and matters pertaining to creed
126, morals and mysticism 78, criticism of philosophy and logic 17, letters
expounding theological issues 7 and on other miscellaneous subjects 84.
I, See, for instance, Iqtidhii3 Siral-ul-Mustaqtm Mukhalafaia Ashah ul-Jahim
His com m entaries on the Q u ran ic verses restate th e abiding

truths in term s o f life an d surrounding conditions, m ake a close
study of the different sections o f society, th eir m anners and m
orals, customs and habits and point out the disfiguring innovations
in fo rm a n d th o u g h t resu ltin g fro m th e d is re g a rd o f D ivine
guidance.1 T h e intim ate bearin g o f his w ritings on life o f the
then society has im p arted them attractio n a n d effectiveness
which will hold-attention o f the people for all tim es to come.
W hatever subject Ib n T aim iyah takes up, he presents, in a
few pages, all the connected m aterial culling them from hun*
dreds o f volumes on different subjects. T h e com prehensive
treatm en t o f every issue on w hich be w rites, w h eth er pertaining
to speculative sciences o r creed and religion, is peculiar to. Ib n
T aim iyah. At tim es th e m atter collected by him in a single
volum e is so extensive th a t it takes a long an d intensive study
to assim ilate it.s At the same tim e, however, th e m ultitude
o f ideas a n d excess o f details cloud the original them e and
m ake it difficult for the re a d e r to follow his thoughts. But this
does not, in any w ay, decrease th e usefulness o f his works,
each one of w hich is a com pendium o f all the then available
inform ation on th a t p artic u la r subject. But fo r these
encyclopaedic works o f Ib n T aim iy ah a lot o f precious
thoughts, utterances and writings o f the old w ould have been
lost for ever.
N evertheless, Ib n T a im iy a h ’s w ritings lack concentration
o f treatm en t as he very often switches over to a related subject
w hich unnecessarily prolongs the discussion. Anybody not
acq uainted w ith his w ritings, thus, finds it extrem ely difficult to
assim ilate his ideas as well as keep his eyes on th e central them e
o f the essay. T h is is, undoubtedly, a n a tu ra l defect found in
th e writings o f those endow ed w ith the b re a d th o f interests and
nim bleness along w ith im passioned eloquence, as was the case
w ith Ib n T aim iy ah . I t seems th a t he was u n ab le to keep him
1. Sec the commentaries on Surat-un-Nur and Surat-ut-lkhlas.

2. For instance; see Minhaj us-Sunnah and Al-Jateai-ul-Sthih li-man Baddala
Din al-Aiasih.
CHARACTER A ND ACHIEVEMENTS 71
self strictly confined to the narrow lim its ol any s u b je c t a n d

the restless‘w anderings of his m ind continued to r e c a ll
everything connected with the m atter in h a n d in q u ic k s u
c c e s s io n . T his also holds true o f his lectures as one of his
disciples, Hafiz Abu Hafs al-Bazzai; succinctly described in
these w ords, “ W henever he started lecturing on any subject
the Providence unveiled before his eyes the tieasurehouse o f
knowledge, recondite truths and hidden m eanings, precepts
a n d principles enunciated by th e m asters-of yore and all the
sim ilitudes and illustrations o f the subject found in A rabic
poetics, and it seethed th at a headstream o f knowledge Was
surging forth like a swift to rren t.” 1 T he same was the case
during debates w herein he usually raised too m any issues w hich
confounded his contenders, who found it difficult to answer them
adequately. T his was the reason why the scholars of* Sy ria
and Egypt m ore often fought shy o f challenging him during
academ ic discussions o r polem ical disputations. O ne o f his
contem porary scholars and a noted debater, Sheikh Safi ud- dln
al-H indl, once rem arked, “ Ib n T aim iyah, you a re like a
breezy b i r d ; whenever I try to catch hold o f you at one point
you swiftly move on to a n o th er.” 2
T h e writings o f Ib n T aim iyah, like his speeches, are b u r
dened w ith excessive details and digressions from the m ain topic
but even these, being inform ative and brilliantly couched, are
rew arding for painstaking students.
Lastly, Ib n T aim iy ah ’s works also differ from other w ritings
of his tim e on dialectical and ju ristic subjects. D eviating from
the beaten tack o f a graceless an d severe style and legal w ord-
age o f writings on these subjects, Ib n T aim iy ah ’s dress o f
thought is graced by literary allusions and quick wit, ease
and lucidity o f style an d vigour and eloquence w hich possess
an im m ediate appeal to the readers. W hen he writes o f the
precepts o f the old m asters and the seemliness o f the course
followed by them his vigour o f thought im parts a life, a spirit
1. Al-Kawakii ud-Durriyah, p. 155

2. Nuzhatul Khawatir, Vol. II, p. 14
to his w ritings th a t vies w ith the liveliness an d grace o f a

forceful oration. Ib n T aim iyah’s biographers an d contem porary
w riters have also m ade .a m ention o f his silvery tongue w hich
was m atched by his lite ra ry flourish. Speaking o f the force and
flow of Ib n T aim iy ah ’s elocution, Hafiz A bu H afs al-Bazzar
says: “ His oratio n h a d the force o f th e flood, the rising tide
of the sea. W hen he spoke, it appeared th a t he was n o t here
b u t som ew here e ls e : his eyes h a lf closed an d the face ra d ia n t with
a heavenly grace, his h aranguing overaw ed his audience.” 1
Ib n T aim iy ah ’s efforts to revive the tru e fa ith cover a vast
*ield which can broadly be categorised into revival o f faith in
the U nity o f G od, eradication o f pantheistic ideas, criticism o f
philosophy, syllogistic logic and dialectics to assert the superiority
o f the Q u r’an an d the Sunnah, extirpation o f un-Islam ic beliefs
through refutation o f Christianity and Shil aism an d , lastly,
rejuvenation o f Islam ic thought an d its related sciences* ,
1. A l-K a w a k H u d -D u rriyth , p. 155
V
Reformative Endeavours
Thoughts borrow ed from un-Islam ic sources, irreligious

precepts an d dogmas fostered by the IsmaMlite C aliphate of
Egypt and the pantheistic doctrines diffused by the illiterate and
misguided j5 /i mystics had given b irth to numerous heretical
beliefs and customs in those days. T he M uslim masses had
begun to look up to th eir religious teachers o f yore, saints and
m artyrs as intercessors with God in almost the same way as
Ezra and Jesus C hrist had been elevated to the pedestal o f
Divinity by the Jew s an d the C hristians. T he tombs o f M uslim
•aints presented the sam e spectacle—the same rituals, devotional
lervices and oblations—as were commonly perform ed in
m artyries and sanctorum s o f the other faiths. M uslim s too
Invoked the aid o f th eir saints rath er th an o f God : repaired to
their graves in large num bers to celebrate the anniversaries o f
their death, constructed palatial buildings on th eir tom bs,
performed ceremonies im plying reliance on them and peram bu
la te d around th eir shrines like the House of G od. G raphic
descriptions o f the perverted beliefs an d practices popular in
those days have, been left by Ibn T aim iyah. Some o f these are
reproduced here to give an idea o f the popularity and strength
of conviction gained by the perversion o f saint-worship.
Divinity o f Saints
“ M ost o f the people hold the saints in reverence no less
th a n God and follow the com m ands o f the atten d an ts at th eir

tombs, as if they were the saints’ apostles. Supplications are
offered to the d ep arted saints to get th eir difficulties solved
while the attendants are presum ed to have the authority o f
declaring w hat is law ful or not under the Shari'-ah. These people
have., in fact, dismissed God from D ivinty and M uham m ad
from prophethood. Not unoften people come to seek redress
against the wrongs done to them by the kings or to have some
o f their p riv ate affairs set rig h t by a saint. T h e atten d an t then
goes inside the shrine and prom ptly returns to report th a t the-
petitioner’s request has been transm itted to G od th ro u g h the
saint, and the prophet as well as God have accordingly sent
word to the king in his affair. Is this not idolatry a n d
ascribing partners to God ? Surely it is blasphem y o r ra th e r
naked idolatry w hich would not be tolerated even by the
G hristiaps and polytheists, nor w ould they be duped by such
tricks. T he way these attendants avail themselves o f the
offerings and presents brought to the shrines answers th e
description thus given in the Q u r’ an :
“ O ye who believe ! Lo ! m any o f the (Je.wish) rabbis
and the (C hristian) monks devour the w ealth o f m ankind
wantonly and d e b a r (men) from the way o f A llah .” 1
Tomb-Worship
“ M any o f these ignoram uses could be seen offering prayers

facing the tombs o r beseeching the saints to take pity on them
and p ard o n th eir sins. Some have even th e ir backs tow ards the
K aca b a w hile offering prayers facing these g ra v e s ; a n d w hen
they are asked to desist from it they declare th a t th e K a£ab a is
m eant to serve as a qibla for the laity w hile the elect an d pure
in h e a rt need pay divine honours to the saint alone. O f these
persons, some are even known for th e ir piety and devotion to;
prayer and have thousands o f disciples. T h ere are other* to o >
1. Ar-Raddo *ala-al-Bakri, p. 298 (Q,. : ix : 34)

REFORMATIVE ENDEAVOURS 75
who take to a life o f exacting self-mortification a n d direcf their

disciples desiring penitence to com plete a probation of forty
days’ prayer and penance at the tom b o f th eir spiritual mentors.
They sit m editating over the graves like idolaters contem plating
upon th eir deities. These persons claim to have an exalted state
of feeling, inspiration and rapturous joy in these shrines w hich
they never .attain in tfe$ mosques although—
‘T his , lam p is found in the house which A llah hath
allowed to be exalted and (where) His nam e shall be
rem em bered.” 1
Irreverence to God
“ T he saint-worshippers do not feel any hesitation in

com m itting grievous sins but they trem ble with fear if they
happen to see the dom e o f their saint’s shrinfe while deviating
from the path o f virtue. T here they b id each other to be
careful o f the departed soul resting in the m ausoleum ; The
saint they fear, but not God who has created the heaven
and the earth and causes the moon to expand and decrease.
I f someone points out the blasphemy o f their beliefs they try
to intim idate him with the w rath o f th eir saint in the same
way as Ib ra h im was threatened by the idolaters.2
“ His people argued w ith him . H e sa id : Dispute ye
w ith me concerning A llah w hen H e h ath guided m e ? I
fear not a t all th a t whic& y e s e t up beside H im unless my
L o rd willeth aught. M y L ord includeth all things in
His knowledge. W ill ye not then rem em ber ?
“ How should I fear th at w hich ye set up beside H im ,
when ye fear not to set up beside A llah th a t for w hich H e
h ath revealed u n to •yoii no w a rra n t? W hich o f th e tw o
factions hath m ore rig h t fco-safety ? (Answer m e th at) if ye
have .knowledge. • .
“ Those w ho believe and obscure net th eir belief
by
1, Ar-Raddcâlal-Bakn, p. 295 (Q,. xxiv : 36)

t. Ibid., p. 298
76 SAVIOUR^ OF ISLAMIC SPIR IT
w rong-doing, th eirs is safety ; an d they are tig h tly gu id ed .” *
Derision o f God
T h e description o f saint-w orshippers’ sacrilegious^ behaviour

given by Ib n T aim iy ah goes on to say th a t “ they poke fun at
the U nity o f G od an d sneer a t the prayers offered to H im .
T hey look w ith scorn upon Haj an d thfc ffkjees an d believe th at
the visit to the shrines o f th e saints is m ore estim able th a n the
perform ance o f Haj. T his is w hat the S h i'a h s beliei'e and
m any am ongst the Sunnis also. Some are even insolent enough
to trifle with the mosques an d the prayers offered therein, for
they believe th a t the invocation o f blessings by th e ir sheikhs
carries g reater m erit th a n th e prayer offered to G od. A sect
am ongst th e Shicahs claim ing to be the follower o f Ytinus Q aisi
not only has faith in such blasphem ous doctrines but even
expresses it thus in the verses quoted here
“ H ark, and let Us lay in r u in s :
T h e m osque to open a wine sh o p ;
T h e pulpit, we m ust dism antle,
T o fashion it into a lilte and fid d le ;
F rom the leaves o f Q u r’an, we m ake a flute,
A nd of the Q a z l’s b eard , the g u ita r’s strin g .” -
Shameful Impudence
“ T hey a r e so brazenly shameless th a t they assert on oath

w hat they know to be m anifestly u n tru e but would d a re not to
sw ear by th eir saints w hat they know to be correct. T h eir
d ictum runs, ‘W e need no sustenance w hich is n o t from our
sheikh’ ; w hen they slay a goat they say, ‘In th e nam e o f m y L o rd
and M aster’ ; som e o f them claim th a t th e ir sheikh is superior to
prophets o f G od ; w hile others hold th e ir spiritual m entors to be
partakers o f D ivinity as the C hristians think o f Jesus C hrist.
T h e re are still others who u tte r the nam e o f th e ir saints w ith
the highest m arks o f resp ect; claim th a t th eir sheikhs have
1. Q.. V I: 80-82
2. Ar-Raido*alal Bakri, p. 251
REFORM ATIVE ENDEAVOURS 77
attained union with G o d ; compose verses attributing Divine

powers to th e m ; while these sheikhs pretend th at Moses had
conversed w ith them when fee fell in swoon o r th at th eir call
makes the,heavens move ; an d it is th eir fright which makes the
worlds trem ble and oceans restless.” 1
Divinity of the Saints and Prophets
“ T h ere are also those poor, m isguided and unlettered folk

who believe th at the prophets are the creators and restorers
of all tilings, the operators o f the heavens and earth and it is
they who solve all the difficulties o f a m an. T his is
obviously not the faith o f Muslims but w hat C hristians
believe about Jesus C hrist. But even the C hristians regard
only Christ to be the Divine word breathed from all
eternity, for they do not hold such beliefs about other
prophets like Ib ra h im and Moses although they grope in
blind and naked ignorance.” 2
“ Spipe others rest in confidence th at the inhabitants o f
every city or town get sustenance on account o f their local saint
who protects them from all the evils and enemies. T he saint
enjoying their trust is called the guardian spirit o f the town as,
for instance, S aiyida N aflsah 3 is known as the guardian, spirit <>.
Cairo and Egypt. Sim ilarly-there are other tutelary spirits of
different cities who are supposed to w ard off evil from them .” 4
“ So credulous and superstitious they a re ” , says
Ibn Taim iyah, “ th at when the enemy advanced against
Damascus, they gathered round the tom bs o f their saints
whom they expected ,to heat off the danger. O ne o f their
poets says :
, O who fear th e Mongol rancor,
'■
Come and be safe u n d er Abu c
t . Hid., p. 328
A m ar.
3. Saiyida Nafisah (d. 208 . A, H ,) was the great granddaughter of
Hasan, son of cAli, the fourth Caliph. Known for her piety and learning,
'I. Ar-Raddo^dal-Bakn, p. 251
her disciples included such luminaries as Imam -Muhammad ibn Idris
. ash-Shafe*T. Her grave is reported to be in Cairn.
4. Ar-Raddo*alol Akhnap, pp. 82-83
“ A nother poet calls o u t : ■; •

Abu ‘A m ar’s tom b is the
fender
you need,
T h a t can keep o ff every
trouble,
indeed.” 1
Shrines and M artyrie*
T h e n atu ra l outcom e o f the grow ing popularity o f sa in t'

w orship was th a t every shrine o r tom b o f a person reckoned to
have died in the halo o f sanctity became an object o f general
ad m iratio n an d re v e re n c e ; decreasing, as if in a balance, the
im portance o f the mosques. Shrines o f saints, quite a num ber
o f w hich w ere fake, sprang up in every p a rt o f the M uslim
w orld w hich w ere lavishly provided w ith rich endowments by
the rulers o f the lands for th e ir m aintenance. P alatial mauso
leums w ith gold plated domes were constructed and a whole
arm y o f attendants, ushers and menials so o t g athered round
them . F airs and festivals cam e to be organised a t reg u lar
intervals w hich were attended by pilgrim s from fa r off places.
At tim es these pilgrim ages to th e shrine o f saints w ere taken
m ore seriously th a n even th e H aj pilgrim age. T hese shrines
h a d thus become th e objects o f devout reverence' an d centres of
religious observances du rin g th e seventh a n d eighth centuries
after H ijra h , fa r exceeding in im portance th a n the mosques and
th re a te n in g to re p la c e even th e H ouse o f G od. T he
descriptions o f this outrageous m ultitheistic cult in Islam left
by Ib n T aim iy a h clearly show how deep-rooted a n d w ide-
sp read th e abuse had becom e in his day s. O n e o f th e
reasons for its gaining w ide popularity am ongst the illiterate
masses was the encouragem ent it received from the Fatim ide,
o r, m o re a p p ro p ria te ly th e B a tin ite em p ire o f E gypt w hich
held a n u n d isp u ted sw ay o v e r th e lan d s e x ten d in g fro m th e
f a r w est to E g y p t a n d S y ria fo r 266 y e a rs.2 T he S h ia h s
have always h a d a higher
'K irO R M A T IV E ENDEAVOURS 79
regard for the tombs of th e ir Imams in comparison to the

mosques, and for the shrines in N ajaf, K arb ala and M eshhad a
greater respect than even the two Houses o f God in M ecca and
M adina. Although the Ism a^lite C aliphate had completed its
days before Ib n Taim iyah was - born, but*“its intellectual and
cultural influences still lingered on as d id large habitations
o f Shicahs and Ism a'liites in Egypt and Syria. T heir
corrupting influences had combined with the preverted
teachings of the misguided sufi mystics to raise the shrines
of the saints in popular esteem and turn them into centres
of blasphemous practices. A few m ore passages by Ibn T aim
iyah describing the then prevalent devotional observances at
the tombs o f the laints would bear repetition here.
Pilgrimage to the Tombs
“ T here are some persons who perform pilgrim age to

these tombs. A few o f them have even w ritten treatises
expounding the. rituals to be perform ed by the pilgrim s. A
S h iS h doctor, Abu £A bdullah M uham m ad ibn Noam an
known by the nam e of B il-M ufld, has w ritten a book
entitled ManUsik Hajj-ul- Mashahid in which he attributes
certain sayings to the members of the prophet’s household
upholding saint-worship, although the spurious quotations
given by him are manifestly absurd and meaningless.” 1
“ T h e pilgrim ages to the shrines are often given preference
while there are people who labour under the misconception that
two or three pilgrim ages to the shrines o f certain venerable
saints are equal in m erit to Haj pilgrim age. T here are others
who hold th e tom b o f their sheikhs to be another plain o f A ra fa t;
they pay a visit to them during the days of Haj and rem ain
theVe exactly for the same period as one is required to cam p in
A rafat during the Haj. This practice is prevalent in the East
as well as in the West. Some o f these misguided persons hold
the pilgrim age to their saints’ shrines higher in estim ation than
1. Ar-Radehtalal-Bakn, p. 295
80 SAVIOURS OF ISLAMIC S PIR IT
th e Haj its e lf., O nce th e disciple of a saint offered to exchange

the seven Hajs perform ed by him for a single visit to his saint’s
shrine p aid by another m an. T h e latter en quired about it
from his Sheikh w ho told him th a t i f he h ad agreed to the
transaction he would have suffered a g reat loss. O ne can often
h ear these people m aking the assertion th a t peram bulations
seven tim es round the grave o f a saint a re equal in m erit to one
H a j ”i
Scant Regard paid to the Mosques
“ W ithout bestowing any care on the mosques which give a

dull and deserted look, shrines a re ad o rn ed w ith beautiful
carvings and d ecorated by splash o f colour an d artistic designs.
T he mosques m ean t fo r offering obligatory prayers five times a
day are left to the mercy o f the poor who a re often unable to
provide even a carpet and a lam p for th em . But, com pared to
these mosques, looking like neglected inns, the shrines are deco
rated w ith beautiful curtains, adorned w ith gold an d ■silver
ornam entations an d provided w ith m arble floors. Gifts and
oblations continue to be offered a t these shrines all round the
year. Does all this not m ean a n open disrespect o f G od, His
signs and H is Apostle, and associating partn ers to H im ?, But
why does th is happen ? T his dem onstrates the com m on faith o f
these people th a t the supplications m ade in a shrine o r calling
out one’s needs in the nam e o f the saints are m ore efficacious
th an the prayers offered to God in the mosques; T h e n atu ral
outcom e o f such a b elief is th a t the shrines a re given preference
over the mosques w hich w ere to be the houses m eant for sending
up all supplications an d invocations and entreaties and beseech-
m ents. I f th ere are endowments for the upkeep o f b o th a
mosque an d a shrine, th e tru st for the la tter would invariably
be lavishly provided w ith funds in com parison to th a t o f the
mosque. T h ey follow in the footsteps o f th e pagans o f A rabia
1. Ar-Raddo'alal-Bakrf, p. 296
REFORMATIVE ENDEAVOURS 81
who have been described thus .by the Q u r’ an :

“ They assign unto A llah, o f the crops and cattle
which
H e created, a portion, and they say : ‘This is A llah’s,-—
in their make-believe— ‘and this is for (His) partners
in regard to us.’ Thus th at w hich (they assign) unto
His p artners in them reacheth not A llah and that which
(they assign) unto A llah goeth to their (so called) partners.
Evil is th eir o rdinance.” 1
Despite the existence o f pow erful M uslim kingdoms and
celebrated centres o f Islam ic learning and the presence o f a
large num ber o f theologians, legists an d other doctors
o f religion, the Muslim w orld had yielded, during the seventh
and eighth centuries o f the Islam ic era, to a blind allegiance to
the saints and walls, om ens and auguries, sacred shrines an d
richly ornam ented tombs. Not to speak o f the populace,
even the learned and the erudite scholars seem to have been
unresolved about th e com m on beliefs a n d practices. T h e
writings o f Ib n T aim iyah’s contem poraries show th a t they had
failed to distinguish clearly the essential elements o f Islam —
the unity oif God and the “ pure faith ” as laid dow n by the Q u
r’an and the precepts and practices o f the Prophet, from the
c u rren t accretions an d contam inations. Som e o f bis
contem porary doctors o f religion had even joined th eir faith
to these popular but lam entable departures from the first
principles o f Islam . This is am ply borne out by two copious
volumes w ritten by Ibn T aim iyah to Confute Sheikh cAli Ibn
Yt aqu b al-Bakri and Q azi T aqlud-din al-A khnai’.
Reformative Endeavours
T he banner of reform raised by Ib n Taim iyah, undeterred

by the bitter opposition o f the m isguided masses, posed a th reat
to the very foundations o f unw arranted luxury, idolatry and
lUperstitions o f the age. T h e masses repaired to the tombs of
I, Ar-Roddoâlal-Bakri, p. 250 ( Q, vi : 136)
SAVIOURS OF ISLAMIC SPIR IT
th e saints, offered presents and oblations and indulged in

p ractices co n trary to the w orship o f the one and only God.
They belieyed th a t th eir prayers would be really answ ered if m
ade in the nam e o f a saint. Ib n T aim iy ah dem onstrated by his
writings th a t no p rayer or invocation to anyone besides God
was allow ed by I s la m ; for, th a t am ounts to ascribing
partners to God, an d was an un-Islam ic practice borrow ed
by the illiterate laity from th eir non-M uslim neighbours. “
T h e teachings o f the P rophet o f Islam leave no d o ubt,”
w rote Ib n T aim iy ah in ar-Raddol alal B a k rl, “ th a t he never
perm itted his followers to supplicate to any dep arted soul,
w hether a prophet o r a saint either by way o f appeal or
intercession. Sim ilarly it is not law ful to prostrate before
any being, living o r dead , o r to pay hom age to anybody in a
way prescribed for divine service. We all know th a t the
Prophet has prohibited all these acts which are, in fact,
different form s o f shirk o r ascribing plurality to G od, and
hence strictly prohibited by G od and H is Apostle. I f the
theologians o f bygone days d id not declare such ignoram uses as
o u trig h t apostates it was because people w ere .unlettered and
ign o ran t o f th e teachings o f the Prophet. T hey considered it
p ru d en t to w ait till th e precepts o f the P rophet an d
ordinances o f th e tru e faith w ere m ade known to a ll.” 1
A t an o th er place in the sam e book he w rites th a t “ im ploring
the d ead , w hether to prefer a petition o r to m ake a n appeal for
redress is som ething foreign to the Shatxâh o f Islam . T his is
also a kind o f idolatry. Sometimes the devil appears before th e
supplicant in the guise o f a saint or in some other form as il l
sometimes happens w ith the idolaters. Ib n ‘Abbas has tru ly '
said th a t th e id o latry began w ith the w orship o f tom bs.” * j
“ All the e a rlie r precursors o f Islam a re ag re e d ,” says
Ibnj T aim iy ah , “ th a t m aking a request to some one dead o r
absentJ w hether a prophet o r not is prohibited. G od an d H is
apostle! have not allow ed such invocations ; neither the
com panions ariq|
REFO RM A TIV E.ENDEAVOURS 83
their successors nor the earlier jurists have approved o f them .

The religious canon which has been preserved in its prestine
purity and handed down to us . intact bears a- testimony to the
fact th a t bo m atter how distressing o r how unfavourable the
circumstances were during the initial period o f Islam , nobody
ever appealed to any, prophet o r sainf for help nor sought th eir
protection: as the misguided people are prone to do now-a-days.
T here-is not a single instance o f any com panion calling out the
Prophet after his demise o r any other apostle o f God or visiting
his totnb fo r seeking his help. T h e com panions of the Prophet
were often engaged by the enemy in bloody conflicts, sometimes
they were dispersed and dism ayed by the furious onslaught o f
the invading foe or w ere plunged in difficulties But none
o f them ever^ called, out to a prophet o r saint o r any other
created being nor o n e of them ever went to the Prophet’s tom b
to offer prayers. Im S m M alik and certain o th er doctors o f
faith even abhor praying for oneself near the tom b o f the
Prophet. T hey have clearly stated th at this is an innovation o f
later ages w ithout any precedent o f the P ro p h et’s
com panions.” 1
In ai-Tawassid wol-w.tsilah, the renow ned m onograph on the
iubject o f intercession, Ibn T aim iyah says, “ Beseeching the
angels for help or, calling upon a prophet in his absence or
after his death or asking th eir statues or idols to intercede on
one’s behalf is a newly grown cult w hich God neither autho
rised nor commended to a prophet nor yet sent a scripture to
uphold it.” 2
Prayer for God Alone
! Expounding the reason for prohibition o f prayers and

supplications addressed to a being , o ther th an G od, he
sa y s:
"A lthough G od has told us that, th e angels seek forgiveness
for the dw ellers on earth, H e has forbidden us to pray unto
them . Sim ilarly, the prophets an d .saints rem ain alive in th eir
graves
1. Ar-Raddoâlal-Bakri, p. 232
2, Qafidah, p. 15
84 SA VIO U RS O F ISLAMIC SP IR IT
an d , as certain o th e r T ra d itio n s tell us, they invoke D ivine

blessings upon us, b u t it is not law ful for us to supplicate to
th em . F or it points th e w ay to associating partners w ith G od,
the past generations reputed for true: faith an d piety never
prayed to anyone besides God* O n the contrary, asking any
thing from a living being does n o t smack o f shirk. T he suppli
cation m ade by an angel, prophet or saint fo r th e living beings
is an act im printed upon his soul and does not stand in th e need
o f our requesting h im to do so. T here is no h a rm in requesting
a living soul for som ething b u t a fte r his d eath it is simply not
capable o f acceding to any request.’’1
Kinds o f Saint-worship
A t ano th er place Ib n T aim iyah defines the kinds o.f shirk

involved in im ploring the departed prophets and saints. H e
says : “ O n e o f its form s is th a t some one m akes a request to the
d ead soul to fulfil his needs o r bestow h ealth on himself, his
household m em bers o r his cattle o r desires vengeance for his
foe, o r else asks for som ething w hich cannot be g ran ted by
anyone except G od. All these am ount to ascribing p artn ers to
God an d the person im ploring the dead in this m an n er should
be req u ired to express penitence and if he fails to do so, he
should be slain .”
“ Now, if this m an takes the p lea,” continues Ib n T aim iyah,
“ th a t he calls for th e help o f the saint o r prophet because they
a re n e a re r to G od a n d th a t they can intercede for him w ith
God as th e elite an d g ran d ees do w ith th e kings, then his action
resem bles th a t o f polytheists and Christians. T hey also look up
to th e ir priests an d clergym en merely as intercessors w ith God.
But G od has alread y inform ed us o f the plea taken by the
polytheists w ho say, “ W e only serve them th a t they m ay bring
us n e a r God*”
“And this is what God says about them —
‘O r chose they intercessors o th er th a n A llah S ay :
W h a t! E ven though they have pow er over nothing and have
1. Q a i’ d a b . p 132
REFORM ATIVE ENDEAVOURS B5
no intelligence ?
‘S a y : U nto A llah belongeth all intercession. H is is
th e Sovereignty o f the heavens and the earth, A nd a fte r
w ard unto H im ye will be brought back.1
‘Ye have n o t, beside H im , a protecting friend or
m ediator, will ye not then rem em ber ?-
‘W ho is he th at intercedetli w ith H im save by H is
leave ?3
f
“ Sometimes the deceased saint is not asked to g ran t any
favour but he is requested to pray on one’s b eh alf as people
sometimes do for others, o r, as the Prophet o f Islam invoked
D ivine blessings for his com panions during his life-tim e. But
one ought to know th a t the Sharlcah allows only those w ho are
alive to be requested for pronouncing benediction on th eir
fellow beings. Thus, asking those who are no m ore alive to
pray for us would be exceeding the lim it set by the religion.
No com panion o f the Prophet nor his successor ever d id so, nor
has any Ini am allowed it. T h ere is also no T rad itio n to support
it. O n the contrary, we find th at w hen a severe fam ine raged
d u rin g C aliph ‘U m a r’s ru le, he requested cAbb as to pray for
them and him self prayed thus : O ’ G od, whenever there was a
fam ine earlier, we requested T h y Apostle to intercede for us
and T hou wast pleased to send dow n ra in on us. Now we seek
T hy favour through the uncle o f the Prophet and request T hee
for a dow npour.’ C aliph cU m ar d id not go to the P rophet’s
tom b a t this hour o f distress, nor any other com panion d id so on
a sim ilar occasion. R equesting the d ead to pray is a n
innovation w hich is not supported by the Q u r’ an o r by the
Sunnah.
‘‘T h ird ly , one m ay beseech G od in this m anner : ‘I request
T hee, O our L ord, in the nam e o f such and such p rophet or
saint, whom T hou lovest to extend m e a helping h a n d .’
In v o cations m ade in this wise are com m on these days
b u t no
1. Q.. X X X IX : 43-44
2. Q,. X X X II: 4
3. d . I I : 255
SA V IO U R S or ISLA M IC S P IR IT
com panion o f the Prophet o r his successor is repo rted to have

addressed his prayers even in this m knner. Softie doctors o f
faith perm it im ploring G od in this way only w ith the nam e o f
the Prophet w hile th e re are others who hold th a t such petitions
could be so p re fe rred only in the life-tim e o f the Projjhet but
not a fte r his d e a th .” 1 ; ! .
Solicitatioas from the Living
Ib n T aim iy ah interd icted not only the practice o f

supplicating to the d ep arted prophets, saints o r o th er pious
souls but also objected to the requests m ade to a m an for
something beyond his powers o r p e rtain in g to th e m atters
falling w ithin the province o f D ivinity. E lucidatin g his view-
point in ^'iarHtrul-Qjibwr, he says : “ T o im plore a saint, a
prophet or a king w hether dead or alive, is unlaw ful •i f the
object desired is such -as the h ealth o f cattles, deliverance
from debt w ithout any effort to repay it, peace an d happiness
for one’s fam ily m em bers, atta in m ent o f H eaven, rescue from
Hell, acquisition o f knowledge, learnin g o f th e Q u r’a n , a n d
th e lik e ! for, these can be g ranted by G od alone. I f anybody
entreats a created being in these m atters, he w ould be deem
ed to be a polytheist like pagans w ho w orshipped the angels
an d the prophets and the idols Or like th e C hristians w ho
asked for divine grace from Jesus and
M a ry .” 2
Intercession
It is often contended th a t opposition to the invocation or

callin g tip o f th e help o f a p ro p h et, saint o r wali am ounts to the
denial o f m ediatio n o f the prophets betw een m an an d God
although they were a n essential link betw een th e C re a to r an d
the hu m an beings. Ib n T a im iy ah explained th a t m ediation is
spoken o f in tw o d istinct senses, one o f w hich constitutes the
fundam ental prin cip le o f religion w hile th e oth er is heretical
1. îoraiu/ Quboor, Majmtfa Rastflil, pp. 106-112

2. Ibid., pp. 104-5
innovation underm ining the bases of faith. Ib n T aim iyah

w rote al-Wastah Bain ul-Khalq wal-Haq for a fulller exposition o f
the point. In it he says th at “ if m ediation o f an apostle o f God
m eans th a t he is an essential link between m an and G od to
explain the guidance vouchasafed to him by the L ord to his
fellow beings, then it is entirely correct as there is no other way
o f knowing the ordinances and, injunctions o f God Alm ighty.
W e have no other means to know oi\ the treasures o f everlasting
jo y prom ised to the pious and righleous and o f the H ell fire
kep$, ready for the infidel and the agnostic. T he knowledge
about the nature and attributes o f G od is verily beyond the
reach o f hum an intellect and, therefore* it can be gained only
through the prophets sent by G od. - T his is a fundam ental tru th
accepted by a l l : the M uslims, th e Jew s and the C h ristian s; the
followers o f all the revealed religions * re agreed o n the need o f
a link,betw een m an and the L ord, a G o d m o v ed soul entrusted
w ith the delivery o f G od’s own message to His creation. T he
D ivine w rit proclaim s in no u n certain w o rd s ;
' “ Allah chooseth from the angels messengers an d
(also) from m ankind.” 1
“ Any body who denies the mission o f these chosen apostles
o f G od is an unbeliever in the eyes o f every revealed religion.” *
“-But, if m ediation m eans th a t an intercessor is heeded for
the g rant o f sustenance a n d ,livelihod, patronage and the distri
bution o f D ivine bounty whom every one has to im plore for
obtaining these, then it am ounts to associating p artn ers to G od.
In fact G od has condem ned polytheists simply because they
hoped to obtain some benefit o r avoid a punishm ent through
th eir saints an d holy personages.”3
H ow ever, the masses and even some o f the persons
belonging to the ranks o f the culamH h ad raised not only the
P ro p h et o f
' Islam b u t the saints an d walls as w ell to the level o f living
1. Q.- XXIX: 75
2. Al-Wastah, pp. 45-46
3. Ibid., p. 46
intercessors for them a t the throne o f God, to whom they a d d

ressed th eir supplications for blessings and patronage. In regard
to these m isguided folk, Ib n T aim iy ah sa y s: “T h e Imams and th e
doctors o f faith are also Connecting links like apostles, but
betw een the Prophet o f Islam an d his fo llo w ers: they a re
preachers an d path-finders o f religion w orthy to be em ulated by
the b elie v e rs; th eir concordant opinions should be accepted by
all, fo r they can never agree on w hat is m isleading. I f they
disagree on any issue, one shall hav e to tu rn back to G od and
the P rophet as none o f these doctors can be considered im pecc
a b le in his ow n rig h t like th e P rophet o f Isla m ,”
“ But, undoubtedly, one is an apostate and unbeliever, if
one reg ard s the saints arid the divines, the walls an d the m en o f
religion as divine functionaries o r m ediators betw een m an and
G od like the stew ards a n d atten d an ts o f a K ing, w hom one has
to approach to get into th e good grace o f a sovereign. Such a
m an should be asked to repent an d if he refuses, h e should be
put to th e sw ord, for, a polytheist is he who ascribes partners
unto G o d .” 1
Origin o f Saint Worship
Ib n T a im iy ah traced th e o rig in of saint-cum -tom b-w orship

to show th a t it w ere th e B stan ites an d Rafizls who started the
p ractice an d coined spurious T rad itio n s favouring th e ir interest
ed views since they w anted to aw aken popular enthusiasm in
th eir ow n Imams an d th e ir shrines. “ F irst o f a ll,” says Ib n T a i
m iy ah , “ they forged T ra d itio n s, which affirm th e advantages
a n d benefits o f U ndertaking pilgrim ages to th e shrines o f the
saints. R afizls an d o th e r heretical sects w anted to see the
m osques forsaken iii o rd e r 'to raise these shrines in popular
esteem w here a new religion could be fab ricated . I n th e Book
o f God an d the T ra d itio n o f the Prophets one finds m ention o f
m osques only and not o f the shrines o f holy m en. T h is is w hat
G od o r d a in s :
“ Say My L o rd enjoineth justice. A nd set your faces
!. Ai-WSstak, pp. 47-48
r e f o r m a t iv e ENDEAVOURS 89
upright (toward H im ) a t every place o f worship and

call upon Hina m atin g religion p u re for H im (only).” 1
“ And the places o f worship* are only for A llah, so
pray not unto anyone along with A llah.” 2
“ H e Only shall tend A llah's sanctuaries who
believeth in A llah and th e last day and observeth proper
w orship.’48
‘Be at your devotions in the mosques.” *
“ And who doth greater w rong th an he who
forbiddeth
the approach to sanctuaries o f Allah lest His nam e
should be m entioned therein, and striveth for th eir ruin.” 5
“ Likewise, a n authentic T rad itio n o f the Prophet
goes on to s a y : ‘T here were people before you (the Jews
and the Christians) who used to m ake churches an d synagogues
over the tombs. Be careful not to do th e same. I forbid
you to do so.” "' ■ ■ 7 '. -
H e also m aintained th a t “ m ost o f the shrines o f saints are
spurious tombs which w ere constructed by the impostors to
deceive the people. Since very m any people are duped by them ,
the shrines have h o t been assigned any place in the religion nor
has G od undertaken to safeguard them . N or has H e charged
us w ith the responsibility o f searching out the genuine tombs o f
the saints, for no religious observance is to be perform ed over
them .” 1'
1. Q,. V I I : 29
2. Q.. L X X II: 18
3. Q ..I X : IB i
4. I I : 187 . i-
5. I I : 114
6. Ar-Raddtfialal Akhna*i, p. 48
7. Ar-Raddo'alal B aht, p. 313 (What Ibn Taimiyah wrote about the then
shrines is borne out by the fact that there is hardly any reliable evidence
to show the genuineness of numerous other shrines as, for instance,
the one in Cairo where the head of Imam Husain is supposed to have
been buried, the tombs of H azrat Zainah, or the grave of Caliph
*A1T in N a ja f; certain tombs claimed to be the graves of the Prophet’s
wives or the shrine of Syed *AlJ Hajwairi, known as the tomb of
DSta Ganj Baksh, in Lahore, are also spurious.
Superstitious Beliefs
T h e cult o f saint-w orslnp h ad given rise to an o th er abuse
a n d this was th e tendency to lean tow ards superstition an d even
idolatry. T his m isdirected reverence o f th e mysterious had
reconciled the conscience o f the believers to th e so-called ability
o f saints to cu re chronic diseases an d to answ er th e ir prayers.
False stories spread by th e devotees o f the saints asserting th at
th eir own needs had been fulfilled by th eir saints h a d fostered
such a belief. But u n falterin g faith and insight into the
teachings o f Isia,m guided I b n T aim iyah to reject all such
spurious claim s. H e could not give up the profound tru th
le a rn t from the Scripture and T rad itio n s for th e figments o f saint-
w orshippers’im agination. H e had no difficulty, in reaching
the cpnclRsion th a t th e p o pu lar belief in this regard was no m
o re th a n th e over- credulous and blind faith o f the masses. T
h e re w ere certain shrines in, ,C airo w here horses suffering
from ijujigestion were supposed to be restored to h ealth*,. Ib n
T a im iy a h proved th a t these so-called saints w ere realty
Q becidite o r F atim ite heretics. T h e punishm ent,,w hich these
heretics received in th e ir graves was, according to the T
rad itio n s, visible to all except m en an d
jin n . These horses' also saw th i s ; punishmeftt w hich was so
severe a n d gruesom e th a t it frightened the poor beasts to excrete
an d this was taken by the sim ple-m inded folk as a sign o f th e ir
restoration o f h e a lth .1 T h e votaries o f the saints o ften claim ed
th a t the souls o f the holy personages on w hom they called upon
sometimes ap peared in person before them . I b n T aim iy a h
rejected these claim s as im pious beliefs for he m ain tain ed th a t
sim ilar claims w ere m ade by th e w orshippers o f th e idols- and
stars also. T hese, too, he held to b e devils and evil Spirits
appearing to m islead th e m isguided an d unbelieving people.2
H e showed by his irresistible re aso n in g -th at such experiences
w ere com m on to the ig n o ran t people subscribing t o ,t h e , heathen
cults b u t no sooner d id they em brace Islam , as, for example, th e
1. Ar-Raddo*alal Bakri%pp. 310-11

T artars, th an the light o f reasoning daw ned on them and

they ceased to have these dem oniacal experiences.1
Profound Impact o f Ibn Taim iyah
T here was no d earth o f reputed culamZ and men o f letters

nor were the preachers and sermonisers sliy o f fighting un-
Islam ic ideas and vestiges o f the pagan past during the seventh
and eighth century after Hijrah. I f the annalists have not left
any record of their efforts to com bat the innovations tending to
deface the tm e faith in the U nity o f G od, it is because they all
rem ained hugging their creed but a little bew ildered about how
to act in pursuance o f th at faith in a way m ore effective, more
far-reaching. T he w idespread contam ination of shirk, pan
theistic ideas and creeds which h ad captured the heart o f the
populace required an erudite scholar who could clearly distin
guish between the essential elements o f Islam and its un-Islam ic
a d m ix tu re s; one who was determ ined to propagate nothing
but the ‘pure faith’ and was also courageous enough to stand for
w hat he believed to be right, regardless o f the suffering it m ight
bring upon him . Tawhld or the U nity of G odhead, by its very
nature, does not adm it o f any compromise, any concession to
the opposing views and interests, and th at is the reason why the
apostles of God had always to be sternly firm, inflexible and
unyielding in their fight against the lewdness o f godlessnes and
infidelity. Ib n T aim iyah deputised the prophets in combating
the superstitions o f his age and the unw arranted concessions to
the idolatry of his tim es ; he subjected these doctrines to such
a hostile criticism th at it caused a flutter in the rank o f dissent
ers and blasphemers. T h e fundam ental basis o f Islam —faith
in the U nity o f God, His Absolute Power, His essential a ttri
bute o f Eternity, His Omniscence—the purpose for w hich
revelations w ere vouchsafed to the prophets, was once again
forcefully presented by him before the w orld. T he
achievem ent o f Ibn T aim iyah in this field alone is quite
sufficient to m ark him as
1. Tafsir Surah Ikhlai, p. 118
one of th e most outstanding reform ers and renovators o f the

faith. His w ritings on the subject so profoundly altered the
course o f religious th o u g h t in the later centuries th a t a num ber
o f reform ers afte r him raised their voice to restore the true
faith— faith in G od alone—w henever the vestiges o f paganism
and ignorance th reaten ed to contam inate the teachings o f Islam .
VI
Criticism of Philosophy and Dialectics
T h e second achievem ent o f Ibn Taim iyah, both o f a reform

ative as well as literary character, was to dem onstrate the
superiority o f the Q u r’an and the Sunnah and their m ethod o f
reasoning over Philosophy and Dialectics as well as logical
syllogism employed by the two. In o rd er to make an assessment
o f Ibn T aim iyah’s reform ative endeavour in this field, it appears
necessary to take a cursory glance o f the development o f philo
sophy in Islam .
The Historical Background
T ranslation o f the Greek scientific and philosophical works

into A rabic had begun to be m ade shortly after the establishm ent
o f the Abbasid C aliphate, during the reign o f Caliph M ansur
(136-158 A .H.). Num erous philosophical term s used by the
M utazilites o f this period in th eir w ritings show th at they were
fully conversant w ith the works o f G reek Philosophers. But the
organised, work o f these translations began on a large scale
u nder the royal patronage o f A l-M 3m 0n (198-218 A.H.) who
was him self an enthusiastic ad m irer o f Greek Philosophy.
S acyid Andlflsi writes in TabqUt ul-Umam th at A l-M am un
“ called for the works of Greek philosophers from the kings o f
Greece who sent him the books w ritten by Plato, Aristotle,
H ippocrates, G alen, E uclid, Ptolemy and others. A l-M am un
got them translated into A rabic and encouraged scholars to
study them. D uring his reign these works becam e quite popular
which helped to produce m any an ard en t adm irer o f philosophy
am ong the young and intelligent scholars o f his tim e. These

scholars were also handsom ely rew arded by the royal court
w hich vied w ith the Senate o f the R om an E m perors.” 1
T he work o f translations started by A l-M am un continued
until, by the end o f the fo u rth century, a g re a te r p a rt o f the
philosophical an d scientific literatu re o f the Greeks was m ade
available in A rabic.2
T he vast exfent o f translations into.,Arabic listed the titles
of
' ' . ‘'S' ■, • ■
quite a large num ber o f G reek authors but owing to a
predilection o f the translators who were mostly N estorian,
Y aqubi C hristians o r Sabians o f H a rra n , o r because
A ristotelianism h ad prevailed am ong the last philosophers o f
antiquity, the works o f A ristotle w ere studied by t{ie Arabs
w ith a special zeal. T he trad itio n s o f G reek philosophy
am ong the A rabs thus cam e to be associated w ith A ristotle
who becam e a m ark an d symbol o f philosophy and was
invested w ith an a u ra o f infallibility. It was indeed a
m isfortune o f the Islam ic East th a t its choice fell for a
philosopher who, o f all the Greek m asters, was a n ard en t
supporter o f the objective existence o f the m aterial w orld, its
prim acy and eternity, an d who rejected the categories o f thought
recognising the elem ent o f spirit, religious eschatology an d the
will o f God.
f
Disciples o f Greek Philosophers
T h e M uslim students o f philosophy d id not, in th e initial

stages, blindly subscribe to the A ristotelian logic an d philosophy
nor d id they spare it a searching scrutiny and criticism . A
num ber o f them w rote treatises severely criticising the
w eaker aspects o f A ristotelian philosophy and m etaphysics.
Forem ost am ong these, specially N azzam and A ba ‘All al-
Ju b b a’j, w ere M utazilite scholars. H asan ibn M usa N
aubakhtI w rote Kitab ui-Ara3 Wad-Dayyanat in th e th ird century
o f the Hijrah to disprove certain prem ises o f A ristotelian logic,
w hile Abu Bakr B aqillanl
c r i t ic is m o f p h i l o s o p h y a n d DIALECTICS 95
composed WaqlPiq in the fourth century to refute Aristotle and

dem onstrate the superiority <jf A rab philosophy over the Greek
thought. I ii'th e fifth century cAbd'ul K arim Sh ahrshtani1
wrote a m onograph to Contradict Proclus and Aristotle in which
he brought out the contradictory features o f th eir philosophical
thought in accordance w ittrth e rules o f logic. Then, by the
end o f th at century Al-Ghazall rose to become the greatest adver*
sary o f the Greek philosophy. His TahSfut al-Faldtefak caused
such a severe dam age to philosophy th at it could not regain its
lost vigour for a: hundred years.* Abul Barak a t B aghdadi took
up this tradition further ahead through his renowned work
entitled A l-M if tabar in which he disproved a greater part o f the
Aristotelian thought. Im am R azI, too, in the same century,
proved his worth as an indom itable advocate o f the Ash£arites
and dialecticians by holding up philosophy to a severe
reprobation.
But the coterie o f philosophers in Islam regarded as the
representative and standai d-bearer o f the Greek school o f thought
had been so powerfully tnam oured by Aristotle th at it held him
as a prince o f philosophers and an infallible teacher beyond
every reproach. It seems th at the respect for Aristotle conti
nued to rise higher in this circle with the passage o ftim e , since,
every philosopher deemed it his duty to pay homage to this
Greek m aster dutifully and in a m ore reverential language th an
his predecessor. "Both-these philosophers are the founders and
perfectors o f philosophy and its principles and prem ises,” w rote
Abu N asr al-F arab i (d. 339 A.H.) about Aristotle and Plato,
“ for every a priori principle and hypothesis o f philosophy can be
traced to them .” 1 Abu cAli Slna4 (d. 428 A.H.) was a still
more a rd en t ad m irer of Aristotle w ho wrote in Mantiq us^Shifa'’:
“ No addition could be m ade to the researches o f Aristotle in
1. Author of Al-Milal wan-Namal

2. For details see Saviours of Islamic S pirit, Vol. I, pp. 124-27
3. Al-Majnfa Bain Rai-il-Haktmain
4. Commonly known to the west by the name of Avicenna
philosophy despite th e passage o f such a long tim e after him .” 1

Ib n R ushd2 (d. 595 A .H .) was, the greatest philosopher born
in Islam after A bl Sln a but he shows fo r Aristotle the- most un
conditional reverence, going in this respect m uch further than
his predecessors. H is adoration for Aristotle seems to have
reached the stage—to use the language o f mysticism—o f a total
absorption into his m entor. A m odern biographer o f Ib n R ushd
w riting about his veneration of Aristotle says : “ His reverence?
for Aristotle knows no bounds : he considers him as the m an
whom God perm itted to reach the highest sum m it o f perfection
in wisdom and intellect. H e ascribes even th e qualities and
attributes o f God to him . O f a fact, had-he been a polytheist, he
would have raised Aristotle to the position o f th e L ord o f all
lesser gods.” 3
T hen, in the seventh century after Hijrah N aslr ud-dln
TusI (d. 672 A.H.) m ade his debut as a torch-bearer o f
philosophy. He is known rn the circle o f philosophers as M
uhaqiq T usI (the R esearcher from T us). H e was also a
Counsellor and M inister o f HalakG a t a tim e when the
barbaric inroads by the T a rta r hordes into the lands o f
Islam and the sack o f Baghdad had sapped all the intellectual
energy o f the M uslim w orld. TQ S I, along with his two
disciples Q u tb ud-din Shiraz! an d Qutb»- ud-dln R azi,
founded in Ira n the school o f thought w hich allocated central
place to logic and philosophy in all the branches o f secular
and religious sciences. T usI and his followers regarded
A ristotle as the Agent Intellect whose findings were the
touchstone o f reality. T heir defence o f A ristotle against the
criticisms o f Im am R azi served to give a new lease o f life to the
A ristotelian thought in the East.
Scientific Evaluation of Logic and Philosophy
Ibn T aim iyah was b orn ten years before TusI breathed his
1. Al-.A'adwa, Vol. I (Q uoted from Mantiq us-ShiJd3.)

2. Known by the nam e of Averroes in the West
3- L u tfi Jam'-ah, p. 155
CRITICISM OF PHILOSOPHY AND DIALECTICS 97
last. When Ibn T aim iyah cam e o f age, A ristotelianism dom i

nated the intellectual and literary scene owing to the influence
exerted by T tisl and his followers. T hus, it was the tim e when
a thorough grasp o f A ristotelian logic and philosophy was
deem ed to be the summit o f one’s intellectual attainm ent, when
nobody could dare to raise a dissenting voice against the
teachings o f the Greek m aster. T he T raditionists and legists,
w ithout any locus, standi in th at field, could hardly do
anything to stem the rising tide o f philosophy. T hey could,
at the most, pronounce the juristic opinion prohibiting the study
o f philosophy but th at too would have been ineffective in
an atm osphere surcharged with the highest regard for the
philosophical concepts. Among the scholars predisposed to
philosophy some had turned sceptic; others inclined to neo-
Platonic, concepts w ere preaching n ih ilism ; while the rest
suffered from an inferiority complex. How, in this
atm osphere, Ibn T aim iyah was able to overcome this wave o
f Greek influence and how he argued powerfully against
philosophy can best be seen from his own writings.
Physics and Mathematics
O f the w ritings attributed to Plato and Aristotle, Ibn

Tairftiyah too m ade a distinction, like A l-G hazali, between the
investigations falling in the sphere o f physics and m athem atics,
on the one hand, and those containing m etaphysical views, on
the other. He acknow ledged the intellectual brilliance o f the
Greek philosophers an d accepted the correctness o f a portion
o f their findings pertaining to the form er category. “ A greater
p art o f the discussions o f these philosophers” , w rote Ibn T aim iyah,
“ relating to physics is quite clear, detailed and convincing.
T hey possessed intellect and aptitude to understand these
subjects an d , instead o f being predisposed to any particu lar
view , they seem to be searching for w hat is right and
co rrect.” 1 Expressing sim ilar views about the Greek
m athem atics he w rote in
1. A r-Raddo*alal Bakri, p. 143
Ar-R.addtPfilal Mantaqiyin : “ T h e m athem atical form ulas dealing

w ith num erals are quite convincing and are unanim ously
accepted by all scholars. Every m an has to have some
know ledge o f these fo r one needs them for conducting his
daily business as also for fu rth er studies. W ho can dispute th a t
one is not h a lf o f two ? O f a fact, th eir equations are
acceptable, fo r they have no inexactness to w hich an y
objection could be ra ise d .”1
Metaphysics
It was, how ever, the m etaphysics o f G reek philosophy which

was opposed by Ib n T aim iyah. D raw ing attention tow ards various
unreasonable and even stupid surmises o f the Greek m etaphysical
concepts, w hich w ere b ra n d e d by him as blind and naked
ignorance, he observed th a t the G reek philosophers could have set
forth th eir speculative th o u g h t w ithout blundering into its
m etaphysical dom ain o f absurdity and saved themselves from
becom ing a laughing stock. “ T h e philosophers bringing th eir
m ind to bear upon physics” , w rote Ib n T aim iy ah , “ show th eir
m ettle, but in m etaphysics they appear to be unenlightened
folk w ithout any knowledge of w hat constitutes the tru th .
V ery little o f m etaphysics has been handed dow n from
Aristotle, b u t even th at contains num erous faulty concepts.” -
In ano th er article on the subject he says o f the philosophers : “
Sq far as the knowledge o f G od is concerned, these unlucky
people appear to be deprived o f the tru th . T hey have no
knowledge o f the angels, divine scriptures, an d prophets o f
G od, for they h ad h e a rd nothing about these either in favour
o r against them . O nly some o f the later philosophers
acquainted w ith the revealed religions have spoken about
these m atters.” 3
Ib n T aim iy ah argued th a t since the G reek philosophers
have them selves a c k n o w le d g e d th e ir in a b ility to a tta in
ce rtitu d e o f know ledge in m a tte rs fallin g in th e d o m ain o f
m etaphysics,
their theories in regal'd to it cart only be m ere suppositions and

surmises. He say s: "Soirie o f the greatest philosophers have
clearfy Stated that there is no Way known to them to reach the
certitude o f knowledge in m atters pertaining to metaphysics. T he
utm ost claim that they make is th at w hatever they say is nearer
to reason. This, obviously, means th at the philosophers have
nothing but conjectures an d presumptions to solve the
m etaphysical riddles ; but, as the Q u r’an declares, specious
reasoning can never take the place of :d ‘i vine revelation.” 1
Prophetic Teachings and Greek Metaphysics
Ib n T aim iyah was surprised or rath er pained to see certain

philosophers equating the prophetic teachings with the m eta
physical speculation o f the Greek philosophers. “ W hen an
educated person niakes a close study of the A ristotelian m eta
physics” / Writes Ib n T aim \yah, “ he reaches the conclusion that
there1was none m ore ignorant o f the gnosis o f God than these
philosophers.” ' But he is even m ore am azed to see certain
persons trying to com pare the Greek metaphysics w ith the
teachings and the knowledge obtained through the prophets o f
God. “ Sufch comparisons were” , according to Ibn T aim iyah,
“ no better th an an effort tO establish analogy between a black
smith and an angel Or betw een a petty landlord and an
Em peror. In fact th e re 1 can be some resem blance between
petty landlords and Em perors for the form er too adm inister a
small estate but the philosophers are completely unfam iliar w ith
the message o f the prophets. Even the pagans and the Jew s and
C hristians know m ore about G od, His nature and attributes than
these philosophers do. I do not m ean to charge these philoso
phers o f being ignorant o f the knowledge revealed to tlie apostles
o f G od, for th at is vouchsafed to the prophets alone. They are
even igno'rant o f the knowledge diffused by the prophets in
regard to the nature and attributes of G od, prophethood and
H ereafter which can, to an extent, be com prehended through
1. N aqdh-ul-M aniiq, p. 178
reason. Even these a te a sealed book for the philosophers,

m uch less the things w hich a re unseen an d beyond the ken o
f hu m an perception and a re known to the prophets.through
revelation. T h ere can in (act be no com parison betw een the
philosophical m etaphysics and th e teachings o f the
prophets o f G o d .” 1
Ignorance o f Philosophers
Explaining the reason why the philosophers plead ignorance

o f the facts o f m ute reality, Ib n T aim iyah w rites : “ T he philo
sophers are a b so lu tely 'u n fariiiliar vfith the unseen rek lities1
lau g h t by the prophets as also w ith those com prehensive n atu ral
laws w hich envelop al} beings and creations and whose know
ledge could have helped them to correctly categorise all the
existing things. O nly he can be capable o f attem pting it who
can encom pass the w hole v aried existence but the philosophers
have b u t little know ledge o f m athem atics a n d . the laws related
to it. T h is in fact shows th e ir com prehension o f ju st a sm all
p a rt o f the general causes and principles o f n a tu ra l phenom ena.
But the existence o f beings and causes not known to m an far
exceed th a t o f w hich h e has any know ledge. T hus all those
persons whose know ledge is lim ited like th a t o f th e philosophers,
are taken by surprise w hen they a re told th a t num erous other
objects such as prophets, angels, em pyrean, heaven ancl hell also
exist. T hey a re surprised because they believe th a t nothing
exists beyond w h at they know. T his is also the reason why they
ti y to in terp ret th e facts o f unseen realities told by the prophets
in th e light o f lim ited know ledge o f things they possess. T h eir
argum ents are really baseless for they have no positive.evidence
o f th e non-existence o f th in g ’s not known by them . O f a fact,
to lack the know ledge o f a th in g ’s existence is q u ite different
from th e non-existence o f anything. I t is not necessary th a t w hat-
, ever we do not know does not have any existence. T h e ir
denial o f the unseen realities is like th e denial o f the jin n by a
physician
1 Ar-Raddo talal Mantaqiyin, p. 395

C R IT IC IS M O F > H t*.O SO PM Y A N D UIA1.F.CTICS 101
on the ground that the m edical science does not afford any
evidence o f their existence, although m edical science does not
prove their pon-cxistence too. Sim ilar is the rase with others
possessing knowledge in a p articular branch ofscience. W hat-
cvei; they find twit outside the compass o f their own know
ledge, they deny simply out o f their ignorance o f it. T he fact
is that m an lia.s not been as m uch misled in owning and accept
ing th e things as in denying that o f whi< h he lias no knowledge.
This is a common weakness and n a tu ra l propensity o f hum an
beings which has thus been »poken o f by God :
“ Nay, but they denied th at, the knowledge whereof
they could not compass, am i w hereof the interpretation (in
events) hath not yOt come unto th em .” 1
H eritage o f the Pagan Greece

Ancient Greece bequeathed to the world the valuable
treasures o f physiis and m athem atical sciences, and had illum i
nated the world with its intellectual brilliant->’ for thousands
o f years but it was also a land o f idol and star worshippers
given to num erous superstitious and irrational religious beliefs.
M odern researches into the historical past of the Greeks have
shown th a t'in n u m e ra b le temples with a m yriad o f gods and
goddesses littered the land. T he G icck philosophy which was
transm itted to the Islam ic world through its Arabic translations,
and thence to Europe, was perm eated with its mythology and
idolatrous beliefs. T ransform ed into philosophical term inology,
the Greek mythology had been presented by its philosophers
through a skilful use o f syllogistic logic an d a chain o f reasoning,
and was accepted bv the A rab philosophers without any reserva
tion as the patrim ony of Greek speculative thought. M ost of
these philosophers had been led astray because o f the inadequate
knowledge o f Greek history and religious beliefs. But the
penetrating intellect Ibn T aim iyah possessed discerned the ido
latrous bases o f Greek philosophy hundreds o f years before it
1. Q . X .- 3 9
102 SAVIOURS OF ISLAMIC. S P IR IT
was b ro ug ht to light by m odern researches. H e vyîtes :< “ T h e

ancient Greeks w ere a heathen people keenly interested in
sorcery. They w orshipped idols along ,with the stars an d t h a t '
is why they tu rn ed to astronom y. I t was because,of th eir belief
in the occult influence o f th e stars upon hum an beings th a t, they
h a d built num erous tem ples for star w orship.”.1 At another
place he says: “ M any o f their ancient an d later priests
prom oted idolatrous .practices. They called the stars as lesser
gods and prescribed different religious rites for th eir worship.
T hose am ong th e M uslim s who have taken to th e ir ways neither
forbid polytheistic practices nor consider U nity o f G odhead an
essential p a rt o f one’s fa ith .” 2
Distinction Drawn Between Ancient and Later

Philosophers ■
Ib n T aim iyah m ade a distinction betw een the philosophical
concepts o f antiquity a n d those b f the later philosophers, which,
a g ain , affords a p ro o f o f the agility o f his m ind and the deep
know ledge o f G reek thought. H e pointed out th a t it was Aristotle
and the later philosophers a fter him w edded to th e view o f
ra tio n ality who denied th e ir predecessors’ concept in re g a id
to the unseen realities a n d incorporeal objects. D escribing the
Aristotelian view o f G reek philosophy he s a y s : “ The
philosophers following the A ristotelian thought d id not adopt
the view held by the earlier m asters and precursors o f
philosophy who believed in the creation o f the universe and
the existence o f a supern atu ra l world a p a rt from th e
terrestrial one. T hey h a d spoken o f the celestial w orld in a
language which confirm s the description o f heaven given in the
T rad itions. Likew ise, the ancients also believed in th e
resu rrection o f the dead as the w ritings o f Socrates and som e
o ther philosophers affirm .” 8
1. Tajar Surah Ikhtas, page 57

2. Naqdh ul-Mantiq, p. 177
3. Tafsir Surah Ikhlas, p. 69
0JUTICJ5M OV PHILOSOPHY AND DIALECTICS 103
Aristotle’s Rejection o f the Spiritual View

Ib n T aim iyah suggests th at the older philosophers who had
visited Syria and the adjoining lands were influenced by the
teachings o f the Prophets but Aristotle d id not get an opportu
nity to go outside Greece. In Naqclh-id-Manliq he w rite s :
“ Those who have com piled the history o f Philosophy say that
the earlier masters like Pathagoras, Socrates and Plato had
visited Syria and other countries where they learnt o f the spirit
ual view from the companions and followers of o f L uqm an,1
D avid and Solom on. But A ristotle never went to the countries
w here prophets had lived and preached nor did he benefit from
the teachings o f the prophets in any other way like his predeces
sors. H e subscribed to the cult o f star worship and form ulated
the rationalist view w hich was blindly accepted by later philo
sophers.” 2
M odern research leaves no doubt th at the whole philosophy
o f the A rabians was draw n from A ristotelianism and the neo-
Platonic thought. Expressing alm ost the same view, Ibn
T aim iyah says, “ T he philosophical concepts adopted by
A l-F arabl (A lpharabius), Ib n Slna (Avicenna), Ib n R ushd
(Aver'roes) and S u h arw ard l w ere wholly borrow ed from Aris
totle whom these philosophers have nam ed as the ‘ First
T each er’. ” 8
God in Greek Philosophy
Ibn T aim iyah argued th at the A ristotelian concept o f God

reduced H im to a m ere im aginary being. “ W hen a m an endow
ed with reason reflects over th eir concept of G od” he says, “ he
comes to the conclusion th a t such a God can exist only in one’s
im agination for H e cannot have any objective existence.” *
Ibn T aim iyah holds th a t the philosophical concept o f G od,
w hich divests H im o f all virtues, powers and attributes, is not
1. Perhaps Aesop of Greek traditions.

2. N'aqdk-uUMantiq, p. 113
3. Ar~Raddof‘aUtUBnktii p. 206
4. Tafsir Surah Ikhlds, p, 37
104 S AV IO UR S O F ISLAMIC S P I R I T
only unbecom ing but also derogatory of even a sentient
being,
m uch less the Cheater and M aster o f the universe. H e lam ents
that the M uslim philosophers subscribing to the G ieek philoso
phic view were simply blind followers of A ristotelianism who
overlooked this inherent contradiction of the Greek thought.
H e deplores th a t in abjuring th eir faith in the revealed tru th ,
the philosophers had renounced a blessing from God which
would have really lighted th eir path to the certitude o f
knowledge.
Critique of Ibn Sina
Ib n T aim iy ah severely condem ned those philosophers who

h ad tried , following the A ristotelian thought, to explain the
m etaphysical truths and religious creeds in the light o f philoso-
sophical concepts. H e argued th a t the unseen realities could
not be explained in the light o f causal relationship recogniscd
as the guiding principle o f G reek thought. R ejecting the view
.held by such philosophers, Ib n T aim iyah declaim ed against Ib n
S ina who was considered as the c h ie f representative o f
Aristotelianism am ong the M uslim philosophers. In a
dissertation ok
‘P rophethood’ he cries sham e upon Ibn Sin a who “ held the view
th a t o f the num erous potentialities o f soul w hich differ am ong
individuals, one is p ro p h eth o o d .” Ibn T aim iy ah contended :
“ O nly a m an com pletely ig n o ran t o f the reality o f prophethood
can reason in this m anner. T h is is as if a m an w ho is aw are
only o f the poets, tries to prove th a t the jurists an d physicians
are also like them . Even this sim ilitude does not fully bring
out the absurdity o f Ib n S in a ’s reasoning, for, the difference
betw een a prophet and a non-prophet is m uch m ore m arked and
w ide th a n th a t between the ju rists and physicians and the poets.
T h e followers o f the G reek philosophers do not possess even a
vague notion o f the prophethood but they try to afford p ro o f of
its existence w ith the help o f philosophical principles w hich dc
In the same book, summing up the views o f Muslim philo

sophers about prophethood, he says: “ O f all these groups those
far away from the substance and reality o f prophethood are the
followers o f Greek philosophy, Batinites and atheists. T o them
the faculty enjoyed by all hum an beings and also constituting
the basis o f prophethood is the vision during sleep. In fact,
Aristotle and his im m ediate followers have not discussed pro
phethood at all while A l-Farabl considers it simply a kind of
dream . T here are other philosophers too who subscribe to the
same view. Ibn Sina assigns it a bit higher status consisting of
a threefold characteristic. T he first one, which lie calls theo-
pneust faculty o f the prophets, depends on the development of
their understanding w ithout the aid o f form al instruction, but,
he also holds it to be o f the same nature as good sense o r prac
tical sagacity. T he second characteristic o f the prophets deli
neated by Ibn Sina is theophany or the faculty to conceive of
something known to them , which takes the form o f certain
celestial forms in their im agination and is experienced through a
subjective audition. These sensations resemble the visions in
the dream s in which a m an beholds others and talks to them but
w hatever’ he sees has only a subjective existence for nothing
exists besides him . It means th at according to these philoso
phers, w hatever a prophet witnesses or hears is purely a subjec
tive phenom enon as nobody else shares his experience. These
internal sensations are o f an esoteric nature without any extrinsic
reality. But persons m entally deranged owing to illness or
lunacy can also have sim ilar experiences. T he th ird charac
teristic o f the prophets, according to Ib n S ina, is: the power
possessed by them to interpose in the m aterial world w hich
causes events contrary to custom.
“ T his is thus the explanation of m iracles worked by the
prophets, for, in their view, every contingent is an em anation
from hum an, celestial o r physical forces operating in the world.
............A ccording to the philosophers even the internal experi
ences o f the Prophets proceed from Active Intellect.
“ T hus, when these philosophers cam e to know the teachings
lOf) SAVIOURS OF ISLAMIC Sr'IR l'
o f the prophets, they tried to reconcile these w ith th eir

own!
philosophical concepts. F o r this purpose, they took up the M a te '
m ents o f the prophets but interpreted them in the light o f

theirj own philosophical doctrines. In other words, th eir
explanations' am ount to an exposition o f philosophy’s view-point
in the words and phraseology used by the prophets.
Employing the expressions and dictions used by the prophets
the philosophers have composed num erous treatises and
dissertations. Anybody who
’ is not aw are o f the purpose and design o f the prophets and
philosophers and the difference between the tw o, comes u>
believe that the prophets m eant w hat has been explained by the
philosophers. Q u ite a good num ber o f persons and sects have
been m isled by these w ritings. O ne can clearly discern this
duplicity in the works o f Ib n Sin 5 and his follow eis.” 1
Critique of Dialectics
T he criticism o f Ib n T a im iy a h was not lim ited to philoso

phy an d its cam p-followers alone : he did not spare even those
dialecticians who endeavoured to defend Islam but employed
the philosophical doctrines and concepts and its term inology and
syllogism to establish the facts o f unseen and unknowable
re a lity ; for, the philosophical term s tended to im p art a lim ited
aind incorrect exposition to the transcendental realities owing to
th e ir association w ith th e philosophical traditions an d precepts.
Speaking o f the dialecticians, he says in the An-Xabuw at: “ T he
w ritings o f these dialecticians affirming creation, resurrection,
H ereafter and the existence o f the C reato r are n eith er rationally
persuasive n o r canonically reassuring, and this has been
acknow ledged by th e dialecticians as well. Im a m R a z i openly
confessed w hen he h a d grow n old th a t a fte r pondering over the
scholastic and philosophical subtleties he h ad reached the
conclusion th a t these could n eith er quench one’s th irst nor cure
th e sick. T h e reasoning o f th e Q u r’ an, he a d m itted , was the
most convincing. Look a t the Q u ran ic verses : “ Naught is as
His likeness”1 o r “ They camiot,fiampass it in k n o w le d g e emphasizing

negation o f sim ilitudes to God or those affirming His a ttri
butes, such as, “ Then (He) mounted the Throne,"* or “ Unto Him
good wards ascend” * or “ Who is in the Heaven”* and you would
arrive a t the same conclusion as reached fay al-R azi. G hazaJf
and Ibn £Aqeel have also d raw n sim ilar inferences for, indeed,
this is an incontrovertible tru th .” 9
In another passage of the same book Ibn T aim iyah high*
lights the mistake com m itted by the dialecticians. “ They
followed neither the path o f the rationalists nor followed the
teachings o f ilie prophets w ith the result that, on the one hand,
they, deviated from their ingenuous nature, and, on the other,
were also deprived of the conviction im parted by the Shant d,h,
T heir rationalism led them only to uncertainty and unnecessary
quibbling and hairsplitting o f im aginary issues.” 1
A nother weakness o f the scholastics towards which Ibn
T aim iyah invited attention was th at “ w hen they deliberate
upon prophethood they raise weighty objections but their
defence is norm ally weak and unassuring. W e have already
given many examples o f th eir specious reasoning. W hoever
studies their writings to find credenc'e and conviction, holding
them up as the defenders and mouthpieces of Islam capablc
of proving the existence of prophethood on rational grounds,
he is unable to get a satisfactory reply in their books. H r
becomes a victim o f scepticism a n d m ental perplexity which
b a r his way to faith and certitude o f knowledge. T he doors o f
doubt, u n belief and ignorance are thus opened for those whose
knowledge is lim ited to the w ritings o f dialecticians.” 8
1. X L I I : 11
2. X X : 110
3. X III: 2
4. X X X V : 10
5. L X V II: 16
6. An-Nabuwat, p. 148
7. Ibid,, p. 148
8. Ibid. p. 240
A Common Weakness o f Philosophers
and Dialecticians
In Ib n T a im iy a h ’s opinion both the philosophers as well as

the dialecticians h ad com m itted a common m ista k e ; since,
despite their differences, the m ode o f th eir reasoning was the
same. T h e ir fundam ental weakness, or m istake, was th at they
tried to achieve that w ith the help o f reason W hich could never
be h ad through it. In the process they array ed themselves
against n a tu ra l hum an disposition as well as the guidance
p ro vided by the prophets. “ T h erefo re,” observes Ib n T aim
iyah, “ the findings o f both these groups have m any mistakes,
but little benefit to offer.” '
T he m ode o f reasoning employed by the philosophers and
scholastics was, according to Ibn T aim iy ah , extravagantly
form al an d elaborate w ith the result th a t they had to adopt a
lengthy an d ro u ndabout m ethod for establishing those facts
w hich could have been proved easily by taking to a sim pler but
unsophisticated course m ore appealing to h u m an intellect. He
disagreed w ith the dialecticians th at the logical syllogism
was the only satisfactory m ethod o f reasoning to be applied by
them .
H e arg u ed th a t even if the prem ises o f th e ir
reasoning w ere sometimes co rrect, they were not fundam
ental because experience and study o f hum an nature shows
th a t God has m ade it easy for m an to u n d erstan d w hat is
essential for him to learn . F or th a t very reason, there are
am ple signs, indications and evidences o f the existence an d
oneness o f the C reato r and the prophethood o f H is apostles,
and so are the m eans to attain the knowledge about them .
T h ere were, how ever, certain persons, said Ib n T a im iy a h ,
w ho had a flair for logical syllogism and argum entation b u t fo r
others it was quite unnecessary.8
The Quranic reasoning
Ibn T aim iyah strongly pleaded th at the Q u ran ic

reasoning
CRITICISM -.OF PH ILO SO PH Y AND DIALECTICS 109
was not only m ost ap p ro p riate .but also most convincing for
the avouchm ent o f m etaphysical and unseen realities and
leligious truths. “ T h e argum ents put fo rth by the Q u r’a n ,”
w rites Ib n T aim iyah, “ are m uch m ore assuring and carry a
deeper sense than the propositions o f the philosophers and
dialecticians. A t the sam e tim e, the. form er do not suffer from
paralogism w hich is a com m on feature o f logical disputations.” 1
At a n o th er place) he says, “ K now ledge o f the reasons advanced
by the Q u r 'a n as weil as the self-evident m arks and signs
adduced in support o f the existence o f G od, His sustcntation o f
the w orld, His Oneness, H is know ledge and pow er and the
possibility o f resurrection an d retrib u tio n in the. H ereafter is
essential for acquiring the noblest hum an qualities.
In support o f his contention he cites the exam ple o f the
different form s o f reasoning em ployed in support o f the exist
ence o f D ivine Being and H is attributes w hich also bring out the
difference betweeh the philosophical and Q u ran ic concepts o f
G odhead. “ The Q u r ’ an is elaborate w here it affirms D ivine
attributes but makes only a com pendious reference w here the
negation is stressed (Naught is as His likeness) : this being also the
way o f the prophets w ho explicate in d etail w hat He is and are
concise in describing w hdt He is not. O n the other h an d , th eir
rivals and opponents (T he G reek philosopher?,) pay m ore atten
tion to the denial o f His attributes but m ake only a passing
reference w here they have to av er th em .” :!
T h e w ritings o f the G reek philosophers and their votaries
avouch the point m ade out by Ibn T aim iy ah . In fact, the pains
taken by the philosophers to deny the positive attributes o f God
have reduced His Being to a n im aginary and im potent entity.
But, w hat God is, w h at know ledge and power H e possesses--
th ere are not m ore th an a few w ords o r few philosophical term s
t<> be found in their en tire work. A nd, as a result o f it, all
1. A r-R a d d o (alal M a n la q iytn . p. 32!

2. I b id .. p . 150
'S. Ib id ., p. 153
those w ho h a d been inspired by th a t philosophy in G reece a n d

outside it, have nev er developed any conscious relationship w ith
G od expressing itself in th e ir intellectual ideals a n d m oral
aspirations o r a h eartfelt longing for H is p ropinquity. T h is has
been so because a w aking consciousness o f G od c an be created
only th ro u g h His nam es, attributes and m anifestations in dicating
positive characteristics b u t th e philosophy insists on th e negation
o f His qualities. T he h istory o f m an ’s intellectual developm ent
b ears witness to th e fact th a t m a n h as never been enam oured o f
anyone abo u t whose person an d c h a ra c te r he has h a d no know
ledge. Every hu m an affection going out to some o th e r person
o r object, w hether it is love o r fear, hope o r d isappointm ent, is
directed only to know n persons o r characteristics w hile philor
sophy insists on th e d en ial o f D ivine attrib u tes. T h e historians
o f religion and m orals a re unanim ous th a t th e an cien t Greeks
w ere not known for th e ir devotion to G od o r religious genius—
th eir religious experience h a d in fact no d ep th a n d substance
w o rth the nam e. In th e w ords o f Ib n T aim iy a h this was
because “ a h u n d re d th o u san d negations could nev er be equal to
a single affirm ation.” N o religious structure can, in fact, be
b u ilt on the foundations o f d en ial alone. A nd th at is why
G reek philosophy in th e West and Buddhism in the East failed
to reconstruct a society whose coi ner stone was a heart-felt
sentience o f G od. Both these succumbed to id o la try an d
atheism because th e in h e re n t hum an propensities o f faith and
conviction, devotion a n d love can never be satisfied by any
epistem ology involving intellectual w rangling an d forgeries o f
th e b ra in .
Disconcerting Influence o f Greek Logic
In o rd e r to d em on strate the fallacious bases o f logic purely

on ratio n al grounds, Ib n T aim iy a h subjected its prem ises to a
close scrutiny in the sam e way as he h ad critically exam ined its
counterpart, the philosophy. T h e G reek logic h a d , in fact c ap
tu red th e h e a rt o f the A rabs even m ore pow erfully th a n th e
philosophy o f the G reeks. A ccording to S a 'l d Q a rta b l th e
writings o f the Greek philosophers on logic were being zealously

studied by the Arabs as early as the th ird century of Islam ic era.
By the beginning o! the fifth century these had been accorded
such a pride of place in the A rab curriculum that even Al-
G hazall was carried away by it. H e considered logic to be the
basic discipline of all sciences. In the introduction of his well-
known book al-Mustafa he rem arks th a t ‘logic constitutes the
fundam ental discipline in every branch o f knowledge. Anybody
who is not well-versed in this science, can never be sure o f the
knowledge gained by him .” 1 In Maqasid-i-FalSsifuh he observes :
“ So fa r as the logical permises and its a priori principles are con
cerned, most o f them are undoubtedly tested and true. Only
seldom is there any mistake in them . W hatever differences the
doctors o f faith have with the Greek masters o f logic, these
relate to the terminology used by the two without any diver
gence of opinion in regard to its aims and objectives. All are
agreed that this science is m eant to reach conclusions by con
nected thought.” 2
Ib n R ushd, who held Aristotle in the highest esteem, consi
dered logic to be the worthiest knowledge attainable by hum an
beings and the m easuring rod of one’s excellence. “ Logic” , he
said, “ opened the way to reality which could not be reached
without its help even by the elite, much less the laity.” 3
Philosophy had been attacked by different scholars
from time to tim e but nobody had undertaken a rational
evaluation of logic before Ibn T aim iyah. He was thus the first
scholar to subject this branch of knowledge to a m inute and
critical study and express his independent opinion about it.
First he wrote a small treatise entitled Naqdh-ul-Mantiq and
thereafter another detailed dissertation under the title o f Ar-
Raddo'-clal-Mantaqiym
in which he discussed logical propositions like
prosyllogism, major, m inor and m iddle term s, conclusions,
etc. and showed
1. At-M ustafa, p. 10
2. Moqasid-i-Falasafah, p. 3
3. Muhammad Lutfijam 'ah, p p . 120-121
th e ir defects and lim itations to dem onstrate th a t the im portance

accorded to logic by the M uslim scholars was far in excess o f its
real w orth. In the opinion o f Ib n T aim iy ah it was n eith er the.
m easuring rod o f rationality nor its m ethod o f reasoning provided
the surest way to attain credence, nor yet tru e know ledge. H e
writes, “ These scholars claim th a t logic constitutes the criterion
o f discursive know ledge w hich saves one from com m itting
mistakes in the same way as the rules o f m eter and rhym e help
in lyrical composition o r th e etymology and syntax in the learn
ing o f a language o r else m echanical instrum ents in ascertaining
the hours o f th e day. But this is not correct, for, the knowledge
is achieved through perception and rational faculty endow ed to
hu m an beings by G od. Its acquisition does not depend on the
rules form ulated by an o th er person. It m ight be necessary to
im itate the A rabs for learning A rabic language for th e simple
reason th at it is the dialect o f a nation which has to be h eard
and copied, but th at cannot be true o f discursive know ie.dge......
T he people before the inception o f Greek logic possessed know
ledge about the reality o f th in g s ; likewise there have been
nations afte r it which have endeavoured to reach the tru th of
the m atter w ithout taking its help. Among every nation one
can find sages who reach the core of realities w ithout learning
A ristotelian logic. A little reflection by these people would
convince them that they attained the knowledge possessed by them
w ithout rccource to this m an-inade science.” 1
Much ado about nothing
Ibn T aim iyah pointed out quite a few weaknesses and

defects o f syllogistic logic. H e held the view th at it produced
a vain and argum entative disposition, a copious an d flexible
idiom , and supplied the logicians w ith a set o f pompous words
and term inology w hich actually m eant nothing. In the w ords
o f Ibn T aim iyah the endeav o u r o f the logicians am ounted to
m ere “ waste o f tim e an d energy, and unnecessary m ental
1. A r-R a d d o 'a la l M a n la q iytn , p p. 27-28
exercise and bragging which led people to useless disputation.” 1

He described these verbal engagements as m uch ado about
nothing. A nother ill-effect of excessive logical ratiocination
according to Ibn T aim iyah was th at the logicians too often be
come “ incapable o f expressing their ideas freely. It bridles
their tongue and pen by restraining them from exercising their
minds independently.” 2 “ It is a general rule th a t with w ider
concepts and free thinking,” observed Ib n T aim iyah, “ the
expression becomes uninhibited but the strait-laced thinking, as
the logicians are w ont to resort, m akes th eir m ind and tongue
circum scribed by narrow er limits and enchains their concept
and im agination. It is because o f these restraints th at those
logicians who are m ore intelligent take to a circuitous course o f
reasoning. T h eir only achievem ent is to express some known
fact m ore explicitly but the habit o f thinking hedged in by logi
cal premises im parts a perverse bias o f m ind inclining tow ards
scepticism an d incredulity. Those not betaking the course o f
logicians are saved from these dangers.” 3
Ibn T aim iyah acknowledged th at there were a few exceptions
to it am ong the logicians as, for example, Ib n S ina whose w rit
ings exhibited rem arkable eloquence and flexibility. This was
because he did not adopt the literary style o f earlier logicians
laden with obscurities.
Logic was taken by the dialecticians as an instrum ent to
develop the unknown o r metaphysical truths from the known
concepts practically in the sam e way as the fundam ental rules
and principles o f other sciences are employed to acquire further
knowledge in those subjects. It is w qrthy o f notice th at Ibn
T aim iyah did not adm it this proposition. “ It is clear that the
scales designed to weigh fire-wood, m etals and stones cannot be
used for w eighing silver and gold. T h e tru th enunciated by
1. Ar-Raddtfialal MarUatjiyin, p. 31
2.. Ibid., p. 194
3. Ihid.. 1B7-
the prophets and the reality o f prophethood is even finer and

m ore precious than gold is considered am ong th e m etals. Your
logic cannot, therefore, be em ployed a s a balance for the latter
because it comprises both hum an ignorance an d extrem ism .
It is n eith er aw are of' th e ir weights and m easures n o r it is cap
able o f describing them . T h is is a science o f ignorance for it
denies th a t which is tru th ; an d breeds e x t r e m i s m and obstinacy
for it rejects th a t w hich is indispensable as well as inherent in
hu m an nature. No science can do w ithout these im perative
truths for hu m an excellence an d nobility depend on th e m .’’1
A nother scholar o f the n inth century who clearly u n d e r
stood the inadequacies o f reason arriv ed at a sim ilar conclusion.
In his ‘In tro d u ctio n to th e W orld H istory’ Ib n K h a ld u n (d. 80S
A .H .) observed ; “ T h e m ind is an accurate scale whose reco rd
ings a re certain and reliable, b u t to use it to w eigh questions
relating to the U nity o f G od, o r the after-life, o r the n a tu re of
prophecy, or the divine qualities, or o ther such subjects falling
outside its range, is like trying to use a g oldsm ith’s scale to
weigh m ountains. T h is does not m ean th a t the scale is in itself
inaccurate. T h e tru th o f the m atter is th a t m ind has lim its
w ithin w hich it is rig id ly confined ; it cannot th erefo re hope to
com prehend G od a n d His qualities, itself b ein g ,o n ly one o f
the m any atom s created by G o d .” 2
Ibn Taim iyah’s Contribution to Logic
F ar from being negative, Ib n T a im iy ah ’s a ttitu d e tow ards

logic was reasonably sensible as well as constructive. H e agreed
th a t a p a rt o f it w a s 'n o t only correct and useful b u t even
instinctive to a m an endow ed with reason. At the s a m e
tim e he contended th a t it also included falacious argum ents
w hich w ere not heeded at all.8 He did not agree with th o s e
1. Nuqdh-al-Mantiq, p . Ib4
2. Muqaddamah Ibn Khaldun, p . 473
3. Ar-Raddotalal M antaqiyln, p . 201
CRITICISM OF PH ILO SO PH Y AND D IALECTICS 115
wh6 thought th at the logical principles, as adum brated by the

m asters o f yore, enshrined the wisdom th at was above criticism .
O n the one hand, his criticism o f logic opened the way to its
evaluation on rational grounds, while, on the other, he contri
buted to its developm ent by w orking out com plete and precise
definitions and new standpoints alm ost untouched by his p re
decessors. Ibn Taim iyah argued w ith severity against the
syllogism o f Aristotle th at proceeded from general principles,
but he preferred the indu'ctive m ethod o f reasoning w hich he
held to be an easier and surer way o f attain in g certain know
ledge. Ib n T aim iyah set him self to work out several new
theories and propositions, as stated by Syed Sulaim an N adw l
in his introduction to the Ar-Radd&alal Mantaqlyln. H e w rites :
“ I f you go through this book carefully you would find several
discussions on philosophical an d logical issues w hich have been
touched upon for the first tim e by Ib n T aim iy ah . Some o f his
views are in harm ony w ith th e analysis o f the reasoning process
put forth by the western philosophers. T o give an exam ple, all
the earlier M uslim philosophers h ad followed the A ristotelian
view th at the universals form the basis o f knowledge, a n d , for
th at reason, they had all disregarded th e particulars and induc
tive process o f reasoning. C erta in w estern w riters claim th at
M ill was the first philosopher to lay the foundation o f m odern
logic by form ulating the principles o f inductive reasoning (al
though Ibn T aim iyah h a d w orked these out hundreds o f years
before M ill).
“ T he way Ibn T aim iyah analysed and amplified the intri
cate problem s relating to denotation o f term s, genus, division,
causal connection, syllogism , inductive process and a priori
reasoning and proved th e validity o f th e views set forth by him
bear witness to the agility o f his m ind. So far as-the theory o f
causal connection is concerned, he brought out exactly the sam e
doctrine as propounded later on by H um e in his w ritings. As
everybody knows th e doctrine o f causation is one o f those diffi
cult problem s o f philosophy w hich has m ad e m any a m in d to
falter from th e rig h t p ath and led th em to scepticism and
agnosticism. T his book contains a num ber o f enquiries w hich

speak volumes o f Ib n T a im iy a h ’s intellectual gifts and literary
attainm ents.” 1
I . Ar-RaddAiUl M tnU fW *, p. 3
VII
Refutation of Christianity and Shiaism
Ib n T aim iyah spent his whole life fighting those unrlslam ic

beliefs a n d ideas which were m aking inroads in Islam from
w ithin and w ithout. O f these only two, C hristianity and
S h ia is m , are m entioned here since he has left two full-fledged
works for th eir refutation. Perhaps Ib n T aim iyah h ad to give
m ore attention to these tw o because being well organised and
vigorous, they posed a greater th re a t to orthodox Islam than
others.
T h e weakening o f the Islam ic kingdom s alongw ith the dis
location in the M uslim intellectual life produced first, by the
long d raw n crusades, and then by the onslaught o f T a rta r
hordes, had given h eart to the C hristians to re-as*ert the supre
m acy o f th eir religion against the Islam ic faith. T he objections
raised by the C hristians against Islam , who invited M uslim s to
polem ical disputations, w ere m et by the M uslim theologians but
the im m ediate cause for Ib n T aim iy ah ’s response to th e th re a t
from th a t q u arter was a new book w ritten in Cyprus. It
attem pted to establish the superiority o f C hristianity oyer
Islam through rational as well as theological argum ents and
tended to show th a t the prophethood o f M uham m ad was not
universal but lim ited to the A rabs only.
A l-Jawab ul-Sabih
Ib n T aim iyah w rote Al-Jawttb-ul-Saktk liman baddala Din-41
MacjA in four volumes in w hich he adequately m et all the objec

tions raised against Islam , addu ced entirely new an d satisfying
argum ents in support o f the prophethood o f M u h am m ad , quoted
the prophecies about him contained in the Bible, traced the
history o f C hristian church and its scholasticism and exam ined
the varying interpretations o f the C hristian faith as expounded
by the church fathers from tim e to tim e. In the w ords o f ia
m odern critic and b iographer, Sheikh A bu Z a h ra , “ this book
alone is sufficient to carve out a place for him am ong the
thinkers an d learned doctors who endeavoured to revivify the
fa ith .” 1
Ib n T aim iy ah was the first am ong M uslim w riters who
tu rn ed to the historical criticism o f C hristianity to show how the
spiritual experiences o f the early C hristian com m unity were
m oulded by the m ythological beliefs a n d idolatrous practices o f
the R om ans. H e says, “ T h e C hristians have com bined two
religions—-one preached by the prophets an d the other belonging
to pagans—into one. A p a rt o f th eir religion consists o f the
teachings o f th e prophets w hile the rest o f it is derived from the
creeds an d practices o f the heathens. It this way they have
intro d u ced m ythological abstractions w hich are now here to be
found in the prophetic scriptures. In the place o f graven
im ages casting shadows they have introduced anthropom orphic
figures w hich do not spread any shadow . T hey began offering
prayers facing the sun, m oon a n d the stars an d started keeping
fast d u rin g autum n w ith the object o f uniting th eir religious
observances w ith the anim istic cults.” 2
Prevalent Christianity
Ib n T aim iyah m ain tain ed th a t the virgin purity o f the

C hristian church was violated first by St. Paul an d then ag ain in
the fo u rth century o f th e C hristian era d u rin g the reign of
C onstantine. H e says th a t “ th e ir prelates.and bishops continu
1. Abu £ a h ra , p . 519
2. A l-Jaw ab-ul-Sahih, p . 199
REFUTATION OF CHRISTIANITY AND SHIAISM 119
ously went on form ulating and evolving the C hristian creed and
canon as, for example, 318 bishops prepared during the reign o f
C onstantine a copious creed. This credal declaration showered
invectives on Arius and others who did not subscribe to it, arid
contained statements which were not to be found in the scrip
tures. It rath er had those term s and definitions which were
against the teaching o f the revealed books and even against
sound reasoning.” 1
“ In this form ulary o f episcopal consent,” continues Ibn
T aim iyah, “ they did not follow Jesus C hrist or, the earlier
prophets but produced an entirely new credal statement which
cannot be traced to the teachings o f the prophets. In the
sermons of Jesus Christ or other prophets, neither there is any
mention of the equality o f three or m ore D ivine Persons, nor of
three co-eternal substances having D ivine Essence. N owhere in
the scriptures any attribute or essence o f God is spoken o f as
Logos o r the Son o f God, nor is there any m ention o f the Holy
Ghost. N or is there any assertion that God has begotten a Son
who possesses all the inherent perfections appropriate to the
Suprem e Being, or who is composed o f D ivine Essence and is
also a creator like God. Expressions like these, susceptible of
heretical sense, are not to be found in the utterances of any
prophet.” *
Rank and Worth of the Gospels
M uslim theologians often m ade the m istake o f equating

New Testam ent w ith the Q u r’an by assigning it the position o f
a revealed scripture. Ibn T aim iyah held the view that the books
included in th e New Testam ent are m erely a narrative of certain
sayings an d acts o f Jesus C hrist like the biographical accounts
of the life o f the Prophet o f Islam left by M uslim historians or,
at the most, these can be equated with the records o f Traditions
which are not considered equivalent to the Q u r’an in worth
1. Al-Jawab-ul-Sahih, V ol. I . p . 18
2. Ib id ., V o l. I l l , p. 134
and a u th o rity .1 E lu cid atin g his point o f view he says : “ T he

C hristians acknow ledge the fact th a t the books o f Gospel they
possess today were n eith er w ritten by Jesus, C hrist nor w ere these
com posed u n d er his guidance. These were w ritten a fte r the
ascension o f Jesus by M atth ew and Jo h n , who were his disciples,
and M a rk an d Luke, who h ad not even seen him . T h e accounts
o f the life o f Jesus C hrist n a rra te d therein were not rem em bered
and h an d ed dow n by such a large num ber o f persons as to m ake
them o f unim peachable au th o rity . Even the authors o f these
books a d m it th a t they hav e n a rra te d only a p a rt o f the sayings
an d actions o f Jesus C hrist a n d have not attem pted to give the
entire account o f his life. N arra tio n o f any fact by two, three
o r four persons only is alw ays liable to contain some m istak es;
one conspicuous m istake these n a rra to rs have m ade is about the
person actually crucified. T his m akes th e ir account d o u b tfu l.” 2
In T aim iy ah goes a step fu rth er and claim s th a t “ the books
o f O ld T estam ent were p u t into w riting over a p eriod o f tim e
w ith long gaps. T h e Jew ish traditions tell us th a t a fte r the
destruction o f the T em p le and wholesale dispersal o f the Jew s
from Palestine, the final version o f the Pentateuch o r T o ra h was
got w ritten by E zra about whom th ere is a dispute w hether he
was a prophet or n o t.” 3
Speaking o f th e difference betw een the Q u r’ a n and the
Bible Ib n T aim iyah says : “ T h e text o f the Q u r’a n as well as
its m eaning have been tran sm itted by very m any persons in
every age an d have alw ays been accepted as au th en tic an d
genuine w ithout any d o ubt hav in g been ever raised by anybody.
Sim ilarly, M uslim s hav e received the accounts o f the person
and actions o f th eir P ro p h et th ro u g h distinct sources whose
authenticity can be ju d g ed in different ways as, fo r exam ple,
unbroken chain o f n a rra to rs, consistent testim ony o f th e M uslim s,
circum stantial evidence, etc. E nshrined in the hearts of
). A l-Ja w a b ul-Sahih, V o l. I , p . 10
2. Ib id ., V qI. I , p . 368
3. Ib id ., V o l. I I , p . 368
Muslims, the Q u r’an has not to depend for its existence on the
w ritten pages alone. If, God forbid, all the copies o f the
Q u r’an were to be lost, it could still be reproduced from
m em ory but, if the Bible were to disappear, there w ould be no
continuous reproduction o f its text. T he C hristians have
hardly anyone who has learnt the entire Bible by h eart and
w hatever is m em orised by some is not trustw orthy. T heir
scriptures have been subjected to editing and interpolation
ever since these were handed down by the apostles and
th at is why the Christians could not preserve the chain o f th eir
narrators. N or have they evolved the canons for reception
and rejection o f their traditions or the d ictio n ary o f the
narrators like the M uslim s.” 1
Corruption o f th e Bible
It is generally believed th at Ibn Taim iyah did not subscribe
to the view o f total corruption o f the Biblical text, w hich, he
held, was also not the M uslims belief. In his opinion the
C hristian and Jew ish scriptures have been edited by th eir priests
and redactors from tim e to tim e w hich has m aterially altered the
sense carried by the original text.*
The M istake o f th e C hristians

Ib n T aim iyah m aintained th at the inability o f the Christians
to fully com prehend the language and message o f the prophets, in
w hich figurative descriptions and expressions w ere used, led them
to accept T rinity w hich violates the prophetic concept o f mono
theism . Citing an exam ple in support o f his contention he says,
“ T h e w ritings o f the people possessing revealed scriptures show
th at the prophets o f yore- had used the w ords ‘fath er’ an d ‘son’
but they m eant G od by the form er and one n earer to G od by
the latter. Nobody has stated th a t any prophet ever used the word
‘son’ for an attribute o f God n o r claim ed th a t such an attrib u te
was begotten by God. T o assert th a t by th e w ord ‘son’ occurring
1. Al-Jawai-ol-Sahih, Vol. II. pp. 12-13

2. Hid., Vol. I , pp. 373-380 and Vol. II, p. 4
122 SAVIOURS OF ISLAMIC SPIRIT^
1
in the phrase ‘Baptize them in the nam e o f the F a th e r and o f th«|
Son and o f the Holy G host’,1Jesus m eant th at he was co-equ^j
an d co-eternal w ith the D ivine Essence is to charge him w ith a,
b latan t calum ny. Sim ilarly, th e attribute o f God referring to
His life was never expressed as Holy Ghost or Holy Spirit. In
the term inology used by the prophets holy spirit stood for the
thing or being descending w ith D ivine grace ?uid strength on the
prophets and pious souls.” 2
In another passage addressed to the Christians he says,
“ You would ad m it th a t the w ord ‘son’ has been used for others,
too besides Jesus C hrist. You see Jesus Christ speaking o f ‘My
F ath er and your F a th e r,” ‘F ath er which is in H eaven,’* and ‘my
God and your G o d ’11 and th a t his disciples were ‘all filled with
the Holy G host’.6 Likewise, in the T o rah you have one finds
God asking Moses : “ T hou shalt say unto P haraoh, T hus saith
th e L ord, Israel is my son, even my firstborn : and I say unto
thee, Let my son go, th at he m ay serve me : and if thou refuse
to let him go, behold, I will slay thy son, even thy firstborn.’*
T h e T o rah further s a y s : ‘And all the firstborn in the lan d of
Egypt shall die, from the firstborn o f P h arao h th a t sitteth upon
his throne, even unto the firstborn o f the m aidservant th at is
behind the m ill; and all the firstborn o f b e a sts/8 T hus the
T o rah speaks o f entire Bani Israel as the son o f G od and all the
people o f Egypt as the son o f P haraoh. It includes even the
sons of beasts am ongst the son of P haraoh. In the Book of
Psalms God says to D avid : ‘T hou art my Son, this d ay have I
begotten thee. Ask o f m e, and I shall give three.’ ' A gain, the
1. M a tt, 2 8 : 1 9
2. A l-J a w tii-u l-S th ih , V ol. I l l , p p . J81-I82
3. John, 2 0 :1 7
4. M att, 6 : 1
5. J o h n , 20 : 17
6. A c t, 2 : 4
7. E x. 4 : 22-23
8. E x . 11 -..5
9. l>s 2 : 7-8
REFUTATION OF CHRISTIANITY AND SHIAISM 12 3
New T estam ent says that Jesus told his disciples, ‘I go unto
the fa th e r ; for my F ather is greater th an I ’1 and exhorted
them to pray thus : 'O u r F ather which a rt in heaven,
Hallow ed be thy nam e,........... ...G ive us this day our daily
b read .’2 In the same
way the Holy Ghost did not descend on C hrist alone, there are
others as well who were filled w ith the Holy S pirit.” 4
Ibn T aim iyah then adds “ In short, neither in the earlier
prophecies nor in the scriptures such as T o rah , Psalms or New
Testam ent there is anything to show th at the Divine S pirit had
transfused into Jesus Christ or th at he had an indw elling
effulgence o f G od’s glory as the C hristians believe. T h ere is
nothing in these scriptures to justify Jesus being regarded as the
Son o f G od, in an exclusive or unique sense. In reality he was
no m ore than what the Q,urJan says: ‘T h e Messiah, Jesus son
of M ary, was only a Messenger o f A llah, and His w ord which
H e conveyed unto M ary, and a spirit from H im .’5 T h e fact
is th at the scriptures granted to earlier prophets and th eir pro
phecies confirm w hat the Prophet o f Islam told us about them .
Each one o f them , indeed, ratifies the other. As for the
predictions quoted by tne C hristians in support o f the
supernatural virtue and power o f Jesus C hrist, all these signs
and prophecies can be applied to others besides Jesus Christ.
T herefore, to appeal to these oracles for establishing the
divinity o f Jesus C hrist is completely unw arranted. T h e
words, such as, the sou, M essiah, descent of or being filled
w ith Holy Spirit o r being addressed as the L ord are
expressions used in the scriptures for others too and so none
o f these expressions prove th at Jesus C hrist possessed the
perfections appropriate to the Suprem e Being.” *
T he evangelistic theologians very often take reso rt to
the
1. J o h n 1 4 : 28
2. M att, 6 : 9 - 1 1
3. A cts 2 : 4
4. A l-Jaw ab ul-Sahih, V o l. I l l , p p . 185-186
5. Q.. I V : 171
6. A l-Jaw ab-ul-Sahih, V c!. I I , p p . 189-190
mysterious argum ents d eriv ed from the Platonic concepts o f the

Logos and the soul o r spirit o f the universe to prove the subtlfe
questions covering the n atu re, distinction and equality o f
th e th ree divine persons. Ib n T aim iyah refuted all these
arg um ents by showiiig, in acco rd ance w ith th e principles o f
syllogistic logic an d philosophical concepts, th a t none o f th eir
presum ptions justifies the rem otest im plications o f th eir
opinion. Being unable to establish the tru th o f mysterious
doctrines w hich could satisfy a ration al m ind, the C hristian
apologists try to d raw a veil o f sanctity over th e ir enigm atical
b e liefs., They assert th a t the doctrine o f T rin ity being
em bedded in th e ir Scripture, it is incum bent on them to have
faith in it, and it is impious to doubt its authenticity, for, these
a re abstruse questions o f infinite reality beyond the reach o f
lim ited understanding possessed by the hu m an beings. But
Ib n T aim iyah points out th a t this argum ent is equally
Fallacious. “ T h e C hristian theologians fail to distinguish,”
observes Ib n T aim iy ah , “ the things w hich reason holds as
ridiculous an d contrary to reason or ra th e r impossible from
those which it cannot com prehend o r cannot pronounce its
verd ict in reg a rd to th e ir n a tu re and existence. T h e apostles
o f G od have really inform ed us only about the m atters falling
in th e second category, since, the things belonging to th e
form er category cannot simply form p a rt o f the message
brought by them . These pretenders o f knowledge could not
m ake any distinction between th e facts revealed and the
incom prehensible mysteries which elude o u r enquiry. T hey
decided to com pete w ith the polytheists who h a d invented an
associate o f G od an d a son for H im .” 1
Ib n T aim iyah arg u ed cogently to show th a t revelation
never contradicts th e facts acceptable to th e no rm al process of
tho ug ht. T h is also, in his opinion, b rought out the basic
difference betw een Islam an d C hristianity. Islam , he said,
accepted certain facts' o f m ute reality w hich w ere beyond the
ken o f senses but not against reason. O n the o th er h an d ,
I. Al-Jawat-ul-Sahih, Vol. II, p. 89

REFUTATION OF CHRISTIANITY AND SHIASM 125
C hristianity subscribed to the doctrines which were irrational.

T he p h ristia n theologians agreed th a t these were reasonless but
they also insisted on their acceptance by holding them as
revealed facts beyond hum an comprehension.
Early Follow ers o f C hristianity

In this book Ib n T aim iyah also gave an account o f those
sects o f early C hristianity who had faith in the U nity of
Suprem e Being and revered Jesus as a prophet and servant o f
G od b u t which could not flourish due to a variety o f reasons.
T he doctrinal subtleties separating different C hristian factions
described m inutely by Ibn Taim iyah show how deeply he had
studied th a t religion.
P rophecies about the Last Prophet
Ib n T aim iyah listed all the prophecies o f the O ld and the

New Testam ents concerning the advent o f the Last Prophet.
H e explained the significance o f the oracles attributed to Isiah,
H abakkuk, D aniel and Jesus which could be appealed to foretell
the com ing o f the Prophet o f Islam .1 T o give an exam ple, the
prophecy contained in Jo h n 14 : 30 w herein Jesus is reported to
have said : “ H ereafter I will not talk m uch w ith y o u ; for the
prince o f the w orld com eth, and h ath nothing in m e” was
explained by him to show how it leferred to the Prophet
o f Islam . “ T h | word prince” , says Ib n T aim iyah, "occurring
in th is ' passage is a translation o f H ebrew artiun which
m eans ‘glorious’, ‘illustrious’, ‘august’ and ‘high in dignity’.”
Dwelling fu rth er upon this passage he adds “ since it is a
manifest and accepted fact, everbody would agree th a t M
uham m ad was the only Prophet iafter Jesus whose tem poral
and spiritual leadership has been acknowledged by the w orld.
People obeyed him w ith a ll th eir h eart and soul. D uring his
life tim e and after his d eath , in all tim es and climes, in the
East and the W est his followers have yielded obediently to his
com m ands. A llegiance
1. Al-Jaunt-nt-S*hih, Vol. Ill, p. 265 to Vol. IV,p 20
is owed to the sovereigns d u rin g th e ir life-tim e alone for, as the

saying goes, authority forgets a dying k in g ; but fo r religion
such an allegiance is valueless. T h e spirit o f reverence an d
im plicit submission elicited by the Prophets is even above the
fear o f chastisem ent and hope ,of rew ard in the H e re a fter.”
“ Prophet M uham m ad (peace and blessings o f God be upon
him ) brought to light the tru e faith o f th e prbphets o f yore,
confirm ed the message b ro u g h t by them and exalted th eir
names. It was On account o f him th a t several nations
acknowledged Moses and Jesus as the prophets o f G od. Even
am ongst those who h ad faith 'In the revealed scriptures, th ere
w ere wide differences; they slandered D avid and Solomon
a n d d id not know m any other prophets like H u d , Salih and
ShuaMb.” 1
Signs o f Prophethood
In o rd er to assert th e prophethood o f M u h am m ad , Ibn

T aim iy ah discussed the m iracles worked by the Prophet.
H e d id not, how ever, m ention only the m iracles recorded in the
T ra - ff
ditions a n d biographies o f the P io p h et but also d ealt extensively
w ith the definition and n a tu re o f m iracles, an d extended th eir
scope, according to the Q u ran ic vocabulary, to include the signs
w hich m ake visible and confirm the tru th o f prophethood. In
form ing an estim ate o f the ch aracter o f the H oly P rophet he
m aintained th at “ all these, his ch aracter and deportm ent, his
sayings and his actions constitute a m iracle, as do his canons and
his followers, th eir way o f life and piety. T h e pure-hearted
am ong his followers a re the signs a n d w onders in support o f his
apostleship.” 2
C oncerning the universality o f M u h a m m a d ’s prophethood,
he explained the significance and m erits o f the beliefs, doctrines
and canons o f Islam , w hich, he claim ed, are com plete an d
satisfy the principles furnished by reason. T h ere is nothing
founded on the d a ta o f reaso n w hich has been disallow ed
by
R E F U T A T td N O F C H R IST IA N ITY AND SHIASM 12 7
the Prophet of Islam an d nothing against the dictates o f reason

which was Upheld by him. T he Book revealed to him corrected,
completed and Superseded the earlier scriptures while the
Sharjah brought by him incorporated all the guidance provided
by the prophets o f yore.1 Ibn T aim iyah brought forth a
series o f cogent reasons to prove th at anyone who believed
in the prophethood o f any apostle of God could not deny the
prophetic mission o f M uham m ad ; for, w hatever reasons he
would adduce for the prophethood o f any one o f these
messengers o f G od, they would equally apply to the last
Prophet also. Sim ilarly, the denial o f the prophethood o f M
uham m ad, for w hatever reason it m ight be, would lead one to
deny the apostleship o f all other prophets.2
Ib n T aim iyah did not overlook the argum ent often prefer
red by the Christians th at M uham m ad was a prophet to his
countrym en alone. He devoted more than 200 pages of the
first p a ri o f Al-Jawab-ul-Sahlh8 to refute this assertion. H e
quoted the S criptures to show th a t it was essential for all men to
beilieve in the mission of M uham m ad. H e also dw elt upon the
grand object o f divine revelation which intended to show
m ankind, through the apostleship o f M uham m ad, the right
path o f salvation and to bring forth all th at is noble and good
in m an.
M inhaj-us-Sunnah
Like Al-Jauiab-Al-Sakth, Minhsj-us-Sunnah is another work
o f distinctive m erit by Ib n T aim iyah, w hich he w rote to refute
the Shi‘aite schism, then posing a th reat to the integrity o f
orthodox faith. The-book consisting o f four volumes an d
covering 1214 pages, was w ritten in feply to Minhaj-ul-
KarZhmah of Ibn-ul- M u tah h ir al-Hilll who had, in his
excessive zeal to prove the divinely Qrdained office o f Irriamat,
tried to make out the first three
1 Al-Jcwak-tu-Sahih, Vol. IV , pp. 81 -82

2. Hid., Vol I, p. 180
3. Ibid., Vol. I, pp. 28-230
128 SAVIOURS OF ISLAM IC S P IR IT
right-guided Caliphs n ot m erely hypocrites a n d im posters b u t

also the vilest creatures steeped in inequity. T h is, accprding,t<>
Ib n T aim iy ah, discredited Islam an d m ade the concept o f pro
phethood untenable. Despite its polem ical n a tu re the Minhaj-us-
Sunnah is rem arkable for the sobriety o f its style and the p ursuit
o f details and accuracy.
Vilification o f the Prophet's Companions
Discussing the logical result o f the S h i'aite denigration

o f the Prophet’s com panions, Ib n T aim iyah observes’ : “
T h e followers o f the Prophet o f Islam constitue the best o f
people and the w orthiest in excellence and m erit am ong them
w ere those who first em braced Islam . But the picture d ra w
n by these slanderers shows th a t the earliest M uslims h ad
neither any inkling o f the T ru th n o r th e y followed it
fa ith fu lly ; since, according to the Shicahs, most o f them ,
particularly the first three
Caliphs knowingly opposed the teachings o f th e Prophet. All
the com panions, they say, followed these tyrants because they
did. not possess those intellectual faculties w hich a re req uired for
discernm ent o f the tru e p a th o f Islam . Now, it is not
difficult to conceive how lustful an d pow er-hungry,
unenlightened and
m indless m en the com panions and C aliphs were according to
Shic ahs. T hey charge th e C aliphs o f laying a claim to the
C aliphate to look a fter their own interests. T hus, all the
followers o f the Prophet w ent astray by forsaking'" th e path o
f T ru th . I f this view is accepted, the Jew s an d th e
Christians w ould, o f a fact, be better th an the M uslims for
God bears a testimoney in the Q u r’ a n th a t “ o f the Moses’
folk th ere is a com m unity who lead w ith tru th and establish
justice th erew ith .” * T he Prophet has foretold th a t o f m
ore th a n seventy factions o f th e Jew s an d Christians, only one
w ould qualify for salvation but if we accept the Shicaite view
there w ould not be a single sect am ong the M uslim s w hich
could be deem ed as the
Minhij-us-Sunnah, Val. I, p. 152
standard bearer o f T ru th and Justice. I f the best in faith

am ong the Muslims were so depraved, w hat can be said o f those
coining after th em ? Does it not prove th at the Jews and the
Christians are better eve* after the corruption o f th eir scriptures
and faith, and w orthier th an those about whom God has said :
Te are the best community that hath been raised up fo r mankind
Ib n T aim iyah quotes Im am Sh u 'eb l to show th at even
the
Jew s and Christians hold th e ir prophets in greater
reverence
th an the Shic ahs do. H e says, “ Asked to indicate the purest in
faith am ong them , the Jew s replied th a t the Elders
accom panying Moses and th e ir followers Were the noblest
believers. In reply to a sim ilar question the Christians said
th at the disciples of Jesus Christ were the most pious am ongst
them . But when the Shic5hs were required to suggest the
most profane and, irreligious am ongst M uslims they pointed out
to the companions o f the Prophet o f Islam . Ah ! T hey
w ere'com m anded to invoke blessings o f G od on these pious
Souls but w hat they are doing is to curse and swear at them .” *
-
Denigration of the Companions
Ib n - T aim iyah' pointed out th a t the predisposing cause

responsible for the S h ia h s standing ap art from and almost in
hostile attitude to the rest o f Islam lay in the impassible bitterness
h a rb o u re d by them (©wards th e first th re e C aliphs, in p a rti
cular, and the m ajority o f P rophet’s companions, in general.
The denigration o f the early' precursors o f Islam by them is
really a cloak for their hostility to the P rophet whose life-long
labour could not, in th eir opinion, win over even a handful o f
sincere followers. T he stand taken by the S h ia h s , says Ib n
T aim iyah, also bespeaks o f the inability o f the Prophet to fore
warn the M uslims about the secret designs o f the hypocrites and
the events th at followed im m ediately after his death although
he had m ad e predictions about things th a t were to take place
1. Q. 111:110
2. M inhaj-us-Sunm h, V ol. I , p . 6
hundreds o f years after him . N ot only th%t, th e respect a n d

confidence of th e Prophet enjoyed by his em inent com panions
shows th a t either the Prophet could not foresee the danger for th e
future o f Islam or h a d p m a false appearance upon his outw ard
behaviour tow ards them . In either case, it would be difficult,
to justify his action as behoving the dignity o f a prophet.”
“ T h u s” , concluded Ib n T aim iy ah ” 1 only those would vilify the
em inent com panions w ho either nourished a secret feeling o f
ill-w ill against Islam an d its Prophet, like the orig in ato r o f
Shicaism an d th e leaders o f th e B atinite m ovem ent, o r, th e
unenlightened folk p ro d d ed by their selfish desires and
ignorance, as generally a re the ran k a n d file o f th e Shi‘a
schism .”
Excellence o f the Companions
Ib n T aim iy ah d id not claim th a t the com panions o f the

Prophet o f Islam w ere w ithout a spot o r blem ish o r w ere not
liable to sin like the apostles o f God. H e, how ever, d id assert
th a t being th e m ost pious an d pure o f h e a rt in th e entire com
m unity, they w ere ju st, G od-fearing, tru th fu l, sincere an d
u p rig h t. I f they ever com m itted a sin, they repented and
strenuously tried to atone for th e ir m istakes through prayers and
fasting and virtuous actions. T h eir virtues and m erits outw eighed
th e ir faults. E xplaining his v ie w p o in t he says,2 “ W e have
already stated th a t we d o not hold th a t there was anybody;
im peccable after th e Prophet o f Islam , m uch less his not form ing
a w rong opinion in ju ristic m atters. T h e w rit o f G od runs for
th e m :
“ A nd whoso b ringeth th e tru th and believeth therein
— such a re th e dutiful.
“ T hey shall have w hat they w ill o f their L o rd ’s
bounty.. T h a t is th e re w a rd o f th e good : i
“ T h a t A llah w ill rem it from them th e w orst o f what!
1. Minhej-ut-Sunnah, Vol. IV , p. 123

2. Ibid., Vol. I I I . p. 238
they d id , and will pay them for rew ard the best they used
to do. ” 1 ,
Ib n T aim iyah has succinctly bro u g h t out the unreasonable
ness o f the Shic ahs in regard to the companions o f the Prophet
o f Islam . T o borrow his w o rd s : “ T h e companions were,
regardless o f th eir hum an shortcomings; the best group o f persons
am ong the M uslims by virtue o f th eir faith an d righteousness.
T h e ir deficiencies would appear insignificant if we w ere to
com pare th eir m orals and behaviour w ith the com portm ent
o f the followers o f o th e r faiths. , A ctually th e fault lies w ith
those who can. see a black stain on a w hite sheet but are
unable to detect the white scratch on a black bedspread* T his
is, in fact, a great injustice as well as foolishness, for, one can
easily find out the m erit and worthiness o f the com panions by
com paring them w ith those known for th e ir purity of, faith
and m orals am ongst the followers o f o th er religions. H ow far
th e stan d ard set by these persons can be deem ed to be. just i f
they visualise a criterion o f righteousness unattainable by m
a n ? I f someone pictures to oneself o f an im peccable Im am o r
a religious teacher who, sometimes not even nam ed as an Im
Sm , is not liable to err,' a n d dem ands th a t every learned m
an, religious teacher, ru ler o r king, notw ithstanding his
erudition, tem perance and the virtuous deeds perform ed by
him , should be a replica o f th at id e a l; whose knowledge
shoujd compass all the hidden mysteries
of nature, who should be an acm e o f perfection free from
all hum an shortcom ings and w ho should never let his
angry passions r is e ; then, nothing can be done to deliver such
a m an from the fantasy o f his m ind. T h ere are, in
tru th , m any am ongst them w ho endue th eir Im am s w ith
cardinal virtues not possessed even by the apostles o f G od.” 2
A t another place he writes8 “ Any one who has studied
the history o f various religions w ould know th a t there has
never
1. Q . X X X IX -.33-35
2. Minhaj-us-Sunnah, Vol. I l l , p. 241
3. Ibid., Vol. I l l , p. 242
been a group o f persons m ore pious an d devout and m ore m ind

ful o f avoiding schism and b reach in religion th a n the com pani
ons o f the P rophet. T hese Were the persons about Whom God
has said : ' Ye are the best com m unity th a t h a th been tfaised up
for m ankind. Ye enjoin rig h t condtict and forbid indecency1; -
and ye believe in A llah.” 1 ! - •'
“ W hatever goodness an d virtues M uslim s shall posseis to
the end o f tim e” , adds Ib n T aim iy ah , “ w hether it be the F aith
o r the Q u r ’ an, know ledge o r prayers, entry in P aradise or pro
tection against H ell, ascendency over non-believers o r glorifica
tion o f G od, it shall all be th e fruit o f earnest’ efforts m ade by
th e com panions o f the"^Prophet Who1preached the religion and
fought in the* w ay o f G od. Every m an w ho em braces Islam
shall lie u n d e r ail obligation to th em till the Doom sday. Even
the virtues, the Shiâhs a n d others have, are the gifts from the
com panions, who, in tu rn , w ere inspired by the right-guided
G aliphs ; for the latter w ere the'fotm t o f all the blessings w h e th e r
o f this w orld or th e n ex t.”3 ff i
Caliphate o f Aba Bakr
Election o f AbU B akr to the office o f caliphate has been the

g reatest bone o f contention betw een the Shicalis and Sunnis.
E xplaining the significance o f th e elective principle regulating
the appointm ent o f th e C aliphs, Ibn T aim iyah observes .* “ It is
w orthy o f note th a t the caliphate o f AbQ Bakr and ‘U m a r is
really a sign o f th e perfection of divinely-appointed prophet
hood o f M u ham m ad (m ay th e peace and blessings o f G od be
upon h im ). T hey furnish a p roof th a t he was not a king b u t an
apostle o f G o d ; for th e kings always prefer to pass on the
sceptre o f authority to th e ir nearest relations. T o the kings
this is an essential step to save th e ir kingdom (from falling into
the h a n d s o f bthers). So we also see the rulers an d governors
aro u n d us acting in a sim ilar m anner. T h e Saljukids an d the
1. Q,. I l l : 110
2. Minhajus-Sumuih, Vol. I l l , p. 245
Sultans o f S y r ia a n d Yem an pass on th eir kingdoms to their

kith an d kin, and this ,h?is been th e practice followed by the
C hristian an d heathenkings as well. T h e kings o f the Franks
an d thoê belonging to the progeny o f Ghenghiz K hSn always
ensure th at the kingship rem ains w ithin th eir family. T hey are
always m indful w hether the successor is a f their family and
blood o r not. But, disregarding this universal practice, the
Prophet d id not nom inate his uncle ‘ Abbas o r his cousin £A ll or
cAqU or another relation like R abica ihn al-H arith ibn ‘Abdul
M uttalib or Abu Sufyan ibn al-H arith ibn cA bdul M uttalib as
his successor, and this shows th a t the P rophet was not guided by
the regal preqepts and conventions. Besides the relatives already
nained, there were ailso l U thm an ibn cAffan, K halid ibn Saceed
ibn al-cAas, A ban ibn Saceed ibn al-‘Aas an d others belonging
to Banu cAbd M u n a f —the most respected clan :o f the Q uraish
and nearest to the, fam ily o f the Prophet— but none o f them was
nom inated to succeed him. T his proves th at M uham m ad was
a prophet and s l a v e , G o d and not a king. H e never bestowed
his favour on anybody m erely on account of the nobility of blood
or relationship w ith him but conferred his blessings only on
grounds o f one’s faitW and piety. T his was an indication for
his followers th at they shall not endeavour to establish the rule
of any clan or fam ily but uphold the kingdom, o f God on earth.
They w ere not to follow even those prophets of yore who had
been granted kingship by G od because M uham m ad was allowed
to choose between kingship and the slavery o f th e L ord and he
chose to rem ain a slave and a prophet. T h e caliphate o f Abu
Bakr and ‘U m ar was thus a consummation, o f his teachings. H ad
he nom inated someone o f his own household as his successor he
would have been accused o f accum ulating w ealth and riches for
his progeny.” 1 .
T he ShicHhs m aintain the divine an d indefeasible right o f
cAll for succession to the caliphate on the d eath o f the Prophet
They assert the right o f cAli because he happened to be the
1. M inhaj-us-Sunnah, V o l. I V , p. 126
cousin and son-in-law o f the P rophet. They also claim th a t

‘ All w as expressly declared by the Prophet as his successor under
divine guidance. Ib n T aim iyah, however, points out th at the
“ claim o f cA lt’s succession, based on his nearness o f kindred to
the Prophet bears resem blance to the conventions o f the pagan
past w hen tho A rabs w ere unduly predisposed in favour o f their
ow n clans an d kins.’ Likewise, th e unw arranted veneration of
cAll and o th er m em bers o f th e ’ P rophet’s household by the
S h ia h s , as partakers o f divine nature, is looked upon by Ibn
T aim iyah as im pairing th eir dignity rath er th a n being compli
m entary to them . “ T he excessive veneration o f H usain’s
progeny by th e S h ia h s ” , says Ibn Taimiyah.) “ exposes them to
; a b itter trial for/they adulate them in a way w hich brings them
in to discredit. T he contentions o f the Shi*8hs about th eir claims
to succession o f the P rophet are also entirely unsupportable. In
fact, h ad th eir biographical accounts by Sunni w riters not been
available, w h at the Shicahs relate about them w ould have been
m ore o f a condem nation th an a com plitrient to th em .” 1
Al-HiJl! had profusely quoted T raditions and Q uranic
passages to establish the m erit an d excellence o f 1A lt and other
Im m s o f the S h ia h s o r to d e n ig ra te ife e first th ree Caliphs.
Ib n T aim iyah subjected each one o f these (quotations to a
searching scrutiny in oi d er to show th at these b a d ' either
been cited out o f context o r m isinterpreted in favour o r
against someone according to th e w him s and prejudices o f th e
au th o r o f Minhaj- ul-Kramah. T o give one exam ple here, A l-
H illl h ad cited the following Q p ra n ic verses :
“ H e h a th loosed the two seas. T hey m eet. T h ere is
a b a rrie r betw een them . T hey encroach not (one Upon the
o ther). VVhich is it^ b f th e fsivours o f yOur L ord, th at y«
deny ? T h e re com eth forth from both o f them the
pearl 1 ! : a n d cbral-stone.” 3
I . Minhaj-us-Sunnah, Vol. IV , p. 287

*. Hid., Vol. II, p. 125
3 Q,. LV : 19-22
REFU TA TIO N OF C H R ISTIA N ITY A N D SHIAISM 13 5
Al-H illt then proceeded to expound th a t “ the tw o seas”

alluded to ,1All a n d F atim ah , “ the b a rrie r” to the Prophet and
“ the.pearl and coral-stone” to H asan and H usain. Ib n T aim iyah
exam ined the exegesis o f A l-H illl in some d etail to show th a t
th e'in terp retatio n given by him betrayed agnostic tendencies o f
Q arm atians and Batinites who invested the Q u ran ic vocabulary
w ith an enigm atic o r allegorical sense. Ibn T aim iyah then
gave num erous reasons to disprove the contention o f A l-H illl.
H e show ed th a t th e abovem entioned verses w ere revealed at
M ecca w hile H asan and H usain w ere born at M ad in a. A gain,
these verses w ere elucidated fu rth er by another revelation
w hich sa id : “ A nd H e it is W ho h a th given independence to
the two seas (though they m e e t) ; one palatable, sweet, a n d other
saltish, b itter.” 1 T hus, said Ib n T aim iyah, i f one w ere to
identify cAlx an d F atim ah w ith th e “ two seas”, one w ould
also have to accept one o f them as saltish an d bitter. Likewise,
“ the b a rrie r” , i f taken to m ean the Prophet, would am ount
to his disparagem ent, for the b a rrie r is always an obstacle
or an agency th a t keeps tw o things a p a rt.2
iStijl jn o re significant is the section in w hich Ib n T aim iyah
replied to the charges levelled by A l-H illl against the first
three Caliphs. By applying th e sound m ethod o f criticism
to the im putations o f A l-H illi a n d supplem enting it w ith
accurate an d reliable historical d a ta , he showed how low a
prejudiced m ind can stoop to m align one’s supposed enemies.
Shicaite Beliefs
• r
'-I:'
Ib n T aim iyah also devoted a section o f Minhaj-us-Sunnah to
th e discussion o f the Shi'-aite tenets o f faith w hereby he dem on
strated th e hollowness an d contradictions o f th eir beliefs. To
give an illum inating illustration, he accuses the §hicShs of
having com m itted alm ost the sam e m istake as the C hristians
who h ad endued JesuS w ith divine attributes as the ‘Son o f G od’,
1. Q.. X X V : 53
2. Minhaj-us-Sutmah, Vol. IV , pp. 67-68’
136 ! SAVIOURS OF ISLAMIC S PIR IT
and then depicted him as ‘a meek and helpless p reach er.’ “ The
Shicahs subscribe to contradictory doctrines” , says Ib n T aim iyah.
“ O n the one hand, they m agnify ‘ A ll’s prowess and courage to!
such an extent th a t he appears to be the ch ief defender o f the
F aith , on whose help even the Prophet had to depend, and who
was, in th a t task, no less th a n a p artak er o f .D ivinity. But, .
a fte r Islam becam e strong and pow erful, he grew SO' feeble and
hum ble th a t he h ad to take recourse, like a helpless an d shaky
m an, to sm oothing dow n and deying'his religious beliefs in o rd er
to save him self from persecution. T h en , there appears to be no
o th er m a n 'm o re spineless and im portant th a n cA lI, although
th e fact is th a t his conversion to Islam had increased'his courage
o f conviction. H ow could a m an supposed to be an ally o f God
in establishing Islam and subduing the non-believers fail to bring
his valour to his aid especially a fter em bracing Islam , to vanquish
those who w ere denying justice to h im ? H is adversaries w ere
th en fewer in n u m b er an d lesser in strength than the pagans
"Whom he h ad earlie r su b ju g ated .” 1
Ib n T aim iy ah deprecated the lack o f interest on the p a rt o f
Shic ahs in the study o f the Q u r’a n and the Sunnah, the perfo rm
ance o f prayers arid o th er religious observances and the upkeep
o f mosques. H e traced the reason for this irreligious
behaviour to the Shicaite b e lie fs'w h ic h c a rry the veneration
for th eir ItnUws so fa r as to raise them to the position o f a
divine person. C oncerning the theory o f Imamat, p articu larly
the reappearance o f the tw elfth Imam who is believed to have
concealed him self in some secret place till th e day o f his m
anifestation before the end o f the w orld, Ib n T aim iy ah
explained th e unten ab ility as well as harrtifiil effects o f th a t
doctrine. H e d em o n strated th ro u g h cogent reasoning and
irrefu tab le evidences th a t the Shicaite theologians genefally
follow the M u£tazilites, although som e o f them have a 'so been
attached to the school of. G reek philosophers. Some of ihem ,
like the author o f Minhaj-ul-Kramah, h a d tried to com bine
th eir know ledge o f G reek philosophy
1: www.abulhasanalinadwi.org
Vol. IV, p. 56
M inhaj-us-Sunnah,
and logical syllogism o f the M u'tazilites w ith their Shilaite

beliefs and doctrines to provide a defence for their religion.
How ever, for an erudite scholar of both the religious and secular
sciences, th at Ibn T aim iyah was, it was not difficult to refute the
Shicaite argum ents, point by point, an d to thoroughly expose
th eir fallacies.
VIII
Rejuvenation of Religious Thought in Islam
Ib n T aim iy ah was b o rn at a tim e w hen the prevalent

sciences, both religious and discursive, and particularly those
like exegesis, T raditions, jurisprudence an d the corpus o f law
h a d already been developed to an extent th a t th e educated
persons norm ally specialised in any one subject. Sufficient
literatu re, enough to fill in a lib rary , h a d by then been accum u
lated on each o f these sciences. T h ere w ere also several
scholars o f outstanding intelligence an d ability, who w ere not
only deem ed an au th o rity on th e ir subject, but w ere also known
for th eir w ide know ledge an d strong retentive m em ory. T h a t
this is no m ere speculation is proved by th e w ritings o f the
doctors like K a m a l u d -d in Ib n A zm ahkanl, T a q i ud-dln 1A ll
ibn Subki, Sham s ud-dln az-Z ahabl an d A bul H ajjaj al-M izzi.
T h ere w ere, a t th a t tim e, scholars who could have been called a
living encyclopaedia for th e ir extensive know ledge. In sum m ing
up th e intellectual attainm ents o f th e age, how ever, a m arked
deficiency noted by every h istorian is th a t there was no m aster
m ind who could not only ; com pare w ith his predecessors in
extensive know ledge b u t could also m ake an estim ation o f their;
views, analyse a n d determ ine th eir w orth an d b rin g in his own
v erdict in those m atters. I n other w ords, the extensiveness o f
know ledge possessed by the then scholars was not m atched by
th e depth an d originality o f thought o f the preceding ages.
T h u s, the scholars o f the tim e, instead o f investigating afresh the
REJUV ENATIO N O F RELIGIOUS THOUGHT IN ISLAM
m aterial already existing, were content to collect, edit and

interpret them in a series o f com m entaries and classified
glossaries.
Ibn Taim iyah’s Intellectual Endeavour
A fresh intellectual elem ent was ushered by Ib n T aim iyah

who, besides, digesting the existing knowledge o f the tim e,
presented it afresh with the fullness and critical guarantees
behoving a creative thinker. • W ith his deep knowledge o f th e
Q u r’an and insight into the purposes and underlying objectives
o f the Sharicah and the principles o f jurisprudence, Ibn T aim iyah
could present w hatever subject he chose to scribe, w ith a m arked
authority and comprehensiveness. T h ere is not a single compo
sition by him whose range is not so w ide th at it could not be
described as an encyclopaedia on the subject—bringing into its
compass all the existing knowledge o f the tim e a n d opening new
vistas o f vision. W e have already discussed in some detail two
o f his works, nam ely, Al-Jaw&b-ul-Sahih an d M tniaj-us-Sm m k,
but there are still m ore outstanding m onographs on other
subjects, such as, Kitib-un-Nabuwat, Ar-Raddo-âLal Mantaqlyln
and Iqiidka^-us-Sirat-il-Mustaqlm, to nam e only a few, w hich
com bine comprehensiveness w ith critical thinking and provide
food for thought to th eir readers.
Exegesis of the Qur’ an ‘
T h e principal object o f Ib n T aim iy ah ’s literary endeavours

was exegesis o f the Q u r’ a n : an interest so predom inant' th a t its
influence can easily be seen in his alm ost every work. W henever
he quotes any verse from the Q u r’an in his writings, he does not
proceed fu rth er Without giving its interpretation. A ccording to
his disciples his com m entaries o f the Q u r’an ru n into as m any
as th irty volumes. U nfortunately, none o f these works survives
today except in fragm ents consisting o f the exegesis o f certain
Q uraiiic chapters. H a d these volumes been available today they
would have undoubtedly constituted one o f the most valuable
collection on the subject displaying his rem arkable critical
140 SAVIOURS O P ISLAMIC S P IR IT
faculty an d acuteness o f th o u g h t. T h e com m entaries o f SSratûi-

Ikhlas, Ma'-uwztain an d An-N ur alo n g w ith the exegetical excerpts
taken fro m different works by Ib n T a im iy a h , published recently,
exhibit his com prehensiveness, m en tal g rit, reform ative zeal and
th e developed sense o f in te rp re tin g the S cripture in accordance
w ith th e c u rre n t needs o f th e tim e. H e also w rote a m onograph
on th e principles o f exegesis o f th e Q u r ’ a n w hich is p erh ap s th e
first d issertation o f its k in d o n this subject. T h a t th e surpassing
in terest o f Ib n T a im iy a h lay in th e science o f exegesis was
acknow ledged by his contem poraries w ho on his d e a th invited
th e people to offer th e fu n e ra l p ra y e r o f the com m entator o f the
Q u r’ an.
Traditions
Ib n T a im iy a h has n o t left any book On T ra d itio n s o r th eir

in terp retatio n . I n fact, th e rem ark ab le ad v an cem en t m a d e in
this field by the seventh a n d eig h th centuries a fte r Hijrah, had
h ard ly left any scope fo r fu rth e r endeav o u r in th a t d irectio n but
his w ritings on th e p rinciples o f T ra d itio n , b io-data o f the
n a rra to rs, canons for th e reception an d rejection o f T ra d itio n s,
th e ir critic a l analysis a n d classification o f ju rid ic a l T rad itio n s,
scattered in his different w orks constitute his v alu ab le co n trib u
tio n to the subject. A ll th is m a te ria l, w hich is q u ite extensive,
i f collected in a single volum e, could serve to p ro v id e his a u th o
ritativ e view s on th e differen t issues o f this im p o rtan t science.
Principles o f Jurisprudence
T h e task o f legal definition a n d fo rm u latio n o f ju ristic

opinion w as an o th er e n d eav o u r w h ich absorbed Ib n T a im iy a h ’s
in tellectu al energies. H a v in g a tta in e d m asterful proficiency in
this field too, his w ritin g s o n th e subject co n tain discussions on
in tric a te legal issues. I b n T a im iy a h ’s com positions o n ju ris p ru
dence com prise Iqtidfia^-us-Sirat-il-Musttqlm an d a volum inous
collection o f his ju ristic opinions along w ith som e sm aller
treatises like Al-QiyUs a n d M inhaj-il-W asul ila-cIlm-il-Usul.
T h e w ork re la tin g to th e com pilation o f leg al precepts o f
REJUV ENATIO N OF RELIGIOUS THOUGHT IN ISLAM 141
th e different juristic schools had alm ost been completed by the

tim e o f Ib n T aim iyah. Still, he reviewed several issued with
the fullness o f a critical m ind which im parted a fresh dynam ism
to the legal system. In expressing his legal opinions, Ib n
T aim iyah’s constant endeavour was to provide guidance for the
changing needs in the light o f the Sharil ah and to bring in a
closer conform ity between the principles o f legal systems and
th e :Q u r’ an and the Sunnah. T he legal opinions as well as the
principles governing them, enunciated by Ib n T a im iy a h have
been preserved in four volumes U n d e r the title of Fatawah
Sheikh-ul-Islam lb* Ttdmyah.1
Dialectics
Ib n T aim iyah’s writings on dialectics and credal

issues constitute m ore than h alf of his entire composition. A
few of these a re nam ed after different cities (from which the
specific issues were referred to him ), such as Sharah Isbahanlyah,
Wastiyah,
Tadmuriyah, RisHlah-i-Hamwiyah, KtlUniyah, BaghdZdiyah
and Atjhariyah. Each one!b f these furnishes evidence o f his
p^tietrat- iitg intellect, logical thinking, comprehensive
knowledge and religious fervour.
Revival o f Religious Thought
Ib n T aim iyah’s literary endeavours, both extensive in

scope and deep in content, w hich com bined the dogm a w ith
reason, served to clear aw ay the cotfweb spun by im ita
tive theologians during an age o f stagnation and immobility.
T h e field of his intellectual pursuits is so large th at it can be
coveted Only by a'' long and intensive study. H ere it would
suffice to m ention th at his insistence on adhering to the original
teachings o f Islam firmly established revelation as the sole
1. I t has since been published from Egypt in 1326 A, H. Recently, the

collection of his Fatawa including his unpublished juristic opinions has ,
been brought out in 30 volumes in Saudi Arabia. These volumes
really
constitute an encyclopaedia on Islamic jurisprudence.
142 SAVIOVR? OF ISLAMIC S P IR IT
criterio n o f any theological m ovem ent. H e brought out expli

citly th e lim itation o f h u m an reaso n an d the futility o f attain in g
know ledge o f G od th ro u g h ra tio n al and philosophical m ethods
in a way m ore appealing to the critical m inds, than the e a rlie r
doctors* A longw ith these, his independent and c ritic a l attitu d e
tow ards th e earlier authorities an d text-books, an d the rejection
o f the rigidity o f scholastic m ethod generated a process o f
im provem ent by rejuvenating n o t only religious sciences b u t
also by re-charging th e intellectual an d m o ra l life o f his tim e
w |th renew ed vitality. L ik e every fiery spirited reform er,
hav in g all the gifts o f intelloctual brilliance, w isdom and
courage, he sounded a new note in literatu re an d religious,
thought w hich has ever since provided inspiration to the M uslim
w orld. Ibn, T aim iy ah stands out as indisputably th e greatest
th in k er and, reform er in Islam whose influence extends to
alm ost every reform ative m ovem ent started since the eighth -
century, an d p articu larly to those w hich gained im petus du rin g
the tw elfth century o f th e Islam ic era* H is intellectual heritage
still continues to appeal and; stir the reform ative zeal o f the
thoughtful elem ent ijrj Islam w ho w ant to re-state the tru th s cif
Islam as a self-sufficing ideology based on a revelatory eschato-
logy an d spiritual-m oral view o f life an d the w orld as against
the present-day m aterialistic thought-patterns and institutions.
T h u s, the greatest contribution o f Ib n T aim iy ah to the
Islam ic thought was to re-assert the suprem acy o f th e Scripture
and the wary o f the prophet, and to dem onstrate how, m the
changed circum stances, the whole o f the religious life an d
th o u g h t could be reconstructed on th a t basis. H e never com
prom ised w ith any un-Islam ic thought o r p ractice w hich injured
faith in th e Oneness o f G od an d the revelatory: basis o f creed
an d d o g m a, be it the. popular belief o f th e m isguided mystics
and masses or the abuse o f intellectual subtlety o f philosophers
a n d dialecticians or else the dogm atism o f the theologians and
ju rists. H e recognised only th e Q jlr’a n an d the Sunnah as the
tWo v alid bases for the reconstruction o f religious thought
w hich m eant, on the one h an d , rooting out o f all th e un-Islam ic
REJUVENATION OF RELIGIOUS THOUGHT IN ISLAM 143
beliefs and practices and, on the o th er, a positive m onotheistic

interpretation o f all ideas and institutions. In setting up th e
forgotten ideals and showing the way how these could guide the
changing social, intellectual and m oral life o f the community,
Ib n T aim iyah prepared the ground for a perm anent revivalist
m ovem ent in Islam .
SULTAN.UL.MASHAIKH
KHWAJA NIZAM UD DIN AULIÂ
‘! S«Itaa-«»l-Ma»hailih
KHWAJA NIZAM UD DIN AUL1YA
The Chihstiyah Order in India
The sixth century of (he Islamic era (the twelfth century

A. D.) was a ptriod of special significance when a new country,
rich in natural and human resources, was being gradually added
to the realm of Islam. The country was destined to become, in
the near future, not only the centre of Islamic missionary
endeavour but also of its creative, intellectual and social
energies.
In the beginning of the sixth centuiythe barbarous Tartar
legions had swept over the lands of Islam a n d destroyed, as if
by a torrent, great cities, centres of learning and education,
m o s q u e s 'and monasteries as well as every semblance of civilized
existence in the countries overrun % them. B u k h i r i ,
Samarkand, Ray, Ham id In , Zanj, Qazwin, Marv, NishftpOr,
KhwXrism and then Baghdad, the metropolis of Islam, were
reduced to ashes. The Mongol onslaught eclipsod not only the
political ascendancy of Islam in all these lands lying in the
West Asia but also paved the way for its social and intellectual
disintegration. Only India, ruled by a strong, vigorous and
zestful Tutkish clan, was then able to fend off the assault of the
Mongols in this region. In the Islamic wot Id, only they possessed
the prowess as well as religious zeal w hich m ade them a

m atch o r perhaps superior to th e ir adversaries. T h e M o n g o k
m a d e repeated assaults b u t were always repulsed. D uring th e ;
reign o f A la 3 u d -d ln K h ilji alone, they advanced five tim es
against In d ia b u t w ere beaten b a c k : first in 6 % A. H . and then
on th e occasion o f th e ir fo u rth and fifth attacks M alik G hazi
T u g h la q fought so brav ely a n d inflicted such crushing defeats
on the Mongol^ th at, in the w ords o f a h istorian, “ dejected and
d ish earten ed , they gave u p th e ir attem pts to conquer In d ia as a
forlorn hope.” 1
W aves after waves o f refugees, m any o f whom w ere mfen o f
culture an d religion, w ended th eir way to the safety o f In d ia
from Ira n , T urkistS n an d Ir a q which soon m ade D elhi vie
w ith G ardova an d B aghdad. E ven some o f the sm aller towns
a n d sub-urbat* fjp tre s riv a lle d ^ R a n k s’ to the conver
gence o f num erous learn ed personages, such reputed centres o f
learn in g as S h ira z an d Y em an. T h e historians o f the tim e like
Z ia3 u d -d ln B arn) an d others haV elisted th e nam es o f hundreds
o f such persons belonging to ra n k a n d nobility, learned doctors,
m en o f letters a n d re n o w n e d m y s tic s who h ad m igrated to In d ia
ow ing to M ongol depredatiofts. Soon after th e ir a rriv a l in
In d ia they to@k u p p o s t$ o f responsibility u n d er th e then adm inis
tra tio n o r engaged them selves in teaching a n d preaching. I t
seems, as the annalists rep o rt, th a t In d ia h ad then inherited the
entire intellectual p a trim o n y o f the Islam ic w o rld .2
T hese circum stances contributed n o t only to the develop
m ent o f In d ia ’s creativ e genius b u t also pointed otit its future
ro le , th a t it assum ed n o t long after, as th e centre o f social arid
c u ltu ral, religious a n d intellectual activities m the w orld o f
Islam for m an y centuries to come.
The Builders o f Islam ic India
T h e discovery o f In d ia by th e sons o f Islam w as in no way

1. Munltihtk-at-Tewerikh, p . 186 and Tarlkh Fltot ShShi, pp. 251, 302
and 323
2. T m '& k m n tS h tk l.p v . 111-113
TH E CHISHTIYAH O RD ER IN INDIA 149
less m om entous th an the discovery o f A m erica by the West.

M uslim adventurers h ad begun to push th e ir way to In d ia jn
the first century o f Islam ic era. A fter M uham m ad ibn Q asim
T h aq affl h a d captured the land lying betw een S ind and
Muhajgi in 93 A. H ., num erous cloisters and m onasteries o f
M uslim saints an d sufis had sprung up like heavenly lights in
the gloom o f surrounding polytheism and ignorance. But it
was really MahmQd o f G azni (d. 421 A. H .) w ho carried th e M
uslim arm s with unvarying success to In d ia an d Sh ah ab u d -dln
M uham m ad GhorS (d. 602 A .H .) who firm ly planted the
standard of crescent in this country. Likewise, the
H eaven h ad preordained the spiritual conquest o f In d ia to
the lot o f the great mystic saint, Sheikh-ul-Islam Mo* In u d -
dln C hishti (d. 627
A. H .). Long before the M uslim conquest o f India, all the
four mystic orders in Islam viz. Qadiriyah, Chishtiyah, Maqsh-
bandiyah and Suharwardiyak had alread y com e into existence.
Each o f these has its share in th e regeneration o f Islam in In d ia
but G od’s will had selected the Chishtiyah o rd er for providing
spiritual nourishm ent to the nascent sapling o f the faith ia this
country—‘T h y L ord bringeth to pass w hat H e w illeth an d
chooseth’.1
Ways o f G od a re inscrutable, indeed, but it appears th a t
th e Chishtiyah o rd er, engaged -in enkindling th e flam e o f th e
divine love in th e h earts ©f the people in the adjoining lan d ©f
Ira n , was bound by a neighbourly obligation t© In d ia . I t w as
but easier as well as incum bent on it to win o v e rth e in h a b ita o ts
o f In d ia w ho faa#e ever been w illing to acknow ledge th e m essage
o f love and devotion to the L ord. F o r w hatever reasons the
Providence had selected the Chishtiyah o rd e r fo r dissem inating
the religion o f Peace in In d ia, one o f th e Chishti Sheikhs,
K hw aja A bu M uham m ad C hishti,2 tu rn ed the direction o f his
‘ .iA- ' f..-
2. KhwSja
1. Q,. X X VAbQ
III: Muhammad
68 Chishti (d. 409 or 411 A. H .) was the son and
- ' :
spiritual successor of K hw ija A baA bm ad Chishti who was a disciple of
KhwSja Aba Is’hSq ShSmi. He was succeeded by KhwSja N ailr ud-dln
f Continued on next page
150 SAV10UR8 O F ISLAMIC SPOUT
efforts tow ards In d ia. I t is related th a t the cam paigns o f

M ahm dd o f G hazni ow ed th eir success to his blessings.
M a u la n a J a m i w rites in Nufhat-ul-Uns : “ W hen M ahm Qd h ad
alread y left for Som nath,1 K hw aja Abu M u ham m ad received
the divine summons to jo in the expedition. Although he was
then 70 years o f age, he jo in ed th e cam paign w ith a retinue o f
his followers.2
Khwaja Mo£In ud-din C hish tf
K hw aja Mot ln u d -d in belonged to Sajastan* in Ira n . Some

o f the older historians including Q Szl M in h aj u d -d in ‘U th m a n
Jau zjan l, a contem porary o f K h w a ja M ocln ud-dln C hishtl and
a u th o r o f the Tabqat-i-Ns'srl, asserts th a t the K hw Sja accom
panied S ultan S hahSb u d -d ln o f G hor, better known to history
as M u ham m ad G hori, w hen he gave battle to P rith v ira j and
defeated him finally a t T a ra in . T he annalists o f the period
relate th a t invocation o f divine blessings by the K hw aja was
responsible for the spectacular success achieved by M uham m ad
G h o ri against his foe.*
T h e writings o f the la te r historians, how ever, show th a t
K h w aja M o 'ln u d -d ln h a d a rriv ed in In d ia and taken up his
AbQ YQsuf after whom the mantle of succession passed on in. this wise to
one after a n o th e r: KhwSja 'Q u tb ud-dln lylaudQd, H S ji Sharif
Zandnl, KhwSja UJtbmSn HSrwani and KhwSja M o(in ud-din Chishti.
1. Sultan M ahniad attacked Somnath in the year 416 A. H . while KhwSja
Aba Muhammad Chishli died in 409 or 411 A. H . I f the story told by
, M a u lin a JSm i is correct, the incident should relate to an earlier expedi-
t tion of MahmQd and not to th e attack on S omnath.
2. Jtujhat-vl-lnt, p. 207 .
3. T he KhwSja is commonly known as Sanjari, which is a corruption of
Sajazi denoting an inhabitant of Sajastan which, according to the old
geographers, formed p a rt of the then KhurSsSn, is now divided between
Iran and Afghanistan. Its capital was situated a t Zaranj, near
ZShidSn where its ruins can still be seen. Its limits once extended up t
Ghazni;
4. 7aiq3t-\-MStri I, p. 120, Tirikk Ftrishta, II , p. 57 and Muntakhab-ut-
I a w & fik h y f*. 50
T H E CHISHTIYAH ORD ER IN INDIA 151
residence at A jm er in the initial period o f M uham m ad G h o rfs

In d ian expeditions extending from 571 A. H . to 602 A. H .
A jm er was then the capital o f the Im perial C hauhan (C hahw ana)
Kings o f northern In d ia as well as a celebrated place o f
pilgrimage.*
Prithvlraj Chauhan
Prithvlraj (571*588 A. H .) was the son o f Som eshwara, the

only surviving son o f A noraj and the brother o f V igrahrSj, also
known as Bisgldeo. Anorsij is considered to be the founder o f
C hauhan K ingdom o f Ajmer. Som eshw ara is said to have w ield
ed a n equal authority over both the C hauhSn court o f Ajm er
a n d th e T om ar' court o f Delhi. H aving been m arried to the
daughter o f th e last T om ar ru ler o f D elhi, A handpal, his son
P rith v lraj claim ed lineage a n d relationship with the T om ar
branch o f the RajpOts. Since A nandpal was issueless, he had
adopted P rithvlraj as his son an d successor. Thus he succeeded,
in d u e course, to th e tw o pow erful RajpUt kingdoms o f D elhi and
Ajm er. Brave and courageous, he had shown his valour in
num erous cam paigns against the surrounding RajpGt kingdoms.
H is famous abduction o f J a i C h an d ’s daughter from K annauj
during the course o f Soimbar, m ade him th e hero o f P rith v lraj
R a isa , a g reat epic by th e graphic pen o f C hand Bard ffi which
is still popular in th e northern In d ia. However, it seems
history has not forgiven him for his final defeat against
M uham m ad G horl and condem ned him as a n inglorious
sovereign despite his valour an d adventurous cam paigns. In
th e late 586 A. H . o r 587 A. H ., M uham m ad G horl was defeated
by P rith lrS j a t T a ra in 2 (how known as T ilondi), 14 miles ;from
ThHnesar. In late 588 A. H ., M uham m ad G horl set out w ith
an arm y o f one lakh tw enty thousand select horsemen to avenge
1. Seven miles from Ajmer lies Pushkar, a like of great sanctity, \yhich i*
equalled only by that of Mansarowar. I t is believed th a| here Brahma
performed the Tajna and Saraswatl reappeared in five streams. (District
Gazetteer of Ajmer, 1966, p. 736). 7 ,
2. The name of the place has been given as Tarfiori hy certainhistorians.
152 SAVIOURS O P ISLAMIC SP IR IT
the d efeat. P rith v lra j advanced w ith th ree lakh horses and;
th ree thousand elephants to m eet the enem y. T h e immense:
a rra y o f horses an d foot w as m arshalled u n d er th e forem ost
princes o f H in d u stan . A g re a t fight ensued, the RajpGts fought
bravely but, a t last, P rith v lra j was slain w ith the best and
bravest o f RajpQts. T h is also signalled th e end o f independent
R a jp u t K ingdom s in In d ia .1
A few years before th e b attle o f T a ra in ended the
sovereignty o f the C hauhans in 588 A. H ., as some chroniclers
claim , a n incident h a d sealed th e fate o f p ro u d a n d indepen
d en t A jm er. P rith v lrg j is said to have treated unjustly a M uslim
(perhaps one o f his courtiers), W hen th e K hw aja interceded
on b e h a lf o f the a g g riev ed m an, P rith v lraj contem ptuously
replied : “ Since the tim e this m an h as com e here, he is indulg
in g in ta ll talk never expereinced o r h eard before by anybody.”
T h e K h w a ja , on h earin g th e r e p ly o f P rith v lra j, calm ly s a id :
"W e hav e handed o v er P ith o raraj, alive an d in chains, to
M u h a m m a d G h o rl.” I t was not long a fte r th is incident th a t
th e p ro u d C h au h an w as attacked an d d efeated by M u h am m ad
G h o tl.2
The Saint and Preacher
W hatever m ay h av e been the sequence o f events n a rra te d

by th e historians, th ere is h a rd ly any doubt th a t K h w S ja M ot In
u d -d ln h ad selected A jm er as the centre fo r propagating Islam
and ra d ia tin g the m essage o f love a n d spirituality, som etim es in
betw een th e cam paigns o f M u h am m ad G horl b u t before the
la tter h ad established his stronghold in th a t political a n d
religious centre o f m edieval In d ia . T h e K hw X ja’s decision
bespeaks o f his courage, determ in atio n a n d unflinching tru st in
G od w hich are the hall-m arks o f g re a t conquerors an d founders
o f religions. H is d eterm ined efforts coupled w ith his sincerity,
reliance on G od a n d ennobling sacrifice for his cause tu rn ed th e
country, steeped in th e darkness o f idolatry for thousands o f
1. Tarikk-i-Hasri, I , p. 468 ; Tarikh-i-Firishla, I, p. 176 ' ‘
2. Siar-td-daliJp, 147 an d Maathar-il-KirSm.
TH E CHISHTIYAH O RD ER H* INDIA 15 3
years, into a land o f religious scholars and saints and m ade it a

repository o f religious knowledge an d spiritual attainm ents. It
was because o f him th at every p art o f this g reat country began
to-resound soon w ith 'th e calls o f Ailah-o-Akbar and was filled
with the love-songs o f the Q u r’an and Hadith to th e envy o f th e
entire w orld of Islam . V erily, the w orld was moved by an
illum inated Soul.
T h e au th o r o f Siar-at-Aulia* has correctly sum m ed up
the contribution o f K hw S ja M oin ud-d ln in these w o rd s:
“ H industan, to the end of rts farthest southern limits, was a
land o f pagans and polytheists. W hosoever held power m ade
the claim : ‘I am the L ord, M ost H ig h / T he inhabitants o f
the land m ade alm ost every object and being a partaker o f
divinity. Stocks and stones, trees and beasts, cow and cow-
dung w ere the things before which they prostrated. ‘ D arkened
by the gloom o f infidelity th e ir hearts had been securely sealed.
All w ere strangers to th e faith in G od and His ordinances, the
L ord of th e worlds and H is apostles; neither anybody knew th e
tru e direction o f G od’s religion n o r had anyone heard the call
th a t ‘G od is G r e a t/ T he m om ent K hw aja M o 'In ud-dln set
his foot on this tandj th e dreariness d f paganism gave w ay to
the brightness o f Islam . T hanks to his efforts and blessings, the
relics o f fetishism Were replaced by th e pulpit, the niche an d the
arch, an d th e lands ringing w ith the sound o f idolatrous cuhs
w ere filled w ith the cries o f Alfch-o-Akbar. W hosoever would
be blessed with tru e faith in G od in this country an d whosoever
shall partake this wealth till th e D ay o f Reckoning and th eir
progeny as well as all those who will extend the bounds o f tru e
faith in this land shall go on increasing the m erits a n d rew ard?
o f Sheikh-ul-Islam Mocin ud-dln H asan Sajazi.” 1
A nother chronicler, G hulftm cA h AzSd writes in M a ith
a r- il-K ir& m : “ T here is not the least doubt th a t the spiritual
mentors o f Chishtiyah o rd er have a rightful claim on
In d ia.” * T he
1. Siar-ul-Aulia'', p. 47
2. Maathar-U-Kirim, p. 17
154 Sa v i o u r s o f is l a m i c s p i r i t
author o f Siar-ul-Aqtab. sa y s: “ T h e blessed footsteps, o f M ocIn

ud-dln dispelled the gloom o f infidelity in th e land and led to
propagation o f Islam .” 1
D uring th e life tim e o f K hw Sja MocJn ud-dln Chishti the
political capital o f the land was transferred frd ta A jm er to
D elhi. A jm er, consequently, lost m uch o f its prom inence but
th e K hw Sja rem ained at A jm er and sent his disciple and spiri
tual successor, K hw aja Q u tb ud-dln Bakhtiyar K s k t, to
deputise for him at the capi tal. H e gave him self up,- d u rin g the
rem ainder o f ‘his life, to p ray er and m editation, teaching his
disciples to govern th eir conduct according to the principles
o f the Shefriah an d preaching th e message o f Islam to others;
None o f the num erous m em oirs an d biographies m ention the
details o f his m issionary activities except th a t his efforts w ere
crow ned w ith success an d a vast m ultitude entered th e fold o f
Islam on acconnt o f him . In the words o f Abul F adhal “ he
took u p his residence a t A jm er w here he spread th e light o f
faith an d , because o f his sublime life an d preachings, legions
after legions o f people em braced Islam.*
Such was, then, the mission o f the K hw Sja to which he
devoted him self for fifty years till his death at th e ag e o f ninety
years in 627 A. H .3 K hw Sja Q jitb ud-dln Bakhtiyar K a k r had
by then established him self firmly a t D elhi w here h e was
engaged, like his m entor, in revivifying an d illum inating th e
hearts o f a vast m ultitude o f people. T he then S ultan o f D elhi,
Sham s ud-dln Iltutm ish, was also a devotee o f th e K hw Sja
whose m oderating influence led th e Sultan to dispense justice
w ith an even hand an d strengthen the roots o f Islam in In d ia.
K hw aja Bakhtiyar K akI
Born in the tow n o f Aush,* K hw aja B akhtiyar K a k l becam e

Li Siar-ul-Aqtab, p.101
2. iin-i~Akbati, Vol. II, p. 270 . ,,
3. The year in which the KhwSja died is disputed by his biographers who
have mentioned 627, 632 and 633 A. H. The authors o f Siar-ut-Aqtii
and Kazinalul Atfia are agreed ihat the KhwSja died in 633 A. H..
4. A town near Forghana in the Trans-oxiana region.'
THJE CHISHTIYAH ORD ER IN INDIA 155
a n o rp h an a t the tender age o f. one a n d 'a h a lf years. His

m other took, special care for his education an d got him adm itted
in a p rim ary school a t th e age o f five, w here he received
education from M aulanS Abu H afs Aushl. A fter
com pleting his education a t Aush Qjatb ud-dln took the
road to B aghdad w here his fate brought him in contact ,
w ith th at pure-hearted soul who helped him to a tta in th e h ig
h e s t form o f spiritual existence and th en rad iate those lum inous
qualities in H industan. H e was endow ed the robe o f
spiritual-succession o f (the Chishtiyah order" by K hw aja M ocIn
ud-dln in th e sacred m osque o f F a q lh cA bul L a ith Sam
arkandl, in the, presence o f a larg e num ber o f religious doctors
an d celebrated saints. H e directed his course to In d ia at the
bid d in g o f his m entor an d stayed over a t D elhi, capital o f the
nascent Islam ic State in th a t country. T h e royal court a t
D elhi was, a t th e tim e, filled with, poets, artists an d scholars
from m any lands attracted by the Su ltan ’s generosity, an d h ad
also m en o f a rts and learning d raw n from th e realm s over-
run by Ghenghiz K h an and his successors. T h is new
m etropolis of In d ia h ad thus rapidly gathered the cream o f
talent from th e entire w orld o f Islam .
K hw aja Q p tb u d-din was held in veneration by Sultan
Iltu tm ish but he persistently refused to have anything to, do
w ith the royal court a n d rejected all offers o f a fief o r a g ra n t
from the K ing. First in K ilokhri, an d then n e a r the m osque
o f M alik cIzz ud-din, he continued to live like a m
endicant although S ultan Iltutm ish continued to pay
occasional visits to him .1 H e becam e so popular am ong th e
masses th a t once when K hw aja M orln ud-din cam e to D elhi to
see his disciple, th e then Sheikh-ul-Islam N ajm ud-dln SuglirS m
ad e a com plaint to the K hw 5ja. ; T hereupon th e K hw aja said
to his disciple, “ B a b a
Bakhtiyar, so soon have you gained em inence th a t th e servants o
f G od have begun com plaining against you ? Leave this
place an d come to Ajmer, there I will be at your service.” *
The
I, Tarikh Firishta, Vol. II, p. 720

2- Siar-ul-Aulia3, p. 54 www.abulhasanalinadwi.org
156 s a v io u r s o f is l a m ic s p ir it
Sheikh had said w hat could be expected o f a m an w ho

h a d attained th e sum m it o f spiritual perfection. H e d id not
like his disciple to be th e cause o f anxious concern to anyone,
an d not th e least to th e Sheikh-ul-lslam o f th e Islam ic State.
H e h ad also hinted th a t i f th e people a t D elhi w ere n o t aw
are t»f the Stature a n d spirituality o f K h w a ja BakhtiySr K sk l,
he knew it very well an d could acco rd h im the highest
m arks o f respect. K hw S ja Q u tb ud*dfn gave th e reply
expected o f him , “ M y L ord, w h at o f sitting in your presence, I
h a rd ly deserve to stand before y&u.’n
T h e m entor asked th e disciple to accom pany h im to Ajmer,
and th e disciple nodded his assent w ithout a d em u r. But no
sooner had th e tw o com e o u t o f th e city, it daw ned upon the
Sheikh th a t th e popularity o f his disciple was by th e will o f G od.
“ K hw Sja Q u tb ' U d-dln started on his journey to A jm er in the
com pany o f his Sheikh’V records a n annalist, “ b a t th e news o f
his d ep artu re raised a clam our in th e city. T h e whole o f its
population along w ith Sultan Iltutm ish cam e out t»f the capital
to follow his steps w ailing a n d lam enting over his d ep a rtu re .” *
K hw Sja MocIn ud-d ln d id not consider it p ru d en t to plunge
in to sorrow such a vast m u ltitude for the sake o f one m an . H e
allow ed K hw S ja Q jjtb u d -d ln to re tu rn to D elhi and rem arked:
BSbS BakhtiySr, you b e tte r rem ain h ere. T h a t such a large
n um b er o f people a re sorrow -stricken a t your d ep artu re, T
do not consider it proper to ren d th e ir hearts. Go back, I
leave this city in y o u r charge.” *
S ultan Iltutm ish thanked the Sheikh for allow ing K h w
ija Q u tb u d -d ln to rem ain a t D elhi.
Back in D elhi K hw Sja Q u tb ud*dln again took u p his
austere living and the task o f diffusing the spirit o f hum
anity
1. Siar vl-Aviu* p. 54
?. Hid., p. 54
3. IHd., p. 55. W hat the KhwSja m eant was th at he should carry
on the mission entrusted to h im and continue to invite people o f
the Capital to the p ath o f righteousness.
T H E G H B H TIY A H O RD ER W INDIA m
am ong his followers and devotees. H e never had anything to do

with the royal court. As a& earnest seeker o f truth he had
renounced all w ordly w ealth and earthly d esires; but the people
still flocked to him as if ‘‘the whole w orld, all the notables o f
ran k and authority deem ed it an honour to pay .respect to
h im .” 1
Sultan Sham s-ud-dln Iltutm ish used to c a llu p o n him tw
k e a week.* D elhi was then not only the capital o f the
Sultanate, but was also th e em erging stronghold o f Islam , in
a countiy recently brought un d er its realm , w here m any a
.sagacious m ind o f the then Islam ic w orld h ad gathered. It
was no easy task to provide spiritual guidance to aD an d also to
exert a m oderating influence over a n otherwise autocratic
form o f governm ent. A lthough K hw S ja B akhtiyar K a k l d i d n o
t live long enough to com plete th e difficut task entrusted to his
c a r e ; for he rem ained aliv e only fo u r o r five years after
th e d eath o f h is spiritual guide, h e discharged his
responsibilityw ith supreme success and also established the
Chishtiyah order in In d ia on a firm footing for all tim es to
come.
H e was about fifty years o f age when the all-consuming
flam e o f the love o f G od, w hich he h ad kept subdued in his
fra il bodily fram e for th e edification o f surrounding hum anity,
burst fo rth in ecstatic trances and transports. H e was often
seen in the state o f total absorption and elevation produced by
D ivine illum ination o f his h eart, titt the day cam e when he
h eard in the cham ber o f Sheikh l A ll Sikizzi3 a singer recking
the following couplet.
U ngrudging w ho are in resignation a n d subm ission;
A new life they get, ever and anon.
H e fell into ecstatic tra n c e ; returned to his place
after
som e tim e, b u t rem ained attracted to th« same condition. H e
desired th e sam e couplet to be repeated ag ain an d again
until
1. Akhi£r-Ml-Jikj>4r, p. 46
2. TM kh-i-Frntba, VoL HU*. 71?
3. Abe known *» Sheikh Ali Sftjurf, according to ioue bistariaa*.
four days passed in the sam e condition. In between, w hen the

tim e for p ray er arriv ed , he would perforin the observance, but
would a g a in relapse in to th e sam e state o f ecstasy an d rapturous
trance as soon a s th e couplet was recited before h im . O n the
fifth nighty in the same condition, he preferred th e deeper
privacy o f the grave.' T h is incident is rep o rted to have hap
pened in th e year 633 A .H .2
• W hile returning from 1 Idgnh to his residence, a few days
before his death, th e K hw S ja happened to pass through an open
ground; H e rem ained standing a t the place for quite some tim e
until a com panion accom panying him politely rem inded : “ I t is
'■Id today a n d a large num ber o f people w ould be aw aiting your
re tu rn .” H e replied : “ I find th e odour o f hearts em itting h ere.”
L a te r he called for th e ow ner o f the land and purchased th e field
for his b u ria l place. T his is the place where h isg rav e exists today.3
K h w ija Q u tu b ud-dln h ad conferred the habit o f succession
to nine o r ten o f bis disciples, but his chief successor who devoted
h im se lf w hole-h earted ly to th e com pletion o f th e task u n d e r
taken by him was K h w aja F a rid ud -d ln G anjshakar.
Khw aja Farld-ud-din Ganjshakar
K hw Sja M o 'in ud -d ln C hishti was indisputably the founder

o f Chishtiyah o r d e r i n In d ia , but it was prom oted by K h w
a ja F a rid ud-dsn whose two disciples; K h w ija N iz im
ud -d ln D ehlavi and Sheikh ‘■Ala5 ud-d5n ‘ All Sab ir o f K aly ar
spread it fa r a n d w ide in the Country.
T h e first nam e o f the K hw aja was M as‘u d, the surnam e
F a rid ud-dln, b u t he is com m only known by the appellation o f
G anjshakar.4
1. Siar-ul-AuliS>, on the authority K hwSja Ni*Sm ud-din AuliS*.

2. C ertain mem oirsgive the year as 634 A. H .
3. Sia r-u l-A u lia(p. 55), on the authority of KhwSja NizSm ud-d<n AuliS1
T he place is now called Q utub SShib
4. Lit. Treasure-house of Sugar. I t is difficult to say, with any am ount of
certainty, how K hw aja F arid ud-dln came to be known as Ganjshakar,
for, difftien stciiw abcul ith a v e b e e n told by the Writers.
T H E CHISHTIYAH ORD ER IN INDIA 159
His grandfather, Q 3zi S h i/a ib , a lineal descendant of the

second Caliph, had m igrated from K abul to L ahore because
o f the T a rta r depredations. H e stayed for a while in K asur
and then settled in K ahenw S l where he was granted an estate
and appointed as Qfizf. F arid ud-dln was born here in 569
A.H. W hen still young, he travelled to M ultan, then a great
educational centre o f the country, fo r h ig h er education. In
M ultan he studied under different teacher? am ong whom
was also M aulana M inhaj ud-din who taught him An-Nufth,
the renowned book on juristic science. It was here in M ultan
th at F arid ud-dln m et K hw aja Q u tb ud-dln BakhtiySr K ak l
in 548 A.H. and im m ediately took an oath o f allegiance to
him . H e also decided to accompany his Sheikh by term
inating his education but the latter persuaded him to complete
his studies first, which
he d id in India and abroad.1
A fter completion o f his education, F a rid ud-dln cam e back
to D elhi w here his Sheikh selected a place near G aznl G ate for
his stay. H ere he busied him self with prayer and m editation.
After he was gifted with spiritual enlightenm ent and illum ination,
he was perm itted by K hw aja Q u tb ' ud-dln to stay a t H ansl,
with one o f his disciples Sheikh Ja m a l ud-din K hatib. W hen
K hw aja Q u tb u d -d in died, F a rid ud-dln was already atH SnsI.
H e reached D elhi on th e third day o f his Sheikh’s death and
was invested w ith the robe o f his m aster’s vicegerency by Q azl
H am id ud-dln N S gaurf, as desired by the departing m entor.
T his was an indication th a t K hw aja F a rid ud-dln should take
the place o f K hw S ja Q utb ud-dln.
I t was the th ird day o f F arid ud-dln’s succession when
an old acquaintance a n d follower, Sarhanga by nam e, cam e to
see him . H e was, however, not allowed to present him self
before the Sheikh by his attendants. T he m an stayed there for
a few days and when K hw aja F arid ud-dln happened to come
out o f his residence, he fell on his knees and com plained th at in
H ansl it
1. Rahal-ul-Qjtlui, a collection of his utterances, containa the details o f

his journeys, but the book being of spurious nature cannot be relied
Upon.
was not difficult for him to pay his respect to the Sheikh, but
in D elhi, the poor like h im could not g ain a n access to his
p re sence. F a rid ud-dln took th e com plaint to his h eart as a
divine w arning for the pom p a n d glory w ith which he
h ad been surrounded. H e also d jd not like the absence o f
peace and solitude a t D elhi w hich he regarded as a n
im pedim ent in the way o f his journey to h igher stages o f
spirituality. H e, th e re fore, atonce decided to retu rn to H
an sl. W hen it was pointed out to him th a t his spiritual guide
an d m entor h ad desired him to take his p la c e ; he r e p lie d :
“ M y m entor had no doubt bequeathed his tru st to m e b u t
w hether I live in a city o r w ilderness, k shall ever rem ain w ith
m e.” 1
K h w a ja F arid h ad selected H a n sl so th a t he m ight live
there as a recluse, unknown a n d undisturbed. But M aulSna
N u r T u rk , an o th er disciple o f K hw aja Q u tb ud-din, told the
people about his spiritual status and they began to crow d round
him here too. K h w a ja F a rid left for his home tow n K ahenw al,
a tow n n e a r M u lta n , but his fam e having tra v e lle d faster than
him he h ad to m ove o n to A jodhan.2 K h w a ja F a rid ’s eminence
d id n o t, however, rem ain h id d en for long even in A jodhan
w here the stream o f visitors was often so long th at he h ad to
receive them till it was quite late in th e night.
I n the beginning he h ad n o t enough to live upon. A local
w ild fruit; Piloo was b rought to be boiled a n d salted w hich served
as th e m eal for K hw aja F a rid and his followers. But even
d u rin g those days o f extrem e poverty, he was n o t the least less
careful about th e lawfulness o f th e food taken by him . O nce,
w hile he took a m orsel in his h and to break his fast, he
re m a rk e d : “ T h ere appears to be som ething w ro ag w ith it.”
T h e servant replied : “ W e h a d no salt. I b orrow ed a
sm all q u an tity .”*
1. Siar-ul-AuliiP, p. p. 72
2. Now the place is called Pakpattan. It is situated in district
Montgomery o f Pakistan.
3. SimMtf Aulil *, p. 66
TH E C H ISH TIYAH O R D E R IN INDIA 161
K hw Sja F arid replied : “ This is against my principle.

Now it is not lawful for me to take this food.” It was not long
before th at his initial indigence gave place to affluence. T hen
the servants had to keep the dishes ready all day for the incom
ing guests, from early m orning till late in the night. W hoever
wished could come and take food from his im perial kitchen . 1
He was equally cordial to all, great and small. In the
words of K h w aja N izam u d -d ln : “ In w hat a m agnanim ous
and w onderful.w av he lived—that it was difficult to em ulate.
W hether one -was an old friend o r follower, living with him for
years, or a stranger coming for the first tim e to see him , he
would attend to all with equal kindliness of h e a rt .” 2 M aulana
Badr ud-d ln says : “ I was his chief attendant. N orm ally he
gave all instructions to me. W ith no veil e f secrecy, he was the
same in company or solitude. I never noticed anything contrary
to it during several years of my companionship with him .’”
Sultan N asir ud-dln M ahm ud once cam e to see K hw aja
F arid at the head o f a large arm y which was on its way to Uchh
and M ultan. T he description of the vast m ultitude desiring to
pay hom age to the Sheikh on this occasion has been thus given
by K hw aja N izam ud-dln : “ T he thronging crowd was beyond
control. T he attendants hung the sleeves o f his shirt from a
balcony to be kissed by the people. V ery soon it was torn to
shreds. At last the Sheikh cam e out to the mosque and asked
his attendants to form a cordon round him so that people m ight
pay their respect w ithout mobbing him. People came, saluted
him from a distance and went away. Suddenly, an old
sweeper broke into the cordon and fell on the feet o f the K hw Sja
saying, “ Sheikh F arid, are you fed up? You ought to offer
thanks for this blessing of G od.” T he Sheikh cried and express
ed regret. L ater he bade him farewell with presents . ” 4
1. Siar-ul-Aulia}, p 64
2. Ibid. p. 68
3. Ib id , p . 65
4. Ibid., p. 79
16 2 SA V IOU R S OF ISLAM IC S P IR IT
O n an o th er occasion the P rim e M in ister G h iy a th u d -din

B aiban called upon the Sheikh on b e h a lf o f Sultan N S sir u d -d in
a n d presented some cash an d a royal c h a rte r g ran tin g
four villages to the Sheikh. T h e Sheikh retu rn ed the c h a rte r
an d d istrib u ted the cash am ong the m endicants.1.
G h iy a th ud -d ln B alban succeeded Sultan N asir u d -d ln . He
was also devpied to K hw aja F a rid ud -d ln since he considered
his accession to the th ro n e as a rew ard o f K h w aja's blessings an d
invocation for him . Still, th e K h w a ja alw ays rem ained u ncon
cerned an d unsolicitous. A recom m endatory letter w hich the
K h w a ja once w rote to Svdtan G h iy ath ud-din B alban for a
c e rta in person bears o u t how little he cared for the K in g . He
wFote : “ I present the affairs o f this m an first before G od and
th en b efo re you. I f you com e to his aid , the b enefactor would
really be G od to w hom you should be g r a te f u l: but. if you do
n o t ; th en you would desist by the will o f G od an d no responsi-
bility shall lie on you.’''
K h w a ja F a rid u d -d in h ad the m ost co rd ia l relatio n s w ith
o th e r mystics o f his tim e. Sheikh-ul-Islam B alia’ u d -d in Z akaryS
o f M u lta n was an em inent spiritual guide an d a Sheikh o f
Suharwardiyah o rd e r a n d also his co n tem p o rary .3 T h e K h w a ja
h a d g re a t re g a rd an d affection for him an d alw ays addressed
him as Sheikh-ul-Islam.
T h e ru lin g passion o f K h w a ja F a rid u d -d ln ’s life was his
a rd e n t love and d evotion to God w hich reflected his w orthiness.
H is h e a r t’s im m o rta l th irst fo r D ivine p ro p in q u ity inspired,
g u id e d a n d tra in e d such o th er em in en t m ystics as cA la 7 ud -d in
c A ll S a b ir a n d K h w aja N izam ud -d in . T h e la tte r relates
th a t once he saw K h w a ja F a rid m oving about w ith
breathless im p atien ce in his room an d reciting some verses w
hich m e a n t :
“ M y only w ish is to live sm itten w ith T h y l o v e ;
L ive if I m ust, b e n e a th T h y feet, a n d cru m b le u n to
dust.
1. S iar-ul-A utia3, p p . 79-80

A khbar-ul-A khjar.
T h e le t t e r h a d b e e n w r itte n in A ra b ic .
T H E CH ISH TIYAH O RD ER IN INDIA 163
Thee alone I desire in this w orld and the

next, W ould th a t I live for Thee and die for
T hee.”
H e recited the verses and then fell into prostration ; after a
while he would get up, move about in the room restlessly and
again recite the same verses . 1
The K hw aja possessed a tender heart which was easily
touched by a devotional verse o r ancedotes o f the saints. O ften
he broke down into tears ; always kept f a s t; recited the Q urân
regularly ; an d instructed his disciples to follow his exam ple in
fasting and recitation o f the Book o f G od . 2 H e was also fond
o f musical recitations. Once someone rem arked th at the
theologians disputed the validity o f musical recitations. H e
replied : “ Holiness be to G od! O ne has been burnt and
reduced to ashes but the other is still disputing its legitim acy .” 3
H e spent his life as a solitary anchorite. Indifferent to
the grandees and ruling chiefs, he had dedicated him self to
the service o f God like the earlier mystics o f his path.
Sheikh B adr ud-dln G aznavl was a contem porary
of K hw aja F arid ud-dln and a disciple of his Sheikh,
K hw aja Q u tb ud-dln BakhtiySr K a k l. H e was on friendly
term s with a certain grandee o f the tim e who had built a
m onastery for him . It so happened th at the p articu lar
patrician incurred the w rath of the king and with him S heikh
B adr ud-dln had also to suffer certain hardships. H e
requested K hw S ja F arid ud*dln to pray for him. T he
K hw aja wrote back to him . “ W hoever shall tread the p ath
you had chosen, he will surely invite trouble for him . You are
a follower o f the pure-hearted saints, then why did you get a
m onastery constructed for you against their traditions. T his
was not the way o f K hw aja Q utb u d -d ln and
K h w aja M o 'ln ud-dln, nor had they ever paraded their
wares in a m onastery : they w anted to live unnoticed,
unknown .” 4
1. Siar-ut-Aulid3, p. 123
2. Halat-i-Sultan-ul-Masha}ikh, p 12
3. Siar-ul-Aulia,l p. 12
4. Siar-ul-Arifin, p 85
Because o f his indifference tow ards the rich an d the noble

the K h w a ja had to suffer privations, despite his increasing popu
larity, tow ards the end o f his life. K hw aja N izam ud -d ln says
in Siar-ul-Aidia5, “ By the tim e he cam e to his jo urney’s end, he
was again in reduced circum stances. I was w ith him during
the m onth o f R a m a d h a n , w hen the food we h ad was insufficient
for us. None o f us took a hearty m eal in those days. E very
thing in the household was o f in ferior stuff. W hen I took leave
frOm the-Sheikh to d epart from there, he gave m e a sultanV for t
trav ellin g expenses. L ater on, he sent m e a w ord through
M a u lan a B adr ud-din Is’lia q to postpone my d ep artu re for a
day m ore. W hen the tim e arriv ed for fast-breaking, no edibles
were available in his house. I w ent to the Sheikh and requested
him to allow me to purchase Some foodstuff from the mojiey he
had g ranted m e earlier. T he Sheikh gave m e the permission
an d also invoked blessings o f God for m e . ” 2
K h w aja N izam u d -d ln goes on to describe the death o f his
Sheikh in these words : ‘‘O n the fifth "of M u h a rra m his illness
took a serious tu rn . H e fell unconscious afte r perform ing the
Lisha} prayers. A fter a w hile when he regained consciousness
he asked w hether he h a d recited th e prayers. Those present at
the tim e replied in affirm ative but he said : ‘L et m e repeat it
again. W ho knows w hat is going to happ en.’ H aving p er
form ed the prayers he ag a in fell in a swoon. A gain bn com ing
back to his senses, he rep eated his earlier question but again
said : "Let m e say the prayers again, fo r nobody knows w hat is
to h a p p e n . ’9 H e recited the cisha’ prayers for the th ird tim e and
then he shuffled off his m ortal coil .” 4
K h w aja F arid u d-d ln d ied on T uesday, the fifth M u h a rra m
664 A. H .5 and was buried at A jodhan. Sultan M uham m ad
1. P ro b a b ly th e ru p e e o f th o se d a y s ,
2. Siar-ul-Aulia>, p . 66
3. Ib id ., p . 89
4. ib id ., p. 89
5. T h e y e a r o f his d e a th , c o m m o n ly h e ld as 6 44 A . H ., does h o t a p p e a r to
I Footnote continued on next page J
TH E C H ISH TIYA H O R D ER IN IN D IA 165
T ug h laq later constructed a mausoleum over liis grave.

T he K hw aja was survived by five sons, Sheikh Nasr ud-din
N asr ullah, Sheikh Shahab ud-dln, Sheikh Badr ud-din
Sulairnan, K hw aja Nizam ud-dln and Sheikh Yaqoob and thiee
daughters, Bibi N astural), Bibi F atim ah and Bibi Sharjfah.
Among the spiritual successors of K h w aja F arid ud-dln,'
his third son Sheikh Badr ud-din and grandson Sheikh ‘Ala ,5
ud-dln were noted for their piety and saintliness. Saltan
M uham m ad T u g h laq was also a devoted disciple of Sheikh
cA la 5 ud-din. His descendants too included a num ber o f pure-
hearted souls who devoted their'lives to preaching and inviting
people through their precepts and exam ple tow ards spiritual and
m oral purification.
he c o rre c t. K h w a ja N izSm u d -d m i as rm»nlionc:d iev ?ral in cid en ts p e r

ta in in g to K h w a ja F a rid u d - d in , v^hich }.app< ncd in (be year 669 A. II.
I t seem s th a t h e d ied in 670 A. H . as »n K h'i't-ntul Asfia on tii■
a u th o rity o f M ukhbirul W dsdin an d T o zk ira tll * A a :’n qin.
II
Life Sketch of
Khwaja Nizam ud-din Aulia’
P opularly know n by his surnam e N izam ud-dln, he was

n am ed by his fath er A hm ad Ib n 4 Ali as M u h am m ad . D escend
ing from a fam ily o f Saiyids w hich h ad m igrated from A rab ia
to C en tral Asia, his g ra n d fa th e r K hw aja cAlI an d m atern al
g ra n d fa th e r K h w aja ‘A rab , w ho w ere also cousins, h ad com e
dow n to L ah o re an d thence to B udaun 1 w here several other
fam ilies o f Ira n an d K h u ra sa n noted eith er for th eir noble
descent o r godliness h ad settled dow n.
E arly Education
K h w a ja N izam u d -d ln was b o rn at B udaun in 636 A. H .2
1. B u d a u n is s itu a te d in R o h ilk h a n d D iv isio n o f U t t a r P ra d e s h n e a r th e

e a s te rn b a n k o f S o t R iv e r. I n th o se d a y s i t w as a p o p u lo u s to w n w h ic h
b e c a m e im p o r ta n t a s th e n o r th e r n f ro n tie r p o s t o f th e th e n M u slim
k in g d o m o f D e lh i (N azhatul K h w a tir).
C a p tu r e d b y Q u tu b u d - d i n A ib e c k in 1196, i t re m a in e d a m a jo r p r o
v in c ia l g o v e rn o rs h ip u n d e r S h a m s u d - d in I ltu tm is h . T h e r u in e d fo rt
a t B u d a u n is a w itn e ss o f th e im p o rta n c e i t o n c e h a d u n d e r th e e a rly
M u slim k in g d o m . T h e im p o s in g Ja m * ! M a sjid w as b u ilt h e r e in 1223,
u n d e r th e p a tr o n a g e o f I ltu tm is h , a f t e r w h o m h is so n R u k n u d - d in
F iro z S hS h also r e m a in e d g o v e rn o r o f B u d a u n b e fo re h is a c c e ssio n to
th e th r o n e .
2. T h e y e a r h a s b e e n c a lc u la te d b y th e a u th o r o f Siar-ul-Aulia? by d e d u c tin g
h is a g e fro m th e y e a r w h e n h e d ie d .
L IF E SKE TCH OF K H W A JA NIZAM UD -D IN A U L IA 167
W hen he was only five years of age his father died. His m other
who was known for h er fervant piety, took pains for his proper
education and m oral guidance despite her appalling poverty.
H e received his education under M aulana ‘A la 5 ud-dln Usiilx .1
A fter M aulana ‘A la’ ud-din U sull had taught him some elem en
tary books on jurisprudence and a text-book nam ed Qjtdoori, he
asked his disciple to bring a turban. K hw aja Nizam ud-din’s
m other somehow m anaged to purchase cotton and got it spun
and woven into m uslin for h im .2 She also invited some o f the
notable theologians and mystics o f the tim e on the occasion.
K hw aja cAll, a disciple o f Sheikh J a la l ud-dln TebrezI placed
the first coil o f the turban round his head and all those present,
at the ceremony prayed for his spiritual developm ent.
Uttermost Poverty
As an orphan who d id not have enough' to live upon, he

had not un-often to forgo his m eals. H e related later on tliat
w henever he had nothing to eat, his m other used to tell him
th a t they were G od’s guests th at day—a rem ark which was very
pleasing to him . O nce somebody sent some corn to his m other
w hich sufficed for their meals for quite a few days. He states
th at he soon becam e' so sick o f it th at he longed for the day
when his m other would again announce that they were the guests
o f God. At last the day cam e when the gifted corn was
finished and he was told by his m other th a t they had to rely on
the hospitality o f God. K hw aja N izam ud-dln says th at the
blissful satisfaction he derived th a t day from the intim ation
from his m other was beyond description .3
Impulsive Attraction Towards the Sheibh
K hw Sja N izam ud-dln sa y s: “ W hen I was only twelve
1. M a u la n a *AlSJ u d -d ln U su li w as a d iscip le o f Sheikh J a la l u d -d in

T eb rez I. L ike h is S heikh he le d a fru g a l life a n d took care to h id e his
s p iritu a l a tta in m e n ts.
2. ,, S ir y - u l-fila ja lis (U rd u T ra n sla tio n K h a ir-u l-M a ja lis) , p. 222.
3. Siar-ui-Aulid3, p. 113
168 SA V IO U R S O F ISLAM IC S P IR IT
years o f age, still studying lexicology u n d e r A bu B akr K h a rra ta

(also know n as Abu B akr Q aw w al), a m an who h a d been to
M u lta n cam e to see my teacher. H e began to n a rra te the
virtues an d excellence o f Sheikh B a h a 5 ud-din Z akariya M ult anl,
th e atm osphere o f sanctity arid godliness prev ailin g in his
m on astery an d (he enthusiasm and eagerness o f the people
aro u n d him for prayers an d vigils w hich h a d m ade even the
m aid serv an ts to pass th e ir tim e in recollection o f G od. H e
w ent on w ith his n a rra tio n p raising the Sheikh but n o th in g o f
th e description given by him aw akened any response in my
h e a rt. T h e re a fte r he told th a t from M u lta n he also w ent to
A jodhan w here he m et Sheikh-ul-Islam K h w aja F a rid u d -d ln ,
w ho could really be callcd a kin g o f th e saints. At once I felt a
strong a n d ab so rb in g a ttra c tio n to w ard s K h w aja F a rid u d -d ln .’
Studies at Delhi
K h w a ja N izam u d -d ln first cam e to D elhi a t th e age o f

sixteen y e a rs .2 H e spent th re e o r fo u r years in fu rth e r studies
a t D elh i w here w ere th e n some o f the eru d ite scholars o f the
tim e. S u lta n N asir u d -d ln M a h m u d th en p resided over th e
kingdom w ith G h iy a th u d -d ln B alban as his C h ie f M inister.
M a u la n a Sham s u d -d ln K h w a rz a m t, also know n as K h w a ja
Sham s ul-M uik, held the office o f Mustnuji-ul-Mamalik3 b u t he
was also a savant am ong the scholars o f tlje tim e. H e h a d taken
upon him self, as was the custom in those days, the a d d itio n a l
responsibility o f teach in g the students along w ith his onerous
official duties. K h w a ja N izam ud-dm was fo rtu n ate to get
h im self enlisted as o ne o f his students. H e soon becam e a
favourite o f his teathet- w ho graciously p e rm itte d h im , alongivith
1. 'Siar-bi-Aitlia* p. 100 anil p. 149

2. T h e a g e give.it in Siar-ui-A^ a p p e a r s to b e correct fo r th e K h w a ja s p e n t
th re e o r four years nt D elhi a n d Uu»n w e n t to A jo d h a n to b e c o m e 'a
rtiscipV- of K h w a ja F a r i d ttd -d m . T h e n h e w as ‘.'0 years o f a««*.
3. 1 he C !iieI* A uditor or the A ccou ntant C e n tra l o f the kingdom .
LIFE SKETCH OF KHW AJA NIZAM UD-DIN AULIA 169
tw o o f his fellow students Q utb ud -dln N aqla and B urhan

ud-dln Baqi, to take their lessons in his private apartm ent.
W henever any student absented him self o r was late, K h w aja
Shams ul-M ulk used to rem onstrate them simply by sa y in g :
“ W hat was my fault th at you d id not com e,” or he jokingly
rem arked : “ Let m e know my mistake so th at I may not commit
it again.” But K hw aja N izam ud-dln says th at Shams ul-M ulk
never com plaincd w hether he was late or absent. -He always
insisted on K hw aja N izam u d -d ln to come and sit w ith him in
his own cham ber.'
A Brilliant Student
K hw aja N izam ud-dln .was a studious and brilliant student.

H e occupied a distinguished place am ong his class-mates as an
eloquent orator and a skilled debater. His proficiency in
l-easoning the points cogently earned him the title o f ‘Mahfil
Shikari’ or the breaker o f debates .2
MaqamUt Hariri— a book o f stylistic elegance composed
in rhym ed prose— was included in the curriculum in those
days. N orm ally the students used to study it like Other books o f
literature and learnt to explain its difficult passages. K hw aja
Nizam ud-din, however, learnt forty of its chapters by heart.
L ater on, when he realised the futility o f his effort, he
com m itted to his m emory Mashariq-ul~Anw(ir,a. famous
com pilation of T ra d itions to make am ends for his mistake.-
H e studied Hadith from Sheikh K am al ud-din Z ahid
(d. 684 A .H .),:| a noted T rad itio nist of his tim e and a disciple of
A llam a Hasan- ibn M uham m ad as-Saghani, (d. 650 A .H .) 4 the
author o f MashBriq-ul-Amvar. In Fiqah or Jurisprudence, he was
fortunate enough to study under A llam a B urhan u d-dln
1.’ FaivaPcl-itl-Futvid, p. 68
2. S im - u l- A u lia p. 101
3. Ibid.. p. 101
4. Besides Mnshcrirf-id-Aint'ir. a fam ous text-book on T ra d itio n s, he
also w rote A l-U bSb-ui-\Skhir, one o f the m ost reliab le an d a u th o rita tiv e
w orks on lexicography.
al-M arg in ian l who h ad w ritten the Hidayah o f w orld fam e.

K hw aja N izam u d -d ln also studied Mashariq ul-Anwar from the
latter who gran ted him a certificate for teaching it to o th er .1
Mental Disquietude
Like a n assiduous student K h w aja N izam u d -d ln p aid full

attention to his studies. H e w anted to achieve distinction as a
m an o f letters, but h e also felt a choking disquiet in his h e a r t :
it was not the product o f any apathy o r lethargy b u t a n anxiety
born out o f his solicitous n atu re desiring som ething else w hich
could make him calm and composed. T h e p edantry o f the
bookish knowledge he was acquiring as also the verbal w rang-
lings over theoretical issues filled him w ith disgust. O nce he
re m a rk e d : “ As a young m an I usfed to associate w ith m y com
panions but I always felt an aversion, a desire to avoid th em all
and longed to forsake th eir com pany. A lthough m y friends
w ere students and academ icians engaged in lite ra ry pursuits but
often I felt agitated and told my friends th a t I would n o t rem ain
w ith them for long and abandon th em .” In reply to a question
by A m ir H asan ‘A la 3 S ajazI he said th a t he had these feelings
before he m et K h w aja F a rid ud-dln.
T h e m other o f K h w aja N izam u d -d ln d ied w hen he was
still in D elh i .2 O nce he m entioned about the death o f his
m o th er an d wept so bitterly th a t it becam e difficult to follow
w hat he said. L am entingly he recited the verse :
Alas ! no device could av ail m e then,
N or could I ch ain the n ig h t o f tryst.
T he K hw S ja says : “O n ce a fte r sighting the new m oon, I
w ent to salute an d pay m y respects to m y m other. She replied,
‘W hom w ould you p ay ' hom age next m onth ?’ I a t once knew
1. T h e c ertificate w hich h as b een q u o te d in Siar-ul-Aulia* is d a te d 2 2 n d

R ab*I-ul-A w w al, 679 A . H . T h is , in o th e r w o rd s m ean s t h a t K h w a ja
N iz a m u d -d in w as 43 years o f ag e a t th a t tim e . I t also show s his eag er
ness to c o n tin u e his f u rth e r e d u c a tio n till a n ad v a n c e d age,
2. Fawdfid-ul-Fuwad, p. 47
L IF E SKETCH OB' K H W A JA NIZAM U D -W N AU LIA 171
th at her death was draw ing near. Dejected, I began to weep

an d I asked, ‘M other, to whose care do you entrust m e’. ‘T o
m orrow shall I answer your question’, she replied and bade me
to spend the night with Sheikh N ajib ud-dln. 1 went away but
before daw n next day a m aid-servant cam e running to announce
th at the m other w anted me at once. I enquired if she was
all light. She replied in the affirm ative and I hastened to my
m other’s side. She said, ‘Yesterday you had asked me some
thing. Now listen to me carefully.’ T hen she asked for my
right hand and holding it in her hands said : “ O God my L ord,
I entrust him to'T hy care.’ After th at she closed her eyes and
bade farewell to this fleeting w orld. I thanked God for the
reply given by my m other for I would not have been so: well-
pleased if she had left the house filled with rubies and gold than
the reply she had given to my q n e s t io n .” 1
An Unfulfilled Wish
At a tim e when the stories o f the gifts and honours bestow

ed by the royal court on accomplished scholars, doctors and
jurists were in everyone’s m outh, it was not strange that the
young K hw aja aspired, with his learning and straitened circum
stances, for a lucrative post of rank and authority. It was but
natu ral for a m an who had tasted the pangs o f hunger, despite
his spiritual yearnings, to look forw ard to m aterial comforts,
honour and riches. He asked one day Sheikh N ajib ud-dfn
M utwakkil to pray God that he should become a Q azi. Sheikh
N ajib ud-din, however, kept quiet at his request. H e repeated
his request again for he thought the Sheikh had: not listened to
to him . Thereupon the Sheikh replied, “ D on’t be a Q azi.
Become something else.” -
■■ ■ . i'" -
First visit to Ajodhan
Sheikh N ajib ud-dm M atw akkil was the brother of K hw

aja
1. Siar-id-AuliaJ, p. 151
2. Fawai^d-ul’Fuwad, p, 28
172 SAVIOURS 0«? ISLAMIC S P IR IT
F a rid u d-dln. N izam u d -d ln h ad alread y developed a

feeling o f g reat reverence for K h w aja F a rid u d -d ln w hile still a
boy at B udaun. H is introduction to Sheikh N ajib ud-dln, w ith
whom he spent some o f his tim e, inflam ed his fascination for
K h w aja F a rid . H e m ade up his m in d to re p a ir to A jodhan.
K h w aja N izam u d -d ln has him self given an account o f his
first m eeting w ith his spiritu al m entor. H e says th a t no sooner
th a n was he ushered in the presence o f K h w aja F arid , he recited
a Persian couplet which said :
“ T h y separation set m y h eart in flam es blazing,
A nd the soul was ra v a g e d by th e flood o f thy longing ” K
hw S ja N izam u d -d ln w anted to express his keen desire to
m eet the Sheikh but he found his tongue chained to his p allet by
th e aw e o f K h w aja F a rid ud-dln. F inding him overw helm ed
w ith em otion, K h w aja F a rid rem arked : “ Every new com er
is o vertaken by aw e .” 1
K h w aja F a rid u d -d ln showed special fav o u r to N izam
u d-dln an d ordered a cot to be provided for him in the
guest house. N izam u d -d ln , how ever, hesitated to sleep on a
cot a t a
place w here num erous respectable persons, learned Scholars and
divines who h ad com m itted the Q u r ’a n to th e ir bosom had
spread th eir beddings on th e g ro u n d . W hen th is was
conveyed to M au lan a B adr ud-dln, who was charged w ith the
care o f the guests, he sent him th e w ord : “ H ave you to
follow your own w him s o r abide by th e instructions o f th e
Sh eik h ?” N izam u d-d!n replied, “ I shall do w hatever the
Sheikh desires.” H e then instructed him to sleep on th e cot . 4
N izam u d-dln took th e oath o f fealty to K h w aja F a rid
ud-dln. H e was then 20 years o f age.*
F u rth er E ducation
It seems th a t K h w aja N izam u d -d ln had still certain text-
1. F iiw dVd-ul-Fuuad, p. 3i
2. S ia r - id - A u lia p. 107
3. Ibid., p. 107
\
LIFE SKETCH O F K H W A JA NIZAM UD-DIN A U L IA 173
books to study when he went to A jodhan. T he path he had

chosen for him self required that he should now strive to attain
th at perfect knowledge of God which was the great purpose of
his journey or, indeed, the very object o f one’s existence. T he
form al education he had so far was nothing m ore than a dis
concerting experience for a sensitive and awakened soul. I f he
had devoted him self so long' to his studies as a necessity and
prelim inary step to lead his w andering soul onw ards, it now
seemed doubly difficult for him to continue the pursuit o f form al
education when he had reached the fount o f knowledge. H e
had, however, chosen a Sheikh who was him self an accomplished
scholar with a heart illum inated by the certitude o f Divine
knowledge. H e considered it necessary th at every traveller
seeking the path of mysticism should acquire a certain degree o f
form al education, for he had him self been instructed by his
spiritual m entor in th at wise. T here was another reason top.
T he Sheikh had a prognostication o f N izam u d -dln’s outstand
ing gifts o f a seer and teacher which he had to utilise later on
for the guidance of the people.
T herefore, when N izam ud-din sought the permission of
K hw aja F arid ud-dln to term inate his studies in order to devote
him self exclusively to devotional exercises, he replied, “ I do
not like anybody to term inate his studies. Do both, continue
your studies as well as the recitations and prayers and see w hich
engages your attention m ore.” H e also said, “ T he m endicant
has to have some knowledge to o .”1
As a m ark o f special favour to N izam u d-dln, K hw aja F arid
ud-din him self started teaching him . “ N izam , you would have
to study certain books under m e,” said he. Six chapters o f
Sheikh Shahab ud-din S u h a rw a rd j’s '■Awarif-ul-Ma'-Srif. and the
Tamhid o f A bu Shakur Salm i were taught by him to N izam ud-
din. H e also instructed his disciple about the rules o f recita
tion o f the Q u r’an and guided him in the recital o f the first six
parts o f the holy Scripture."
1. Siar-id-Atdia3, p. 107
2. Ibid,, p. 106
174 SAVIOURS OF ISLAM IC SPIR IT
K h w aja N izam u d -d ln could never forget th e ch arm in g w ay

in w hich K h w aja F a rid u d -d in h a d tau g h t him . H e often used
to say th a t th e deep an d h id d e n m eanings o f the m ystic tru th s
explained to him by K h w a ja F a rid ud-din could never be
explained by anybody eW . “ I often w ished” , said N izam ud-
d in later on, “ th a t it would be b etter i f I d ie listening to his
discourses . ” 1
A Lesson in Self-effacement
T h e copy o f l Awarif-ul-M aca rif from w hich K h w a ja F a rid

u d -d ln tau g h t N izam ud-d ln was old a n d crum bly and w ritten
in a crab b ed h a n d . W h ile K h w aja F arid h ad once to pause for
a few seconds to m ake out th e w riting, N iz a m ud-din innocently
rem ark ed : “ I have seen an o th er copy w ith Sheikh N ajib
u d -d ln M utaw akkil. I t was a correct one.” “ I d on’t have th e
energy to co rrect this o n e” , was th e reply o f the K h w a ja w hich
he rep eated m any a tim e. N izam u d -d ln says th a t at first he
d id not u n d e rsta n d w hat his teach cr m ean t b u t w hen M au lan a
B adr u d -d ln Is ’h a q to ld h im th a t th e K h w aja was expressing
d ispleasure a t his rem ark , he was confounded. T a k in g off his
cap, he fell on the feet o f his m entor an d im plored his for
giveness. K h w a ja N izam u d -d ln says th a t he repeatedly request
ed the Sheikh to p ard o n h im but his annoyance d id not ab ate.
A t last he got up , an d know ing not w hat to do, he spent tw o days
sorrow -stricken an d d ish earten ed . H e even thought o f co m m itt:
ing suicide by ju m p in g into a w ell but good sense prevailed on
him . A t his w it’s end, he sped aw ay to a nearby forest where
he w ept bitterly at his m istake.
S h ah ab u d -d ln , one o f the sons o f K h w aja F a rid ud-din,
was on intim ate term s w ith N izam u d-dln. H e inform ed the
K h w a ja o f the lam en tab le condition o f his friend. At last the
K h w aja forgave N izam u d -d in and p erm itted him to retu rn to
his presence. O n the next d ay he told N izam ud-din : “ I had
done this for your b etterm ent. T h e P ir (Spiritual g u id e ' is like
I. Fauia}id-ul-Fuwad, p . 75
LIFE SK ETCH OF K H W A JA NIZAM UD-DIN A U LIA 175
a decorator o f his disciple.” T h ereafter he invested

Nizam ud-dln w ith a robe o f honour .1
A Decisive Movement
It was undoubtedly a critical m om ent for Nizam ud-din

when his spiritual m entor reacted in a sharp and sudden m anner
over his innocent rem ark. V erily, it would appear th at the
K hw aja need not have shown such a resentm ent over the simple
rem ark th at N izam ud-dln had seen a better copy o f the book
with his brother—a statem ent o f fact w hich was neither w rong
nor violated any m oral precept. But the K hw aja could not
tolerate even this harm less com ment by his disciple for he had
already chosen him as his future spiritual successor. I t was,
therefore, necessary for him to teach th at disciple a lesson in
self-effacement in a way th at should destroy even the least
vestiges o f self-conceit and vanity in him . H e had also to take
him through th at state o f anguish and grief, dejection and
dow nheartedness which every path-finder o f the love o f God
has to experience at one tim e or the other. But, the occasion
was also crucial for a young, educated and intelligent youth
since his whole future depended on a correct decision at
th at decisive m om ent. T he assessment o f the situation by M
anazir Ahsan G llan l is undoubtedly correct, who says : “ It
was the tim e when the genuineness o f his yearning had to
be tested. T he w orld wanted to know his decision— w hether
he would rem ain a m ere ‘debate-breaker’ and a logician as
thousands had been before him or he would prove him self
worthy of becoming the sultan o f seers and mystics. It really
depended on his courage
1. FawaHd-ul-Fuwid, p . 27. O n e sh o u ld n o t m isu n d e rsta n d th e m o tiv e of

K h w a ja FarTd u d -d in o r th a t his in d ig n a tio n w as a v io le n t a n d v in d ic
tive e m o tio n al o u tb u rst for a p e tty fa u lt. T h e sp iritu a l g u id es a d o p
t d iffe re n t m e th o d s fo r g e n eratin g a sense o f self-effacem ent a n d
self- ab a se m e n t in th e ir disciples. T h e severe test to w hich K a ca b ib n
M a lik w as p u t by th e P ro p h e t o f Isla m for a n u n in te n tio n a l e rro r
fu rn ish es a n o th e r ex am p le o f th e d iffe re n t m e th o d s a d o p te d to tra in a n
d g u id e a p erson.
176 SAV IO U RS OF ISLAM IC SP IR IT
an d w ill as a poet has said :

“ To be content w ith buds but few, thou w ert a f o o l;
E nough to fill thy blou, garden had floscule.”
“ H e cast aw ay the few buds th a t he h ad and decided to
ow n th e entire g ard en . H ad he been shallow -headed, he would
h av e reasoned th u s: ‘W h at was, a fte r all, my fa u lt? I com
m itted no w rong. I knew o f a better copy and m entioned it to
the Sheikh ! T h en , why this fit o f anger ?’ H ad he taken to this
line o f reasoning he w ould have prolonged it to a length g reater
th a n th e prom ptings o f the Devil. H e would have been led to
the conclusion th a t th e old m an had lost his balance o f m ind or
th a t he was blinded by his own glory. H e could have even
p roved the action o f his teacher as a clear transgression o f the
ethical norm s ta u g h t by the Prophet. But he knew th a t he had
gone to th e Sheikh to rem edy his own defects and not to point
out the faults o f his m entor. H e knew th a t the K h w aja was his
physician and therefo re he h ad no rig h t to question his te a c h e r’s
m ethod o f tre a tm e n t .” 1
A Friendly Advice
K h w aja N izam ud-d in says : “ W hile I was at A jodhan, one

o f my old class-mates cam e there. G rieved as w e ll as surprised
to see m e in rags, he said. ‘W hat have you m ade o f yourself;
N izam u d -d ln ? H ad you taken to teaching in any city you
would have becom e an accom plished scholar and m ade a
fo rtu n e’. I Offered m y excuse to him but when I w ent to the
K h w aja he at once rem arked : ‘W hat would he your reply,
N izam u d -d in , if one o f your friends happens to meet, you an d
asks w'hy a re you w asting your tim e here like this and why have
you given up the profession o f teaching which would have been
a stepping stone for your p ro sp e rity ? ’ I said, ‘I w il l say w hat
ever you advise.’ ‘W henever anybody raises th a t question,’
said he, ‘tell h im :
‘T h o u a rt riot a w ay farer o f m y p ath , O ff you go ;
Peace be to you, let m e be hum bled an d low ’.
1. N iz a m -i-T 'a lim , V o l. I I , p p . 94-95
LIFE SKETCH OF KHWAJA, NIZAM U D -D IN AULIA 177
“ T h e re a fte r he ord ered m e to take a tray, o f food from

the m onastery’s kitchen to my friend o a my head., I d id as I
was bidden. W hen m y friend saw m e com ing like th a t he
h u rried to take off th e tra y from me. W hen I told him w
hat h ad happened, he replied, ‘I never knew t b i t ôtir
Sheikh h a d guided you to such dizzy heights o f selflessness !
T ak e m e to h im .’ A fter hp h a d taken his m eals, he asked
his servant to ca rry th e tray back but I refused an d insisted on
taking th e tray back on m y head as I h a d b ro u g h t it. We
b o th w ent to the K h w a ja and he becanje his disciple .” 1
N izam u d -d ln went th rice to A jodhan .2 I t is,
how ever, not know n w hen he was him self allow ed to take
disciples in th e Chishtiyah o rd e r. N one o f th e chroniclers has
m entioned the y ear o f th e visit w hen he was g ran ted th e h a b it
o f succession.
Blessings by the K haw ja
O nce th e K h w a ja called for N izSm u d -d ln a fte r F

rid a y p ray ers .3 H e p u t his saliva in th e m outh o f N izam u d -
d ln an d b ad e him to leai;n the Q u r Ja n by h e a rt. T h e re a fter
he said, “ (God has bestow ed upon you th e good o f this w
orld a n d th e w orld beyond.. T h is is w h at one can o b tain
h ere.” T h e K h w aja then asked him to go to D elhi. He sa
i d : “ Go an d capture H in d u stan .’
It has been stated in Siar-ul-Auliii* th a t K h w aja F a rid u d -
d ln w rote a khilafat-n&mah in favour o f N izam u d -d n a n d
asked h im to show it to M au ln a J a m a l u d -d ln in H ansl
a n d Q Szl M u n tajab in D elhi. T h e K h w Sja also rem arked : “
Y ou w ould
1. Siar-ul-Aulia3, pp. 139-40

2. Fawai’'d-ul-1'uwad, p, 42
3. The date mentioned in Siar-ul-Aulia3 is 25th Jam ada ul-Ula, 669 A. H.
but this appears to be wrong. I t should be 664 A. H ., the year
o f KhwSja Farid ucl-din’s demise, as mentioned elsewhere in Siar-ul-
Auliax, or, we would have to agree with Khazinatul Asfia which gives the
year of his death as 670 A. H .
4. Siar-ul-AultiP, p. 123 www.abulhasanalinadwi.org
SAVIOURS O F ISLAMIC S P IR IT
be like a shade-tree beneath w hich the people w ould get rest

and repose. Gi ve yourself up to p ray er an d fasting in o rd e r to
lead your soul on th e p athw ay o f p u rity .” h
Request o f a Prayer
K h w a ja N izam u d -d ln also requested his Sheikh, on th e

first o f Shca b 5 n , to p ray for him so th a t h e m ig h t not have to
d ep en d upon th e people. K h w aja F a rid u d - d in accepted bis
request an d p ta y e d for h im .'
O n an o th er occasion K h w a ja F a rid u d -d ln to ld Niz&m
u d -d in : “ I hav e pray ed to G o d to confer on you som ething o f
th e w orld also .” T ro u b led to h e a r this, for, m an y a people
w ere led astray by it, N izam u d -d in show ed signs o f distress.
K h w a ja F a r id ud-dln, how ever, assured h im , “ F o ry o ti th e w orld
shall n o t be a tem p tatio n . R est assumed.” *.
From Ajodhau to Delhi

,
A fter tak in g leave o f his sp iritu al g u id e K h w a ja N izam

u d -d lii took th e ro a d to D elh i 6 n his sacred m ission o f guiding
the people a n d purifying th em o f th e ir evil a n d im m o ral traits.
But he was then a p o o r w ay farer on his w ay to th e renow ned
cap ital o f the m ost pow erful M uslim kingdom in th e seventh
century a fte r Hijrah, whose only eq u ip m en t fo r this fo rm id ab le
task w as tru st ini’G o d , sincerity a n d u tte r indifference to the
w orld an d every th in g it stands fo r. M a n S z ir A hsan G lla n I has
given a beautiful description o f K h w a ja N iz a m u d -d ln ’s jo u rn e y
to D elhi in these w o r d s : “ N ow he sets out from A jodhan to
triu m p h o v er D elhi, th e cap ital o f H in d u stan , w here in n u m
erab le gods hav e a rra y e d them selves fro m highest o f th e hig h
to
th e low est o f the low ; th e re a re am ongst th em those o n
w hose o rd ers heads roll on the g ro u n d an d also those w ho
confer riches a n d glory on th e ir m eanest serv ito rs. R an k s arid
honours a re being d istrib u ted f r e e ly ; pleasures a n d fortunes
a re being
LIFE SKETCH OF K H W A jA NIZAM UD-DIN AULIA 179
given out With b o th 'h an d s. A nd, this king o f th e saints is well

up in all those arts and learnings w hich a re req u ired to feather
one’s liest. You have alread y seen th a t before com ing to
A jodhan, he was known as* a 'd eb ate b re a k e r’ in th e educated
circles o f D elhi. H e finds all the doors f r b t n ’the office o f a
Q azi to th a t o f Slmkk-iil-Islam o r Sadar-i-Jahan opened for him .
But the love o f the C reato r has been so deeply em bedded in his
heart th a t it has expelled the longing for every w orldly gain. It
was this sublim e quality o f h eart w hich he often described in
these w ords : N obtidy’s faith is com plete liriless the whole
creation is to him not w orth the cam el’s d u n g .1
“ O nce somebody told K hw aja N izam ud-din o f a certain
persbn w ho devoted him self night and day in prayers at D am ascus
ju st for achieving th e office o f Shnkh-ul-lsldm. T h e K hw aja,
his eyes b rim m ing with tears, replied : 'B a rn S/ieikh-ul-Islawi first
and th en the fnonastery and last o f a ll yemr ow n ego
“ In fine, he left A jodhan a fte r consigning to flames all the
w orldly longings and d esires....................aind arriv ed in the
capital empty handed w here he had to rule as a
spiritual m onarch . ” 3
Fulfilment o f his Obligations
• K h w aja Nizam ud-din relates th a t his Sheikh had

directed him to always fulfil his obligations and never kfcep
anybody displeased with him . T h e K hw aja had purchased
some cloth from a cloth dealer a t D elhi for w hich he owed 20
Jitals 4 to him and had alsW to return a book lost by him to one o f
his friends. W hen he reached Budaun, on* his w a y back to
Delhi from A jodhan, h e-m ad eU p his m ind to satisfy these
obligations first. Accordingly, on reaching D elhi he laboured
h ard for a few days arid as soon as he had saved 10 Jttdls he
appftiadied the cloth
1. Siar-ul-Auti<i*, p. 551
2. Fawoîd~u(-Fitiodd, p. 23
3. AVeSm-f-'r*5/?m. Vol. II. p. 150
4. J lta l or Chftal was a copptr coin.
d ealer. H e gave him th e m oney he h a d w ith h im an d prom ised

to re tu rn th e rem ain in g am o u n t as soon as possible. T h e cloth
d e a le r took th e am ount given by th e K h w a ja b u t rem ark ed :
“ I t seems„you a re com ing from am ongst th e M uslim s. I forego
m y claim fo r th e rem ain in g sum .”
T h e re a fte r th e K h w aja w en t to th e m an from w hom he
h ad tak en th e book on lo an a n d to ld h im th a t since th e book
h ad been lost, he w ould p rep are an o th er copy o f it fo r him . H e
also gave up h.is claim b u t observed : “ I t was only n a tu ra l for
you to do so a fte r visiting th e place you a re com ing fro m .” 1
In D elhi
W h en th e K h w aja retu rn ed to D elhi, it w as a populous an d

exp an d in g city b u t for q u ite som e tim e, till he took u p his resi
dence a t G h iy a th p u r he h a d no pro p er abode. H e h a d so
frequently to change his h ab itatio n s th a t, it seems, h e could not
m an ag e to h av e even a h u t w here h e co u ld live in peace. M ir
K h u rd relates th e story o f th e K h w a ja ’s dw elling places in those
days in th e w ords o f his fa th e r Saiyid M ah m m ad M u b arak
K ir m a n I :
“ So long as th e K h w S ja lived in th e city he h a d no house
o f his ow n n o r he trie d to have one fo r bim . W hen he cam e
fro m B udaun, he ren ted a house in S a rS P M i5 n B azar w hich was
also called N am ak ki S a ra i’. A m ir K h u sru then also lived in
th e sam e locality. A fter some tim e, on th e recom m endation o f
A m ir KhusrQ, he was allow ed to live in th e house o f his m ate rn a l
g ra n d fa th e r R a w a t l A rz .2 H e lived in this house for tw o years.
T h e house was situated n e a r M a n d h G ate a n d M a n d h B ridge by
th e side o f th e city’s o u te r w all. I t was q u ite a good building
o f stately stru ctu re w ith spacious cham bers but w hen th e sons o f
R a w a t cA rz re tu rn e d , th e K h w a ja h ad i o v acate th e house. H e
h a d nothing except books w ith h im w hich w e c a rrie d o n o u r
h ead s to a m osque in fro n t o f S ira j B aq q al. O n th e next day,
1. p. 14
F iiu V id -u l-F u w a d ,
2. Also known a i Im idul-M ulk
LIFE SKETCH OF KHW AJA NIZAM UD-DIN AUBIA 181
a disciple o f Sheikh Sad r ud-dln, S £ad K agzl by nam e, took the

K hw Sja to his ow n house and lodged h im in the upper
ap artments. K h w aja rem ained there for a m onth and then
got a house in the Sarai o f R a k a b d a r near Q aisar Bridge,.
A fter some tim e he took up his residence in the house o f ShSdl
G ulabi, n ear th e shop o f M uham m ad, a fruit-seller. In the
m eantim e, the sons an d relatives o f Sham s u d -d ln Sh arab -d ar1,
w ho were devoted disciples o f the K hw aja begged him to
occupy a portion o f th e ir own house. H e lived there in peace
for several years.” *
Frugal living
W hen the K h w aja arrived at D elhi, he had to face those

sufferings and tribulations w hich have to be endured by all
those w ho are elevated an d illum inated and desire to show the
p ath o f virtue to others. T his was the tim e w hen D elhi was
rolling in the w ealth pouring from th e four corners
o f H industan. Everything was so plentiful and cheap th at
two seers o f bread could be had for one Jlta l an d a m aund o f
musk- m elon fo r ju st two Jltals. But the K hw aja h a d to pass
his days in such a state o f extrem e poverty th a t occasionally h e
could not provide even a lo af o f b read for him self and his
dependants. N or could he afford the luxury o f enjoying a
m usk-m elon although it was so cheap ! But not only
reconciled to his frugal living he even longed to pass on his days
in th a t wise.*
O nce w hen he was residing in th e house near M an d h
G ate, he h ad to go w ith em pty stom ach for a few days. At
last, a student who was aw are o f it inform ed some o f his
neighbours who w ere weavers by profession. T hey brought
some edibles for him but w hile'he was washing h is hands to
take the food, some one rem arked : “ G od m ay bless the
student who told us about you.” “ W hat d id he say” ?
enquired the K hw aja. “ H e inform ed us,” the m an replied, “
th a t you h ad nothing to satisfy
1. The royal servant appointed to provide drinking water to the king.

2. Siar-ul-Aulid3, p. 108
3. Ibid., p. 108
the pangs o f hunger for quite a few days. T h a t is. why we

have b rou gh t it to you.” “ Excuse me th en ,” said the K hw
aja and refused to take it in spite o f th e ir insistence.’
Death o f H is Sheikh
K h w a ja N izam u d -d in paid th e last visit to his Sheikh,

K h w a ja F a rid u d -dln th ree or four m onths before the latter
died. T h e K h w a ja s a y s : “ H e died on the fifth of M u h a rra m
bu t he had sent m e back to D elhi in the m onth o f Shaw w al .2
Since he h ad alread y been taken ill, he was not keeping fasts
d urin g R am ad h an . O n e day someone brought musk-melons,
one o f w hich I placed before him in pieces. T he Sheikh took
them an d gave one piece to m e. I thou gh t of taking th a t preci^
ous gift even if I m ight have to keep expiatory fasts continuously
for tw o m onths in lieu o f b reaking the obligatory fast on th a t
d a y .. But he forbade me saying, ‘O h , No. T h e Sharfah perm its
m e b ut not you .” 3 i
“ T h e S heikh h ad m e in his thoughts before he d ie d ” , conti
nues K hw aja Nizarri ud*dln, “ for he said to those p r e s e n t:
‘N izam ud -d in is in D elhi. I was also aw ay in H an sl when m y
Sheikh Q u tb ud-dln B akhtiyar K a k l d ie d .’ T h e Sheikh also
w ept w hile saying th is.” *
K h w aja N izam u d -d ln w ent to A jodhan a fter th e Sheikh
h a d passed away. M a u la n a B adr u d-d ln m ade over the Sheikh’s
robe, p ray er m at a n d staff to him as desired by the Sheikh .5
In Ghiyathpar
■
I t has been related in Fawaîd-ul-Fuwnd th at the K hw aja did
not like the d in a n d clamctur o f D elhi. O nce h e saw a reclusjf
busy in th e rem em brance o f G od a t H auz Q a tlag h K h a n , T h e
1. Jawmrfie ul-Kalim, p. 2%
2. In 664 A. H.
3. Fawdhd-ul-Fuwcid, p. 53
4. Ibid., p. 53
5. Siar-ul-Aiiliap. 122
L il'E SKETCH OK KH W A JA NIZAM UD-DIN AULIA 183
K h w aja asked him if he had chosen to live in the c ity .o f his

own accord. H e replied in the negative but ad d ed th a t although
he w anted to go aw«y, he could not som ehow leave the place.
T hereupon the K h w a ja m ade up his m ind to leave th e city for
P atiali 1 w here a Turk® lived in those days, o r to go aw ay to
Bishnalah. H e once went to B ishnalah an d lived th ere for three
days but could pot obtain a residence to put up perm anently
there. Back in D elhi ag ain he earnestly im plored G od to guide
him to a place w here he could have peace an d repose. As the
K hw Sja relates, h e h eard a celestial voice directing him to go to
GhiyathpO r although he d id not th e n know w here th e place was.
H ow ever, he took up his residence a t G hiyathpO r w hich was
tfcen a quiet an d sparsely populated place. W hen K a ik a b a d 3
selected K llokharl* for his residence, G h iy ath p u r was crow ded
with, the royal chiefs an d retinues. T h e K hw aja ag ain thought
o f leaving th e place. O ne day he happened to be present in the
last rites o f one o f his teachers in the city, w here a lean and th in
but agreeably good-looking m an h a d also come. No sooner
than he cam e, he addressed the K h w aja w ith a couplet w hich
m e a n t:
You had to know , th e day you w ere m ade a m oon
of ' goodly f r a m e
;
Cynosure o f a ll eyes, on every tongue w ould be your
nam
e.
H e also told th e K hw aja th a t a m an should first avoid be
com ing far-fam ed, but once he had com e in the lim erlight, he
should try to prove him self w orthy o f it so th a t he m ig ht not
have to lose face before the Prophet on th e D ay o f Reckoning.
1. A town in district Etah

2. . AmJr Khusru
3. Sultan M uciz ud-din, Kaikabad, the son of Bughra KhSn and grandson
of Ghiyath ud-din Balban, who ruled for three years from 686 A. H . to
688 A. H. : '
4. Sir Saiyid writes in Athar us-Sanadid: “ M u'iz ud-din Kaikabad built a
fort an d named it Kilokharl in 685 A. H . T he fort is no more now
but a village of that name still exists near H um aun’s tomb (p. 82).
T h e m an th e n said to the K h w a ja : “ Is it a t all virtuous to

devote o neself to G od’s recollection only a fte r retirin g from th e
w orld ?” H e w anted to im press th a t th e rem em brance o f G od
along th e w alk o f life needs a g re a te r strength o f ch aracter.
W hen he h ad finished talking, the K h w S ja b rought some food
for him , but he m ade no m ove until K h w a ja N izam u d -d ln
resolved th a t he w ould not leave G h iy ath p u r. T h ereafter he ate
a b it a n d w ent aw ay . 1
Popular Regard
K h w ija N izam ud-dift began to a ttra c t atten tio n an d esteem

o f th e people d u rin g his stay a t G hiyathpO r. Q u ite a larg e
n u m b er o f people started paying visit to him for m o ral an d
sp iritu al purification a t his h an d .
T h e chroniclers h av e not given th e details w hen th e rising
p o p u lar re g a rd for th e K h w a ja started to d ra w people to
G hiyathpO r. I t has only been stated by them th a t for a tim e
a fte r tak in g u p residence at G hiyathpO r, h e h ad to live from
h a n d to m outh. D u rin g th e hottest sum m er days he h a d to
w alk dow n to th e d istan t J a m 4! M asjid. At last priv atio n gave
place to abun d an ce : a n elegant su p erabundance com bined w ith
lav ish generosity w hich surpassed even th e splendour o f th e D elhi
d u rb a rs. A m ir K husrQ has aptly depicted th e K h w S ja ’s
m ajesty in these verses :
A sovereign is he in m e n d ic a n t’s c lo s e t;
O v e r the kingdom o f h e a rt runs whose w r i t ;
A prince, w ho has no sceptre n o r crow n ;
T h e e a rth b en eath whose feet, th e kings w ould covet.
A Bounteous Friar
W hoever cam e fro m fa r o r n e a r was allow ed to p ay his

respect to th e K h w a ja w ho gave to th e visitor some cash, a robe
o r a g ift o r w hatever he h a d a t h an d . E verything b ro u g h t to
him as a present was gifted aw ay by h im : nobody ever retu rn ed
1. Siar-ul-A ulia*, p . 129
LIFE SK E T C H OF KH W A JA NIZAM UD-DIN AULIA 185
em pty-handed from h im .1
K hw aja ' N aslr ud-dln Chiragk Dehti relates : “ It seemed
th a t a river o f riches flowed beneath his feet. -People cam e from
early m orn till dusk o r even late in n ig h t; those who
brought the gifts w ere fewer th an those w hom h e sent back
laden w ith a la rg e ss; the K h w a ja always gave m ore th a n
w hatever one bro u g h t in presentation to h im . ” 4
Always on getting up a fte r the afternobn nap he used
to ask w hether the tim e for lasr p ra y e r h ad arriv ed and w
hether som eone was w aiting fo r h im .3 H e never liked th at
anybody
should have to w ait for him .
T h e m ore his fam e and popularity increased d raw ing
larg er crow ds to his doors, the m ore he becam e indifferent to
the w orld an d its attractions. O ften he wept a t the presents
bro u g h t to him a n d trie d to dole out everything a t th e earliest
opportunity. Som etim es he would d irect his attendants to dis
trib u te everything left w ith h im to th e needy an d poor an d
heaved a sigh o f re lie f When nothing rem ained w ith h im . O n
Fridays, before th e K h w a ja left for prayers, all th e stores and
room s o f the m onastery w ere swept clean to ensure th a t nothing
rem ained w ith th e inm ates a n d disciples. T h e visit o f any
prince o r chief o r the announcem ent o f a gift bro u g h t by them
very often called forth the cynical rem ark from th e K h w a ja :
“ W hy has he com e to w aste my tim e ?” *
Indifference to W orldly Possessions
A m ir H asan ‘A la 9 Sajazi relates th a t once w hen he happened

to be present there, a certain noble sent a tran sfer deed
assigning a grove, some a g ricu ltu ral lan d and o ther p roperty to
the K h w Sja w ith a request to accept the sam e. T h e K h w a ja
sm iled arid re m a rk e d : “ Now people w ill say th a t the S heikh
1. Siar-ui-Aulia?
2. Siraj-til-Majalis (Tr. Khair-ul-Majalis), p. 310
3. Siar-ul-Aulia p. 126
4. Ibid., p. 129
has gone to see his grove o r th e crop. W h a t have I to do w ith

a ll these ? N one o f m y Sheikhs ever h a d an y la n d o r p rop erty . ” 1
The Im perial Kitchen
T h e K h w a ja kept fa st ever and anon. But dishes oi

differen t varieties an d tastes w ere alw ays served up to th e
visitors, young an d old, poor a n d ric h , w ho w ere not only fed to
th e ir h e a rt’s content b ut also allow ed to tak e hom e w hatever
they liked. T h e victuals served a t the K h w a ja ’s m onastery
w ere o f th e highest qu ality th a t the nobles a n d chiefs o f the
State found difficult to afford, a n d rem em bered lpng once they
h a d tasted them . Q u ite a p a r t from th e sp iritu al regen eration
o f those w ho p a id a visit to th e K h w aja , his u n b oun ded m unifi
cence a n d filling o f th e em pty stom achs speaks o f his
bou ntifu l generosity to th e poor a n d lowly. O f th e K h w a ja ’s
generosity M a n a z ir A hsan G ila n l w rites :
“ T hose who w ag th e ir tongue to sym pathise w ith tfye
p o o r in th eir tab le talks w ould h ard ly be aw are th a t these
very mystics o f Islam w ere th e connecting link betw een th e
ric h an d th e poor. T h e ir’s w ere th e courts w hich d em an ded
trib u te fro m th e kings. Such w as th e royal co urt o f th e
K h w a ja th a t even K h iz r K h a n , th e h eir-app aren t o f th e
kingdom was his devotee. Tolls a n d tithes flow ed to th e
coffers o f £A la ’ u d -d ln K h iljl from every p a r t o f th e c o u n try
bu t he, too, h ad to pay an im post to this excheq uer............
T hese very m onasteries w ere th e channels w hich Conlneyed
th e shares o f the in d ig en t a n d beggers to them . A nd this
is w h a t is m ean t by th e a d a g e : T h e p ro p erty of a mystic
is for the com m on good .” 2
“ T hese m ystics w ere th e b rid g e along w hich both th e
p oo r a n d ,the rich w alked to u n derstan ding . Both p re
sented them selves before th e m ystics in th e sam e capacity—
very m any people h a d th e ir needs satisfied th ro u g h them .
1. FawaH4-ul-Fuu)ad, p. 99
2. Nizdm-i-T'alim, Vol. II, p. 214
H F E SKETCH OF K H W A IA NIZAM U D -D IN AULIA 187
O f a fact, th ere was hard ly a tim e w hen in every p a rt o f the

then In d ia the prophetic injunction—collect from the well-
to-do an d distribute tq the poor— was not im plem ented by
these p u re-hearted souls. W herever an y mystic was lipid
in, esteem by the people o f rank an d authority, the poor
always stood to gain by it.” '
T h e K h w aja alw ays joined in the repast w ith his guests but
he seldom took anything except a b re a d o r h a lf w ith vegetables
or a little quantity o f riqe. O ften he rem ained sitting w ith
others at the repast but took nothing at a ll .2
D i s r e g a r d of the R oyalty
F rom the very beginning the guiding principle o f the Chishtiyah

o rd er in In d ia h ad been to reform an d reg en erate the In d ian
M uslim society in accordance w ith th e teachings o f Islam but,
at the sam e tim e, to rem ain unsolicitous o f the royal favours.
As earnest seekers p f tru th , the earlier Chishti mystics h ad held
fast to this golden rule as a sacred patrim ony o f th eir precursors
and spiritual guides. F rom K h w a ja M ol In ud-dln to K hw aja
N izam ud-din, every mystic saint rem ain ed com pletely indiffer
ent to the royally w hich helped them to keep th eir mission
clearly aloof from the political upheavals o f th e tim es.
N um erous dynasties held the reigns o f governm ent and tum bled
dow n but the sincerity an d indifference to Wealth and dignify
on the p a rt o f these, su fl saints allow ed them to propagate th eir
m ission rem itlessly over hun d red s of years— and this w as perhaps
the reason for th e w ide popularity it gained am ong the masses.
Since th e day K h w a ja N izam ud -d ln was nom inated for
the spiritual conquest o f the country, seven kings adorned the
th ro n e p f D elh i S ultanate;; some o f them were extrem ely
h a u g h ty ; others ru led w ith pom p an d s p le n d o u r: but the
K h w a ja never graced the royal co urt by his presence (except
once w hen he was called upon to take p a rt in a disputation
188 SAVIOURS O F ISLAMIC S P IR IT
ab o u t th e law fulness o f m usical recitations), n o r he allow ed

any king to pay a visit to him .
T h e K h w Sja h ad still n o t achieved th e em inence by the
tim e o f G h iy a th u d -d ln B alban, so the la tte r d id not take m
uch notice o f h im . M uciz u d -d ln K a ik b S d was too pre-
occupied w ith h u n tin g a n d am usem ents to pay any
attention to him .
J a la l u d -d jn K h ilji was, how ever, th e first K in g w ho was him
self a h accom plished scholar an d connoisseur who patronised
m e n o f letters an d talen t. T h e K h w a ja h a d also th en
reached th e p innacle o f his fam e. J a l a l u d -d ln K h ilji
expressed his wish several tim es to be allow ed to pay hom age
to th e K h w a ja , but th e la tte r alw ays tu rn ed dow n his request.
At last, he p lanned w ith A m ir K h u sril to secretly visit the K h w
Sja w ithout inform ing h im . A m ir K h u sru , how ever, th o u g h t
it im p ru d en t to keep his Sheikh in th e d a rk a n d h e broke th e
news to him . T h e K h w Sja im m ediately m a d e u p his m in d
to visit the shrine o f his ow n Sheikh a t A jodhan. W h en the
K in g cam e to know o f it, h e ch id ed A m ir K h u sn i for leaking
out his secret, b u t A m ir K husrQ r e p lie d : “ D ispleasure o f th e
K in g posed a d a n g e r to m y life b u t th a t o f the' Sheikh w ould
hav e laid open m y faith to p e ril.” T h e wise an d generous K
in g , th a t J a l a l u d -dln K h ilji was, kept q u ite a t this an sw er . 1
K hw aja Put to Test
S ultan cA la 5 ud -d ln K h ilji ascended th e th ro n e a fte r his

uncle J a la l u d -d ln K h ilji. L o rd ly a n d a rro g a n t by n atu re, this
“ second A lex an d er” o f In d ia was n eith e r devoted to the
K hw S ja in th e beginning n o r bo re any ill-w ill against him . But
c e rtain persons envious o f th e K h w a ja trie d to em b itter the
K in g ag ain st him . T h ey told th e K in g th a t th e grow ing
popula rity o f th e K h w Sja was fra u g h t w ith d a n g e r to th e
kingdom . In o rd e r to test the sincerity o f th e K h w Sja he
w rote a letter req u estin g for p ra y e r and his advice for
co nducting th e ad m in istra tio n , a n d d eputed his son a n d h eir-
ap p aren t K h iz r K h a n to
1. Siar-ulrAuliiP, p . 135
L IF E SKETCH OF KH W A JA NIZAM U D -D IN AULIA 189
bear the letter to the K hw S ja. W hen th e letter was

delivered to him , he took it in his han d but d id not read it.
Instead, addressing those who w ere th en present, he said,
“ I pray for th e K in g .” T h ereafter he a d d e d : “ W h at have
we, the m endicants, to do w ith the K ing. Like a recluse I
have w ithd raw n to this corper to pray for th e w elfare o f'th e
K ing and th e M uslim s. But if the K ing should disapprove o f
it, I shall go aw ay from here. G od’s earth is w ide enough.”
Pleased w ith the reply given,by th e K hw Sja, the K ing
o b serv ed ; “ I already knew th a t th e K hw Sja is least concerned
w ith th e affairs o f the kingdom , b u t m alicious people w anted m
e to pick up a q u arrel w ith him so th a t this country should go
to ru in .” 1
T h e K ing apologised for th e lettear sent by him and
expressed his devotion, to the K h w aja. H e also requested
K hw aja N izam u d -d ln to allow him to pay a visit to him b u t
h e replied: “ T h e K ing need not come. I shall pray for him in
his absence w hich is m ore efficacious .” 2
S u ltan ‘A la 1 ud-d ln .Khiljl repeatedly m ad e requests to see
the K hw aja. W hen the K in g becam e m ore insistent the
K h w ija replied : “ I have tw o doors in m y house. I f th e K ing
enters from the one, I shall go put from th e o th er . ” 3
S ultan *Al5 u d -d ln K h iljl, how ever,, still continued to have
th e highest re g a rd for the K hw Sja w hom h e requested to pray
for him w henever he had any w orry o r anxiety. K h w a ja
N izam u d -d ln alw ays solemnly beseeched G od on b eh alf o f the
K ing on such occasions.
A historian o f th e tim e, Q azi Z ia J ud-dln B arnl writes :
“ W hen M alik N a i’b 4 h ad laid th e siege o f W arangal, the com
m unications to T ilan g an a broke dow n an d th e Sultan could not
get a n y news about his forces for m ore th an forty days. T he
Sultan felt w o rried ab o u t th e safety o f his troops w hile certain
1. S ia r-u l-A u lit p. 134

2. Ibid., p. 135
3 Ibid., p. 135
4. M alik K if o r
190 SAVIOURS O t ISfcAMIC SPIRIT
co u rtiers ap p reh en d ed th e possibility o f som e disaster or defeat

as th e Cause 6 f th e d isru p tio n o f com m unications from th e front.
O n e d ay, in a m om ent o f despairiilg anxiety, the Sultati d e p u t'd
M alik Q a rS Beg a n d Q a z l M ughfth u d -d ln o f Baya'nah to
convey his m en tal d isq u iet to th e K hw Sja. T h e K in g asked
th em to te ll the K h w aja th a t since he w as even m ore solicitous
th a n him ab o u t th e wtelfare o f Isla m a n d its adherents, he m ight
let h im knoW ab o u t th e w elfare o f th e a rm y if his illum inated
self h a d any prognostication ab o u t it. H e also instructed his
m essengersrto exactly re p o rt th e reply given by th e K h w aja.
W h en th e tw o courtiers conveyed th e m essage to the K hw Sja,
he started re latin g th e victories achieved earlie r by the K in g and
then a d d e d : ‘But th ese a re n o th in g as com pared to those we
expect in fu tu re 1, T h e K in g was m uch pleased to le a rn the
rep ly given b y th e K h w S ja fo r h e Was assured th a t W aran g al
w ould h av e been cap tu red by th e tim e. T h e sam e d ay, a fter
easr prayers, th e em issaries, sent by M alik N aib , a rriv e d w ith his
letter describing the success o f his expedition. T h e letter was
re a d o u t by th e pulpiters a fte r F rid a y p ray ers, the victory was
an n o u n ced by th e b eat o f d ru m s a n d th e people in th e ir
happiness raised th e strains o f in w a rd jo y . T h is in cid en t also
increased th e K in g ’s devotion an d re g a rd fo r th e K h w a ja .” 1
O n an o th e r occasion, w hen th e M ongols attacked In d ia ,
th e S u ltan h im self m arch ed o u t, p lacin g h im se lf a t th e h e a d
o f his troops, to d riv e back th e invaders. H e sent a m essage
retjuest ing the K h w aja to invoke div in e succour a t th a t critical
m om ent. T h e K h w a ja instructed a ll th e inm ates o f his m
onastery to p ra y a n d h im self earnestly e n tre a te d G od fo r
th e victory o f th e Sultan. A fter a few days th e new s w as
received th a t th e S u ltan ’S v a lo u r h ad b ro u g h t decisive victory
to his arm s a n d the rftvaders h ad fled to a ra p id an d d iso rd e rly
re tre a t .2
O n e o f the S u lta n ’s courtiers, Q S z l Z ia 5 u d -d ln , relates th a t
6 A l5 ’ u d -d ln never spoke disparagingly o f th e K h w S ja . A
lthough
1. Tarikh Firoz Shahi, p. 333

2. Siar-ul-Aulia>, p. 160
U F E SKETCH OF KlIwAJA NIZAM UD-DIN AULIA 191
there were several persons who described the Khw'Sja’s bounti

ful generosity and popularity in a m anner calculated to arouse
jealously in the K ing’s heart but he never gave ears to them .
T h e S u ltan ’s regard for the K hw Sja gradually developed into a
respectful submission but he could never meet the Khw Sja.
1Q ptb ud-din’s Animosity
After ‘A la 5 ud-d ln had breathed his last, his second son

Q u tb ud-dln M ubarak S hah ascended the thrbne depriving the
rightful claim ant and heir-apparent K h izr K hSn. Since K hizr
K hS n h ad been devoted to the K hw aja, Q u tb ud-dln M ubarak
S h sh nursed a feeling of resentment against the K hw aja too
which developed into hostility with the passage o f tim e. Q utb
u d-din built a new Jam ci M osque which he nam ed “ Masjid
M trl” , an d 'o rd ered all the theologians and divines o f Delhi to
perform the F riday prayers therein. K hw aja N izam ud-dln,
however, refused to comply with the royal com m and, replying
th a t hfe ’had a m osque near his house w hich had a greater claim
upon him . T his further enraged the K ing. T he relations
between the two were so strained th a t when the K hw Sja once
saluted the K ing, on com ing across him in the shrine o f Sheikh
Z iS 5 ud-dln RQml, th e latter refrained even from exchanging the
greetings. A nother incident, however, provided the K ing with
an opportunity to declare his foolish intentions w hich he m ight
have concealed for long in his bosom. According to the
custom followed in those days, all the grandees, officers and res
pectable citizens w ere required, on the first day o f every lunar
m onth, to present, themselves before the m onarch for salutation
and presentation.O f gifts to him . : T h e K hw Sja, however; never
w ent on these occasions but used to send his servant, Iqbal, as
his deputy. Feeling slighted by* th e proxy, the K ing ordered
th a t none am ongst his chiefs and officers should henceforth
visit GhiyathpOr to pay respect to the K hw aja. A m ir K husrtt
relates th a t th e king even said: “ W hoever would bring the
head o f th e Sheikh, he shall be rew arded one thousand Tankas."1
1. The tilver coin of the time.
192 SAVIOURS, OF ISLAMIC S P IR IT
T h e K ing publicly announced his intention : “ I f he does not

tu rn up next tim e I w ould k n o w how he comes.” T h e K in g ’s
intention perhaps was to have K hw aja N izam ud-dln brought to
the court as a prisoner or he m ight have even decided, to get rid
o f him once for all. T h e K h w aja was told of the K in g ’s resolve.
But indifferent to the peril threatening him , the K h w aja
rem ained quiet. O ne a fte r one the days "were running out.
“ T h e m onth began to d raw to a close” , says M a n a z ir Ahsan
G lla n i ,1 “ and with it every w ell-wisher o f the K hw aja began to
w orry him self sick. A t last, the new moon was alsq sighted.
Now everyone entitled to adm ittance before the K in g shall
p resent him self before the m orach on the com ing day. But
the K hw aja is still ad am an t an d has decided not to visit the
K ing, w ho, o n his p a rt, is also firm on his declared resolve : ‘I
would know how he com es.’ O nly the n ig h t is to pass for
the day, d re a d e d by the citizens o f D elhi, when the two
Sultans, one o f th e tem poral w orld and th e other of the
spiritual realm shall clash th e ir arm s. T h e fateful night had
still not folded up when th e K in g ’s doom was sealed. K h u sru
K h a n 3 seized the K ing by th e h a ir, th e tw o grappled each
other but KhusrQ K h an succeeded in thrusting a dagger in
th e abdom en o f the K ing who cam e crashing dow n to the
ground. K husru K h an severed his head* from th e body and
flung it dow n into the courtyard o f
1. Nizom-i-T'alim, Vol. II , p. 230

2. KhusrQ K han, in whom the Sovereign placed implicit confidence, was a
low caste convert to Islam. His acceptance o f Islam was merely the
cloak under which he concealed his deadly hatred o f the faith and lib
determination to conspire against the King in order to gain the throne
for himself.
3. The author of Siar-ul-Aulii5 does not give the datfj. when the king was
beheaded. Firishta fixes the incident on the fifth of Rab*>-ul-Awwal,
721 A. H. (Vol. I, p. 227) but a t another place he gives the date as 29th
ShawwSl (Vol. II, pp. 740-41). But greater reliance can be placed on
Amir K husru's Tughlaq A'ctrch which was composed during the reign Of
SultSn GhiySth ud-dln Tughlaq. I t states th a t the- incident happened
in Jam lda-nl-U khrfi, in the night the new moon was sig h ed (p. 19).
L IF E SKETCH O F KHWAJA. NIZAM UD -D IN AULIA 193
th e Im p e ria l Palace o f T housand P illars . ” 1
The M ysterious Repast
. D uring th e period w hen Su ltan Q u tu b u d -d ln h a d forbidden

his courtiers to pay a visit to th e K h w aja, spies h a d also been
depu ted by h im to b rin g .intelligence how th e K h w aja m anaged
his im p e ria l k itch en a fte r th e cessation o f a ll gifts a n d presents
by th e roy al entourage. Sheikh N a slr u d - d ln , ChitZgh D thli re
lates th a t “ w hen the Sheikh was apprised o f th e K in g ’s o rd e r, he
d irected his atten d an ts to increase th e Quantity o f victuals cooked
in his kitchen. A fter a few days th e K in g enq u ired about the
m a tte r a n d was to ld th a t the quan tity o f food-stuff h ad since
been doubled by th e K h w a ja .” Surprised to h e a r the reply, he
rem arked ; “ I w^s m istaken. H e seems to get his sustenance
from unknow n sources . ” 2
G hiyath ud*din T u gh laq
D u rin g th e br>ef p eriod o f his despotic ru le, K h u u Q K h a n

let no opportunity go by p f insulting a n d ridiculing th e faith
w hich be h ated a t h e a rt. In 721 A .H . G hiy 3 th u d -d ln T u g h laq
(M alik G hSzI) m arch ed upon th e capital an d established the
T u g h laq dynasty a fte r putting th e u su rp er to sword- G h iy ath
ud-d ln was not a scholar but h e showe’d due deference to th e
Shari1ah an d th e doctors o f teligion. T h e K h w a ja used to have
sittings o f m usical recitations w hich h a d then becom e popular
in t^ e capital. A c e rta in person n am ed H osam u d -d ln F a rja m ,
who, h a d been w ith th e K h w aja for quite some tim e b u t h a d
rem ain ed unenlightened despite the pray ers an d penance
u n d er
1. Qajr-i-HazBr Situn, as it was naifted because of the large num ber o f pillars
utilized in its construction, was built by CAH* ud-din in 1303 A. D ., oil
the place he encamped outside Delhi to give battle to the Mongol
invader Targhi. The Qasr m ust have been as grand and beautiful as
other buildings of *AU’ ud-din, but unfortunately its complete destruction
later on renders it difficult to locate its site w ith any am ount o f
certainty.
1 . Khair-ul'Majdlis, p. 310-11
194 SAVIOURS O F ISLAMIC: S P IR IT
taken by h im , was a tru sted councillor o f th e K in g . Qaz!

J a lS l u d -d ln , th e D eputy C h ief o f State was also hostile to the
m ystics. The Q a z l a n d few other theologians prevailed upon
H osS m u d -d ln F a ijS m to bring it to th e notice o f th e K in g th a t
th e K h w a ja ’s p articip atio n in these m usical rhapsody's, deem ed
un law fu l b y I m a m A bu H a n lfa , p ro v id ed an excuse to others to
indulge in an d prom ote a p ractice p ro h ib ited by th e Shari1ah.
T h e K in g being unaw are o f th e legal position lto this re g a rd ,
was am azed to h e a r 1th a t a scholar an d divine rev ered by all
co u ld be accused o f an y th in g im perm issible by th e SharPah. A
n u m b er o f ju ristic opinions d eclarin g m usical recitations unlaw
ful w ere produced before th e K in g w ho agreed to convene a
council to exam ine th e co rrect legal position in this reg ard .
T h e m eeting was convened an d th e K h w a ja invited to it, w hich
has been thus described by M ir K h u r d : “ T h e K h w aja was
sum m oned to th e Im p erial Palace. H e w$s accom panied by
Q a z l M u h l u d -d ln K a sh a n l an d F a k h r u d -d ln Z a rrS d l, b o th Of
w hom w e re eru d ite scholars. Q a z l JalS l ud-dTh opened th e
proceedings w ith a serm on calling upon th e K hw Sja to desist
from th e p ractice. T h e w ay he addressed th e K hw S ja w as not
only unbefitting but he even proceeded to th re a te n h im w ith
punishm ent if he still persisted in looking upon it as al law fiil
p ractice. In d ig n a n t a t the a rro g a n t rem arks o f Q a z l J a la l
u d -d ln , th e K h w aja rem arked : ‘You shall be dism issed from
th e office w hich m akes you b ra g your tongue.’ A nd tw elve days
th e re a fter th e Q a z l Was dism issed a h d m ade to leave D elh i.
In fine, a ll th e scholars, ju rists a n d theologians, an d th e K in g
too, anxiously aw aited th e K h w S ja to expound th e correct
ju ristic position in re g a rd to th e m a tte r u n d e r discussion.
H osam ud-dJn F arj 5 m levelled th e ch arg e th a t people w hirled
a n d d a n c e d an d m a d e loud excited u tterances in th e m usical
sittings held by th e K h w a ja * ‘Dont m ake noise. Instead of
continuing y our allegations first define m usical recitatio n ,’
d em an d ed th e K h w S ja fro m H osS m u d -d ln . F a rja m a d m itte d
th a t h e d id not know w hat constituted a m usical recitatio n but
a d d e d that the ju rists held it unlaw ful. ‘T h e n ’, replied th<
LIFE SKETCH OF KHW AJA NIZAM UD-DIN AULIA 195
K h w aja, ‘I need not answ er the charges levelled by a m an who

does not know w hat the issue is.’ H o sam u d -din F a rja m was
thus .put to sham e. T h e K ing gave e a r to the speech o f the
K hw aja an d forbade others to speak loudly o r in terru p t him .
A m ong tjie scholars present in the m eeting H a m id u d -dln
and Sh ahab ud -d in m ostly kept quiet. T h e form er, how ever,
deposed th a t th e description o f ^he K h w a ja ’s sittings o f m usical
recitations, as given by F arjam a n d others w ere incorrect as he
had him self attended .these sittings as well as those held by other
saints,and fria rs......... ......I n the m eantim e ‘ A lam ud-dln, the
grandson o f Sheikh-ul-Islam Bah a 5 u d -d ln Z akariya M u lta n f
arriv ed . T h e K in g .asked him w hether m usical sittings w ere
perm issible o r prohibited. H e replied th a t he h a d discussed the
m a tte r a t length jn his m onograph on th e subject. I t was
law ful for those who listened to these recitations to w arm the
cockles o f th eir h eart for spiritual elevation b u t unlaw ful
for those who w anted to gratify th e ir senses. I n reply to a
fu rth e r ques* tion asked by th e K in g he said th a t in
B aghdad, R u m 1 and Syria the mystics attended these
recitations b u t nobody ever raised any objection. H e a d d e d
th a t th e practice was followed by tbe mystics even d u rin g the
tim es o fJ u n a id and Shibll.
J a la l u d -dln im plored the K ing to forbid m usical recitations
by a royal decree in o rd e r to uphold the ju ristic view held by
the theologians o f H anaB te school. T h ereupon the K h w aja asked
the K ing not to issue any edict on the subject. T h e K ing
accepted the K h w a ja’s recom m endation and did not issue any
o rd e r .2
♦ Q a zi Z ia J u d -d ln Barn! writes in Hasrat Jsaman th a t
when the K h w a ja retu rn ed from the m eeting he called for
M uhi ud -dln K Sshani and A m ir K husru. Me told them th at the
theologians an d jurists of D elhi w ere filled w ith bitterness and
envy ; they gave vent to th e ir in d ig n atio n w hen they found an
opportunity b u t it was surprising th a t they gave preference
to the
1. Modern Turkey
2. Siar-ul-AuliV (Summarised), pp. 527-32
196 SAVIOURS O P ISLAMIC 8P1R IT
ju ris tic opinions o f th e , Im am ? ov er th e T ra d itio n s o f th e

P ro p h e t. T h e K h w a ja w as grieved to find the theologians
rejecting a T ra d itio n m erely, because Im a m ShafecJ h a d T e l j e d
upon it w hile th e ir ow n Iih am s h a d disagreed From h im . A t
last th e K h w a ja observed ; h a d n ev er seen a scholar w ho
refused to give heed to a n au th e n tic T ra d itio n o f th e Prophet.
I d o n o t know w h at is g o ing to h ap p en Ito th e city ? N o city can
flourish w here a b eh av io u r so outrageous ca n be to le ra te d . No
w o n d er i f th is city goes to rack an d ru in ! W h ere th e K in g an d
th e nobles a n d th e com m on folk h e a r th e Q ,azls an d th e l ulama
assert:ng th a t th ey d o n o t follow th e P rophet’s: T ra d itio n s, how
w ould they continue t o h a v e faith in th e m ? 1 fe a r th a t the
d isb e lie f o f th e religious scholars o f this city m ig h t invite th e
cu rse o f H eav en in th e shape o f calam ity a n d d isaster, fam in e
a n d p estilen ce .” 1
D e tr a c t io n o f D ellfi
T h e fe a r expressed by K h w a ja N izam u d -d ln w as n o t
u n fo u n d ed . Exactly six years a fte r his foreboding, M u h a m m a d
T u g h la q , the son arid successor o f G h iy ath u d -d ln T u g h lak ,
su d d en ly issued a d e c re e fo r v acating D elh i a n d m ig ratin g to
D ev ag iri, ren am ed by h im a s D a u la ta b a d . H e enforced his o
rd e r w ith such a haste a n d u n reaso n in g obstinacy th a t th e
c ap ital becam e desolate. I n a city w here form erly it w as
difficult to p ro c u re a house, no living being except w ild beasts ,
w ere seen. M u h a m m a d Q a s im B ijapuri w rites in Tarikh
Firishta : “ T h e fu n ctio n aries o f the State d id not allow a single
in h a b ita n t p f th e city, h a b itu a te d to its clim ate, to rem ain th ere.
T h ey despatched everybody to D ev ag iri, an d D elhi b ecam e so j
d ev astated a n d d ep o p u lated th a t no voice except th a t o f t h e |
jack als, foxes a n d o th er w ild beasts w as to b e h e a rd th e re .” 1
|
A ll those theologians a n d ju rists w ho h a d a rra ig n e d them*!
selves ag ain st th e K h w a ja in th e Im p e ria l P alace h a d to leavqg
1. Siar-ul-Aulid* (Sum marised1, pp. 527—32

2. Tarikh FirishtS, V. I , p. 243
L IFE SKETCH O F K H W A JA NIZAM UD-DIN AULIA 197
D elhi alongw ith o th e rs ; m any o f them perished in th e course of

the long an d strenuous m arch tow ards D eyagiri } those who
reached th e new capital w ere destroyed by fam ine an d pestilence
an d , thus, the grim p rediction o f th e K h w a ja cam e tru e w ithin
a deca.de. ?
D aily Routine of the Khw aja
T h e K hw aja used to come dow n from his ap artm en t for

tisha') prayers. A fter perform ing th e sam e w ith congregation,
he would retu rn to his cham ber ag ain w here he spent some
tim e in the recollection o f G od. T h e re a fter hg took a little rest
before the attendants handed over to him his rosary. T hen
nobody excepting A m ir K husru was allow ed to see him . A m ir
K husru used to sit dow n n ear his cot relating the topic o f the
day or other m atters. T h e K h w a ja often nodded his head to
signify his assent o r asked: “ T u rk , w hat is the,new s.” T his gave
an opportunity to A m ir 1 to put tw o and tw o together and
m ake it five. T he K h w aja asked about som ething and A m fr
Ittfliged the opportunity to relate the whole story* O ften the
K hw aja also perm itted th e ch ild ren o r relatives to come and
join the sitting a t this hour.
Nocturn'al Occupation
A fter A m ir KhUsrQ an d others present at the tim e

h ad taken leave to d ep art, the Khyyaja’s personal attendant
Iq b a l used to bring a few jugs fille d ; with w ater for
perform ing ablution. T h ereafter the K hw aja used to bolt the
doors from inside and then nobody knew how he occupied him
self to attain
1. The biographies as weJl as the poems of (Ainir K husiu speak volumes

of his deep, quiet and enduting affection founded upon his attachm ent
and esteem for the Khwaja. The Khwaja’s kindly feeling for his
disciple is disclosed by w hat he once said to Amir Khusru : “I
sometimes get tired of myself but never with you.’ (Siar-itl-Aiilia3, p.
302). Another time the K hw aja told Amir K husru: “ A man asked
me to lay my eyes upon him as I look upon you. I kept quiet but I
thought of telling him first to prove himself worthy of it.” (Ibid., p.
302}.
th e p ro p in q u ity o f G od o r tb w h at lofty stations he was

raisied by th e D iv in e g race. '
Sahur
W hen th e tim e cam e for Sahur, the a tte n d a n t used to ta p

th e d o o r. H e b ro u g h t dishes o f different cooked victuals b u t
tile K h w a ja took b u t a little o f these an d instructed to keep
th em for th e ch ild re n . K h w a ja cA b d u r R a h im , w ho was
c h arg ed w ith this du ty relates th a t som etim es th e K h w a ja a te
alm ost n o th in g a t Sahur. W hen h e was requested to take a b it
m o re since he h ad eaten very little a t the tim e o f I f tar, he w ould
break out into tears an d say : “ H ow m an y destitutes an d poor
w ould be lying h u n g ry on th e stairs a n d platform s o f the
m osques ? H ow cah I take all th is'w h e n they a re in such a g reat
distress.” T h e food b ro u g h t to the K h w S ja for Sahur h ad vefy
often to be taken back untouched by him .
In the Day
T h o se who saw th e K h w a ja in th e m o rn in g found his

eyes re d d ish b y th e night-long vigils b u t his face would be lit up
With heavenly g race, as if by a n ind escrib ab le happiness o f
inrie'r bliss, w ith o u t the least tra c e o f w eariness. N obody
could say th a t th e K h w aja w ould have p e rfo rm ed fo u r o r
five h u n d re d r a ta ls o f p ray er in a d d itio n to th e chantings in
praise o f God. Besides th e in w a rd illu m in atio n o f his purified
soul, the onfy occupation th a t em ployed h im w as
consolation o f th e hearts broken by th e tu rm o ils o f e a rth , th a n
w hich th e re is no nobler
task.
The K h w a ja could be seen w hole d ay sitting on th e prayed
m a t o f his sp iritu al guide absorbed in th e ocean of D iving
presence. A streiam o f visitors w hich included saints ana
scholars as well as persons o f ra n k a n d au th o rity continued aU
. d ay . T h e K h w a ja conversed w ith th em b u t he also kept
himsefl in w ard ly absorbed in the contem plation o f D ivine
p e rfectio n .1
L IFE SKETCH OF XHW AJA NIZAM UD-DIN AULIA 199
A fter the K hw aja had perform ed the m id-day prayer,

th e visitors.; com ing from outside w ere called in. His kind
and com fortable words consoled the w earisom e hearts and
instructed th e m in the way o f salvation. But nobody, not even
the savants and the saved could d are to cast th eir eyes on
the rad ian t countenance o f th e K hw aja.
End o f the Journey
T he K h w aja w as o ver 80 years o f age when he had

a prem onition th a t his journey’s end was draw ing n ear. O ne
day he told his a tte n d a n ts: “ I saw th e Prophet in th e dream .
He said, “ NizSm, I am anxiously w aiting for you ’ . ” 1
D uring his illness, the K hw Sja gave out w arrants o f vice-
gerency to several disciples. These w ere drafted by F ak h r ud-
d ln Z a rrS d l a n d Copied by Saiyid H usain K irm S ni<and finally
signed by th e K hw Sja. T h e date given on these documents
being th e 20th Zilhijja, A. H . 724, these must have been Written
three m onths a n d twenty-seven days .before th e K hw aja breathed
his last.
Some* o f the w arrants w ere sent out to th e disciples for
whom they w ere m eant. T o others* the K hw S ja granted them
personally. First o f all Sheikh Qjutb u d -d ln M unaw w ar was
asked to present him self. H e was granted the w arran t and a
habit o f vicegerendy an d told to offer thanksgiving prayer# In
the m eantim e Sheikh ffaslr ud-dln M ahmGd (Chirag Dehit) was
also called in an d aw arded the robe an d the w a n a n i. Sheikh
Q u tb u d-dln M unaw w ar was called ag ain by him a n d both
were told to congratulate and em brace each other. T hen, the
K hw aja said : ‘‘Both o f you are. brothers. N ever m ind
who got the w arran t first.” *
F orty days before th e K hw S ja shared the rew ard o f heaven
ly kingdom , he attain ed th e stage o f total absorption an d seemed
overw helm ed by D ivine light. G iving an eye-witness account
o f the KhW aja’s condition before he passed on to his heavenly
1. Siar-ttl-Aulia*, p. 141
200 SAVIOURS O P ISLAMIC SP IR IT
ab o d e, M i r K h u rd s a y s : “ It w as F rid ay . T h e K hw aja seem ed

to be im m ersed in D ivine lig h t. In the p ra y e r he repeatedly
p ro strated as i f yielding to the g ra n d e u r o f th e Suprem e Being.
In th e sam e condition, he retu rn ed to his residence from th e
m osque. T ears continuously rolled dow n from his eyes, he
occasionally passed on to ecstatic trances b u t a fte r short spells
he rem ark ed : ‘T o d ay it is F rid ay . A friend .recalls to his
m in d the prom ise m ade by the friend an d gets engrossed in it.’
In the sam e condition he often asked w hether it was tim e for
the prayers and w hether he h ad perform ed it o r n o t? I f he was
told th a t.h e has alread y said his prayers, h e replied : ‘L et m e
p erfo rm it a g a in .’ H e continued to rem ain in this condition all
th ro u g h this period.
“ O nce he called fo r all th e disciples and servants present
in the m onastery a n d said : ‘All o f you shall b e a r witness on
the D ay o f Ju d g em en t th a t if Iq b a l has w ithheld anything, h e
shall b e responsible fo r it before G o d .’ IqbS l replied : ‘I have
kept back nothing ; everything has been given aw ay.’ T h e m an
had actually done so an d distributed everything to th e poor
excepting some grains w hich w ould h av e sufficed for th e inm ates
o f the m onastery fo r a few days. M y uncle S a iy id ' H usain
inform ed the K h w aja accordingly w ho an g rily dem an d ed from
I q b a l : ‘W hy have you kept back th a t rotten d u s t? ’ T h e
K h w a ja th en o rd ered th a t th e poor a n d th e needy be c a lle d .,
W hen they h a d ’gath ered , he said : ‘Break Open the store. T ak e
aw ay all the g rain and sweep it c leaiu ’ In a few m om ents
ev ery th in g was carried aw ay by the crow d.
“ D u rin g the period o f his last illness a few disciples a n d j
atten d an ts asked th e K hw aja : ‘W h at shall be o u r lot a f t e r )
y o u r ’ H e replied : ‘You shall get enough to keep, y o u r body |
an d soul to g eih er.’ A ccording to an o th er rep o rt I h eard fro m l
certain reliable persons, the K h w aja was a s k e d : ‘W ho w o u ld l
be blest w ith luck am ongst us ?’ T hey m ean t who would be t h e |
K h w a ja ’s ch ief (spiritual successor. ‘W hosoever’s luck shoulit
favour h im ’, was the reply given by the K h w a ja . Som e o f th e
friends an d atten d an ts requested m y m aternal g ra n d fa th e r
LIFE SKETCH O F KHW A IA NIZAM UD-DIN AULIA 201
Sham s u d-din D am ghanl to tell the K h w aja th at a num ber o

f his disciples who have built p alatial buildings are desirous
tOt know w here the K hw aja would like to have his eternal
resting place. T h e K h w aja, however, replied th a t instead o f
having his grave in one o f these houses, he w ould like to be
buried in a n open space. A ccordingly ,he was laid to rest
in a n ope® field w here S ultan M uham m ad T u g h la q later built
a cupola.
“ Forty days before the K hw aja died, he had left
taking food .1 D uring this period he hated even the smell o f
cookqd
victuals. O nce h e w as offered a little soup o f fish b ut he said t
‘T h ro w it aw ay in th e running w ater.' M y uncle S aiyid
H usain once said to th e K h w a ja : ‘Y our honour has not taken
anything fo r th e last so m any days. T h a t w ould be h a rm fu l,’
But the K hw Sja r e p lie d : ‘Saiyid, how could he relish food
who is anxious to m eet th e H oly Prophet ?’ H e hot only took
n o food d u rin g these forty days but also spoke very little.
“ A t last in th e forenoon o f the eighteenth R abÎ ul-A khir,
725 Ai H . this spiritual star shed its lustre fo r th e la s t tim e i n d
passed on to his heavenly abode.
“ T h e funeral pray er o f the K hw Sja was led by Sheikh ul-
Islam R u kn u d -d ln , son o f the renow ned saint Sheikh B ah5 5 ud-
d ln Z akariyS o f M ultan. A fter the pray er Sheikh R ukn ud -din
o b se rv e d : “ N ow I know th a t fo r four long years I was
d etained in D elhi to have the honour o f leading this funeral
p ra y e r.” *
T h e K h w a ja never m arried ’ a n d h ad no soii b u t his spiri
tu al sons in succession continued to keep alig h t th e lam p Of
guidance in different parts o f th e country.
I. The aversion of the Khwaja could be described as an irresistible impulse

of a man iiftmened in an exalted state of (feeling and should not be
taken as a rule or custom followed by other mystics.
2 / Siar-tii-Aulia^pp. 152-158
3. M arriage is not an im pediment to spiritual elevation, nor something
looked down upon by the Shari'ah or by the mystics. T he K h w ija’s
decision not to marry was, perhaps, because o f his personal circum
stances and b e n t o f w ind.
Ill
Character and Achievements
T h e gifts a n d talen ts o f K h w S ja N iz a m ud -d ln w ere perhaps

expressed m ost concisely as w ell as meaningfully* by his spiritual
guide K h w S ja F a rid u d -dln Ganjshakdr w hile con ferrin g his
vicegereney upon him . H e h ad said : “ G od has bestow ed upon
you th e gifts o f know ledge, intellect an d His, l o v e ; a n d anyone
com bining these qualities is best suited to d isch arg e th e respon
sibilities o f a vicegerent .” 1
Sincerity o f Purpose
►The essence o f his c h a ra c te r w hich enabled him to c a rv e

o ut a p rid e o f place n o t only am ongst th e saints an d sufls o f his
ow n tim e , b u t also to becom e a loved a n d respected personality
in th e annals o f Islam a n d to g ain im m o rtal fam e w as his
w holehearted devotion a n d th e love o f G od. HJs sterling
sincerity h a d m a d e th is ru lin g passion o f his h e a rt th e sole
object o f his ea rth ly existence a n d expelled a ll o th e r desires—
th e longings fo r w ealth a n d glory, th e love o f th e w o rld aricl
w orldly desires.
“ H a il, O Love th a t b ringest us good gain— ,
th o u a r t th e physician o f a ll o u r ills, .
T h e rem edy o f o u r p rid e an d vainglory, o u r P la to a n d
o u r G a le n .'
1. The Mathnawi, Vol. II , p. 6, Book I, (verses 23-24)
CH A RA CTER AND AC h IEVEMENTS 203
LoVe is th a t flam e w hich, w hen it blades u p .to n su m ^ s

everything else b u t the Beloved. '
H e (the lover) drives hom e the sw ord o f .M rtin o rd e r
to kill all other th a n G o d : T h ereu p o n c o l d e r w hat
rem ains a fte r Not.1
T h e re rem ains except G o d : all th e re s tis gone.
H ail, O m ighty Love, destroyer o f polytheism.*
T h e Whole life o f th e K hw Sja was spent in the sw e e t^ t
strains th a t cause one to forget one’s ow n self in love divine and
exert a stim ulating influence over others to seek the Sublime
object O^ hum an existence. A s h e ik h 3 o f the NizSmiyak order
has perhaps best expressed this very feeling Of ecstatic rapture
in these verses : *
“ N either a devotee, n o r a clerk in holy b rd er,
N or yet a Hafiz, nor a zealous believer ; ‘
W ith all th e ills th a t m en endure, I w ould be a lover,
T o b e sorrow-sick in the sea o f troubles, I
would clam our.”
H aving attained th e state o f peaceful contentm ent, the
K h w aja was alw ays careful th a t all those disciples who were
chosen by him to keep alight th e la m p o f his mystic order,
expelled the liking for w ealth and dignity from their hearts.
O nce F aslh ud-dln, a disciple, asked : “ W ho deserves to becom e
th e vicegerent o f a spiritual teacher ?” “ O n e” , replied the
K h w a ja , “ who is not a t all keen to becom e a vicegerent.” *
M jr K h u rd relates th a t a reputed disciple o f th e K hw Sja
who had been g ran ted the w arran t o f vicegerency by him , began
to put on airs. T h e K h w a ja becam e so displeased th a t w hen he
again cam e to see him , the K hw Sja refused to speak to him
1. Alludes to the Q uranic verse (X X V II: 88) which says : “And cry not
unto any other god along with Allah. There is no God save Him.
Everything will perish save His Countenance.”
2. The Matfmawi, Vol. V I, p. 38, (Book V , verses 588-90)
3. M uhammad ibn Q utub (popularly known as ShSh MfnS) of Lucknow,
(d. 874 A, H .).
4. Siar-ul-Autia3, p. 345
204 SAVIOUR* OF ISLAMIC S P IR IT
a n d revoked his ^permission to act as his vicegerent. T h e

K h w S ja forgave h im only a fte r be h a d expressed reg ret over his
p ast behaviour. c.
Love for the Enemy
O n his way to spiritual developm ent, a devotee has to

a tta in th a t stage o f selflessness, renunciation an d sincerity w here
his h e a rt becomes free from all em otions o f liatred and revenge
a n d al] desires to cause d am ag e o r h u rt to anyone. H e is then
not sim ply hum ane a n d c o rd ia l to his friends but also develops
a genuine kindliness o f h e a rt even for those w ho are hostile to
h im . Iij fact, he then supplicates for th e prosperity an d
h ap p iness o f his enemies as if th e hostility against him is a
favour conferred upon h im for w hich he ought to express his
heart-felt g ratitu d e.
A m ir ‘A la* S ajazi relates th a t once the, K h w aja. rem arked
in his presence : “ W hoever m akes m y h e a rt b le fd , w ould th a t
G od blest him m o re !” T h e re a fter the K h w a ja recited a
couplet w hich m e a n t:
“ T horns w ho sows in m y way out o f ill-will.
M ay his flower o f life blossom w ithout a prickle !’*
“ A certain person whose nam e was J h a jju ” , says
^K hw aja
N a slr u d -d ln , “ lived in H isar In d ra p a t n e a r G hiy ath p u r. For
n othing he bore m alice against th e K h w a ja an d spared no effort
to abuse a n d get h im in to tr o u b le ., W hen he d ied , the K hw aja
n ot only atten d ed h is fun eral but also offered tw o rafcats
o f p ra y e r o n his grave an d prayed thus for h im : “ O G od, I
have forgiven h im for w hatever ill he m ig h t have thought o r
done to m e. D o not punish h im o n m y ac c o rd .” 1
O nce, some o f his disciples told th e K h w aja : “ T h e re
are a few persons w ho accuse you publicly an d even from th e
p ulpit o f th e m osque. I t becom es difficult for us to keep q u iet
on these occasions.” T h e K h w a ja replied, “ I h av e forgiven all
o f them .
Y ou too should d o th e sam e a n d never pick up a q u a rre l w ith
1. Siar-td-Qrifin
C H A R A C T ER AND ACHIEVEMENTS
th e m .” T h e re a fte r he a d d e d , “ I f th e re is a feud bet w ^ e n i& o

persoAs, th e surest w ay to p u t an end to it'is th a t one o f the tw o
should dism iss th e feeling o f resentm ent from his h e a rt. A fter
all, why shotlid anybody feel ill o f being called nam es by another
person. D oes riot th e adage riin : T h e prop erty o f th e Sufi is a
public tru st an d th e spilling o f his blood perm issible to all I
T h e n w hy should one q u a rre l m erely for callin g nam es ?” ’
T h e K h w a ja used to tell his disciples th a t th e practice
folloWfed by th e com m onalty was to be kindly to th e good an d
to rep ay th e b a d in th e Same coin b u t th e convention o f th e m en
o f G od was to re p a y e v e n evil With a k in d deed. O n ce h e said,
“ I f som eone puts a tftotfnin you*- Way a n d you to o d o th e sam e,
th e Whole p a th Will soon h e litte re d w ith thorns. A w ell-know n
pro v erb runs : Be a friend o f th e good an d .tq tb f w icke^ a
f o e ; b u t th e custom o f th e mystics is to b e k in d to th e frien d as
Well as to n tfife * f e e ." * T h e K h w a ja V m o tto w as even still
h ig h er. H e u sed to say : “ I t is b a d to speak ill, b u t to seek ill
is even Worse .” 8 •
I t is n o t difficult tO conceive th e loving kindness th a t a m an
With such a ru le of*conduct h a d fo r th e descendants a n d rela
tives Of his OWri Sheikh. T h e a u th o r o f Siar-ul-2rifin relates
th a t once K h w a ja cA ta 5 U llah , th e s o n o f Sheikh N a jib u d -d ln ’s
d a u g h te r, asked K h w a ja N iz tm u d -d ln to w rite a letter to a
c e rta in g ran d ee asking h im io h elp *Ata 5 U lla h w ith some
m oney. T h e K h w S ja p leaded his inability on th e g ro u n d thiat
h e w as not a t a ll acq u ain ted w ith th e ch ief n o r h ad ' th a t m an
ever visited h im . ‘ A tS 5 U lla h got a n £ ry a n d gave loose to the
tongue o f s la n d e r against him . H ow ever, thfe K h w S ja d id not
allow £A ta 5 U llah to go aw ay displeased w ith h im an d offered
som e m oney to pacify h i m /
1. Fawa Hd-ul-FuwSd, p. 95
2. Ibid., p. 87
S. Siar-ul-Autia*, p. 554
4. Siar-ul-t/lriftn
206 SAVIOUR? OF ISLAMIC SPIR IT
Concealing Other’ s Faults

, M ir K l u u d r e p o m th a t. persons p a y in g . a ' y»it,.l| 0! .the
KLb,waja used to brin g som e present P r sweety to offer a? , f g ift
t<a him* w hich wfire pollected by th e .attendants and d istribute^
am o ng th,e, v,i$itors £ n4 iijnoates o f the njpnastery, O nce a reli
gious scholar, b ro u g h t a packet ^ f du?t an d put it alongside the
gifts b ro u g h t by others. H e h a d presum ed th a t the K h w 5 ja,
w h e n ev er car,ed to know w hat was b ro u g h t by w hom , w ould
n o t discover his. ru$$, After, a , w h ile ,th e K h w a ja ’s a tte n d a n t
cam e to collect th e gifts bu t the K h w a ja asked h im to leave th a t
p a rtic u la r packet, s a y in g ; “I^ e a v e ij: h ere. T h is antim pn)! is
m e a n t for m y . eyes.” T h e $ e 0 ^ i ^ ; j i p ^ < g i i a |t e l y apologised
* fo r pu ttin g h im to test a n d enlistee^ h im self aityong. his dispiples.J
A ffection a te K in d n ess ' ■

■ 1 •' '• ■ t ’
l'il ■ ■ ■ ">J 'O . : ■' .
; T o w a rd s th e hu m an ity, a t la rg e , a n d th e M uslim s a n d those
w ho w ere in any way; connected to h jm , in partipular^ th e
K h w S ja h a d such a deep a n d kindly feeling w hich, it wo^tld.not
be ex aggeratio n to say, m easured .-up to affection o f a m o th er
fo r h e r c h ild re n . Of, a fact, a ll those w h o a re perfect in faith
in h e rit th e P ro p h e t’s solicitude a n d c a re f o r ih e h u m an ity thus
p o rtra y e d in th e w ords o f G od : , ? ,t
h “ T h e re h a th c®0?e im to you a m es»6 Bger J (offe), o f
yourselves, unto w hqpi, a u g h t th a t ye a re Qyserbvrdened is
; . grievous, full o f <;owern for, you, fo r $he believers full o f
pity, m erciful . ” 1 ,, ,
;>■ T o be Jcind, gentle an d consid erate w ith others is seally to
foUqwim Jh e footsteps o f th e P rop het w ho h a d bpen enjoined
th u s by G od ; fe , .■ T
“ A nd low er th y w ing (in kiqdness) un to those
believers w ho follow th e e .” -
A kindly affection, deep, te n d er an d constant,
going
1. Suar-ul-AuliV, p. 142
2. Q,. I X -.128
3. f t . X X V I: 215
C H A R A C T ER AND ACHIEVEM ENTS 207
out to o ther h u m an beings im p arts such a feeling o f oneness

and sp iritual -affinity th a t the pleasure an d pain o f others
is directly felt by the h eart o f the person developing such a
ten d er affection. A m ir H asan ‘A la 1 SajazS relates th at once,
in a gath erin g w hich was being addressed by the K h w aja, a
few persons w ere sitting in the sun. T h e 'K hw aja stopped his
discourse to say, “ B rothers, com e closer so th at those sitting in
th e sun m ay,get a place in shade. T hey a re sitting in the sun
bu t I am getting b u rn t .” 1 *
O nce the K h w a ja quoted some one, perhaps to refer indi
rectly to his ow n feelings, who h a d s a id : “ G o d ’s creation
takes <food before m e a n d I find it going dow n m y ow n throat*
as i f I am m yself eating the sam e . ” 2
A m ir H asan tells one o f his own experiences. H e once
paid a n untim ely visit to the K h w a ja . H e had actually com e,
as h e him self says* to see som e o f his relatives b u t h e d id not
like to re tu rn w ithout m eeting the K h w aja even though it was
an ill-tim ed visit. H e w ent and told th e K h w a ja how h a d he
com e a t a tim e ill-suited to him . T h e K h w aja replied, “ You
d id well. A lthough the etiquette requires th a t one should not
visit a Sheikh before ishraq in the m orning a n d a fte r '■asr in the
evening* b u t I d o n ’t follow these rules. A nyone m ay com e a t
any tim e he likes.” *
Solicitude for Others
T h o se w ho have attained the stage o f spiritual perfection

expel a ll p e rso n a l cares a n d anxieties from th e ir h earts but the
w elfare o f h u m an ity alw ays keeps them vexed a n d w orried :
like a friend w ho sticketh closer th a n b ro th er, they a re friend
o f a ll in th e w orld.
O nce a c ertain mystic said to K h w 9 ja S h a ra f ud-dln* th a t
K h w aja N izam u d -d m h ad no cares to tro u b le his m ind, neither
1. Faiua>id-ui-Fuwid, p. 91
2. Siar-til-AuliV, p. 77
3. FuiciPd-ul-FuwSd, Vol. 1, p. 96
4. Grandson of a famous mystic, K hw ija N aslr ud-dln Chirdgh D M
208 SAVIOURS O F IS L A M IC S P IR IT
a w ife n o r c h ild re n w hose well-being could stir his h

e a rt or w o rry his h e a d a b o u t them . S h a ra f u d -d in w ent d ire c t
from th e re to th e K h w a ja bu t before he co uld m ention it to
him , th e K h w Sja s a id : “ S h a r a f u n -d in , the choking
d isq u ie t I c a rry in m y h e a rt is o f a n intensity h a rd ly felt by
anybody else. W hosoever com es to m e tells his problem s
w hich m akes m e extrem ely sad . H e is re a lly heartless who
does not feel th e pin ch o f his b ro th e r’s w orries. V erily th e
sincere a re faced w ith d an g e rs g r e a t ! N ow you c a n
u n d ersta n d w hy those who a re n e a re r (to G od) re m a in
a sto u n d e d .” * ■
T o th e Khw&ja th e g reatest v irtu e w hich could h elp one to
receive th e L ight-D ivine w as to cheer a n d please a believer a n d
to m itig ate his sufferings.. A u th o r o f StatrulrAulta1 reports w hat
th e K h w a ja on ce said : “ I n a d re a m I w as given a book. It
w as w ritte n in it th a t as fa r as possible one should console th e
d istre sse d ; fo r, th e h e a rt o f a b eliever is th e repository o f d iv in e ,
secrets. Som e body h as w ell said :
‘‘O f th e living -beings, d e a d en th e p a i n ;
A n d hav e th e d a y ’s b re a d for th e p o o r a n d th e . t
forlorn.”
O n a n o th e r occasion th e K h w a ja s a i d : “ O n th e D ay o
f R eckoning n o th in g shall be m o re valued th a n th e w ords,
Sind a n d com fo rtab le, co nsideration a n d solace extended to th e
w orried h e a rts . ” 2
Attachm ent to Children
T h e K h w a ja , a m ia b le by n a tu re , h a d a read y affection a n d
kindliness for ch ild ren . H is pre-occupations w ith th e visitors
an d d ev otion al exercises left him little spare tim e , b u t he alw ays
found som e tim e to c h ee r up th e children. H e took p a rtic u la r
c a re to k*ok a fte r th e ir req u irem ents.
R a f cs u d -d ln w as th e g ran d so n o f th e K h w Sja ’s sister.
T h e K h w Sja alw ays aw aited his a rriv a l before he started ta k in g
Siar-ut-*Ariftn
CHA RA CTER AND ACHIEVEMENTS 209
his m eals no m atter who was present a t the repast. T h e

K hw Sja always took special care for his education a n d m oral
guidance .1 R a fci u d -d ln was fond o f w restling, archery and
swim m ing. T he K hw aja chatted w ith him about these sports
to gladden and encourage h im .2
O ften the young visitors cam e to the K hw aja sm artly dress
ed w hich was disliked by the orthodox because o f the airiness
o f such dresses. T he K hw aja, how ever, never objected and
received them courteously an d endeavoured to guide them on
the path o f m oral rectitude.
T he author o f Sior-ul-Aulia ■*, M ir K h u rd , says th a t once his
uncle Saiyid H usain K irm an I, who was then a young m an, was
fashionably dressed w hen he paid a visit to th e K hw aja. T he
K h w aja, on seeing him , said p o litely : “ Com e on Saiyid, sit
dow n here and share the benediction .” 3
T h e benign and winsome treatm ent o f the young by K hw Sja
N izam u d -d ln helped m any a young m en to shake off undue
exuberance and gaity and take to righteous living and spiritual
developm ent.
T h e K h w aja’s loving h eart and sweet disposition had m ade
his m anners so am iable an d pleasing th a t one is rem inded o f
the findings o f al-G hazali after years o f w anderings to find the
path o f T ru th and certitude o f knowledge.
“ I learnt from a sure source th a t the sufxs are th e true
pioneers on the p a th o f G o d ; th at there is nothing m ore
beautiful th an th eir life, nor m ore praisew orthy th an th eir
rule o f conduct, nor p u rer than th eir m orality. T he intel
ligence o f the thinkers, the wisdom o f the philosophers,
the know ledge o f th e m ost learned doctors o f the law would in
vain com bine th e ir efforts in o rd er to m odify o r im prove their
doctrine an d m o ra ls ; it w ould be impossible. W ith th e sufxs,
1. Siar-ul~Aulia?, p. 203
2. Ibid., p. 203
3. Ibid., p. 203
repose an d m ovem ent, exterior o r interior, are illum inated w ith

th e lig h t w hich proceeds from th e R ad ian ce o f Prophethood.
A nd w hat other light could shine on the face o f the e a rth .” 1
1. Al-Munqidh, p. 101 (Confessions of Al-GhazSli, p. 54)
IV
Natural Affection
T h e pith an d m arro w o f K h w aja N izam u d -d ln ’s life and

ch aracter, w hich illum inated his in ner self and inspired his
m oral zeal, was the fervour o f spiritual love arising from the
harm ony o f his soul. T h e flam e o f this love w hich he carried
in his self from the very beginning burst into a ra d ia n t glow in
' the p ractice o f sp iritual austerities u n d er th e p atern al
guidance o f his Sheikh and guide K h w a ja F arid -u d -d In
Ganjshaknr and illum inated the environs o f D elhi for m ore th a n
h a lf a century. T he K h w a ja ’s elevated soul w hich h ad
reached the highest degree o f sanctity, diffused the message
o f d ivine love to the four corners o f the country and com
forted innum erable roving spirits. H is whole life, his
conversations an d discourses and his devotional an d ecstatic
practices point out unm istakably to the sam e in fatu atio n and
innerm ost w arm th o f divine love w hich has been thus
described by I q b a l :
“ A t last the flam es burst forth from every h a ir o f m e,
F ire d ropped from the veins o f my th o u g h t . ” 1
As related in th e Fawai1d-ul-Fuwad, once the d eathbed
accounts o f different m ystics w ere being n a rra te d before the
K h w aja. Som eone told the story o f a sheikh w ho h a d the nam e
o f G od on his lips w hile sinking in th e jaw s o f d eath . O n the
1. Asrar-i-Khttdi. p. 68 (T ranslation by Nicholson, p. 145)
2 12 SAVIOURS O F ISLAMIC S P IR IT
edge o f tears, th e K h w aja recited th e verse w hich m e a n t:

“ W ashing my cheeks w ith stream ing t e a r s ;
I set my foot to d ra w n e a r ;
U n io n w ith T h e e I ard en tly aspire,
H um m in g T h y n am e, I go to d eath ly slum ber.1”
Such was th e all-consum ing love cherished by the K h w aja.
I t h a d expelled every o th er d esire from his h e a rt as some one
h as said : th e h e a rt’s im m o rtal th irst rem ain ed a n d th e rest
w ent u p in smoke !
T h e jo y fu l ex h ilaratio n o f divine love kept th e K h w Sja
alw ays fresh an d beam ing w ith rad ian ce in spite o f n ig h t
long vigils. E ven w hen he h a d grow n q u ite o ld , he
continuously kept fasts a n d und erto o k exhausting devotional
exercises b u t no tra c e o f w eariness could be seen on his face.
H e lived to th e rip e old age exceeding eighty years, b u t even
in th a t ad v anced age he was alw ays brisk, ch eerfu l an d fresh
as a daisy .2
M u sical Recitations
But th e flam e o f love also stirs th e blood w hich th e n needs

th e-so o th in g b alm o f lyrics sung in praise o f G o d .2 A h e a rt
inflam ed by th e love o f G od gets an opportunity to shed tears
1. Fawi i}d~ul-FuwBd, p. 80
2. Siar-ul-Aulia*, p. 128
3. M uch has been w ritten in favour and against musical recitations (songs
unaccompanied by musical instrum ents) but the middle course appears
to be that it is neither a must for devotional exercises nor absolutely
unlawful. I f recourse is taken to it with moderation and within certain
limits, it acts as a means of spiritual upliftm ent. A well-known S heikh
of the Chishtiyah order, QSzl H am id ud-din NSgauri has shed light on
musical recitations in these words : “I am H am id ud-dln. I listen to
these recitations and hold them lawful for the jurists have also held %
similar opinion. I suffer from the pangs of love and musical recitation
is a balm for it. ImSm Abu H anifa lias allowed the use o f wine when
in the opinion of a com petent physician it is the only medicine to save
one’s life. My ailm ent too is incurable except w ith the auditions extoll
ing the glory o f God and therefore these are oermissible for m e bull
N A TURAL A FFEC TIO N 213
an d pacify its consum ing passion th ro u g h these recitations

while the tiresom eness o f exhausting devotional exercises is cast
aw ay by exhilarating love songs. T h is is the reason given by
J a la l u d -dln ROmI too in these verses •
T h erefore samca (music) is the food o f lovers (o f G od),
since therein is th e phantasy o f com posure (tran q u illity o f
m ind)
FrOm (hearing) sounds and pipings the m ental p h a n ta
sies gath er a (great) strength ; nay, they becom e form s (in
th e im agination).
T h e fire o f love is m ade keen (inflam ed) by m elodies,
ju st as the fire (ard o u r) o f the m an w ho dropped w alnuts
(into the w ater ) .1
Almost the sam e reason has also been given by th e K h w
a ja in support o f these recitals. H e says :
“ T h e m usical recitations are fo r the seekers o f tru th , the
faithful and the devotees who are given to arduous orisons
and vigils. T hey have verily a rig h t to soothe th e ir ag itated
hearts and tired bodies (to reg ain the lost strength). T h e
P rophet has said th a t ‘your ow n body has a claim over you .5
T hus, when the self is refreshed th ro u g h these recitals, it again
gets, busy in its labour o f love . ” 2
M au lan a K ash an f, another authority on the subject, says :
“ Assiduous contem plations and exercises rew arded w ith ecstatic
transports and illum inations often becom e burdensom e to the
trav eller w ho feels a p ain fu l lack o f strength resulting from the
long and continued strain. T his gives rise to a ltern ate
conditions know n as contrition and rad ian ce in his spiritual
ascent. T h a t is w hy th e m ystics o f old have prescribed m usical
recitations— the m elodies o f harm onious voice— to retouch the
spiritual vigour pro v id ed , o f course, these do not overstep the
lim its set by the law . ” 3
1. The Mathnawi, Vol. IV , p. 313 (Book IV , ver»es 742-74)

2. Siar-ul-Aulia?, p. 198
3. Misbah-ul-Hidayet, p. 141
T h e mystics also m ain tain th a t these recitations help

the trav eller on his p a th an d illum ine an d revivify his spirit.
T h e K h w aja, how ever, never took the m usical
recitations as an aid to o r on indispensable p a rt o f
devotional exercises. H e occasionally took recourse to them
simply as a spiritual nourishm ent. D elineating the essential
requisites o f a law ful recitatio n he s a y s :
“Sam'-a (m u 'ical recitation) is o f four types, viz, law ful,
pro h ib ited , unbecom ing an d perm issible. I f the listener is
inclined m ore to the P rim al Being, the recital is perm issible;
if he is m ore a ttra c te d to a finite being, it is unbecom ing ;
if he is exclusively absorbed in a m ortal being, it is p ro h i
bited ; but it is law ful if the tru e love in which the listener
is engrossed is none but A lm ighty G od. T herefore, w
hosoever is fond o f such recitations ought to be aw are o f
these four categories.
“ F o r a law ful recitation there a re few pre-requisites
too. First, the songster, secondly the listener, th irdly, the
recitation, a n d fourthly the m usical instrum ents. Th.e
singer should be a grow n up m an , n eith er ,of ten d er age
nor a w om an ; the listener should hearken w ith his thoughts
fixed on G od ; th e recitation should not deal w ith a subject
ludicrous, frivolous or s illy ; an d finally, no m usical instru
m ent like a lute o r violin should accom pany th e
recitatio n .” 1 .
T h e K h w a ja not only disliked instru m en tal m usic but also
fo rb ad e its use by his disciples. N o r d id he accept any excuse
if any follower ever indulged in the u n authorised p ractice. The
K h w aja was once inform ed th a t a few friars h ad atten d ed an d
w hirled in an auditio n em ploying instrum ental m usic. The
K h w a ja said, “ T hey d id n o t d o w ell. W hatsoever transgresses
th e lim its o f the Shancah is un law fu l.” W hen the K h w a ja was
told o f th e plea taken by th e m endicants th a t in th e ecstatic
rev erie they h a d so ab an d o n ed th e ir selves th a t they becam e
NATURAL A FFEC TIO N 2 15
com pletely oblivious o f the m usical instrum ents, he observed :

“ T his is no excuse. T his plea can be ad v an ced for indulging
in every vice . ” 1
T he K h w aja once told his disciples : “ T h e use o f m usical
instrum ents being a m eans o f am usem ent is strictly prohibited.
H ow could it be law ful w hen w om en in a congregational
prayer a re prohibited even to clap th e ir hands in o rd e r to rem
in d the Im am , if he com m its a m istake in th e recitation
o f the Q u r’a n ?” 2
Ecstatic Transports
T h e K h w aja often used to say th a t a single verse was

sufficient to m ove a m an w ith unsullied h eart to tears and
ecstasy b u t nothing could ex h ilarate a spiritless fellow .3 W
henever a verse praisin g G od was recited before the K h w aja he
was en rap tu red b u t in a w ay th a t nobody could notice it. D
uring these rapturous states only tears used to roll dow n his
cheeks.*
M ir K h u rd has quoted a few verses w hich, on different
occasions, sent the K h w aja into ecstatic transports. H e says th at
often a whole poem could not produce th a t rap tu ro u s exaltation
w hich was caused by a single P ersian o r H in d i verse. O nce a
g ran d ee, A m ir Q airb ek , held a recitatio n al sitting w hich was
atten d ed by several nobles an d m ystics. T h e songster sang the
v e rs e :
H a rd p u t to toil I am , w ithin m y shanty hom e ;
G ive n o t tongue to m y t a l e ; let alone.
N o sooner th a n the verse was recited, the K hw Sja was
c a rrie d aw ay by a deep em otion an d tears began to roll dow n
his cheeks w hich set the w hole g ath erin g in a m elting m ood.
A nother tim e, alth o u g h the K h w a ja w as indisposed he was

2. Ibid., p . 522
3. Ibid., p . 522
4. Ibid., p . 5.
5. Ibid., p . 514
sent in to tra n sp o rt w hen H a sa n B eh d l recited th e verse :

O w ithout a figure in d eed , Saca d i th o u a rt,
T o o p o o r a catch w here th e trap p ed a re p u re in h e a rt.
T h e re c ita tio n en d ed , a n d th e .K h w a ja calm ed dow n. But
as soon as A m ir H a jl1 began an o th e r ode o f A m ir K h u sru , th e
K h w a ja a g a in dissolved in te a rs.2
O n ce A m ir K husrQ recited o ne o f his odes whose opening
verse w as :
H e stood unveiled to a ll, b u t asked m e not to behold ;
T h rille d a n d lost, I knew not w h at his words
c o n tain ed .
T h e K h w a ja gave a side-long look a t A m ir K h u sru and
th e n b ro k e into tears falling into rap tu ro u s ecstasy.3
W h ich ev er ode o r verse p ro d u ced th e consum ing em otion
o f ecstasy in K h w a ja N izam u d -d ln becam e instantly p o p u lar in
D elh i as a household w o rd .4 I t is re lated th a t S ultan 'A la ’ u d -
d ln K h iljl h a d given instructions to his c o u rtiers to inform him
o f the verses w hich caused th e K h w a ja to fall in raptures. T h e
K in g d e riv e d pleasu re w henever these verses w ere re lated to
him .
R e c ita l o f th e Q iir’ an
T h e in im ita b le sym phony o f th e Q u r ’a n h a d alw ays been

th e greatest sourcc o f delig h t to the sheikhs o f Chishtiyah o rd e r
w ho show ed keen interest in its m em orisation a n d recital. F ro m
K h w aja M o1in u d -d ln C h ish ti to K h w a ja N izam u d -d ln , every
S heikh b a d e his disciples to le a rn , recite a n d study th e holy
S crip tu re.4
W h ile vesting K h w aja N izam u d -d ln w ith th e robe o f vice-
gerency, his m en to r h a d instructed h im to com m it the Q u r ’a n
to his h e a rt a n d th e K h w a ja fulfilled th e w ish o f his, teach er a t
1. Son of Amir KhusrQ

2. Siar-ul-Aulii1, p. 515
3. Ibid., p. 516
4. Ibid., 510
5. N iz a m - i- T 'a lh n , Vol. II, p. 12
N ATU KAL AFFKCTIOK 217
the earliest opportunity on reaching Delhi. Likewise, the

Khw&ja called upon his closer associates ajjd disciples to do the
same. When Amir Hasan ‘Ala* Sajazi took the oath of fealty
to the KhwSja, he was quite an elderly man, and poetry had
remained his favourite pursuit throughout his life. The Khwaja
instructed him to let the Q ur’an take precedence Over his poetic
zeal. Amir H asan1Ala1 Sajazi says in Fawa?id-ul-Fuwad : “ I
have repeatedly heard the Sheikh saying that the recitation of
the Qur’an ought to throw into shade the eagerness to compose
poetry.” 1
When Amir Hasan ‘Ala* Sajazi had learnt one third of the
Q ur’an by heart, the Khwaja instructed him to memorise the
Quranic verses in small portions and continue repeating what he
had already learnt.*
Khwaja Muhammad had been placed under the tutelage of
the Khwaja by his father Badr ud-din Is’haq. The Khwaja
got him to learn the Q ur’an by heart. He recited the Q ur’an so
sweetly that the Khwaja appointed him to lead the congrega
tional prayers.3 Khwaja MOsa, brother of Khwaja Muhammad
was also a hUfiz as well as a g irl. Before the Khwaja began his
meals the two brothers used to recite a portion of the Q ur’an
by way of Table Prayer (D ifa-i-M aPdah) S The Khwaja also
got his daughter’s sons to memorise the Q ur’an and used always
to enquire about the progress made by them.5
Love for his Spiritual Guide
Every man inclined to be grateful has always a warm and

friendly feeling towards his benefactor, but the Khwaja was
affectionately devoted to his Sheikh who had guided and
groomed him to attain interior illumination and spiritual
1. Faw&id-ul-Fuuad, p. 249
2. Ibid., p. 93
4. Ibid., p. 99. The prayers before meals is, however, not prescribed by
the Shari'ah.
5. p. 203
Ib id .,
em inence. T h is devoted a tta c h m e n t alw ays rem inded him o f

K h w a ja F a rid u d -d jn w henever an y verse recited before him
h in ted a t a person d e a r to o ne’s h e a rt. O nce, w hen K hw aja
F a rid u d -d ln was still alive, a songster recited the verse in the
presence o f K h w aja N izam u d -d ln .
In this m an n er stroll ye n o t ;
T h a t evil eye one m ig h t cast.
T h e K h w aja says th a t th e verse recalled to his m ind the
qualities a n d virtues, excellence an d equipose o f his Sheikh so
vividly th a t he a^ked the songster to go on repeating the sam e
verse for some tim e. R e latin g this story tearfu lly on a subse
q u en t occasion, th e K h w a ja a d d e d w ith a sigh : “ But, alas, it
was not long a fter this in cid en t th a t m y Sheikh left this w orld.1
W atchful attention to Religious Observances
N o m a tte r how weak, indisposed o r tire d ow ing to strenu

ous exercises th e K h w aja was, he Was alw ays extrem ely careful
to p erfo rm o bligatory prayers alongw ith the congregation. It
has1 been related in Siar-ul-Aulid? th a t “ even w hen he h ad
crossed his eightieth y ear he regularly cam e dow n from his
ap a rtm e n t on the first storey for all the five congregational
pray ers along w ith the m endicants and disciples who happened
to be present th e re . In spite o f his old age a n d feeble body he
fasted d aily a n d ate very little.” 2
T h e K h w aja atta c h e d g reat im portance to th e Sunnah and
alw ays enjoined upon his com panions and disciples to observe
the practices o f th e Prophet w ith utm ost care. M ir K h u rd has
recorded th e K h w a ja ’s instructions to his disciples w herein he
told them : “ O n e should follow th e P ro p h et’s Sunnah steadfastly
an d staunchly aiid should never let go even th e practices occa
sionally follow ed by the holy P ro p h et.” 3
1. FaiviPid-ul-Faw'ad, p. 96
2. S ia r -u l-A iilid 3, p. 125
3. Ib id ., p. 318
NATURAL A FFEC TIO N 219
T h e K hw aja considered it essential for every spiritual guide

to be thoroughly well up in T rad itio ns and the ju ristic laws so
th a t he m ay neither act nor cause others to act against the prac
tices o f the Prophet.1
1. F aw & id-ul-F u u tad, p. 147
V
Learning and Spirituality
K h w a ja N izam ud-dxn h a d n o t only a tta in e d the state

o f exalted spirituality b u t h a d also acq u ire d proficiency in
religious sciences w hich h e h ad studiously le arn t from
som e o f the em inent doctors o f his tim e. H e h a d studied
literatu re and theology u n d e r M ustaufi-ul-M am alik M a u la n a
Sham s u d -d ln K h w a rz a m l, T rad itio n s u n d e r M a u lan a K a m
a l u d -d ln Z ah id M u h am m ad ibn A h m ad M a rlk a ll a n d ,
finally, gone over some books u n d e r th e guidance o f Sheikh
F a rid u d -d ln Ganjshakra. O n e o f his teachers, A h m ad M a rlk a ll
h ad received instruction from th e a u th o r o f Mashariq-ul-
Anwar, Sheikh A h m ad ibn M u h a m m a d as-Saghanl.
L iterary Pursuits
T h e K h w a ja ’s disposition as well as the g u id an ce o f

his Murshid—th e sp iritu al g u id e—set h im to seek th e in n er
content o f th e religious observances in o rd e r to raise his
religious experience to a h ig h e r p lan e o f consciousness a n d
p u rp o se ; still, he n ev er lost his in terest in intellectual an d
literary pursuits till his last b re a th . M ir K h u rd has m
entioned in Siar-ul-Aulid? th a t M a u la n a R u k n ud -d ln m a d e
o u t th e copies o f Kashsliaf and Mufassal a n d a few o th er books
fo r th e K h w a ja .1 Both these books w ere w ritten by th e
w ell-know n M u ctazilite doctor
LEARNING AND SPIR ITU A LITY 221
Mahmud Ja r ullah Zamakhsharl (d. 538 A. H .) ; the first one

being on exegesis and the other on syntax, which speak of the
Jiterary interests of the Khwaja. The author of Siar-ul-Aulia3
also relates that the Khwaja used to listen to the recitation of
Khamia-P-Nizamx by Saiyid KhSmosh ibn Saiyid Muhammad
Kirmani.1 The famous Persian poet Amir KhusrQ, known as
t h e ‘Sugar Tongued Parrot of India’ had the honour of being
guided by the Khwaja in his poetic compositions. In the
beginning Amir KhusrQ used to submit his poems to the Khwaja
for correction and improvement. Once the Khwaja advised
him to rhyme his verses in the style of Saphahanls.2
Traditions and Jurisprudence
The speech delivered by the KhwSja in the court of Sult&n

Ghiyath ud-dln Tughlaq on the question of musical recitations
illustrates his deep insight and extensive knowledge of the
subject under dispute.
The six authoritative books of Traditions, known as Sihtk-
us-Sttlah, had not become prevalent in the northern India prior
to Sheikh Abdul Haq Muhaddith Dehlavi (d. 1052 A. H.J nor
were the doctors of religion then aware of the books comprising
even the Sahihain. MasKariq-ul-AnuiUr and Mishkat alone were
then regarded as the two most authoritative dissertations on the
subject.8 Numerous apocryphal and spurious Traditions were
then extant and freely used by the mystics and preacher* as
could be seen from their utterances preserved in the biographi
cal literature of the time. The canons evolved for the
acceptance or rejection of the Traditions were also not known
to the religious scholars of the country before Muhammad Tahir
Patnl (d. 986 A. H.) But the biographies and discourses of the
Khwaja bespeak of his profound knowledge of the Sahihain for
he never argued on the basis of any disputed or unauthorised
1. Siar-ul-AuliS*, p. 219
2, Ibid., 301
S. F or details see ThuqdJat-il-Islomiyah fil-Hind
T ra d itio n prevalent am ongst the mystics o f his tim e. O nce, on

being asked w h eth er the saying : “ A generous person is a frie n d
o f G od even if he be a n u n b eliev er” was a T ra d itio n o r not,
the K h w aja re p lie d : “ T h is is an a d a g e .” The en q u ire r
persisted u p o n saying th a t he h a d re a d it in a book on T r a d
itions b u t th e K h w aja r e p lie d : “ W h atev er is in Sahihain
is a u th en tic.” 1
Significance o f Knowledge
T h e acquisition an d im p a rtin g o f know ledge w as highly

com m ended by K h w aja N izam u d -d ln ; fo r, like th e precursors
o f Chishtiyah o rd e r, he considered it a n essential, pre-requisite fo r
those w hom he com m issioned io r p re ach in g a n d gu id in g th e
people on th e p a th o f spirituality.
A n intellig en t and cap ab le young m a n hailin g from Bengal,
w ho la te r shined as Sheikh S iiaj u d -d in o f the Chishtiyah
m onastery o f P an d w a, cam e from L ak n au ti w ith th e intention
o f u n itin g in th e bond o f sp iritu al p a te rn ity w ith th e K hw Sja.
A fter h e h a d taken th e o ath o f fealty, th e K h w a ja said to
M a u la n a F a k h r u d -d in Z a r r a d I : “ T h is young m a n seems to
be capable b u t i f he could also go in fo r learn in g , he w o u ld
becom e a com petent f r ia r .” M a u la n i Z a rra d l o b tain ed
perm ission to teach th e young m a n fo r ■som e tim e a n d very
soon he was ab le
I Faw&id-ul-Fuwady p. 103. I t may be m entioned here' th at th e

Khwfija was undoubtedly aware o f the m erit and worth o f Sahihain
but the two
books comprising it being then not included in the curriculum o f Indian
educational institutions, were generally not studied by the doctors
of religion. Some of the Traditions cited by the KhwSja in
support of
musical recitations during th e ' debate held by SultSn Ghiyfith ud-dln
Tughlak, are not to be found in the Sahihain, nor are they considered
of
• unim peachable authority by the Traditionisfs. T he speeches o f the con
tending doctors in t^ at debate show even greater ignorance o f the science
o f Traditions. Ignorance of the Sihah-us-Sitlak and the canons framed
for their evaluation had given rise to many un-Islamic practices in the
LEARNING AND SPIRITU A LITY 223
to create in his disciple the desire for fu rth e r education. A fter

the K h w aja’s d eath Siraj u d -d ln continued his studies a t D elhi
before returning to his hom e town to diffuse th e spiritual
m ission o f the Chishtiyah Order in Bengal an d the eastern
provinces.1
The Perfect Knowledge
T he K hw aja being well schooled in th e theological sciences

was able to occupy him self fruitfully w ith contem plations an d
investigations o f tru e know ledge concealed to all b u t those
illum inated by th e D ivine grace. T his com prehension acq u ired
th ro u g h intu itio n a n d inspiration is know n by the mystics as the
perfect o r intuitive know ledge. T h e au th o r o f Siar-ul-AuliH?
states th a t w henever any u n certainty p ertaining to any question
lingered unresolved, th e K h w aja clarified th e issue as if th ro u g h
his in ner lustre w hich satisfied every m in d . H e alw ays gave
such a convincing reply th a t everyone w as am azed a n d h a d to
a,dmit th a t such a reply could be given only by one endow ed
w ith th e in terio r sp irit o f piety. N um erous scholars o f th e day
a n d doctors o f religion w ho w ere know n fo r th e ir opposition to
th e p a th o f m ysticism h a d ultim ately to repent for th e ir
vainglory an d enlist them selves am ong the disciples o f the
K h w aja.2
T h e P ath o f S h a r ja h
W ith bis eru d itio n coupled w ith the zeal to follow th e way
o f the P rophet, th e K h w aja h a d developed th t sense w hich
guided h im to reject all th e irreligious practices prevalent am ong
th e mystics o f his day. T h e doctrines of the then sujis departing
fro m th e p u re fa ith w ere n e v e r accep ted b y h im how soever
sacrosanct they m ight have been considered by others.
A m isguided b elief th en com m only held by th e s ufis
was th a t waljlyat o r sainthood signified a stage higher th a n
the
1, Siar-ul-t&rifin, p. 12
2. Siar-ul-Aulia1, p . 130
p ro p h eth o o d , fo r, th e fo rm er developed a continuous absorption in

th e co ntem plation o f D ivine Essence w hile th e la tte r re q u ire d a
tem p o rary recession fro m devoted a ttra c tio n 'to G o d for purposes
o f p reach in g a n d im p a rtin g guidance to th e m an k in d . Som e o
f th e m ystic sects even w ent a step fu rth e r to claim th a t
every wall o r saint w as g ifted w ith a h ig h e r sp iritu al m e rit
th a n a p ro p h et. K h w aja, how ever, n ev er subscribed to-
these views a n d , as re co rd ed by th e a u th o r o f FawaPd-ul-FuwSd,
he o b s e rv e d : ‘T h is is a n irrelig io u s b elief.’ E ven th o u g h th e
prophets h ad to devote a p a rt o f th e ir tim e to th e g u id an ce
o f h u m an ity , a fractio n o f th e ir devotion to th e Suprem e Being
c a rrie d infinitely g re a te r m e rit th a n th e life-long absorption o f
th e m ystics in the love o f G o d ,” 1
Spiritual Development
A m isconceived b u t p o p u la r notion ab o u t m ysticism is th a t

it re q u ire s ren u n ciatio n o f th e w o rld fo r it re g a rd s every
m u n d a n e a ffa ir a snare an d a glitter o f th e deceptive w orld
w hich lets fall a veil o f ig n o ran ce b efore th e eyes o f th e a
ttra c ted tra v e lle r. But th e K h w a ja h a d a tta in e d th a t stage o f
in w a rd illu m in atio n w hich h a d lifte d h im above th e ex tern al
features o f th e d ev o tio n al observances o f th e m ystics an d
opened to his view th e re a l significance o f every a c t law fu l in
th e eyes o f th e S harfak. W e a re in d eb ted to th e co llectan ea o f
K h w a ja Saiyid M u h a m m a d G esu D a ra z who has quo ted th e
o bservation o f the K h w S ja N iz a m u d -d ln on the s u b je c t: “ N
o th in g (m ad e) law ful
1. Fawd}id-ul-FuwSd, p. 120. Sheikh Ahmad Sarhindi (d. 1034 A. H .)

commorily known as M ujaddid Alf-i-Thani (the Renovator o f the Second
M illennium ) has further elucidated the point th at even when the
prophets have to turn their attention to the human beings their interior
self rem ains absorbed in the ocean o f D ivine wisdom more than the-
saints do during the’period of Godly attraction. Explaining the reason
for it he says th at the prophets direct their attention to the hum an
beings in pursuance o f the Divine command to convey His message to
th e hum anity and* th<rcfcre, no distinction can t e made between it and
LEARNING AND SPIRITU A LITY 225
(by th e S h a rp ah) is a hinderance in the w ay o f G od n o r cuts

off th e p a th o f an attracted traveller, else it would not have
been m ade perm issible by G od .” 1
A nother tim e the K hw aja said, “ You should be p u re
o f h eart and conscious o f G od in every action. A fter th a t you
m ay engage yourself in w hatever (lawful) occupation you
desire for nothing w ill th en harm you.” 2
Renunciation o f the World
A clear an d intelligible exposition o f th e reality o f

renunciation was m ade by the K h w a ja in these w ords : “
R enunciation does not m ean th a t one should put off his
clothes an d don a loin-cloth. A m an can dress properly an d
take food and also enjoy w hat is law fully available to him b u t
he should never try to store up these; nor should he entangle
his h eart in anything. T his is the correct way o f the
renunciation o f w orldly desires.” 3
K inds o f Obedience
“ O bedience (to G od) is o f two kinds,” the K hw aja

once eexplained, “ obligatory and transilient. T h e obedience
falling in the first category consists o f those acts w hich benefit the
person com plying w ith a com m and as, for exam ple, the prayer,
fasting, h a j an d recollection o f G od. T ransilient obedience is
th a t w hich extends the benefit to others such as restoring harm ony
betw een the M uslims, showing consideration o r benevolence to
others. T he obedience o f th e la tte r category is highly m
eritorious an d shall have limitless rew ard from G od. Absolute
sincerity is essential for the acceptance o f obligatory
obedience but transilient obedience w ill be recom pensed by
G od howsoever it is ren dered.” 4
M iracles Worked by Saints
T h e m iracles w orked by the saints w ere held by the K hw S ja
1. Jimanf-e-ul-Kalam, p. 160
2. Siar-ul-AuUa(, p. 160
3: FawaHd-ul-Euwad, Vol. I, p. 7
4. Ibid., p. 14
to be resu ltin g from th e ir to ta l absorption a n d in toxication

in th e love o f G o d . “ T h e y a re a ttra c te d devotees,” says
th e K h w a ja a b o u t th e saints w orking m iracles, “ w hereas
the prophets h a v e a p lacid disposition a n d serene spirit. Th
a t is w hy, un lik e th e prophets, m iracles becom e a n obstacle
fo r th e m ystics in th e ir jo u rn e y o f spiritual developm ent. On
the o th er h a n d , th e love o f G od im p arts stability to th e state o f
elevation.1”
Knowledge o f the Prophets
T h e K h w Sja classified know ledge into th re e grades viz.

perceptive* intellectual and d ivine. We hav e perceptions
th ro u g h o u r senses such as th e taste o f different edibles o r th e
various types o f sm ells. T h e know ledge in re g a rd to these is
o b tain ed th ro u g h th e senses. O n th e second g ra d e com es th e
know ledge o b tain ed th ro u g h intellect. T h is is also o f tw o kinds,
a c q u ire d a n d intuitive. T h e K h w Sja fu rth e r explained th a t
“ even th e in tu itiv e know ledge is n o t div in e, w h a t to speak o
f acq u ire d know ledge. E xcepting those fo r w hom th e doors
o f div in e know ledge a re o pened, w ho can say w h at its
features a re ? N obody w ho gains know ledge th ro u g h his
intellect, e ith e r by his o w n effort o r th ro u g h in tu itio n can find
his w ay to th e divine know ledge alth o u g h he c a n d eriv e
pleasure from his intellectu al know ledge.” I n o rd ei to
illu strate his point the K h w a ja to ld th e story o f a c e rta in
saint w ho desired to reco rd th e m anifestations o f reality d aw
n in g upon his h e a rt d u rin g th e m om ents o f ecstatic illum
inations. In fact he w rote q u ite a lot to express h is feelings
b u t ultim ately confessed th a t h u m an lan g u ag e could n o t
convey w h at h e w anted to d escrib e.2
Love o f the World
O nce som eone said to th e K h w S ja : “ T h e re a re some

who love th e w o rld w hile th e re a re o th ers w ho h a te it.” “
T h e re a re th re e types o f persons,” rep lied th e K h w Sja , “ som e
cherish
LEARNING AND SPIR ITU A LITY 227
the w orld so m uch th a t they are alw ays crazy about it and th eir
nu m b er is quite large. T h ere are others w ho not only hate the
w orld but hold it in contem pt and always sneer a t it. T h e re is
also a th ird category, who neither hold it d ear not detest it.
T hey neither eulogize the w orld nor frow n upon it and these are
better th an both the form er categories.” T h e re a fte r the
K hw S ja to ld th e sto ry : “ O nce a m an cam e to R ab icah Basri
and started denouncing the w orld. She replied : “ Please do not
come again to me. You seem to be so enam oured o f the w orld
th a t you are never tired o f talking about it.” 1
Recitation o f the Q u r’an
T h e K hw aja once, told about the three ways o r g rades o f

recitingj the Q u r’an. H e said : “ T h e first is th a t w hatever you
recite, its pith and substance sinks in your h eart. T h e second
g rad e o f its recital is th a t your h eart is aw akened to the aw e p f
G od while the th ird g ra d e is th a t your h e a rt rem ains attracted
to G od so long as th e recital continues.”
“ O n e should alw ays be aw are o f the fact,” the K h w aja
continued, “ th at the recitation o f the Book o f G od confers a
blessing undeserved by him . But i f th a t be not possible, one
should a t least keep in m ind the rew ards prom ised for the
recital o f the holy S cripture.” 2
As th e K hw aja has him self acknow ledged, he did not leave
anything in w riting5 but his greatest productions w ere his
spiritual sons, pure o f h e a rt and perfect in know ledge and
dem eanour, w ho were exam ples o f rectitude, piety a n d tru th
fulness. H ow ever, A m ir H asan ‘ A lS 'S a ja z I a n d M ir K h u rd
have n a rra te d num erous sayings an d teachings o f th e K hw aja
w hich b ear witness to his deep knowledge a n d incisive intellect.
1. FawaHd-id-Fuwad, Vol. I , p . 189

2. Ibid., p. 71
3. Ibid., p. 45 and Khair-ul-MajaUs, p . 51
VI
Blessings and Benignity
B efore w e unfold th e story o f K h w a ja N izam u d -d ln ’s

rem ark ab le ach iev em ent in enk in d lin g th e zeal fo r m o ral recti
tu d e a n d sp iritu al u p lift in countless h earts, specially a t a tim e
w hen th e success o f th e M uslim a rm s h a d b ro u g h t in its tra in
th e forgetfulness o f G od a n d g iv en a free re in to self-indulgence,
let us reca p itu la te th e m eth o d evolved by th e p ure-hearted
mystics to rejuvenate th e religious vig our o f th e w idespread
M uslim p op ulatio n, as explained in th e first volum e o f this
book.
A fter th e first few generations “ religious sem inaries an d
edu catio n al institutions to o d id n o t p ro v id e an y answ er to the
prob lem b ecause o f th e vast pop ulatio n o f M uslim s an d the
m u n d a n e pre-occupatio ns o f th e people. T h e pro blem o f m ak
in g a rra n g e m en ts fo r a con tin ued and concerted effort for th e
ed u catio n a n d tra in in g o f th e people in religious tenets an d
practices, a n d infusing a b re a th o f new l i f t in th e vast num bers
spread over fa r off lan d s defied solution in th e absence o f a
tru ly Islam ic S tate. T h e forem ost business o r r a t t e r th e end o f
th e C a lip h a te w as, in th e w ords o f C a lip h ‘U m a r ibn ‘A bd ul
A ziz, to g u id e th e people in m o ra l re c titu d e r a th e r th a n to col
lect th e revenues fo r th e c o n d u c t o f a d m in istra tio n . T h e then
M uslim States w ere, how ever, not only in differen t to th is fu n d a
m e n ta l objective b u t w ere extrem ely allerg ic to any m ovem ent
o r c ritic ism on th is score w h ich could pose a th re a t to th e ir
BLESSINGS AND BEN IG N ITY 229
political suprem acy. T hus, these governm ents being suspicious

o f all efforts m ade for the resurgence o f Islam ic spirit, a n d ,
erroneously taking these as m ovem ents desigried to build up
political leadership, lost no tim e in crushing them .
“ Iq these circum stances there was no w ay left to revivify the
religious spirit a n d fill the people w ith an enthusiasm , zeal and
self-confidence for re in tro d u ctio n o f the precepts o f religion in
th e ir daily life. T h e only altern ativ e left w as to call upon the
people to take a o o ath o f allegiance for the purpose. Follow ing
in the footsteps p f the Apostle p f G od, it had becom e necessary
th a t a guide o f sp iritual an d m oral excellence should obtain an
oath, o r the bafit, as it is called, from th e people w illing to offer
sincere penitence and u n d ertak in g to lead a virtuous life in future
in accordance w ith the directions o f th e ir m entor. I f placing
oneself u n d er the instruction o f an inspired guide m eant th a t he
was fairly started upon in.his journey to the end o f purification
o f spirit a n d m oral re c titu d e ; th e oath o f allegiance enjoined a
m uch m ore onerous responsibility on the m entor him self. T h e
guide o r the spiritual teach er h ad to lead th e w andering soul o f
the disciple taking the befit, stage by stage, from cleansing o f
his spiritual im purities, renouncing th e love o f w orldly tem p ta
tions an d desires, w ealth and honour, infusing an spirit o f m oral
uprightness a n d correct ethical behaviour, follow ing the teach
ings contained in the Q u r ’ a n an d the T rad itio n s, to th e illum i
nation o f the p u p il’s soul. T h is was, in tru th , w hat the befit
m eant an d by w hich th e inspired souls tried to infuse into th eir
disciples, through p reaching a n d personal exam ple, loving care
a n d unalloyed sincerity, a n in ner vitality o f spirit a n d strength
o f m oral integrity. As th e experience shows, the reform ers and
renovators o f faith d id succeed in revivifying the tru e faith and
tapping new sources o f p o p u lar strength in th eir ow n tim es,
th ro u g h this tried an d infallible m ethod w hich just copied the
procedure and technique followed by the Prophet o f Islam .
In n u m erab le persons have been provided w ith an opportunity
o f not only adopting a virtuous life through this m ethod but
have also been led to a tta in even the stage o f ‘D ivine
230 SAVIOURS OP ISLAMIC S P IR IT
A cq u ain tan ce’ a n d ‘L ove’ by th e in sp ired g uides a n d teach ers.” *
B a 'i t : A Pledge and a Covenant
T h e b<fit im plies a d e te rm in atio n to com pletely tu rn aw ay

from sin an d to p a tte rn one’s life in acco rd an ce w ith th e o rd i
nances o f G od a n d H is Apostle. N one o f his biographers has
m en tio n ed w h at th e Khw&ja re q u ire d th e in ten d in g disciples to
say o r prom ise w hile ad m in isterin g th e bacit to them but the
K h w Sja has h im self left a n account o f th e m a n n e r in w hich his
ow n Sheikh, K h w a ja F a r id u d -d in used to accept disciples in his
sp iritu al p a te rn ity . Since th e K h w aja h ad a deep an d enduring
affection fo r his sp iritu al guide a n d trie d to follow in his foot
steps, it can be assum ed th a t he w ould hav e also acted sim ilarly
on such occasions. Speaking o f his Sheikh, th e K h w aja says :
“ W h en anybody cam e to th e Sheikh (K h w aja F a rid
u d -d ln ) w ith th e intention o f tak in g th e bacit, he used to
ask h im to recite th e SUratul Fatiha* and SUratul Ikhlas?
T h e n th e Sheikh , h im self recited th e last five verses o
f Suratul Baqr* follow ed by th e verse :
“ A llah (H im self) is W itness th a t th ere is no G od
save H im . A nd th e angels and th e m en o f le a rn in g
(too are w itness). M ain ta in in g H is creatio n in ju stic e , th e re
is no G od save H im , th e A lm ighty, th e W ise.
“ L o ! relig io n w ith A llah (is) th e su rren d er (to
H is W ill an d G u id a n c e ).” 5
“ T h e re a fte r he used to tell th e d isc ip le : ‘You have
ta k en th e b tfit on th e h an d s o f th is w eakling, on th e h an d s
o f m y S heikh a n d his S heikhs a n d on th e h an d s o f th e P ro
p h e t, o n w hom b e peace a n d blessings. A nd now you
sw ear a n o a th to G od A lm ighty th a t you w ould g u a rd yoUt*|
1. Saviours o f Islamic Spirit, Vol. I, pp. 197-98

2. First chapter o f the Qur*Sn
3. H undred twelfth chapter o f the Q ur’an
4. Second chapter o f th e Q ur’an
5. Q . I l l : www.abulhasanalinadwi.org
18-19
BLESSINGS A ND BENIGNITY 231
hands, feet and eyes from the ways o f sin a n d betake

the path o f Shari*ah and the way (o f life) chalked out by
it.” 1
Wide Circle o f Disciples
T h e K hw Sja perm itted everyone desiring to take the baHt,

to enter the circle o f his disciples w ithout putting him to any
test o r tria l. T he baHt being a pledge an d a covenant to follow
in the steps o f one’s spiritual guide for th e rest o f one’s life, a
question m ight arise as to why the K hw Sja adm inistered the
baHt so easily to everyone. T h e K hw aja has him self given an
answ er to this question.
T h e w ell-know n historian an d au th o r o f Tarlkh F\roz Shahl,
Z ia 3 ud-din B arm , says th a t once he happened to rem ain w ith
th e K hw aja from early m o rning till a little before noon.
D uring this.period quite a good num ber o f people took the bacit
on the hands o f the K hw aja. It occurred to h is m in d th a t the
earlier mystics used to be very cautious in taking disciples h u t
the K h w a ja perh aps allow ed everybody to take the befit o u t o f
his generosity and largeheartedness. H e says th a t he thought
o f asking the reason for it from th e K h w aja h u t his d o u b t was
revealed to the K hw aja by divine grace who atonce asked :
“ M aulana Zia* u d -d ln , you ask a ll sorts o f questions b u t you
have never asked m e why I accept everybody as m y d iscip le?” '
T aken aback, Z ia 5 ud-dln touched the feet o f th e K h w aja and
said th a t the doubt h a d struck his m ind o n several occasions
and a few m om ents before he had tho ught o f asking about it
but G od had revealed his secret to him . T hereup on the
K hw aja replied : (
“ D ivine w isdom endows every age w ith a
singularity w ith the result th a t th e characteristics, h ab its
and m anners o f the people in every age, b arrin g , o f course,
a few persons, differ from th e ir predecessors. T his is a
m atter o f experience. T he purpose behind the baHt is
th a t a disciple expels from his h e a rt everything except
G od an d gets
1. Siar-ul-Aidia*, p. 224
a b so rb e d in th e vastness o f D ivine presence as you find it

ex p lain ed in th e books on m ysticism . T h e m ystics o f the
o ld n ev er accepted anybody u n d e r th e ir sp iritu a l p atern ity
unless they w ere satisfied th a t th e in ten d in g disciple h ad
cleansed his h e a rt o f a ll e a rth ly objects an d desires. But
Sheikh S a if u d -d ln B akharzl, Sheikh A bu Sat eed A bul
K h a ir, Sheikh Sh ah ab u d -d ln S u h a rw a rd l a n d Sheikh F a rid
u d -d ln accepted everyone desirous o f sp iritu al purification
u n d e r th e ir surveillance. I do not lay a claim to th e sam e
sp iritu al excellence as those elevated souls h a d a ttain ed ,
b u t, I w ould like to explain why I do not take the sam e
p re c au tio n as th e e a rlie r Sheikhs used to take. O n e o f the
reasons is th a t I hav e been inform ed by a larg e n u m b er o f
persons th a t good m any o f my disciples com pletely tu rn a
new leaf, ab stain fro m sins an d begin offering prayers
reg u larly . Som e even d e v o te considerable tim e in recollec
tion o f G od. N ow , if I w ere to m ake sure th a t they have
com pletely disentangled th e ir hearts from the w orldly
desires before I ad m in ister bacit to th em , they w ould be
d e p riv ed o f w h atev er spiritual u p lift they a tta in th ro u g h it.
T h e o th e r reason is th a t m y Sheikh p e rm itte d m e to take
disciples w ith o u t m y asking fo r it o r even e n te rtain in g a
desire fo r the sam e. W hen I see a M uslim com ing to m e
w ith b a te d b re a th , in all h um ility a n d subm ission to m ak e
rep e n ta n c e for his sins, I accept his statem ent a n d a d m i
n ister him th e bal i t ; for, I a m to ld th a t m an y o f them
really ab ju re th e ir evil p ractices a fte r ta k in g the o ath o
f
fealty .” 1
Reform ative Endeavour
Whalt w as the effect o f th e discipleship o f K h w Sja N iz lm

u d -d ln , so generously exten d ed to all, th e nobles and
the com m oners, th e officials an d the tra d e rs, on th« social
a n d m o ral life o f th e people ? D elhi w as th e n th e flourishing
cap ital
BLESSINGS AND BENIGNITY 233
o f a pow erful em pire whose pomp and pageantry had a ttracted

a ll the m eans o f am usem ent th at w ealth and pow er could
purchase to div ert the attention o f the people from the path o f
piety and fear o f G od. T h e celebrated historian o f th a t age,
Z ia ’ ud-dln BarnI, rejates how the K hw aja was able to aw aken
deep religious longing lo find G od in every h eart w hich guided
th e people to betake the p a th o f virtue. H e says :
“ T h e th ree lum inaries o f *the m ystic o rd er d u rin g the
tim e o f cA la5 ud-dln K hilji. w ere Sheikh-ul-Islam N izam
u d-dln , Sheikh-ul-Islam ‘A la’ u d -dln a n d Sheikh-ul-Islam
R u kn ud-dln. A vast m ultitude had pledged devotion to
these spiritual guides.- Countless people repented from
th e ir sins and tu rn ed from evil, took to prayers and
devotional exercises, expelled w orldly desires, covetousness
and greed from th eir hearts an d inculcated a deep religious
yearning for the fellowship o f G od. T h e exam ple set by
these spiritual preceptors through th e ir spirit o f hum anity,
virtuous living and u prig h t behaviour charged the atm os
phere w ith a genuine religious spirit w hich helped the
people to becom e tru th fu l and genuinely religious. The*
piety an d righteoutness o f these G od-m oved souls a ttra c te d
divine blessings; n atu ral calam ities like fam ines an d
pestilence ceased to visit the land, and , the M ongols, who
were the scourge o f the w orld, w ere brought to a sham eful
ru in . All these blessings, to w hich every m an in th e days
o f these th re e saints w ould bear witness, becam e a m eans
for the ascendancy o f Islam . T h e rules o f the Shaff-ah as
well as the doctrin e o f the mystics gained popularity am ong
the people. H ow blessed w ere the last ten years o f S u lta n
‘ Ala* u d-d ln ’s reign w hen h e h ad prohibited the use o f all
intoxicants and the ways o f im m orality a n d sensual gratifi
cation ! ...O n the oth er side, Sheikh-ul-Islam N izam u d -d ln
h ad opened w ide the gates o f sp iritual p re c e p to rsh ip ;
encouraged the sinners to repent for th e ir sins ; a n d allow ed
all, the rich and the poor, the king a n d th e slave, the
learned an d the illiterate to cleanse th e ir souls th ro u g h his
spiritual guidance. Everyone who pledged allegiance to

the Sheikh considered him self spiritually attached to him
an d gave up m any o f his vices. I f anybodyevfir com m itted
a sin, the Sheikh allow ed him to offer penitence an d renew
his baHt. T hus, a ll those who took th e pledge to w alk
along the pathw ay o f purity w ere saved from m any vices
an d w ere g rad u ally led, th ro u g h em ulation o f the Sheikh,
to prayers an d litanies. Every m an an d w om an, w hether
ten d er in years or bent, w ith age, regularly offered
obligatory prayers and vied w ith each o th er in the p er
form ance o f voluntary devotions. F ro m the city to
G h iy atb p u r, people h ad m ad e arrangem ents for the way
farers to take rest an d offer th e ir prayers. M achinations o f
th e d evil w ere eschewed by th e people who took m ore
interest in ascertaining the nu m b er o f rakâts perform ed on
different occasions and th e chapters o f th e Q u r ’a n recited
in them by th eir spiritual m entors. N um erous people had
enthusiastically taken to m em orise the Q u r’a n . A favourite
pastim e o f th e S heikh’s disciples, was to instruct each other
in th e ways o f m ystic tho u g h t a n d p ractice an d to relate
the stories o f those who h ad taken to a life o f propinquity
w ith G od. T hey n ever talked o f th e earth ly desires n o r
longed for pow er a n d pelf. M any am ong the attendants
an d servants, chiefs a n d grandees o f th e K ing w ho h ad
been united in th e bonds o f spiritual paternity w ith the
Sheikh, perform ed voluntary prayers a n d kept superaroga-
tocy fasts. T h e re was not a city block o r w ard in w hich
people d id not h o ld re g u la r gatherings for the rem em brance
o f G o d , d ev o tio n al p ractices o r auditions. A num b er of
th e S heikh’s disciples recited the en tire Q u r’an d u rin g th e
tra m h an d kept vigil in the m osques d u rin g R a m a d h a n or
even on F rid a y nights o r on th e occasion o f oth er festivals.
M any o f them spent tw o-thirds o f th e ir nights in the
nocturnal prayers o f tahajjud a ll round the y ear an d some
even p erfo rm ed the m orning p ray er w ith th e ablution they
h a d h a d for the oriso n o f cishS:>. I know o f a few disciples
o f the S heikh who had been blessed w ith m iraculous

pow ers u n d er th e spiritual guidance o f the Sheikh.......
Su ltan ‘ A la ’
u d -d ln a n d his household m em bers w ere devoted to the
Sheikh. T h e nobles as w ell as the com m oners had taken
to righteous, ways. T ransgression o f the law like im m
orality, gam bling, drunkenness an d o th er vices w ere
unheard o f du rin g the last few years o f cA laJ u d -d ln ’s rule.
People h ad begun to equate heinous sins w ith
apostasy. No M uslim d a re d to charge interest o r
indulge in hoarding.
- T he trad ers h ad given up the h ab it o f bargaining, short-
w eighing an d ad u lteration. M ost o f the students and
disciples an d num erous o th er people who kept com pany
w ith the Sheikh h ad grow n fond o f studying mystical
tracts like Qoot-ul-Qulub, IhyaP-ul-Uloom, cAwarif, Kashf-
ul- Mahjub, Sharah T carruf, RisUtah Quskiri, Mirsad ul-
cAbad, MaktUbut-i-cAin-ul~Qfldhat, FauiaPd-ul-Fuwad an d
Lewalh wa Lawamtk w hich w ere in great d em and in those
days. M ost o f th e people sought m ystical treatises
from the booksellers. In fine, G od had m ade
Sheikh-ul-Islam N izam ud-dln a pure-hearted soul like
Sheikh Ju n a id and Sheikh Ba-Yazld o f th e bygone ages.” 1
The Love M art
I t was the tim e w hen the potent influence exerted by the

K h w aja had brought a healthy change in the life o f the people
in every w alk o f life including even the inm ates o f th e Im p erial
Palace o f T housand Pillars. V anity and self-conceit, m ental-
disquietude and depression o f spirits, the end-products of free
living and self-indulgence had given place to the fervour
o f lo v e-d iv in e; the w hole atm osphere seemed to be
surcharged w ith the spiritual love w hich arises from the harm
ony o f souls.
M ir K h u rd relates in Siar-ul-Aulia5 : “ T h o se w ere th e
days w h en ev ery o n e so arin g to th e h ig h e r d o m a in s o f
s p iritu a lity w as d ra w n to w a rd s th e tiltin g notes, h a rm
onious melodies,
1, Tarihh Firoz Shahi} pp www.abulhasanalinadwi.org

46 and 341
love-exciting tales a n d verses. Sincerity, hum ility, kindness

an d solace w ere th e winsom e qualities o f th e Sheikhs w hich
m ad e everyone bow his head in reverence to th e m .” 1
Training o f the Disciples
K h w aja N iz5m u d -d ln h a d taken special c afe to tra in his

disciples w ho w ere to diffuse the yearn in g o f eternal love far
a n d wide. T h ro u g h prayers an d litanies, education and edifi
cation he guided his spiritual successors on the p a th o f his
m ystic o rd er. F or those who possessed th e capability but were
n o t le a rn e d he a rra n g e d for th e ir education, reproved those
who w ere keen on debates a n d polem ical disputations an d
p rom pted others w ho preferred penance and prayers to enter
collective life and b e a r w ith equanim ity th e high-handedness
an d oppression o f th e people. H e p a id p a rtic u la r attention to
each one o f his disciples to p rep are h im for th e g reat task o
f spreading piety an d sp iritual gifts an d m o ral refo rm atio n o f
th e people. H e spared no pains n o r allow ed any obstacle to
stand in th e way o f th e m ental an d spiritual developm ent
o f his disciples.
I t has been stated in th e Siar-ul-Aulidc>th a t once “ a few
o f his disciples, belonging to O u d h , decided to m ake a jo in t
request to th e K h w aja to p e rm it th em to have a d eb ate on
certain religious o r ju ristic issues. T hese disciples being
scholars, p erhaps, w anted a little respite from the continuous
pray ers an d rem em brance prescribed by th e K h w a ja for them
. M a u la n a
J a la l u d -d ln was th e ir spokesm an, but w hen they a rriv e d in
th e presence o f the K h w a ja , th e reflection o f D ivine grace
ra d ia tin g from his countenance, m ad e everyone dum
bfounded. At last M a u la n a J a la l u d -d ln g ath ered his courage
an d asked w hether they could occasionally devote a little tim
e in debates am ong them . T h e K h w a ja replied, “ W
h a tsh o u ld I say? I have to take an o th er w ork from you !” 2
1. S i a i - u l - A p. 510
" 2. Ibid., p. 306
Saiyid N aslr ud-dln M ahm Q d, who was la te r to becom e the

spiritual successor o f the K hw Sja and whose fam e travelled to
the four corners o f the country as Chiragh-i-Dehli (the L am p o f
D elh i), intensely desired to lead the life o f a recluse in a fa r off
hill o r w ilderness. H e com m unicated his wish to the K hw aja
through A tn ir K h u sru but got the reply : “ T ell him th a t he has
to live am ong the people and to bear the insolence and ill-
behaviour o f the people and to requite it w ith generosity and
sacrifice.” 1 N %
K hw aja N izam ud-dln was followed by a long line o f
em inent suf i successors who acquired great reputation for piety
an d spread the Chishtiyah fraternity all o v er the country. A fter
N aslr ud-dln M ahm ud Chiragh-i-Dehli who, like his spiritual
m entor, kept his b anner aloft and continued to exert a potent
influence over the capital for 32 years, one o f his disciples,
Saiyid M u h am m ad Gesu D araz (d. 825) established him self at
G ulbarga in D eccan. His other noted disciples w ere K am al
ud-dln cAU am ah, Sheikh A bul M u q ta d ir K in d i, Sheikh A hm ad
T h an esri, S heikh.Jalal ud-dln H usain, also known as MakhdUm
Jahanian JahUn Gashl,, w ho becam e g reat leaders o f the
Chishtiyah o rd e r. T hey all contributed to the revival o f Islam
in In d ia and infused sp iritual fervour am ong the people. T hey
easily w on th e favour o f the m ultitudes, w hile a num ber o f
th e ir spiritual successors becam e influential guides o f the
sovereigns, not only in spiritual b u t in political affairs as well.
Siar-ul-Aulia*, p . 237
VII
Religious and Moral Revival
In th e m o ral-sp iritu al guidance o f his disciples, th e K hw Sja

was alw ays cautious, discreet a n d w atchful. O n e o f K hw Sja
N izam u d -d ln ’s disciples,M ucid u d -d ln held a responsible post
in th e c o u rt o f Sultan ‘ A la3 u d -d ln K h ilji. Soon A fter pledging
devotion to the K h w aja, M ucid u d -d ln resigned his office an d
becam e a n in m ate o f the K h w aja’s m onastery. A n ab le an d
com petent officer th a t Mu*Id u d -d ln w as, Sultan u d -d ln
keenly felt his absence an d conveyed his d ispleasure to th e
K h w a ja th ro u g h one o f his courtiers. “ I t seems th a t th e Sheikh
w ants to m ake everybody like h im ,” said th e K ing. T h e
K h w a ja sent the reply, “ N ot like m e, b u t b e tte r th a n m yself.” 1
T h e K h w aja not only guided his disciples to ad v an ce on the
p a th o f spirituality th ro u g h prayers, litanies a n d m editations b u t
also infused in th em a n a rd e n t zeal fo r p reach in g an d upholding
righteousness w ith am azing perseverance. T h e sp iritu al pre-
ceptorship o f the K h w a ja m ad e his disciples so bo ld th a t they
could d arin g ly a n d u nhesitatingly p u t fo rw ard w h a t they consi
d ered to be rig h t before th e kings and despotic rulers. O f a tru th ,
a m an o f G od can never be in tim id a te d , cowed o r
discouraged, for, tim id ity is b o rn o u t o f a desire to av o id o r
escape a m a te ria l d e trim e n t o r disad v an tag e. But a m a n
w ho has alread y expelled all w orldly desires and longings
also casts off
RELIGIOUS AND MORAL REVIVAL 239
th e em otion excited by a th reat to his person o r belongings.

T h e mystical yearning for ecstatic illum ination o r th e strivings
to attain th a t perfect knowledge o f G od w hich is known by the
nam e o f Tawhid or U nity o f G odhead invariably leads to th e
explusion of fear— fear o f everything except G od. T o a m an attain
ing th a t stage the dem onstration o f w ealth an d pow er a n d the
g rand an d stately cerem onials o f royalty begin to appear to be
no m ore th an th e ch ild ’s play. N othing in the w orld can then
d eter such a m an from speaking out the tru th in the face o f
haughty and despotic em perors.
Fearlessness
E very student o f history is aw are o f th e unbounded prid e

an d pom p of S ultan M uham m ad T ughlaq. O nce th e S uit i n
happened to cam p n e a r H ansl. M ukhiisul M ulk N izam u d-dln
N azarb ari was deputed by S u ltan M uham m ad T u g h laq for
inspection o f the fort a t H ansl. W hen this m an, known for his
heartless cruelty, happened to pass by th e house o f Sheikh
Q utb ud-dln M unaw w ar, one o f th e K hw aja’s disciples and
spiritual successors, he expressed surprise th a t the Sheikh h ad not
com e to pay his respect to th e K ing. O n retu rn in g from his
erran d h e brought th e m atter to the notice o f th e K ing. T h e
S ultan, enraged by th e report, ordered H asan S ar B arahna,
a n o th er m an o f despotic ch aracter, to produce the Sheikh before
him H asan com m unicated the royal sum m ons to the Sheikh and
also told him in reply to a query m ade by th e Sheikh, th a t he had
no choice b u t to take th e Sheikh w ith him . T h e Sheikh thanked
God th a t he h ad not to seek th e audience o f the K ing o f his own
accord. T hen, com m itting the m em bers o f his household to the
care o f G od, he set o n foot w ith H asan w ith his staff in his han d
an d the prayer m at on his shoulder. H asan offered a carriage
but the Sheikh p referred to walk on foot. W hen he reached the
cam p o f the K ing, h e was o rd ered to proceed to D elhi. O n
entering the royal co u rt a t D elhi, he found th e grandees and the
chiefs, attendants a n d guards array ed to the rig h t a n d left o f
th e im perial throne. T h e Sheikh was accom panied by his son
240 SAVIOUR* O F ISLAMIC S P IR IT
N flr u d -d ln w ho got overaw ed by th e p om p a n d p ag e a n try o f

th e roy al co u rt. T h e Sheikh a to n ce said lo u d ly to his s o n :
“ B aba N flr u d -d ln , G reatness a n d M ig h t belongeth to G od
a lo n e.” N Br ud -d ln la te r told th a t as soon as h e h e a rd those
w ords, his frig h t d isap p eared a n d he felt th a t th e K in g and his
c o u rtiers w ere as m eek as goats. W hen th e K in g saw th e
Sheikh ap p ro a c h in g h im , he feigned o ccupation in a rc h e ry b u t
as th e S heikh got n e a r h im , he got up to shake h an d s w ith h im .
T h e Sheikh firm ly g rip p e d his h a n d w ith o u t exhibiting the least
tra c e s o f fear. T h e K in g said : “ I w ent to y o u r n eig h b o u r
h o o d , b u t you d id n o t com e to guide m e on th e p a th o f rig h te
ousness n o r d id you ho n o u r m e by your v isit.”
“ A recluse th a t I a m ,” replied th e Sheikh, “ I do n ot
c o n sid e r m y self w orthy o f m eeting th e K in g s. B etaking m yself
to a c o rn e r o f y o u r k in g d o m I spencfr m y days in p ray in g G od
for th e w elfare o f th e K in g a n d th e M uslim s. I need to be
exem pted fro m a ll fo rm alities.”
Pleased w ith the rep ly given by th e Sheikh, th e K in g asked
his b ro th e r F iro z S h ah to d o w h a te v e r th e Sheikh liked. T h e
Sheikh p re fe rre d to re tu rn to H a n sl a n d was allow ed to do so.
L a te r o n , th e K in g to ld his courtiers th a t h e h a d m e t m any
divines b u t none h a d d a re d to shake h a n d s w ith him so firm ly
as d id Sheikh Q u tb u d -d ln M u n aw w ar. “ H e gripped m y h a n d
so firm ly as i f he h a d n o speck o f fe a r in his h e a rt,” observed
S u ltan M u h a m m a d T u g h la q .
B efore Sheikh Q u tb u d -d ln M u n a w w a r left D elh i thp
K in g sent F iro z S h ah a n d Z ia 3 u d -d ln B arnI w ith a purse o f one
lakh T a n k a s.1 T h e Sheikh refused to accept th e p resen t saying
th a t tw o seers o f rice a n d a dang* o f ghee* w ould be enough fo r
a m e n d ic a n t like h im . T h e K in g th e n o rd e re d to let h im h a v e
fifty th o u san d T an k as. T h e Sheikh refu sed th a t too. U ltim a
tely th e am o u n t was b ro u g h t dow n to tw o th o u san d T an k S s, b u t
1.. T anka, derived from Turkish vocabulary m e a n t ‘W hite’ and was the
silver coin o f those days.
2. A un it o f w eight '
3. Clarified butter
RELIGIOUS AND M ORAL REV IV A L 241
when the Sheikh again refused the present, F iroz Shah and
Z i8 3 ud-dln B arn I prevailed upon the S heikh to accept th e
p re sent lest the K ing should again get annoyed and p u t
him to harm . T hereupon th e Sheikh accepted the am ount but
d istributed it to th e poor an d needy before leaving D elhi.1
At the tim e Sultan M uham m ad T u g h laq d ecid ed -to
transfer the inhabitantsiofD elhi-te-© eV agiri, he had also
conceived
th e id ea o f capturhig T urkistan and K hurasan to exterm
inate th e progeny o f C henghlz K h an . H e had ordered th a t
all the em inent doctors o f religion should be invited to deliver
sermons in o rd e r to arouse th e people for taking p a rt in his
projected holy w ar. In this connection a few o f the K h w
aja’s em inent disciples, such as M a u la n a F akhr u d -d ln Z
arrad l, M aulana Sham s u d -d ln Y ahya an d Sheikh N aslr u d -
d ln M ahm Od w ere also asked to ap p ear before the K ing. M
aulatia F ak h r u d-din Z a rra d l was first bro u g h t before the
Sultan although he very m uch detested to see th e K ing a n d
often used to rem ark th a t he saw his head rolling on th e
ground in th e royal court. W h at he m eant was th a t he
w ould in any case speak out th e tru th a n d th e -K in g w ould
have him beheaded. H ow ever, w hen M au lan a F ak h r u d -
d ln entered th e royal court, one o f th e K in g ’s secretaries
an d a disciple o f the M aulana, Q utb ud-dln D a b lr took up
his shoes an d stood behind him like a servant.
T h e K in g s a i d : “ I propose to wipe out the progeny
o f C henghlz K h an from th e surface o f th e earth . W ould you
help me in accom plishing this task ?
“Insha Allah” (if G od so w ills), replied th e M aulana.
“ But your reply bespeaks o f your 4oqht.” retorted
the
K ing.
“ T h is is w h at one should say about th e fu tu re,”
the M au lan a replied calm ly.
“ A lright, ten d er m e your advice ” th e K ing said
again angrily.
“ Subdue your an g er,” was th e reply given by M au lan a
1. Siar-ul-Aulia*, pp. 253-55

Z a rra d l.
S till m o re en ra g e d , th e K in g asked, “ W hich a n g e r ? ”
“ A n g er th a t behoves w ild b e a sts,” prom ptly replied
the
M a u la n a .
T h e tovfering fu ry th a t sw ept aw ay th e K in g w as now
visible fro m his face, b u t he kept quiet. A fter a sh o rt w hite he
o rd e re d th e servants to b rin g food. T h e K in g in v ited M a u la n a
Z a rra d l to tak e food w ith him . T h e tw o sh ared th e ir m eals
fro m th e sam e d ish . T h e king presented pieces o f m eat w ith
his ow n h a n d s b u t th e M a u la n a took very little o f it as if he d id
n o t like to h av e food w ith th e K in g . B efore giving a send
off to th e M a u la n a , th e K in g presented a ro b e o f honour
a n d a p u rse to h im . But before M a u la n a Z a r r a d l could refuse
these, Q u tb u d -d ln D a b lr stepped a h e a d a n d took th e
presents from th e K in g on b e h a lf o f th e M a u lan a. A fter th e
M a u la n a h a d d e p a rte d , th e K in g called for Q u tb u d -d ln D
a b lr a n d s a i d : “ W h a t a treach ero u s m a n you a re ! F irst you
took u p his shoes a n d th e n th e presents. Y ou thus saved h im
fro m m y sw ord b u t exposed y o u rself to d a n g e r.” Q u tb
u d -d ln D a b lr rep lied , “ M a u la n a F a k h r u d -d ln Z a r r a d l is m y
te a c h e r a n d th e successor o f m y sp iritu a l m en to r. I o u g h t to
h av e c a rrie d his shoes on m y h e a d r a th e r th a n in th e a rm p it; w
h at to speak o f th e present? you m a d e to h i m !” T h e K in g
th re a te n e d to h av e h im p u t to sw ord. L a te r o n w henever
th e n am e o f M a u la n a F a k h r u d -d ln Z a r r a d l w as m en tio n ed to
th e K in g , h e used to r e m a r k : “ Alas,
h e escaped fro m m y sw o rd .” 1
Guidance o f Adm inistration

■n i
\
T h e precu rso rs o f th e Chishtiyah o rd e r h a d , fr o m th e very
beg in n in g , k e p t them selves a lo o f fro m th e ru lin g elite b u t thejjj
w ere n ev er u n m in d fu l o f p ro v id in g necessary g u id an ce to them*
W h en ev er they w ere called up o n to te n d e r th e ir advice o r w h o i
ev e r they g o t a n o p p o rtu n ity to exercise th e ir influence o v e r tfil
r u le r s , th e y alw a y s t r i e d to sh o w th e m th e p a th o f com
an d hum anitarianism . M any am ong th e kings o f In d ia and the

governors o f provinces held these spiritual guides in th e highest
reg ard o r were often united w ith them by o ath o f fealty w ith the
result th a t they pursued, u n d er the benign guidance o f th eir
Sheikhs, policies designed to m itigate th e sufferings o f th eir
sub
jects, enforced justice and acted on the injunctions o f
the Sharjah.
O nly a few rulers o f In d ia could com pare w ith a king
so ju st, m ild, kind-hearted a n d respectful o f th e injunctions o f
the
S haffnh as Sultan F iro z Shah T u g h laq . Sham s-i-Siraj eA flf
a n d Z ia5 u d -d ln B aro i speak o f th e achievem ents o f th is good
n atu red Sultan. T h e au th o r 6 f Tilrikh-i-Firishta, A bul Q&sim
H indu Shah, w rite s : “ H e was a learned, ju st, graciobs an d
softhearted ru ler. H is subjects as well th e arm ed forces, w ere
well-pleased w ith him . D u rin g the reign o f this sovereign no
ty ran t could oppress the w eak.” 1
T his noted historian h as enum erated th ree characteristics
o f his rule unm atched by th a t o f o th er rulers o f the age. F iro z
Shah never h ad to take recourse to the m ethods o f chastisem ent
for his benevolence a n d generosity left no room for it. T h e
land revenue was fixed by him according to th e paying Capacity
o f the people and all th e tithes an d taxes unjustly im posed by the
form er rulers w ere abolished. H e never encouraged anyone to
m ake false reports to him about his subjects. A nd, lastly, he
appointed G od-fearing a n d sym pathetic governors to adm inister
the provinces who em ulated th e K ing in th e ir kind tre a tm e n t o
f the people.*
But only a few persons are aw are o f th e fact th a t S u ltiti
F iroz S h sh ow ed his accession to th e throne to K hw aja N aslr
ud-dln M ahm Qd Chiragh-i-Dehli.*
Sham s-i-Siraj ‘ Afif graphically relates how F iroz S h ih
ascended she throne. H e says : “ Sheikh N aslr ud-dln
accom panied
1. Tirtkh Firishta, Vol. 1, p. 278

2. H U ., Vol. I, p. 271
3. Ibid., p. 259
244 SAVIOURS O F ISLAM IC SPIR IT
S ultan M u h am m ad T u g h la q w hen he w ent to suppress the

revolt in T h a th a . T h e S ultan d ie d 1 an d F iroz Shah called
a m eeting o f th e nobles an d courtiers. Sheikh N aslr u d -d ln ,
how ever, sent th e w o rd to Firoz Shah w h eth er he w ould
dispense ju stice to th e people o r he should p ray G od fo r an o th er
ru le r fo r th em ? F iroz Shah sent back th e reply : ‘I shall be
ju s t a n d kind to th e creatures o f G 6 d .5 T h ereu p o n th e Sheikh
rep lied ; ‘I f you w ould do w hat you prom ise, then I w ould
request G od A lm ighty to g ra n t you forty y ears.5 A nd th e S ultan
really ru le d for forty y ears.” 2
S ultan M u h a m m a d Shah B ahm anl (759>-776 A .H .) was
acknow ledged as th e ru le r a fte r th e d eath o f his fa th e r
‘ A la5 u d -d in B ahm an S hah3 by all th e m ystic Sheikhs o f D eccan
w ho took o a th o f allegiance to h im b u t Sheikh Z ain-ud-dln
(d. 801 A .H .) refused to take th e p ath oh th e ground th a t th e
K in g Was a d ru n k a rd an d indulged in acts d eclared unlaw ful
by th e S h a rja h .
I n 767 A .H ., w hen th e S u lta n \cam e to D au la ta b a d , b e
d em an d ed th a t Sheikh Z a in u d -d ln should eith er personally c a ll
upon h im o r acknow ledge his suzerainty in w riting. T h e reply
given by th e Sheikh was : “ O nce a religious scholar, a Saiyid
a n d a n eunuch happened to fall in th e hands o f c e rta in heathens
w ho offered to sp are th e ir lives only if they p ro strated before
th e ir idols. T h e scholar p ro strated b efore th e idol acting on
th e perm ission given by th e Shari1ah to save o n e’s life in such
circum stances. T h e Saiyid too follow ed suit but the eunuch
said th a t since he h a d spent his w hole life in transgressing th e
co m m an d m en ts o f G o d a n d h a d n o hope o f Salvation like th e
sch o lar o r th e S aiy id , it w ould be b e tte r fo r h im to give his life
in th e w ay o f G od. T h u s he p re fe rre d d e a th to p ro stratio n be-,
fo re idols. I a m also p re tty m u ch like tb a t e u n u c h ; I shall
1. Sul ti n M uham m ad T ughlaq died on 21st M uharram 752 A. H . (Sunday,

20th M arch 1351 A. D .).
2. Sham s-i-Sirij Afif, p. 28 ,
3. Firishtc reports th at he died in Rabi'ul-Awwal, 759 b u t according to
TSrikh- ul-Mutuk Bahman died in 761 A. H .
RELIG IO US AND M ORAL R EV IV A L 245
b e a r eyery h ard sh ip b u t w ould n e ith e r call upon you n o r take

th e o a th o f alleg ian ce." T h e S ultan got enrag ed a n d o rd e re d
th e S heikh to leave th e city atonce. Sheikh Z a in u d -d ln
took
only his p ra y e r m a t an d set out to th e shrine o f his
spiritu al g u id e Sheikh B urhan ud-din. H e sat dow n th ere an d
to ld the em issaries o f th e K in g th a t nobody could m ove h im
fro m th a t place. F ailin g in his effort, th e K in g sent a
m essage to the Sheikh th ro u g h one o f his m inisters w hich said
: “ I a m th in e, be thou m in e .”
Sheikh Z ain u d -d ln replied : “ I f the Su lta n G hazI upholds
th e laws o f th e Sharfah, closes dow n all w ine shops th ro u g h o u t
his dom inion, gives up d rin k in g an d follows in th e footsteps o f
his fath er in charg in g th e Q a ’z ls, c Ulama an d th e governors to
ensure th a t th e p a th o f righteousness is betaken an d th e w ays o f
sin forbidden, then he shall not find anybody a b etter frien d an d
w ell-w isher th a n m e.” T h e tw o couplets Sheikh Z ain u d -d in
w rote concluding his letter to th e K in g w ere :
So long as the chain o f b reath keeps us living ;
N othing shall we do but chaste as m orning.
F o r those w ho cast on us a glance b e lig h tin g ;
F ro m us a w orld o f good shall they ever be getting.
T h e Su ltan was so pleased to find him self addressed as
G h a z l by th e S heikh th a t he issued an edict th a t henceforth it
should form p a rt o f his royal title. T h e re a fter Sultan
M u h am m ad Shah B ahm anl im m ediately retu rn ed to G u lb arg a,
p roclaim ed the b a n on sale o f liquor, enforced S h a ifa h as the
law o f the lan d an d m ad e energetic efforts to root out theft,
b u rg la ry and robbery. T h e Su lta n took about six m onths in
com pleting his reform s but, in the m eantim e, h e kept corres
p onding w ith Sheikh Z ain u d -d ln a n d seeking his advice ab o u t
th e Conduct o f his ad m in istrativ e policy.1
In oth er p arts o f th e country, too, w here th e Sheikhs o f
Chishtiyah o rd e r h ad set up th e ir m onasteries, they continued to
g uide th e rulers to keep th em on the straight an d even path
1. Tarikh Firishta, Vol. I, pp. 560-62
246 SAVIOUfeS O F ISLAMIC S P IR IT
ch alk ed o u t by th e SharV-ah. T h e fam ous Chishtiyah m onastery

o f P a n d w a h in B engal was a source o f strength for th e M uslim
K in g d o m in th a t p a rt o f th e country. Professor K h a llq A hm ad
N izam i has related , in Tarlkh Masha? ikh-i-Chisi, how th e saints
o f Chishtiyah o rd e r helped to re-establish M uslim rule in Bengal.1
“ N u r Q u tb —i-cA lam was” w rites P ro .N iz a m i, “ the son o f Sheikh
t A la, -ul-H aq. D u rin g th e p erio d he was holding charge o f th e
m onastery, B engal was passing th ro u g h a political crisis. R a ja
K an s, a local Z a m in d a r belonging to B hitoriah in R ajshahi
district, u su rp ed th e th ro n e p f th e R a ja , a vassal o f D elhi, and
trie d to d riv e aw ay im perial forces. N u r Q u tb - i - cA lam estab
lished contact w ith Sultan Ib rSh lm S h a rq i, as well as m ade
efforts th ro u g h Saiyid A sh raf J a h a n g ir S am nanl to persuade the
S u ltan to in v ad e Bengal. T h e collection o f letters w ritten by
S aiyid A sh ra f J a h a n g ir Sam n an l giving th e details o f th e then
political situation obtaining in Bengal a re particu larly instruc
tive. T h e le tte r w ritten by S aiyid A sh raf J a h a n g ir S am nanl in
reply to th e com m unication sent by N u r Q u tb —i-Âlam sheds
considerable light upon the efforts m ad e by th e su fi saints o f
B engal.” 2
H ere w e have given but a few exam ples to illu strate th e
p a th o f m ysticism tro d d e n hy th e saints o f Chishtiyah o rd er w hich
d id not m ean m erely a w ith d raw al from the w orld for penance
a n d p ra y e r a n d purification o f th e ir souls but also b urdened
them w ith th e d u ty o f diffusing righteousness, speaking out the
tru th in th e face o f au to craft a n d ty ra n t rulers, putting th eir
lives a t stake to check grossness an d , above all, keeping th e
m asses as w ell as the ruling elite on th e rig h t p ath .
The Preaching o f Islam
F ro m th e very first day the su fi sheikhs o f Chisliyah

o rd e r entered In d ia they rem ain ed itin eran t preachers o f Islam
. The
1. For fu ller d etails see Riyaz-us-Salatin {Tarikh Bengalah) by

Ghul&m H u sain S alim .
2. Tarikh Masha?ikh-i-Chisht, pp. 201-202
accessions to Islam th ro u g h K h w aja M ocIn u d d in C hishtl w ere

quite num erous. Ju s t how m uch was th e success achieved by
him can never be m easured in the absence o f records kept by
his contem poraries. I t is, how ever, an established fact th a t the
spread o f Islam in In d ia was the fru it o f th e K h w a ja ’s piety
an d religious zeal. A larg e n u m b er o f people w ere attracted
a n d inspired by th e sp iritual pow er an d divinely endow ed
popularity enjoyed by th e K h w aja. In d ia has alw ays h a d quite
a num b er o f w andering m endicants who h a d developed occult
pow ers w ith th e help <Ayoga. N o t unoften these su fi saints w ere
challenged by th e w onder-w orking yogis who soon discovered
th a t th e superior sp iritual pow ers an d th e undou b ted piety o f
the Chiskti mystics was som ething quite different from the
m ag ical feats perform ed by them . T h e Chishti sheikhs also won
th e confidence o f the masses because o f th e ir pious an d frugal
living, sim ple a n d straig h tfo rw ard religious a n d social precepts,
love o f suffering hum anity, selfless service a n d d isreg ard o f the
b arriers o f caste an d creed an d h ig h an d low w hich h a d been
for centuries th e blight o f a n oppressive caste-ridden social ord er
in the Qountry. T h e biographies a n d m em oirs o f th e mystics
m ention numerous- incidents o f confrontation betw een the
yogis an d s u f i saints. These cannot be substantiated by the
records o f historians o f the kings an d em perors b u t th e prevail
ing taste fo r w onder-w orking an d credulous m in d o f th e then
In d ia an d th e convergence o f spiritually elevated souls in
A jm er d u rin g th e tim es o f K h w aja M ocin ud-d in C hishtl leave
little dou b t about th e veracity o f th e stories to ld in th e tracts o f
th e mystics. But, in tru th an d reality, it was not th e spiritual
pow er alone possessed by th e K h w aja th a t won conspicuous
success but his p u rity o f h e a rt, g ra n d e u r o f holiness a n d simple
way o f life which w ere som ething new for th e inh ab itan ts o f
In d ia.
K hw aja F a rid u d-dln Ganjshakar occupies an em inent
place am ong the spiritual successors o f K h w S ja cMoXn u d -d ln
because o f his excessive zeal to spread the m essage o f Islam in
the country. K hw aja N izam u d -d ln A ulia’ says th a t “ people
belonging to every caste and creed, m endicants a n d

nonm endicants flocked to listen to his serm ons.”
K h w aja F arid u d -d ln possessed such a hypnotic spiritual
influence th a t th e claim m ade about his causing » considerable
num ber o f non-M uslim s to tu rn to Islam does not seem to be at
all exaggerated. A num b er o f M uslim clans a n d fam ilies
settled in th e Punjab, specially aro u n d P akp attan , still trace the
conversion o f th e ir ancestors to th e efforts o f K hw aja F a rid ud-
dln. T h o m as A rnold w rites in ‘T h e P reaching o f Islam ’ th at
“ the conversion o f the inhabitants o f the w estern plains o f the
Punjab is said to have been affected th ro u g h th e preaching o f
B aha al-H aq q o f M u ltan 2 an d Baba F a rid al-D ln o f Pakpattan,
w ho flourished about th e end o f the th irteen th and beginning o f
the fourteenth centuries. A b iographer o f th e la tte r saint gives
a list o f sixteen tribes who w ere won over to Islam th ro u g h his
p reaching, b u t u nfortunately provides us w ith no details o f this
w ork o f conversion.” 3
K h w aja N izam u d -d in was a zealous p reach er o f Islam but
he also held th e view th a t m ere preaching was not enough to win
over anyone fro m his ancestral religion, p articu larly w hen it was
doubly g u a rd e d by caste taboos a n d age-old social customs. In
his opinion it was necessary th at one should be afforded the
opportunity o f intim ate acquaintanceship an d fellow ship for a
considerable p eriod for w inning h im over to a new faith.
T h e re is little doubt th a t the K hw aja, d u rin g his spiritual
preceptorship o f about h a lf a century in the capital o f the
em pire, w hich was visited by in num erable persons on erran d s
o f com m erce an d ad m inistrative business, an d very m any o f
w hom , b o th M uslim s an d non-M uslim s, would have d eem ed it
a privilege to pay th eir respect to the renow ned saint, m ust
have succeeded in w inning over a large n u m b er o f converts to his
faith. T o the south o f G hiy ath p u r lies the district o f M ew at
1. Faiva3id-ul-Fuicad, p. 5
O therw ise known as Sheikh Baha5 al-Dln Zakariyya
3. The Preaching of Islam, p. 281
RELIGIOUS AND MORAL REVIVA L 249
whose contum acious people always harassed the in h ab itan ts o f

D elhi an d invited chastisem ent by G hiyath u d -d ln B alban.
A lthough it is difficult to obtain Accurate inform ation b u t the
successful penetration o f Islam in a g reater p a rt o f this a re a was
m ad e possible by the potent influence exerted by K h w aja N izam
ud-dln.
T h e m oral excellence a n d godliness a n d th e spirit o f
hum anity and fratern ity exhibited by these Chishtl m issionaries
m ust have inspired th e population around th eir m onasteries as
a revelation from on H igh. T o the credulous niinds looking
forw ard to perform ance o f m iracles as a p ro o f o f spiritual
pow er, the developed Spirituality and m iraculous deeds o f th e
mystics m ust have certainly been a source o f attractio n an d
opened their way for entering th e new faith. A ll these causes
explain the conversion o f larg e num bers aro u n d th e m onasteries
o f P an d w ah in Bengal an d those in A hm ad ab ad and G u lb arg ah
in th e south. S h a h K a llm ullah , an em inent C hishti preceptor
o f the eleventh century was ever vigilant, as his letters to his
s p iritu a l vicegerent Sheikh N izam ud-d ln o f A u ran g ab ad 1 show,
about th e m issionary w ork o f his disciples. In a letter to Sheikh
N iz3 m ud-d in his spiritual m entor asked h im to “ try to w iden
th e sphere o f Islam by w inning over people to it.” * I n another
letter Shah K allm u llah exhorted h im to continue his endeavour
“ to spread the w ord o f G od an d to shed the lig h t o f tru th from
east to w est."3 Prof. K h a liq A hm ad N izam i w rites th a t efforts
m ad e by Sheikh N izam u d -d in b rought a larg e nu m b er o f non-
M uslim s w ithin th e fold o f Islam . A lthough a few o f th em did
n ot d eclare th e ir conversion for th e fear o f th e ir relatives, they
h a d em braced th e faith in all sincerity.*
U n fortunately no carefu l records o f th e individualistic
m issionary activities o f Chishti sheikhs could be kept b u t alm ost
1 H e belonged to O u d h , his b irth -p lace being village N agram in Lucknow

d istric t.
2. Maklubat-i-fCaltmi, lettei No. 76, p. 60
3. Ib id , No. 80. p. 62
4. Tarikh Mashrfiikh-i-Chisht, p. 303
250 Sa v i o u r s of I s l a m ic s p ir it
all th e historians a re unanim ous on the p o in t th a t these m en o f

G od endow ed w ith piety a n d religious zeal h a d , th ro u g h th e ir
ow n personal interest in th e spread o f Islam , an d inspired w ith
a div in e call, succecded in converting a larg e n u m b er o f Indians
to th e fa ith o f th e Prophet. T h e re is also little d o ubt th a t this
g reat display o f m issionary zeal was the h a n d iw o rk o f the early
precursors o f th e Chishtiyah o rd er in In d ia .
Educational Endeavours
The im p o rtan ce accorded to the acquisition o f know ledge

by K h w a ja N izam u d -d ln and his o ther disciples is illustrated
by th e in terest show n by K h w aja F a r id u d -dln in th e edification
o f his sp iritu a l vicegerants. K h w a ja N izam u d -d in A ulia5 as
well as Sheikh S iraj u d -d ln t U th m a n o f O u d h , th e founder o f
the fam ous C h ish ti m onastery of P an d w ah , n ev er co n ferred the
h a b it o f sp iritu al successorship on any disciple u n til he had
a ttain ed the req u isite ed u catio n al sta n d a rd . T h e result o f it
w as th a t th e edification o f soul w as accom panied by th e cultiva
tion o f m in d a n d this process continued till th e Chishtiyah o rd e r
itself show ed signs o f decline. A n em inent disciple o f K hw aja
N izam u d -d ln was M au lan a Sham s ud -d in Y ahya w ho was an
accom plished scholar o f his tim e. I n a couplet Sheikh N aslr
u d -d in Chiragh-i-Dehli s a y s :
“ W ho gave th ee life eternal, I en q u ired from learning ;
“ Stiam s u d -d in Y ahya, she cam e o u t h asten in g .”
A m ong th e disciples o f Sheikh N aslr u d -d in Chiragh-i-Delhi,
Q azI ‘A bdul M u q ta d ir K in d i (d. 791) was a n eru d ite scholar
w ho left such renow ned m en o f learn in g as M a u la n a K hw ajgi o f
D elhi (809 A .H .) an d Sheikh A hm ad o f T h an esw ar (d. 820
A .H .) an d Sheikh S h ah ab u d -d ln A hm ad ibn ‘ U m a r o f D aulat-
ab ad (d. 849 A .H .), a u th o r o f Sharah Kafiyah, who occupies a
em inent place am ong the scholars o f m edieval In d ia . T h e last
m entioned was a stu d en t o f bo th M au lan a K h w ajg i an d Q azI
1A bdul M u q ta d ir K in d i. C om m entaries o f Sharah Kajiyah were
la te r w ritten by such renow ned scholars as cA llam a G azru m
and M ir G hiyath ud -d ln M an su r S hirazi. W hen Sheikh S hahab
RELIGIOUS AND MORAL REV IV A L 251
u d -d ln fell seriously ill, Sultan Ib ra h im S h arq l took a cup o f

w ater as a token o f sacrifice an d prayed thus to God : “ M y
L ord, this prince o f scholars is the p rid e o f my kingdom . I f
T h o u has o rd ained him to die, accept my life in his. b e h a lf.”
A nother distinguished m an o f learning belonging to the
ChishUjah o rd e r was M au lan a Jam al-ul-A ulia’ Chishtl o f K o rah
(d . 1047 A.H .) Amongst his students the most noted for their
learning were M aulana L u tf u llah o f K o ra h , Saiyid M u ham m ad
T irm izl o f K alpi, Sheikh M u h am m ad R ash id o f Ja u n p u r a n d
Sheikh Y asin o f B anaras. M au lan a L u tf ullah was succeeded
by such illustrious scholars as M a u la n a A hm ad o f A m ethl (also
know n as M ulla Jeew an ), Q a z l ‘ A lim u llah and M a u lan a cAli
A sghar o f K annauj. T h e educational sem inary o f th e T lla
M asjid in Lucknow, once fam ous throughout In d ia , was headed
by Shah P lr M uham m ad (d, 1085 A .H .) w ho was also spiritually
united to the Chishtiyah o rd er. Sim ilarly, the o rig in ato r o f
JViiSmiyah curriculum enjoying w orldw ide fam e was M u lla
N izam ud-dln o f F iran g l M ah al (d. 1161 A .H .) whose followers
an d descendants belonged to the Chishtiyah fratern ity . T hese
Chishii scholars, o f w hom m any w ere o f such m erit an d stature
as to be reg arded m en o f outstanding m erit am ong the scholars
o f th e ir tim e, strengthened the trad itio n s o f deep learning an d
caused it to spread fa r an d w ide w ithin the country. T h e
chroniclers o f In d ia have acknow ledged the valuable co n trib u
tion m ad e to the cause o f education by the Chishtiyah m onastaries
o f Pandw ah, G ulbarga, M anikpur, Saloan an d o th er places
w hich also find a m ention in the letters w ritten to th e ir contem
poraries by N u r Q jitb -i-c A lam , Ja h a n g ir A shraf S am nani and
Shah K allm ullah o f J a h a n a b a d .
The Decline o f the Chishtiyah Order
Before we conclude this fascinating story o f th e golden era

o f Chishtiyah o rd er in In d ia , it appears necessary to throw light
on its decay w hich was set in w ith the passage o f tim e, as was the
case w ith other intellectual and reform ative m ovem ents. T he
Chishtiyah ord er, an d , for th a t matter,: every other m ystical
ord er, cam e into existence through a deep attach m en t o f m ind

and h e a rt to w ard G od. These m ovem ents tended to gath er
them selves aro u n d m en o f piety a n d spiritual gifts, but, in course
o f tim e, they degenerated into a cold form alism o f custom ary
rituals a n d form ulas. In this case too, the m ovem ent w hich
started w ith th e cultivation o f religious experience through love-
divirje an d piety, spirit o f sacrifice an d hum anity, m editations
and p ray er a n d m issionary zeal was ultim ately overtaken by
these three-fold e rra tic tendencies.
(1) An exaggerated belief in the doctrine o f pantheistic
m onism , form ulation o f its intellectually subtle defini
tions an d th e ir propagation.
(2) F req u en t m usical recitations accom panied by w hirling
and ecstatic transports.
,(3) E v er increasing celebrations o i t Urs o n th e occassion o f
d e a th anniversaries o f th e saints w hich transgressed the
lim its o f Sharicah.
T h e very un-Islam ic customs an d creeds w hich w ere sought
to be reform ed by the early reform ers o f indefatigable m issionary
spirit an d zeal hailing from th e fa r off com ers o f I ra n an d
T u rk istan becam e, indeed, by a n irony o f fate, such a n insepar
able p a rt o f the later-d ay mystic rituals th a t it has now becom e
difficult fo r the non-M uslim s to distinguish them from the religi
ous practices o f other polytheistic creeds. T h e unalloyed
m onotheism or Tawhld, th e corner-stone o f Islam , w as trans
form ed into pantheistic m o n ism ; the p ath o f th e P rophet zea
lously tro d d e n by th e Chishti precursors becam e a sign and
symbol o f those follow ers o f orthodox Islam w ho w ere b ran d ed
as form alists a n d opponents o f m ysticism. T h e Sharfah an d
m ysticism m ark ed such a com plete p a rtin g o f th e ir ways th a t
the tw o cam e to be re g a rd e d as opposed to each other. T h e
use o f m usical instrum ents, fo rb id d en by th e early Chishti saints,
w ere introduced in m usical recitations by the la te r mystics but
th e d eep a n d re a l sp iritu al experience th ro u g h absorption in th e
rem em brance o f G od took flight from th e ir concourses.
R enunciation o f w orldly desires an d appetites, chosen by the
RELIGIOUS AND MORAL REV IV A L 253
anchorites o f old as th e ir distinctive m ark, gave place to the

pomposity o f g rand an d stately cerem onials.
A nd, perhaps, an even g reater tragedy, resulting from these
corrupting influences has been th a t the sublim ated souls who
h a d dedicated th e ir lives to bring the errin g hum anity back to
the overlordship o f God from the entanglem ents o f w orldly
desires and m aterial benefits them selves becam e th e objects o f
w orshipful ad o ratio n fo r th e ir m isguided followers. T he
om niscient L ord has really addressed a w arning to these very
m isguided folk in these w ords o f the S cripture :
“ I t is not (possible) for any hum an being unto w hom
A llah h a d given the Scripture and w isdom and the prophet
hood th a t he should afterw ard s have said unto m ankind :
Be slave o f m e instead o f A lla h ; but (w hat he said w a s ) :
Be ye faithful servants o f th e L o rd by virtue o f your con
stant teaching o f th e S cripture an d o f youi constant study
thereof.
“ A nd he com m anded yo u not th a t ye should take the
angels and the prophets for lords. W ould he com m and
you to disbelieve a fte r ye h a d su rre n d ered (to A llah) ?’n
1. Q.. 111:79-80
MAKHDUM.UUMULK
SHEIKH SHARAF UD-DIN ifAHJfA

MANERI
Makhdum-uI-Mulk
SHEIKH SHARAF UD-DIN YAHYA

MANERI
From Birth to Adulthood
K now n popularly as M akhdtim -ul-M ulk B iharl, his nam e

w as A hm ad ibn Sheikh Y ahya, title S h a ra f ud-din, an d he
claim ed his descent from one o f the P rophet’s uncles, Z u b air
ibn ‘A bdul M uttalib, belonging to the H ashim ite clan o f the
Q u raish o f M ecca. His g ran d fath er, M a u la n a M uham m ad
T aj u d -d ln , a contem porary o f Shahab ud-dln G hori, was a
celebrated scholar and mystic who had em igrated to M an y ar1
in B ihar from the tow n o f A l-K halll2 in Syria.
M aulana T aj ud-d ln rem ained for some tim e a t M aner,
w here he succeeded in converting quite a large num ber o f
persons to Is la m ; but he ultim ately returned to A l-K halll,
leaving his family a t M aner.
T h e m atern al grand-father o f A hm ad S h araf ud -d ln , Sheikh
Shahab ud-din Jag J j I (T he light o f the w orld) was also a
1. T he town is presently known as M aner, b u t IbrS him Q aw w Sm FSrUqi,

who w role Farhang Ibrahimi betw een 862 A. H . a n d 879 A. H , gives its
nam e as M anyar.
2. A l-K halil, draw ing its nam e from th e P ro p h e t Ib rah im (A braham ) who
is s ta te d to be b uried th ere, is a t a distance o f about 24 kilom etres from
Jerusalem T he tow n now form s p a r t o f Jo rd a n .
renow ned m ystic S heikh of Suharwardiyah ord er. Belonging to

K ashghar, he had come dow n to Ja th li,1 a village about 5
kilom eters from P atna. A spiritually anim ated soul reputed
for his pietyj he too cam e o f the lineage o f Im am H usain.
A hm ad Sh a ra f ud-dln was thus a lineal descendant o f the
Prophet from his m other’s side also.
A hm ad Sh a fa f u d -d ln was born on the last F riday o f
S h a'ab an , 661 A. H . a t M aner. H e had three o th er brothers
whose nam es w ere Sheikh K halil u d -d ln , Sheikh J a lil ud-din
an d Sheikh H ab ib u d -d ln .
Early Education
T h e system o f education followed in those days required

th e students o f prim ary stage to cram th e text o f the prescribed
books including some short lexicons so as to enable them to store
up a copious vocabulary in th e ir m ind. T h e system, however,
entailed unnecessary labour an d wastage o f the tim e o f children.
A hm ad Sh a ra f u d-dln deplored the system in M«cadan-ul-
McFarii: “ W hen I was a child my teachers got m e to learn by
h eart a num ber o f books like those on infinitive nouns, the first
p a rt o f Mifiahul~Lughnt, and sim ilar o th e r books. W e were
required to learn these w ord by w ord and repeat
them . Instead o f these books, they could have better got the
Q u r’ an
fixed in our m em ory.5,4
U nfortunately his memoirs o r the biographical accounts
n eith er preserve th e nam es o f his earlier teachers n o r the
books A hm ad S h a ra f ud -d ln h ad to study at M aner. 'I t seems
th a t he com pleted his education up to secondary stage in his
1. The author of Sirat-us-Sharaf writes that the place was captured by the
Muslims in 576 A. H ., 12 years before SultSn ShahSb ud-din Ghori won
the final battle against Prithviraj at Tarain. This raises the question
whether Muslims had extended their settlements to the bounds of Bihar
and Bengal even before SultSn ShahSb ud-dln Ghori laid the foundation
o f Muslim rule in India. The question, however, needs a deeper probe
by the historians.
2. Mafad an-ul Ma(anl, p. 43
fr o m b ir t h t o a d u l t h o o d 259
h o m eto w n .
Further Education
Before A hm ad S h a ra f ud-dln could leave M aner for fu rther

education elsewhere, Providence afforded him an opportunity to
come in contact with a reputed scholar and pedagogue o f hi*
tim e, M aulana S h a ra f ud-din Abu T ow am ah, w ho had to leave
Delhi because o f the K in g ’s displeasure somehow incurred by
him . It is stated th at certain academ icians, jealous o f M aulana
S h araf ud-dln, had brought him into discredit w ith Sultan
G hiyath ud -d ln Balban. M au lan a Sh a ra f ud-dln decided to
m igrate to the b o rd er town o f Sonargaon1 on the eastern fringe
o f the then M uslim K ingdom in India. O n his way to
Sonargaon he stopped for a few days at M aner. T h e inhabi
tants o f M aner, on com ing to know of the Maulana*s worth and
ability flocked to pay respect to him . Y oung A hm ad Sh araf
ud-dln was also highly impressed by the piety and learning o f
M aulana S h araf ud-dln.3 H e requested his pat ents to let him
accom pany the M aulana to Sonargaon so as to undergo his
schooling a t the feet o f the M aulana. Speaking o f his teacher,
in Khivan-i-Pur Ni'amat, write* A hm ad Sh araf ud-dln : “ M aulana
S h araf vtd-din was an erudite scholar, without a peer, whose
fam e had travelled to the four corners o f In d ia.” 3
S h3h Shucaib F irdausi relates in Manaqib-ul-Asfia th at
A hm ad Sh araf ud-din w as so assiduous at his studies th a t he
did not like to spend a m om ent away from it. As the
repast w ith others norm ally took a little m ore tim e which
A hm ad S h araf ud-din loathed to waste, his teacher h ad to
perm it him
I SonSrgaon was tlien the seat of the Provincial Government of East

Bengal Now an insignificant place across the river Braharnputra in
Dacca district, and known by the name of Painam, the ruins of its
dilapidated buildings and mosques tell the story of its past splendour.
The famous national high-way constructed by S her S hsh Suri
term inated in the east at SonSrgaon.
2. Manaqib-ul-Asfia
3. KhwSn-i-Pur M*amat, p. 15
to take his food alone in his ow n room .1 I t has been reported

th a t he was so occupied in his studies th a t he never w ent
thro u g h th e letters sent to him by his fam ily m em bers, lest these
m ig h t cause him some Anxiety o r distraction from his studies.2
H a v in g ta u g h t him all the then prevalent sciences, religious
a n d discursive, M a u la n a S h a ra f u d -d fn suggested him to learn
som ething about alchem y too, b u t A hm ad excused him self by
sa y in g : “ E ducation o f religious sciences w ould suffice f o r m e .”
M a u la n a S h a ra f u d -d ln h ad such a high reg ard for his talented
disciple th a t he offered the h an d o f his d a u g h ter to him . D uring
A h m ad ’s stay a t SonSrgaon, his wife gave b irth to a son whom
he nam ed Z akl ud-din.
Ahmad Returns Home
A h m ad ’s fath er, Sheikh Y ahya M an erl died on the 11th o f

Shacab an , 690 A. H . H aving received the news a t Sonargaon,
A hm ad S h a ra f ud -d ln hastened back to M an er w ith his son
Z akl ud-dln. As th e au th o r o f Manaqib-ul-Asfia says, A hm ad
left his son u n d e r th e care o f his own m other and begged h e r
to allow h im to leave the place for good. H e m ade his way
to D elh i w ith the intention o f gaining spiritual insight u nder
the su fi sheikhs at D elhi.
I t was th e y ear 690 A. H . o r 691 A .H . w hen A hm ad S h a ra f
u d -d in set out fo r D elhi w ith his b rother Sheikh Ja lll ud-din.
I t seems th a t th e careful guidance o f his learned teacher h ad
enabled A hm ad S h a ra f ud-dln' to recognise the w orth o f th e
m ystics by th e ir piety an d spiritual attainm ents. He paid visits
to nearly all the th e n s u fi divines o f D elhi but was impressed by
none except K h w aja N izam ud-dln A u lia3. For the o th er
mystics o f D elhi, his com m ent w a s : “ I f this is spiritual precep-
torship, I, too, can claim to be a m ystic m en to r.” 3 K hw aja
N izarn ud -d ln A ulia5 showed du e courtesy to A hm ad. T hey
1. Manaqib-ul-Asjid, pp. 131-32

2. Strat-us-Sharaf, p. 46 ; Nuzhat vl-Khauatir, Vol. I I , p. 9
S. Manaqib-ul Asfia, p. 321
FROM B IR T H T O AD ULTH O OD 261
h ad discussion on some literary topic a n d th e K hw aja was

im pressed by A h m ad ’s replies to the questions asked by him .
H ow ever, as his biographers report, th e K hw aja rem arked,
aftei A hm ad h ad taken leave o f him : “ H e is a haw k soaring
high in the sky, but fate has not earm arked him to my lo t.” 1
A hm ad S h a ra f ud-din then directed his course to P anipat
w here he m et Bil cA ll Q a la n d a r. but he left him saying : “ An
attracted devotee th a t he is, he cannot guide others.” 2
Sheikh N ajib ud-diu Firdausi
A hm ad S h a ra f ud-d in cam e back disheartened from D elhi

and Panipat. H is elder bro th er Sheikh J a lll ud-din, how ever,
suggested him to see K hw aja N ajib u d-dln F ird au si and told
him about the distinctive features o f his o rd er. A hm ad replied :
“ T h e one who is th e pivot o f spiritual perfection a t D elhi
(m eaning K hw aja N izam ud-dln AuJia5) sent m e back w ith a
tra y o f betels. W hat shall I gain by m eeting othfers ?” But, on
th e insistence o f his b rother, he m ade up his m ind to betake
h im self to D elhi once m ore. As he related later on, he found
h im self in a flutter, a n d profusely perspiring w hen he got near
K h w aja N ajib ud-d ln Firdausi. H e says th a t he h a d never had
a sim ilar experience earlier on m eeting any other mystic. As
soon as K hw aja F ird au si saw A hm ad, be s a i d : “ C hew ing
betels an d carrying betel-leaves in your han d k erch ief you have
com e to see m e, an d still you presum e yourself to be a n spiritual
g u id e !” A hm ad em itted th e betel he was chew ing a n d sat
dow n bew ildered as if suddenly aw akened to an unthought-of
tru th . A fter a w hile, he requested K hw aja N ajib ud-dln to
accept him u n d er his spiritual preceptorship. T h e K hw aja
graciously agreed to his reqnest but sent him back after taking
th e befit from him .3.
•1. Maniqib-ul-Asfia, p. 321

2. Ibid., p. 132
3. Ibid., p. 132
II
The Firdausiyah Order in India
Sheikh Shahab ud-dln ‘Umar Suharvvoidi, the celebiated

author of the Awarif-ul-Mal'atif and founder o ith e Suhmwordijah
oider of stifism, pursued his fitst studies of mysticism under his
uncle Kltwaja Zia’ ud-din Abul Najlb *Abdul Q adir Suhaiwardl
(tl. '>63 API.). Born at Khwarazm, the latter occupied an
eminent place amongst the mystics of his time. One of his
piotnincnt disciples, wlto had also been favoured with the habit
of spiritual succession by his mentor, was Ahmad ibn ‘ Umar.
Popularly known by the name of Khwaja Najm ud-dln K ubrl,
Ahmad il>n ( Ujnar, too, was a venerable man of God, to whom
Sheikh Shahab ud-dln Suharwardi presented his famous mystical
tract which is qo this day a source of inspiration for travellers
on the path of (mysticism. It is related that Khw&ja Najm ud-
din Kuhra blessed the work and prayed to God to grant it im
mortal fame.
Immersed in rapturous love and divine contemplation,
Khwaja Kajm ud-din Kubra possessed a natural gift of express
ing the deepest mysteries of sufism with unrivalled insight and
power. The author of Manhqib-ul~Asftn writes :
“ He uscd to expound the <ubtle points and delicate prob
lems of Tawkld (Unity), Ma'-iifat (knowledge), Tarlqat (pathway
•if mysticism) and Haqiqut (truth). He has left many works,
both in pro>e and poetiy, in the Arabic and Persian languages
of which one entitled Tubsaiah and another a tract explaining
T H E FIRDAUSIYAH ORDER IN INDIA 263
the aids necessary to conduct the traveller on the path o f

mysticism are popular in In d ia .” 1
Shucaib Firdausi has quoted, in the Manaqib-ul-Asfia, a Pew
odes o f K hw aja N ajm ud-din K ubra which, with the inner light
o f a true mystic, sing the song of the sweet call o f the Beloved.
K hw aja N ajm ud-din K ubra died as a m artyr fighting
bravely against the invading Mongols on the 10th o fja m a d a -u l-
U la, 610 A.H. In the line o f his spiritual successors Sheikh
M ujid ud-din B aghdadi,2 Sheikh Safad ud-din H am uya, Baba
K am al Junaidl, Sheikh Saif ud-dln cAli Lanah, Sheikh Saif ud-
din Bakhirzi, Sheikh Najm ud-din R azi, Sheikh Jam al ud-din
M ubkl and M au lan a Baha5 ud-din attained prom inence. T he
author o f ManSqib-ul-Asfiu relates th at K hw aja F arid ud-din
‘A ttar, the famous Persian poet, was also united in the bond
of spiritual allegiance to K hw aja N ajm ud-dln K ubra.3
Ingress o f Kubraviyah Order in India
K hw aja N ajm ud-dln K u b ra’s order o f mysticism gained

entrance in In d ia through three distinct sources. T he progress
of Islam was greatly advanced in K ashm ir with the arriv al o f
A m ir Saiyid ‘All Ham adani,* in 780 A.H., when the g reater
p art of its population em braced Islam .5 Sheikh H am adani was
the spiritual vicegerent o f Sheikh Sharaf ud-din MamQd ibn
‘ A bdullah who was connected to K hw aja Najm ud-din K ubra
through four connecting links. T he mystics o f the o rd er
o f Saiyid ‘ All H am adani flourished in K ashm ir by the end o f
the eleventh century after H ijrah. Sheikh Yakub Sarfi (d.
1003 A .H .), belonging to the H am ad an i order, was an
accomplished scholar o f exegesis an d T raditions and the
teacher o f Im am R ab b an i M ujadid A lf T hani. Mystics of the
H am adani order are still to be found in K ashm ir.
1. Manaqib-ul-AsfiS, p. 95
2. Author of Nlirsai-ul-*Abad
3. Manaqib-ul-Asfia, p. 99
4. Died in 786 A. H
5. The Religious Quest of India : pp. 55-56
Saiyid Q,utb ud-din M uham m ad M a d m (d. 677 A .H .),

an other disciple o f K hw aja N ajm ud-dln K u b ra, cam e to In d ia
du rin g th e reign o f Su ltan Q u tb ud-dln A ibak (or, according
to certain annalists, in th e tim es o f Sultan Sham s ud-din Iltut-
m ish) and was appointed Sheikh-ul-Islam at D elhi. L ater he
conquered K a ra (M anikpur) and settled th ere.1 In the line o
f his disciples Sheikh cA la’ ud-dln J iu rl propagated th e
o rder un d er the n am e o f Junaidiyah in D eccan w here its
followers are still to be found a t c e rtain places.
T h e th ird lin e o f th e spiritual descendants of K hw aja N ajm
ud-dln K u b ra m ade its debut in In d ia through K hw aja B adr
u d -d ln o f Sam ark and, a noted disciple o f K h w aja Sa if ud-din
Bakhirzi, whose spiritual preceptorship took its nam e from his
vicegerent S heikh R ukn u d-d ln Firdausi.
K h w ija Badr ud-dln Samarkand!
T he m ystical o rd er o f K hw aja B adr ud-dln w hich found

entrance into the religious life o f In d ian M uslims th rough him
laid stress, as its c h ie f characteristic, upon an all absorbing
divine contem plation, annihilatio n o f the self, renunciation o f
the w orld an d all it stands for, and concealm ent o f m iraculous
powers. W hen K hw aja B adr ud-din cam e to In d ia , the Chish
tiyah o rd e r was rapidly gaining popularity in th e country to
becom e the m ajor spiritual o rd er in In d ia n Islam . K hw aja
Q u tb u d -d ln B akhtiyar K ak i was th en the m ost celebrated
saint an d a centre o f attraction for the vast m ajority o f In d ia n
M uslims. I t was a n extrem ely difficult task to gain adherents
for a n o rd e r which dem anded concealm ent o f one’s spiritual
lig ht from the public gaze. Shu4a ib F ird au si who belonged to
th e Firdausiyah o rd e r has given, in Manaqib-ul-Asfia, the
teachings o f his Sheikh designed to gain a w arm m ystical
yearning
1. His lineal descendants include many divines, scholars and defenders

of Islam such as ShSh (Alam ullah N aqshbandi, spiritual successor
of Saiyid Adam Binnaurl, Saiyid A hm ad Shahid, KhwSja Ahmad
of NasirSbSd and Maul&nfi Syed 'Abdul Hai, the author of Nuzhat-
ul- Kawatir.
T H E FIRDAUSIYAH O R D SR tN INDIA 265
and fellowship w ith G od in these words.

“ He followed the way o f intim ate and personal love o f G od,
and emphasised the cultivation o f religious education as a
bounden duty o f the mystics. H e dem anded th a t the
injunctions o f the Sharfah should be acted upon for the sake o f
gaining propinquity to God ; for, he used to say th at knowledge
w ithout action is valueless and action without sincerity
fruitless. H e advised his followers : ‘N ever look forw ard to
possess m iraculous powers ; for unflinching submission to God
constitutes the real blessing a n d opens the way to ecstatic
illum inations.* T he Firdausiyah ord er was founded and its aids
and rules form ulated in In d ia by K hw aja B adr ud-din
S am arkandl and his disciples. T h e laity as well as the elect,
before him , excepting those few whom God had w illed to be
discerning, regarded the Working o f m iracles as a pre-
requisite o f spiritual preceptorship. As everybody knows,
quite a num ber o f mystic saints w ere th ere in In d ia during the
tim es o f K hw aja Q u tb ud-dln Bakhtiyar K akl, as, for
exam ple Sheikh-ul-Islam Baha* ud-dln Zakariya, Sheikh Najm
ud-dln Sughra, the Sheikh-ul-Islam o f D elhi, K hw aja B adr
ud-dln Sam arkandl, Sheikh-ul-Islam M o 'ln u d - d ln SajazI, th e
spiritual guide o f K hw aja Q u tb ud-dln Bakhtiyar K akl. . God
m ay bless the souls o f all these saints but the popular
regard o f the masses enjoyed by K hw aja Q u tb ud-dln
Bakhtiyar K akl was not shared by any one else. T h e reason for
it was th at the K hw Sja too often called forth spiritual powers'
an d worked m iracles.” 1
Explaining the p ath of mysticism followed by the Firdausiyah
order, S hu‘aib F irdausi adds :
“ T he way o f K hw aja B adr ud-dln Sam arkandl differed
from th at o f the other sufis o f In d ia. Some o f them were
inspired and illum inated souls w hile others took to th e path
o f spiritual travails and contem plations, prayer and penance.
But the way o f K hw aja B adr ud-dln could be described as the
‘State o f Love.’ Absorbed, engulfed and self-effacing, and
acting on
1. M anaqib-ul-A sfia, p. 122
266 SAVIOURS OF ISLAMIC SPOUT
the mystic m axim to consider oneself dead even before the

cessation o f life, these travellers o f the lovers’ path and w ander ers
o f the spiritual realm cast aside all worldly relations and over
step the ring o f existence a t the very first attem pt. T he way
they put th e ir life at stake requires the traveller to be o f indo
m itable courage and valour and only those who are ready to
put off m ortality can tread this p ath .” 1
K hw aja Badr ud-dln Sam arkand! took recourse to recita-
tional auditions and occasionally fell in ecstatic transports. He
died in the seventh century, perhaps a t the tim e when K hw aja
Niz&m ud-din A ulia’ was still alive, but the year o f his death
has not been m entioned by any biographer.2
Khwaja Rukn u d - d i n Firdausi
K hw aja R ukn ud-dln Firdausi was the favourite disciple

an d vicegerent o f K hw aja B adr ud-dln Sam arkand!. K hw aja
F irdausi pursued his studies o f mysticism from his very child
hood u n d er th e care o f K hw aja Sam arkand!, and attained per
fection in religious as well as m ystical disciplines. It was under
him th a t the mystic o rd er o f K hw aja Sam arkand! cam e to be
known as the Firdausiyah order. His was also a soul illum ined
by divine effulgence an d rapturous transports, an d like his
spiritual guide, he too bade farewell to this fleeting world
during th e life-time o f K hw aja N izam ud-d in A ulia5.’
Khwaja Najib ud-din Firdausi
Being the nephew o f K h w aja R u k n ud-dln Firdausi,

2. The year of his death given in Khazinatul Asfia is 716 A. H. but the
author of Jfuzhatul Khw&tir does not consider it to be correct, for he had
died, according to him, earlier before the close o f the seventh century.
3. The author o t fChazin/ilui Asfia gives the year of his death as 724 A .H.
but this does got appear to be correct, as his spiritual successor Sheikh
N ajib ud-din Firdausi died in 691 A.H. MaulanS *Abdul H ai appears
to be correct in holding the view expressed in Nuzhatul Khawatir that
KhwSja Rukn ucl-d>n died by the close of the seventh century after
Hijrah-
T H E FIRDAUSIYAH O R D ER IN INDIA 267
K hw S ja N ajib ud-dln h ad rem ained u n d er the p atern al tutelage

o f his Sheikh from his childhood an d , a fte r the d eath o f his
m entor, continued to keep alight the lam p o f Firdausiyah o rd e r
as his successor. H e not only attain ed an em inence in the
practice o f spiritual life b u t also guided and re a re d a disciple
w ho reached the highest degree o f sanctity, propagated the
religious o rd er o f his spiritual guides over h a lf a century in the
eastern p a rt o f the country an d , th ro u g h the excellent precepts
o f his conduct, -interior illum ination an d intellectual attainm ents
proved him self a peer o f such elevated souls as c A in-ul-Q udhat
H am ad an i, K hw aja F a rid u d -dln ‘A ttar an d M au lan a J a la l ud-
d in R um i. S h u 'aib Firdausi writes about K hw aja N ajib ud-
d in in Matiaqib-ul-Asfia “ D isdaining fam e and popularity, he
kept him self concealed behind the veil o f obscurity. V erily,
those who have reached the highest degree o f sanctity keep
themselves so h idden from the public gaze th at nobody except
God knows anything about them . H e (K hw aja N ajib ud-din)
had m any a disciple who h ad reached the stage o f inw ard
illum ination. M aulana t A lam ,1 the author o f FalSwah Talar-
khaniyah, was his disciple who has penned beautiful odes
g iving expression to the unfathom able depth o f D ivine Essence,
T h e spiritual attainm ents o f K hw aja N ajib ud-din F ird au si are
hidden behind a mysterious veil.” 2
1. MauISn5 Farid ud-din 'S iam of Indrapat. H e wrote Fatawdh Tatar-

kkanijiah in 777 A .H ., but named it after his friend Amir TatSr KhSn.
Firoz ShSh winded the book to be named after its author, but Farid
ud-din preferred to remain a ghost writer. He died perhaps in
786 A.H.
2. Menagib-ttl-Asfiii, p. 126
Ill
Life of Self-Discipline
Im m ediately a fte r taking the pledge o f allegiance to

K hw aja N ajjb ud-din F ird au si, says the au th o r o f Mariaqib-ul-
AsfiB, Sh a ra f u d -d ln was g ran ted perm ission to p ropagate the
religious discipline o f the Firdausiyah o rd er. H ow ever, Sh a ra f
ud -d ln im plored the K h w aja . “ I have not h ad the opportunity
to rem ain w ith you even fo r a few days n o r have I h a d any
tra in in g o f the mystic discipline from you, then, how w ould I
be able to shoulder this onerous responsibility?” But the
K hw aja assured him th a t since the robe o f vicegerency has been
conferred on h im th ro u g h a divine presage, he w ould be guided
in his p a th by divine inspiration. T h e re a fter the K h w aja bade
him farew ell and said, “ W hatever news you get in the way, do
not re tu rn to m e.”
O nly a few days a fte r Sh a ra f u d -din h a d betaken the
jo u rn ey , he received th e news th a t K hw aja N ajib ud-dln h ad
p u t off his earth ly body. H ow ever, as a lread y bidden by his
m entor, S h a ra f u d -d in continued on his jo u rn ey to M an er.1
State of Love
W hen Sh a ra f u d -d in d ep arted from K h w aja N ajib u d -d in

h e felt his h e a r t re n t b y a disq u ietu d e o f sp ritu al agony.
It appeared th a t the fire o f love, a violent affection o f God
h ad
1. Manaqib-ul-Asfia, pp. 132-33
L IF E OF SELF-DISCIPLINE 269
penetrated into the recesses o f his very being. He says :

“ No sooner th an I m et K hw aja N ajib ud-dln, an agonising
disquiet seated itself in m y heart and it went on increasing w ith
the passage o f tim e.” 1
W hen Sh araf ud-dln reached Behiah,'- he happened to
hear the trill of a peacock, w hich so stirred the feeling o f divine
love in him th at he breathlessly betook him self to a jungle.
His brothers and friends, who accom panied him on his way
back home, m ade a vigorous search but could not find any
trace o f him . At last, they returned w ith the w arran t o f vice-
gerency issued by K hw aja N ajib ud-dln and other sacred relics
given to him by the K hw aja and m ade these over to his
m other.8
In the R ajgir Forest
Sheikh S h araf ud-din rem ained in the forest o f Beliiah

bu t nobody w as able to know his whereabouts. T hereafter, he
moved on to th e R ajg ir4 forest, w here he was seen once o r
twice but none o f his acquaintances ever succeeded in m eeting
1. Maniqib-ul-AsfiS, p. 133
2. Behiah is about 48 kilometers from Maner, to the west of Arrah in
Shah- abad district.
3Manaqib-ul-Asfia, p. 133
4. The RSjglr hills consist of two parallel ranges which run from south
west to north-east, and seldom exceed 1C00 feet in height, are for the
most part rocky and covered with a low jungle. (The Imperial Gazetteer
of-India. Vol. X X , p. 54). T he place was identified by Dr. Buchnan-
Hamilton with Rajagriha, the residence of Buddha and capital of ancient
Magadha, and by General Cunningham with Kusa-Nagarapura (the town
of Kus grass) visited by Hiuen TsUn and called by him Kiu-slu-lo-pu-le.
Hiuen Tsiang gives an account of the hot springs found at this place.
O f the five hills, first is identified by General Cunningham as Wehbars
mountain of Pali annals, on the side of which was the famous Sattapani
Cave, where the first Buddhist synod was held in 543 BC. The second
hill Ratnagiri, is that called by Fa H ian ‘The Fig Tree Cave’ where
Buddha meditated. (The Imperial Gazetteer of India, Vol. X X I, Oxford,
1908, p. 72.)
him. T he forest and hills o f K ajglr have always been ,a

favourite resort o f recluses o f India. G autam B uddha h ad
selected these very forests for his m editations. D uring th^
days o f Sheikh S h a ra f u d -d ln ’s stay in R ajg lr, a num ber o f
H in d u yogis and herm its h ad gone into seclusion to this place.
T h e biographers o f Sheikh S h a ra f ud-dln have given accounts
o f the discussisHs- Sheikh Sh a ra f ud-dln had w ith these yogis.
A closet by th e side o f a hot w ater spring, known as M akhum
K und, can still be seen in this forest.
A lthrough the period o f twelve years Sheikh S h a ra f ud-dln
lived in the forest, he had given him self up to austerities,
intense m editation and arduous religious observances. Passing
his days in a state m arked by excitation o f h eart, agitation and
bew ilderm ent, he appears to have totally lost the consciousness
of his own self by d rin k in g deep the cup o f love divine. T he
leaves o f the trees were all he ate in those days. Speaking o f
the most austere acts to w hich he had given him self up in those
days, he once told his disciple Q a z l Z ahid : “ T h e m ortifications
I h ad undergone would have m elted even the hills, b u t o f w hat
use h ad these been to S h a ra f ud-dln.” 1 It seems th a t he was
not satisfied w ith the utility o f w hat he h ad achieved by these
arduous disciplines. O nce he said th a t d u rin g the w inter
season, when it was biting cold, he took b a th in cold water,
instead o f taking advantage o f the leave g ran ted by the S k a 'f ah
for such occasions, and the result was th a t he fell unconscious
and missed the daw n prayer.
S tay in B ih a r
D u rin g the days Sheikh S h a ra f ud-dln was still residing in

the R ajg lr forests, a disciple o f K hw aja N izam ud -d ln A u lia5
bearing the nam e ol his m entor but known as M aulana Nizam
M aula, cam e to know about S h a ra f ud -d ln from certain persons
who h ad m et the Sheikh in th a t forest. H e m et Sheikh S h a ra f
ud-dln along w ith a few o f his disciples. G reatly im pressed by
1. Sirat-us-Sharaf, p. 72
LIFE OF SELF-DISCIPLINE 271
the S heikh, M aulanS Nizam M aula often used to repair to the

jungle to visit the Sheikh In view o f the inconvenience
M aulanS Nizam M aula and his friends had to put up, Sheikh
S h araf ud-dln suggested to them : “ Your visit causes m e a lot
o f anxiety for the forest is too dangerous. You people should
b etter rem ain in the city where I would come on Fridays for
prayers and meet you.” T he proposal was accepted and the
Sheikh thus used to have a brief sitting with M aulana Nizam
M aula and others on each Friday. After some tim e, the
adm irers o f the Sheikh decided to construct a hut at the place
the monastery exists now , where Sheikh Sh araf ud-dln used to
take rest for a while after Friday prayers or stayed for a day or
two sometimes. M aulanS Nizam M aula got the thatched hut
converted into a building. W hen the construction was com
pleted M aulana Nizam M aula invited his friends to a feast and
requested Sheikh S h araf ud-dln to grace the, altar carpet. T he
Sheikh accepted the request but re m a rk e d : “ Friends, your
rendezvous has led me to this pantheon.” 1
T he monastery was constructed between 721 to 724 A.
H. during the reign o f Ghiyath ud-din Tughlaq.*
• Sultan M uham m ad T ughlaq ascended the throne after his
father in 725 A. H . H im self an accomplished scholar, he was
always too desirous o f m aking the sufi saints come out o f their
seclusion for bringing about m oral upliftm ent o f the populace.
H e forced K hw aja N asir ud-din Chiragh Dehli to accom pany his
forces in his last expedition. He also forced other disciples of
K hw aja Nizam ud-dln A ulia’, M aulana Fakhr ud-dln Z arrad i,
M aulana Shams ud-d in Yahya and others, to deliver sermons
and urge the people to participate in the holy wars. H e even
m ade Sheikh Q u tb ud-dln M unaw w ar of Hansi to come all the
way from his m onastery to Delhi. W hen he cam e to know of
Sheikh S h araf ud-dln’s abandoning his seclusion after years of
retirem ent in (he R ajglr forests, he sent an order to the
1. Man&qib-ut-Asfia, p. 134
2. Sfrat-us-Shrtrnf, p. 81
G overnor o f Bihar, M ajad-ul-M ulk, th a t a m onastery should be

got constructed for him a n d the p arg an a o f R a jg ir given to him
for the upkeep o f the m onastery and his disciples. T h e king
sent a B algharian1 prayer-m at to the Sheikh and ordered the
G overnor to force Sheikh S h a ra f ud-din to accept the royal
g ran t, in case he was not inclined to accept the offer.
M ajad-ul-M ulk took the im perial edict to the Sheikh an d
said, “ I d a re not force your honour to d o w hat the K ing has
ordered b u t if you do not accept his offer, it would be construed
as my insubordination and incompetence. Everybody is aw are
o f the K in g ’s tem peram ent and only God knows w hat he would
do w ith m e.” T aking pity on the perplexity o f M ajad-ul-M ulk,
the Sheikh yielded to his request, albeit unw illingly, b u t when
Firoz Shah T u g h la q m ounted the throne, he retu rn ed the jS g lr .1
H ow ever, the construction o f the m onastery was taken in hand,
an d , to borrow the w ords o f Z am ir ud-dln in Slrat-us-Skaraf;
“ T h e construction o f the m onastery was started a n d it was
com pleted w ithin a short period. M ajad-ul-M ulk invited all
the mystics and disciples o f K hw aja N izam ud -d ln A ulia5 and
num erous other friars for a sitting o f m usical recitation which
continued for pretty long tim e in the assembly hall. In another
portion o f the m onastery, containing a gallery and a room,
arrangem ents were m ad e for seating the elite. O n the Balgha
ria n p rayer-m at sent by the K ing, M akhdQm Y ah y a M aneri
was seated. W hen a w andering fria r who happened to be there
cam e n ear S h a ra f ud -d ln , the latter said : ‘I t ’s all for you. I
h a d simply to comply w ith the orders o f M ajad-ul-M ulk, for I
h ad no choice but to obey him who wields the authority.
W hatever you see here is for the m endicants an d , so far as I am
concerned, I do not consider m yself even w orthy o f Islam , m uch
less to grjace this p ra y e r-m a t.’
“ T h e m endicant r e p lie d : ‘M akhdum , who cares for this
m onastery a n d the p ray er-m at? W hatever respect one pays
1 A town in the north of Turkistan

LIFE OF SELF-DISC I P U N E 273
to you, it is because ot‘ the T ru th . W e have com e here on

account o f your latent spiritual qualities and' for your sake
alone. Islam will flourish here and gain strength through your
blessings.’ T o this M akhdum S h araf ud-din Yahya. M aneri
replied : ‘W hatever these m endicants say finds the acceptance
o f G od.5 T hen he added : ‘W hoever is him self a Prince com
m ands and the task is accom plished.’ ”
Spiritual Guidance of the People
For m ore th an h a lf a century (from 724 A .H . to 782 A .H .,

when he died) M akhdGm Y ahya M aneri continued to inspire
spiritual and m oral zeal in the people. A ccording to the esti
m ate o f Sheikh- H usain M uciz Shams o f Balakh, m ore th an a
hundred thousand persons united themselves in the bond o f his
spiritual paternity o f whom not less than three hundred attained
spiritual illum ination and reached the highest degrees o f sanctity.
Num erous yogis, it is related, were guided by him on the path
o f mysticism after they had em braced Islam at his hands. T he
congregations held by th e Sheikh, which were attended by per
sons draw n from all creeds and classes, as was the custom pre
vailing in those days, served as lecture rooms providing guidance
and instruction to the people. Persons desiring an exposition
o f perplexing issues, raised questions in these m eetings an d got
satisfactory answers. These gatherings never had any pre
determ ined subject for discussion o r discourse ; the sufjs began
th eir sermons on w hatever issue they happened to be contem
plating or the topic raised by others. But, alm ost always these
discourses shed light on the hidden meanings o f recondite truths
and intricate problem s o f mysticism. Z ain B adr ‘A rabl, who has
com piled the discourses o f Sheikh S h araf ud-dln, says in his intro
duction to the collection : “ In every gathering an d alm ost on
each occasion, the disciples o f the Sheikh o r others attending the
m eetings requested him to elucidate a certain issue pertaining
to the Sharjah or mystic discipline. H azrat M akhdQm replied
to every question in a very pleasant and convincing m anner,
and expounded the pith an d essence o f th e facts o f m ute
274 SAVIOURS Q F ISLAMIC SPIR IT
reality. H e answ ered th e questions according7to th e ability o f

the in q u ire r in such a b rig h t an d cheerful way th a t it agreeably
occupied the m ind o f th e listeners an d a d u m b ra te d those subtle
facts w hich a re beyond the grasp o f hum an senses.” 1
Som etim es a theological o r mystic tra c t was read in these
gatherings. M ak h d u m Y ahya M aneri used to throw light upon
points o f special difficulty d u rin g th e course o f such readings.
In this way he used to expound in tricate issues p ertain in g to
ju risp ru d en ce, T ra d itio n s, exegesis and mysticism w hich were
found instructive even by the learned disciples. A nother
m ethod em ployed by h im for the m ental and m o ral developm ent
o f his disciples, especially the learned ones, was to w rite them
letters. Perhaps no o ther spiritual guide, except M u jad id A lf
T h an !, has taken recourse to this educative m ed iu m for the
m ental edification and spiritual ennoblem ent o f the people. T h e
forceful style o f M ak h d u m ’s w ritings, com bining g iace and
elegance, assigns a conspicuous place to his letters in th e theo
logical literatu re. In these he has expounded th e kernels or
factors o f higher significance denoting the in n er sense o f unseen
divine content o f things. H e exerted thereby a strong an d
potent influence an d inspired the people w ith a longing to attain
the state o f exalted sp iritu al integrity. I n th e ir effectiveness,
gracefulness an d forcefulness o f expression th ere w ould perhaps
be few compositions w orthy o f com parison w ith these letters in
the entire Persian lite ra tu re . T hus, in a d d itio n to th o se fortu
nate persons to w hom these letters were ad d ressed , thousands
have read them w ith interest dow n th e centuries a fte r the days
o f M ak h d u m Y ahya M a n e r i; in the m onasteries these letters
have been studiously perused and discussed, an d they still hold
the attention o f those who m use over th em in search o f th e new
dim ensions o f intuitive insight an d illum ination o f h eart. It
would be difficult to exaggerate the strength an d vigour o f these
letters w hich, notw ith stan d in g the lapse o f several centuries
w hen they w ere w ritten , still preserve th e ir freshness a n d emo
tio n al appeal.
1. M a * a d a n -u l-M a * a m
IV
Character and Deportment
A conspicuous tra it o f M akhdGm Y ahya M an erl’s sublime

character was th e annihilation o f his self in love—the rew ard o f
his austere devotional acts and religious travails—reflecting a
deep, satisfying an d intim ate love w hich effaces the very exis
tence o f the lover. Every w ord o f his letters and discourses
signifies the earnest desire and passionate love o f God thus des
cribed by K h w ija N aqshband : “ W hat I desire most is to
have no desire a t a ll.”
This was th e patrim ony o f the mystic o rd er founded by
K hw aja N ajm ud-dln K u b ra, whose most w orthy successor was
Sheikh S h araf ud-dln Y ahya M aneri.
Shucaib F ird au si relates th at in a m eeting o f celebrated su.fi
saints every one expressed the desire cherished by him . W hen
the tu rn o f M akhdtim Y ahya M aneri cam e, he said : “ W hat I
desire is that I should rem ain unknown in this world as well as
in the w orld beyond.”
MakhdGm Y ahya M an eri once gave expression to his own
self-abandonm ent in these w o rd s: “ W holly overtaken by the
illusions o f Satan, I know neither anything about my own self
n o r find any trace o f Islam in m e.”
In a letter which M akhdtim Yahya M aneri w rote to a
friend, he laid emphasis on the im portance o f shedding tears
over one’s own vicious self. T he letter, quoted here, perhaps
throw s light on the conflagration consuming his own heart.
“ T h e gnostics sw ear to G od th a t nothing is d e a re r to God

th a n bew ailing o f a m a n o v er th e failings o f his ow n se lf:
therefore,
let us le a rn how to lam ent a n d bem oan from the precursor o
f tru e faith , K h w a ja O w ais Q arn I, whose soul m ay be blessed
by G od. H e w ho lam ents no t always over his ow n self, O
brother, is a claim an t oblivious o f th e D ay o f R e q u ita l; he is ju
s t a dead m eat whose h e a rt is crushed by h is longings. A nd
w hat wistful longings hav e cast th e ir shadows over every h e a r
t : everybody yearns fo r glory a n d riches, au tho rity and pow er,
pleasure and satisfaction, fam e a n d h o n ou r an d , along w
ith all these, propinquity to G od as w e ll ., But, by G od, th is
is im possible.” 1
A nother letter w ritten by -M akhdum Y ahya M aneri to show
th e way o f self dem olition depicts his ow n p o rtra it, for, the
mystic saints w ere g o t hypocrites to preach w hat they themselves
d id not practise., Since they strictly followed the Q u ran ic
in ju n ctio n : “ N ever say w hat you d o not practise yourself,”
this letter m ust have been w ritten by M akhdum a fte r attaining
th e entelechy o f sp iritu al life.
* “ Since you have reach ed the threshold o f y o u r L o rd , your
self should be cleansed o f all earthly defilem ents a n d desires.
E ven i f you d on a tho usand crow ns o f royalty, how w ould you
conceal th e reality 9 f your self—your beggarly countenance an d
forlorn com plexion. D ust th a t settles o v e r a th ing gets always
washed aw ay : bu t th e gloom iness o f your sublim inal self can
never change itself,” *
I n yet a n o th er letter h e plainly lam ents thus over h im self:
“ W e a re ill-starred, afflicted an d abased ; greedy as
hogs,
we a re m ad a fte r o u r d e sire s; attuned to force o f h a b it, we are
the negligent a n d heedless who witlessly m ove in a g ro o v e ; we
a re really listless an d th o u g h tless; and o u r presum ption th a t we
follow Tawhld o r th a t w e tre a d the p a th of G od-m oved souls is
sim ply a n ind icatio n o f o u r tem erity a n d crass ignorance. Even
th e Jew s ai*d fire-worshippers, cath edrals an d pantheons
feel
CHA RACTER AND DEPORTM ENT 277
asham ed o f us.” 1
A supplication often recited by him expresses, in all
intensity and colour, his innerm ost thoughts an d feelings.
A w eakling in T hy p ath I am , my G od ;
Like a crippled ant, in a well I plod.
W ithout any achievem ent, strength o r w ealth ;
I have neith er the heart to bew ail n o r patience to
repose.
D eprived o f faith , even th e w orld took leave o f m e ;
Im poverished o f the soul, I cling to exterior form .
N either a M uslim nor a heathen, I w aver in
m inds
tw o ;
Forlorn and abandoned, I know not w hat to do.
I shed tears and bem oan a lot, my L ord. E m pty-
handed th a t I am , burdensom e is the task.
In this prison o f bodily fram e, I have suffered a l o t ;
Feckles has been m ade by exertion my
labouring
h e a rt.
F ettered I sit in this prison (o f desires and s in s ) ;
W ho else save T hee can give m e a helping h an d .
C lear the obstacles (th a t block the) p ath o f m y s o u l;
And let my h eart be cleansed through flood o f
tears.
O n T h y p ath I have set my foot, though im m ersed in s in ;
M ercy, m y G od, though I h ail from the prison o f sin.
H aving arrived a t the point o f annihilation w hich effaces
th e existence o f the lover, he was unconcerned w ith the acclam
ation and condem nation o f the people. In a letter he says :
“ W hat have th e ecstatic's to lose o r gain by th e ad ulation or
denunciation o f the m u ltitu d e? T o them these m ake little
difference. T hey d o n o t consider him w orthy who is acclaim ed
by the people nor a fellow villified by the masses is reg ard ed by
them as w ick ed : to them only he is virtuous who meets the
ap p ro v a l o f the L ord a n d only he is vile who is censured
by G od.”
1. 31st letter
As a m tu r a l outcom e o f his intoxication a n d losing his

self in love divine, he was rew arded w i t h m iraculous powers
like other ecstatics. Incessant m iracles were worked bv him
but he ever entertained an aversion fo r >iiacles o r the
exhibition of s i m i l a r other acts w hich could be adduced as a
pro o f o f his a t t a i n i n g the heights o f sanctity. Sliucaib
F irdausi writes in
Manaqih-id-Asfia'
“ H is m iraculous pow ers very often called forth w onderful
acts clearly beyond the operation o f n a tu ra l laws, bu t he was
always so averse to m iracles th at he pleaded his incompetence
to pei form such acts'. I f anybody insisted upon his help for the
fulfilm ent o f his needs he used to refer him to M ila n Ja la l
D iw a n a .” 1
T his was the tim e when credulous masses considered the
m iraculous powers possessed by a saint as the only touchstone
o f his sanctity and godliness. It is reported th a t once a few
persons brought some dead flies to him an d said : “ A well-
known m axim runs : the Sheikh bestows life and death. T here
fore, cause these flies to come to life a g a in .” M akhdum Y ahya
M aneri re p lie d : “ I am m yself helpless. H ow can I restore
life to others ? ”
Excellent Morals
T h e inspiration d raw n by the su fi saints from the

prophetic light has ever been the most vital elem ent in
shaping the life and c h aracter o f these m en o f God : the w
arm th o f personal feeling f o r a prophet thus praised by God ;
‘Lo ! T hou a rt of excellent c h ara c ter,’2 linked them to him
by a close personal affinity w hich transfigures all thoughts an d
governs all actions. It was this loving reg a rd o f M akhdum
Y ahya M a n e ri for the P rophet o f Islam w hich has been
testified in these w ords by his b io g ra p h e r: “ T h e m o ral
conduct of Sheikh Sh a ra f ud-din was the very im age o f the
P ro p h et’s c h a ra c ter.” '*
1. M nita q ib -id -A sfld , p . 137
ch ara cter and u epo r tm en t 27 9
And how m uch M akhdum Y ahya M aneri considered it

essential to cast one’s m orals and behaviour in the m ould of
Prophet’s character is revealed by his letters w hich, in fact,
bring forth his ow n m oral precepts and rules.of conduct.
“ In tru th and reality virtuous conduct consists o f the m oral
code followed by th e learned am ong the followers o f mystic
path. T hey adhere to the injunctions of the Shan1ah and m easure
the excellence o f th e ir perform ance w ith the yardstick o f Pro
p h e t’s conduct. W hosoever does not m ake a search for the
rules o f the Sharf-ah can never hope to attain anything through
the path o f mysticism.” 1
In another letter he says th at “ the m ore one follows the path
chalked out by the Shar\(-oh, the m ore one becomes virtuous in
c o n d u c t; and the m ore one attains m oral excellence, the m ore
one is loved by G od. F o r m oral rectitude is the bequest o f
A dam and a gift from G od, there is nothing goodlier for the
believer tlian virtuous code o f conduct nor an adornm ent as
exquisite as this. Good m oral conduct really m eans acting on
the precepts o f God an d the Sharf-ah brought by His P ro p h e t;
for, the behaviour a n d deportm ent o f the Prophet, on w hom be
peace and blessings, werie winsomely pleasing. W hoever claims
to follow the Prophet, should p attern his life after h im .” 2
T h e life sketch o f MakhdGm Y ahya M aneri depicted by his
biographers shows th a t the Constant aim o f his endeavours was
to follow the Prophet o f Islam . In m oral conduct and behavi
our, brotherly love and compassion for his fellow beings, regard
for the interests o f other people and in consoling the broken
h earted he had all the earm arks o f the Prophet’s character.
Kindli ness
H e possessed a kindliness of heart th at extended to all men,

w hether friends or foes, in prosperity or in distress. In a
letter w ritten by him he calls it an inborn virtue and m otivating
1. 5 9 t h li t t e r
2. I hid
pow er o f th e gnostics an d m e n o f G od, perhaps, because he h ad

h im self im bibed this quality in the journey o f his spirit.
D epicting the characteristics o f a tru e mystic he says :
“ L ike th e glorious lam p o f the heaven his benevolence goes
out to all, young a n d old ; he rem ains hungry a n d unclad but
feeds and clothes others. H e cares not for the injustice done to
him n o r for the m alevolence o f those w ho a re h a rd upon him .
Instead, he intercedes for them , repays goodness for evil and
gives thanks for abuses. D o you know why does he do so ?
Being him self saved a n d secured, his h e a rt is filled w ith a desire
to do good to all. Like th e sun w hich shines over m ountains
an d vales, his benevolence encompasses friends and foes alike ;
in hum ility he is like the e a rth tro d d en by a l l ; in generosity he
is like th e riv er whose lofty surge benefits the friends as well as
enemies. In d ependent o f every attachm ent, the dow npour o f
his benignity showers over the E ast as m uch as over the West.
H e finds everything indw elling in G od as m anifestations o f the
sam e C reato r and endued w ith qualities assigned by H im .
W hoever lacks these qualities o f spirit cannot lay a claim to be
a trav eller on th e p a th o f m ysticism .” 1
M ak h d u m Y ahya M an eri was, like o th er mystic preceptors,
an em bodim ent o f ch arity and benevolence. O verflow ing w ith
th e m ilk o f hum anity he considered it a grievous sin to injure
th e feelings o f others.
O nce, w hen h e was keeping a voluntary fast, a certain per
son brought some present and begged him to p arta k e it.
M ak h d u m took it a n d said : “ O ne can m ake up for the broken
fast but n o t for the broken h e a rt.”
H e always concealed the blem ish o f others and if he was
ever told o f the lapse o r m isdem eanour o f someone, he im m edi
ately cam e out w ith a n explanation on b e h a lf o f the person
reported to have com m itted the m isdeed.
It has been related in Manaqib-id-Asfia th a t once he had to
jo in a congregational p ray er led by a m an who was a
d ru n k ard .
1. 24th letter
ch a ra cter and d eportm ent 281
Som ebody com plained about it but M akhdfim Y ahya M

aneri replied : “ He should not be drunk all the tim e.” T he
com-
> plainant s a id : “ Yes, he ever rem ains drunk.” “ But not
during R am ad h an ,” was the reply given by M akhdum
Y ahya M aneri.1
Severance of Worldly Ties
M akhdum Y ahya M aneri h ad reached th e stage w here the

h eart is so full of D ivine love th a t it displaces the love p f every
t h i n else.
H e had accepted the jaglr granted by Sultan M uham m ad
T ughlaq in o rd er to save M ajad-ul-M ulk from the w rath o f the
Sultan. H e returned the jsg ir as. soon as Sultan Firoz Shah
T ughlaq ascended the throne. I f the story related by Z am ir
ud-dln in Sirat-us-Sharaj on the authority o f MBnis-ul-Qulub is
correct, M akhdum Y ahya M aneri went all the the way from
M aner to D elhi to return th e royal edict granting the fief to him
and thereafter he never took any interest in the extension or
renovation o f th e m onastery Sultan M uham m ad T ughlaq got
constructed for him.
Sheikh H am id ud-din was a close friend of M akhdum
Yahya M aneri. O nce be cam e to M akhdum in the m
idnight. M akhdum came out and sat dow n in the courtyard
with him. A fter a while Sheikh H am id ud-dln said, “ T he
courtyard will look nice i f this platform is extended. M
akhdum Yahya M aneri im m ediately got up and replied, “ I
thought that you had come in the dead o f night to seek solution
o f some religious problem but I find th a t I was wrong. You
w ant the platform to be extended. Actually you ought to have
suggested th at this idol-house should be brought to ruins.”2
Lofty Ideals
T he lofty ideals worthy o f a life’s endeavour upon

which
1. Manaqib-td-Asjia, p . 141
2. Sirat-us-Sharaj, p. 123
M akhdum Y ahya M an eri h ad always h ad his eyes set, w ere the

spur th a t m ad e him achieve true piety o f the soul. T his is
am ply born e out by h is letters t o his friends a n d disciples w hom
lie always told .n at only those whose aim s w ere w orthy, asp ira
tions high, designs wise an d purposes steadfast could hop# to
reach th e goal o f a soaring am bition. H ere is a letter in w hich
he w rote to one o f his disciples :
“ Howsoever spiritless you m ight be, my b ro th er, you ought
to have courage to look upw ard. T here is nothing in th e w o rld
th at can dam pen the eager desire o f a m an : th e lofty aspirations
o f m an are really too burdensom e even fo r the e a rth and
heaven, em pyrean and th e m ighty T h ro n e, heaven an d h e ll;
and th a t is why a poet says :
N either fear they hell nor long for heaven ;
M ad e o f a special texture is this group o f men.
T hey have th eir grip on the D ivine B ein g ;
W hatever else is there, is below th e ir feet.
Unless th e way is swept with the broom o f N o t;
H ow can ye find a way to the m ansion o f G od.
“ T h e exalted ideal o f a m an o f God needs the height o f
heavens and the space o f universe for its flight o f am bition, and
there is nothing m ore lofty and consecrated th an the am bition
to attain the gnosis o f Suprem e Being. T he am bition o f these
God-m oved souls does not peram bulate round the K acaba or
Bait-ul-Muqaddas n o r does it lim it its flight to the heaven and
earth. Holiness be to God : W hat a noble task is this ! T h e
m an is sitting w ith his feet on the ground, his head testing on
his knees, but the height o f his am bition passes beyond the
limits o f universe. Wrh at a lofty aspiration is this th a t no other
created being except m an m ade o f w ater a n d clay can fancy.” 1
Z am ir ud-din has m ade a correct assessment of M akhdum
Yalvya M anevi’s lofty and insatiable am bition in S i r a t - u s - S h a r a f .
“ He h a d ,” says Z am ir ud-din, “ always his gaze fixed on w hat
was still to be achieved, for w hatever he h ad already achieved
4th letter
lost its im portance in his eyes. His soaring am bition an d cour

age always spurred him to a tta in still higher a n d h igher stages
o f sanctity.”
And he desired th at others too should have the sam e cour
age an d lofty aspiration. In a la tte r he says :
“ Supposing both the w orlds w ere brought at your threshold
an d you were told th at a ll these belong to you, an d th at you
m ight d o w hatever you like w ith them . You should, however,
be careful not to lose sight o f th a t which is beyond this w orld
and the next an d which constitutes the only m eans to reach the
R eal Beloved. T h is is why th e gnostics have said :
T his w orld is a torm ent an d the other one an snare of
a v a ric e ;
I shall never have the tw o, even if an oat w ere their
p rice.”
In another letter he advised his disciples :
“ V erily, the dauntless spirit o f resolution encompasses
e v e ry th in g ; w hereas indeterm ination allows everything to fall
out. This is a m atter o f p rim ary im portance for adopting the
m eans to reach the real goal.”
Separation and Iso la tio n

In their swift flight of th e spirit the ecstatics soar to those
higher dom ains o f spirituality w hich a re com pletely beyond the
reach of the uninitiated. I t is difficult even to conceive o f the
effulgence o f D ivine love an d the source o f know ledge w hich is
laid open before them . L eading a cloistered life w ithin the
society, their spirits are roving w hen they appear to be quiescent.
T o those who have never h ad th e opportunity to betake the p ath
o f mysticism, the ecstatics appear to b e engaged in th e edification
and guidance o f th eir followers— a task imposed on them as th e
vicegerents o f the Prophet—b u t th e stages through w hich they
have to pass before attaining the perfection o f interior spirit can
be m ade known only by those who have already attained inw ard
illum ination. R enunciation o f the worldly desires is considered
by some as the only essential discipline for th e real cognition of
D ivine Essence, but in the passage quoted here M akhdum

Yahya M an eri explains some o f its higher stages thro u g h
w hich the gnostics have to find th eir way before attain in g
th e ir cherished goal. H e sa y s: “Separation involves
renunciation o f all worldy desires a n d relationships whereas
isolation m eans th a t the lover is isolated from all, including his
ow n self, to attain propinquity w ith th e Beloved. W ithout a
care to trouble his h eart, o r a concern dependent on
interest, or a solicitude involving an elem ent o f desire,
or anxiety to distract his attention, his aspiration soars
high beyond the em pyrean to m eet his longed-for Beloved.
H e feels no pleasure w ithout his Beloved even i f this w orld
an d the w orld beyond w ere placed a t his feet, no r has he any
longing for th e e a rth o r heavens in the presence o f his True-
love. Som eone has truly said th a t w ith God there is no
anxiety an d w ithout G od there is no pleasure. T h a t is why
it has been asserted by th e gnostics th a t w hoever is away
from God is afflicted even though h e m ay hold the key o f the
treasures o f all the la n d s ; w hile a penniless m endicant having
com m union w ith G od is th e king o f both th e w orlds even if he
hasn’t enough to fill his belly.” 1
In an o th er letter h e w rites :*
“ T h e F rie n d is nig h even i f he is aw ay an d th e stranger is
aw ay even if he be present w ith you. But this w ould
happen only w hen you a b an d o n the w orld an d a tta in th e reality
o f your own self, an d cast o ft your h eart as d id the
com panions o f the cave. You should m ake th e h eart a cave
for thyself, offer your funeral prayers therein a n d throw aw ay
th e an im ality o f your desires out o f your inm ost self. O nly
then the secrets o f spiritual realm will be m anifested unto you
as was done to the com panions o f th e cave. (T h en you
would witness w h a t has been stated thus in the Q u r’a n ) :
“ I f thou h ad st observed them closely thou h ad st
assuredly tu rn ed aw ay from th em in flight, an d h ad st
been filled
with aw e o f them .” 1
E njoining th e R igh t C ourse

M akhdum Y ahya M aneri had renounced all w orldly desires
and relationships an d passed beyond the stages of separation a rd i
isolation, which m eant abandonm ent o f all cares and worries,
but he was, nevertheless, always solicitous o f the welfare o f the
poor and afflicted. W e find him corresponding with the then
sovereigns to restore justice to whom it had been denied and
asking the kings and rulers to betake the path o f virtue and
equity.
O n e K hw aja cA bid o f Z afarabad, who had been deprived
o f his property, approached M akhdum Yahya M aneri. He
w rote a letter to S u M n Firoz Shah Sharql in which he first
quoted the T raditions o f the Prophet and his companions express
ing concern to see th at justice is done to everybody. T h ereafter
he w rote :
“ Thanks be to G od that today he graces the throne who is
the hope o f the oppressed and the m iserable and who is handing
out even justice to everyone. It is for this sublime tra it th at the
Prophet has said th at ‘a m om ent spent in dispensing justice is
b etter th an sixty years given out to prayers.’ ” 2
’ M akhdOm Y ahya M an eri h ad received his education at
Sonargaon an d therefore he was particularly interested in the
affairs o f Bengal an d the w elfare o f Muslims in th a t region. A
letter w ritten by M aulana M uzaffar o f Balakh to Sultan G hiyath
ud-din of Bengal shows how keenly interested was M akhdum
Yahya M aneri in the well-being of Bengal. H e says : “ I find
Sheikh S h araf ud-dln always extrem ely eager for th e prosperity
o f this country. O f a fact, God has favoured this land w ith the
presence o f this ‘Legion o f the L o rd ’ on its soil.”’
1. Q . X V III: 18
2. Sirat- us-S/mraf, p. 144
3. tM ., p. 125
Following the Prophet
T he w ayfarers o f the path o f purity come to know, as they

proceed ahead on th e ir spiritual journey, how essential it is to
follow th e exam ple o f the Prophet in its m inutest d etail. Also,
th e reality daw ns on them th a t the mystic state o f composure can
never be reached w ithout following the Prophet w holeheartedly
an d adapting one’s life in complete harm ony w ith th e way
o f the Shatt-ah. H ow convinced was M akhdum Y ahya M a n e ri
o f this essential doctrine o f mysticism can be seen from his
letter given here. H e begins it w ith a quotation from the Q
u r’a n :
“ Say, (O M uham m ad to m ankind) : I f ye love A llah,
follow m e, A llah will love yen*.” 1 These words o f G od put a
seal o n the tru th thus expressed by someone.
Seek not a new path,- his w ord is gospel,
Seal your lips an d stop all p rattle.
W h ate’e r says he, saith the L ord,
W hate’e r he does, is an act o f God,
Be dust unto him to w ear the crow n,
T o have your way, first knuckle down.
Like th e dust o f his way, if not is he,
H e’ll lick th e dust, even if an angel be
he.
“ T his shows th a t those foolish and ignorant people who do
not follow in the footsteps o f the Prophet out o f th eir vanity,
ignorance or im m odesty, can never find the glim pse o f
enlightenm ent. V erily, it is impossible to find the correct
way to the higher dom ains o f spirituality without a guide.
T h a t is why someone has said—th e blind can never find his
way w ithout a staff in h a n d ; the way is long an d full o f
hazards, therefore, have a pathfinder, O la d .” 2
M akhdum YahyS M aneri followed this ru le scruplously all
through his life. T h e day he died, a t th e age o f one hundred
and tw entyone years, he perform ed the last ablution, despite
his illness an d weakness, as graphically described by Sheikh
Zain
1. Q.. 111:31
CHARACTER AND DEPORTM ENT 287
B adr cA rabi.
“ H e took off- his gown and asked for w ater, rolled up his
sleeves and cleansed his teeth. T hereafter he started perform
ing ablution with the p r a y e r: ‘I begin in the nam e o f God,
the most Com passionate, the most M erciful.’ H e recited diffe
rent prayers before beginning to wash different parts o f his
body. W hen he was washing his elbows, Sheikh K halil rem inded
him th at he had forgotten to wash his face. H e then began
the ablution afresh, perform ing every act even m ore carefully.
Q azI Z ahid tried to help him in washing the right foot, but he
forbade him . A fter perform ing the ablution, he asked for a
com b and prayer m at. H aving combed his beard he perform ed
two rakf-als o f p ray er.” 1
Because o f his a rd e n t desire to follow the exam ple o f the
Prophet, he ab h o rred every innovation in religion. H e was so
careful in this reg ard th at once he instructed bis disciples :
“ W henever you find th a t any action o f the Prophet has been
so m ixed up w ith an innovation th at your action can be cons
trued as acting on the innovation, then it is better to forgo the
action to follow the Prophet instead o f doing something th at
strengthens the innovation in religion.” 2
1. Wafat Namah, p. 12
2. Khwan Pur Minimal.
V
Oft the Death-bed
T h e description o f the life and sp iritual attainm ents o f

Sheikh S h a ra f u d -dln M akhdum Y ahya M an eri left by his
contem poraries and biographers are fa r too m earge to b rin g out
in any d etail all o f his qualities o f toind an d h e a rt. N everthe
less, even i f these sketchy accounts were n ot available, th e vivid
p o rtray al o f M akhdOm’s dep arture from this fleeting w orld
given by his chief disciple and spiritual successor, Sheikh Z ain
B adr cA rabl, who was in th e service o f his m entor all thro ug h
the p erio d, would have been sufficient to leave an unforgettable
im pression o f this prince am ong the men o f G od. T h e biogra
phical lite ra tu re o f the M uslim saints a n d th e elects contains
graph ic accounts o f th eir deaths portraying the greatness o f these
souls, th eir strong attachm ent to God and the. intensity o f their
faith a n d conviction, w hich, by th e sam e token, furnish a p ro o f
o f the highest reaches o f religion to w hich Islam is capable o f
elevating th e m ortals. Also, the M uslim annalists a re unique
in preserving the death-bed accounts o f th e ir co-religionists in
such large num bers w hich a re not only faith inspiring bu t also
provide a glimpse o f the inmost recesses o f these m en a t the
m ost critical m om ent o f th e ir life.
T h e description o f M akhdum Yahya M a n e ri’s last m om ents
un d er the shadow o f d e a th would show the strengh o f his faith
in G od, his vigilant care to follow the p ath o f Shari1ah, his
anxiety for the w elfare o f Islam and its followers, his confidence
ON T H E DEATH-BED 289
in the m ercy o f God and his concern for the salvation o f his
ow n soul. Sheikh Zain B adr cA rabl w rite s: “ It was W ednes
day, th e 5th o f Shaw w al, 782 A. H . when I w ent to pay/ my
respect to the Sheikh. H e was sitting on a carpet, leaning
against a pillow, after perform ing the daw n prayers in/the new
room constructed by N izam ud-dln K hw aja M alik. His b ro th er
Sheikh Ja lll ud-dln, Q azI Shams ud-dln and several other
relations and disciples who had been attending him all through
the previous night were present there. T he S heikh said :
‘T here is no power, no m ight but from A llah, the G reat’ and
asked us to join in the recital. A fter a while he said smilingly :
‘Holiness
,,be to God. Even at this m om ent the devil still wants to create
doubts in my m ind about the U nity o f God but to no av ail.’
H e kept him self busy in the praise o f G od, often repeating
joyfully : ‘It is a favour from my Lord, it is a favour from
my L o rd .’
“ An hour or so before noon the Sheikh cam e out in the
courtyard and sat dow n on a carpet taking the support o f a
pillow. H e held out his hands as if he wanted to bid farewell
to us. First cam e forw ard Q azI S ham s ud-dln whose hands he
kept holding for a while. T aking the hands o f Q azI Z ahid, he
placed them on his chest and said : ‘We are the same lovelorn.
But no, we are not b etter than the earth beneath th eir feet.’
H e summoned all o f us turn by turn, kissed our hands and
beards, bade us to p in our hopes in the m ercy and forgiveness
o f G od saying: ‘D espair not o f the m ercy o f A llah, W ho
forgiveth all Sins.’1
“ And then he recited the verses which m e a n t:
O God, stream o f thy mercy flows for
all,
O nly a drop from it is all I want.
“ T hen, turning to us, he began reciting the C reed :
*1 bear witness th at there is no deity but A llah, W ho is
w ithout a partner, and I bear witness that M uham m ad is
H is servant and Apostle....... I am agreeable to A llah as our
I. Q,. X X XIX: 53
L o rd , Islam as o u r religion, M uham m ad as o u r Prophet,

Q u r’a n as o u r canon, K acabah as o u r Qiblah, th e believers
as o u r brothers, H eaven as the rew ard a n d H ell as the
punishm ent (by G o d ).’
“ T hereafter he called up several o f us one'by one. Some
he encouraged and com forted w ith the hope o f deliverance on
th e D ay o f J u d g e m e n t; others he asked never to abandon ho^>e
in th e m ercy o f G od an d to be carefu l p f th e ir faith.
“ I stepped ah ead an d kissed his hands. T hereupon he
asked : ‘W ho is it? ’ ‘I t is a beggar a t your threshold,’ said I ,
‘desirous o f being accepted as thy serf.’ H e rep lied , ‘I accept^
you an d your entire househpld. I f G od helps m e I shall never
forsake you.’
“ You a re o u r m en to r,” I said agaip, “ w hile I expect even
your servants to be in the good grace o f G o d .”
“ Yes, there is m uch to be hoped,” he replied.
“ By th a t tim e Q a z i Shams u d -d ln cam e up to him .
M au lan a S ahab u d -d ln H ilal asked, ‘M akhdQm , w hat about
Q a z l Shams u d -d ln ? H e is h ere.’ H e replied, ‘W h at have I
to say about him . H e is m y son and b rother. I have already
conferred on h im the h ab it o f m edicants. I t was only for his
sake th a t I w rote so m uch, otherw ise who would have cared to
w rite all th is.’ (
“ T h en he tu rn ed to Sheikh K halil u d -d ln and said, jfffcike
heart, K halil. Scholars an d friars shall never tu rn th eir backs
upon you. W hen M alik N izam ud-dln K h w aja comes to you,
convey m y respects to h im an d tell him th a t I am d ep artin g from
th e w orld well pleased w ith him . H e will never forsake you.’
Sheikh K h alil u d -d in gave way to tears but M akdOm consoled
him. In the m eantim e other disciples a n d attendants cam e to
pay th e ir respect. F o r each he invoked d ivine blessings and
com m ended them to have faith in the benignity an d forgiveness
o f G od, S ultan Shah, th e ad m inistrator o f p arg an a R ajg lr,
brought some m edicine for h im b u t M akhdO m Y ah y a M an eri
declined to accept the present and retu rn ed it w ith thanks.
“ A m ir S h a h ib u d-dln cam e to pay a visit w ith his son.
OH THS DEA.TH-BKD 291
MakhdUmYahyS Maneri asked the boy to recite any five verse*

of the Qjir’fo bat the boy being too young could not recite the
verses. Another boy, son of Saiyid Zahir ud-dln, was also
present i t th<S- time and he recited the last portion of Surat-ul-
Foth. At soon arth e boy began reciting the Qur*an, Makhdtim
got up to sit ftia reverential posture.
“The time for afternoon prayer was drawing
near. ’MakhdlUtttook off his gown and asked to fetch water
for him.
rife tolled op the sleeves of his shirty cleansed his teeth and
started perfbrming ablution in the name o f God. He carefully
recited the different supplications prescribed for each act but
forgot to wash J»iS face. On being reminded, he started the
ablution afresh. The ablution completed, he asked for a comb
and prayer mat; combed his beard and performed two r a ta ls of
prayer. He took a Kttle test after the1prayer and then
performed the maghri& feveaing) prayer.
“Feeling exhausted, MakhdGm lay down on a cot surrounded
by his disci£>l&. and friends. After relaxing for a few
minutes, he started reelting: -
I begin in the aanje of Allah, the Beneficent,
the Merciful.
There is no God save Theej. Be Thou.Glorified! L o !
I have been a wrong-doer.'
I begin in the name o f Allah, the Beneficent, the
Merciful.
I bear witness that there is no deity but Allah Who is
without a partner, and I hear witness that Muhammad is
His Servant and Apostle.
There is no power, no might but from Allah, the most
High, the Great.
“ Thereafter he repeated the formula : ‘I begin in the
name of Allah, the Beneficent, the Merciful’ several times and
came out With all his heart:
‘M uhammad.........M uhammad..........
M uhammad......O Allah I S hower Thy blessings on Muhammad
U Q,. X X I: 87
an d th e descendants o f M u h am m ad .’
“ T h is he followed u p w ith the recitation o f the
fallowing verses o f Suralnl- U a P d a :
0 A llah, L o rd o f us ! Send dow n fo r us a table! spread
w ith foo(d from heaven, th a t it m ay be a feast for us, for the
first o f us an d fo r the last o f us, an d a sign from T hee,
G ive us sustenance, for I'h o ii a r t th e Best o f Sustainers.
A llah said : L o ! I send it dow n for you. A nd whoso
disbelieveth o f you afterw ard , liinf .surely w ill I p uniih with
a punishm ent w herew ith I have not punished any o f(M y )
creatures.
A nd w hen A llah saith : O Jesus, son o f M ary ! D idst
thou say u n to m a n k in d : T ak e m e an d m y m other for tw o
gods beside A lla h ? lie s a ith : Be glorified ! It was not
m ine to Utter th a t to w hich I h a d no rig h t. I f I used to
say it,,th e n T h o u knowest it. T h o u knowest w h a t is in
m y m in d , an d I know not w hat is in T h y M ind. L a 4.'
T h o u , only T h o u , a rt th e K n’o w er o f jThings H id d en ?
1 speak tinto them only th a t w hich T h o u com m anded
m e, (saying) : W orship A llah, m y L o rd a n d your L o rd . I
was a witness o f them w hile I dw elt am ong them , and
when T hou tookest m e T hou wast th e W atcher over them .
T hou a rt W itness over all things.
I f T h o u ,p u n ish them , lo ! they are T h y slaves, an d if
T h o u forgive them (lo ! they a re T hy slaves)1. L o ! T h o u ,
only T h o u , a r t th e M ighty, the W ise.
A llah saith : T his is a day in which th e ir truthfulness'
profiteth the tru th fu l, for theirs a ie G ardens u n d e rn e a th
w hich rivers flow, w herein they a re secure for, ever, Allah;
taking pleasure in them an d they in H im . T h a t is th «
g reat triu m p h . I
U nto AlJah belongeth the Sovereignty p f heavens a if f
the e a rth and w hatsoever is therein, an d H e is A ble to d $
a ll things.'
1. Q ..V : 114-120
O K T H E D E A T H -B E D 293
“ Arid then he began to d e c la im : ‘I am agreeab le w ith

A llah as o u r L o rd , Islam as our relgion an d M uham m ad as
o u r Prophet.’
H e recited thrice th e creed o f M uslim faith from th e bottom
o f his h eart an d then began th e invocation :
O L ord o u r G od guide th e followers o f M uham m ad
(on th e rigjit p a th ) ; O A llah, h av e m ercy on th e followers
o f M u h a m m a d ; O A llah, forgive th e followers o f
M uham m ad, O A llah, be lenient to th e followers o f
M u h a m m a d ; O A llah, help th e followers o f M uh am m ad ;
O A llah, u p h o ld him w ho stands by the religion o f
M u h a m m a d ; O A llah, increase the followers o f M uham m ad
an d let them not d e c re a se ; O A llah, debase those who
wish to hum iliate th e religion o f M uham m ad, o n w hom be
T h y blessings, O M ost-M erciful.
“ W ith these w ords his voice failed b u t he continued to
r e c ite :
T h ere shall no fear com e upon them neither shall they
grieve............T h ere is no deity b u t A llah .. . . . . . ..I begin in
the nam e o f A llah, the Beneficent, the M erciful.
“ No sooner h ad he u ttered the last w ord his soul took
flight to its celestial abode.
“ T his was the • night o f T hursday, the 6th o f ShawwSl,
782 A. H . w hen the tim e for UshtP prayer h a d ju st begun,” 1
T h e death o f M akhdum Y ahya M aneri answers description
o f the last journey o f a sublim ated soul portrayed beautifully by
Ibn Y am lnl in these verses.
D on’t see the h eart o f lb n Y am ini dipped in blood ;
Lo ! when he b id farew ell to this fleeting w orld.
Scripture in h and, foot on stirrup and eyes fixed on the
friend,
W ith a smile on his lips, he set off with the angel o f death.
Funeral Service
T h e funeral pray er was led by Sheikh A shraf Jah an g ir

1. Wafat Nimah.
SAVIOURS OF ISLAkUC 8PUUT
S am n an l. As related in LataHf Ashraff, the b ie r o f M akhdGm

w as k ep t on th e w ay as instructed by h im . Sheikh A sh raf
J a h a n g ir, on his w ay from D elhi to P an d w ah in Bengal,
w here h e was going to pay a visit to th e renow ned C hishtiyah
Sheikh ‘A la ’ u l-H aq o f L ah o re, a rriv e d a t B ihar S h a rif ju s t
w hen the b ier h a d been placed th e re for someone to com e
a n d lead the fu n eral service as desired by the d e p a rtin g m
entor. Sheikh A sh raf J a h a n g ir Sam n an l led th e funeral
service an d low ered the bier in th e grave.* :
T h e g rav e w as m a d e o f m u d a n d u n b u rn t bricks, a n d no
dom e was b u ilt on it. D u rin g the reign o f S Grl dynasty, a
m osque, a ta n k a n d som e residential ap artm en ts w ere constructed
ro u n d th e g rav e b u t no tom b w ith stones an d b u rn t bricks was
bu ilt in deference to th e injunctions o f Sharf-ah follow ed so m eti
culously by M akhdG m Y ahya M an eri.
D isciples
M akhdG m Y ah y a M a n e ri left, according to Siral-us-Sharaf,

m ore th a n a h u n d re d thousand souls Who h a d taken o a th
o f allegiance to h im b u t notw ithstanding the possible
exaggeration by Syed Z a m ir u d -d in , th ere is no d o ubt th a t
a very large nu m b er o f people w ere spiritually un ited w ith
him . O f these, th e n u m b er o f those who h a d been endow
ed w ith inw ard illum ination o f th e soul ru n s into hundreds.
Writings
T h e list o f works re p o tted to have been p u t into w riting by

M akhdG m Y ahya M a n e ri is quite extensive b u t, unfortunately;
only a few o f these survive today. T h e books still preserved a r e :
f&hal ul-Qjtl&b, cAjwtba, Fawa>id-i-Rukni, IrshSd ul-Talbln, Irshad
ul-Salkli, R isihh Makkiyah, Magadan ul-Mal anl, hharal-i-Mukh-
ul-M ifirii, KhwBn Pur JfPamat, Tuhfah-i-Ghaibi, RisUlah Dar
1. A biography o f Sheikh Ashraf JahSngtr SamnSnl by his disciple Nizam*,

ud-dln Yamtnl, alias N izlm H aji Gharib-ul-Yaminl.
2. Lat& if Ashraft, p. 94
ON T H E DEATH-BED 295
Talah-i-Taliban, MilfUzHl, Z&d-i-Safar,1AqaHd-i-Sharafi, Fawaîd

Aduridln, Bahr-ul-Mcf-a.nl, Safar-ul-Muzaffar, Kanz-ul-Malnm, Ganj-
i-Utyafna, M Bm-ul-M arldin and Sharah Adab-ul-Mur\din.1 How
ever, still m ore significant composition bearing witness to his
literary gifts and giving an insight into the inner light o f his
spirituality is the collection o f his letters compiled u n d er the
nam e o f MaktUbnt-i-Seh Sadi.
1. Sirat-us-Sharaf and Nuzhal-ul-Khawatir
VI
Makhdum's Letters
A living m onum ent o f M akhdum Y ahya M aneri reflecting-

his deep knowledge and spiritual enlightenm ent is the collection
o f his letters. In th eir depth o f ideas, rem arkable critical
expression, exposition o f subtle issues, acuteness o f observation,
correct understanding o f the spirit o f religion, insight in the
revealed tru th and light o f divine knowledge along w ith the
single-m inded devotion to G od and veneration o f the Prophet,
the letters o f M ak h d u m Y ahya M aneri and M ujadid A lf T hanl
occupy a place o f distinction in the Islam ic literature. These
letters show the sublim ity o f intuitive vision and the exalted
spiritual integrity o f th eir writers who have successfully unfold
ed the living seed o f faith in God, intuitively grasped ideas, the
aids to purification o f self, and the m ethods o f stim ulating and
enriching the spiritual life. T hey give us a glim pse o f the lofty
dom ains o f spirituality to w hich these m en o f G od h ad gained
a n access.
But a p a rt from exhibiting an insight into the contents o f ;
spirit and religion, these letters w ritten in a d irect and lim pid >
style w ithout sacrificing elegance an d grace have all the simpli
city o f a great a rt, and contain passages th a t can take th e ir ,
place am ong the m asterpieces o f literature in any language o f i
the w orld. It is, how ever, an irony o f fate th a t the composi
tions o f only those have been acknowledged as falling w ithin the
purview o f literature who had exclusively devoted themselves foS
m a k h d u m ’s l e t t e r s 297
the pursuit o f belles-iettres or the literary a rt, th a t is, aesthetic

ra th e r than inform ative o r scientific branches o f learning. In
the bygone ages norm ally th e court am anuenses or those
w riters who displayed th eir linguistic attainm ents through
rhetorical ingenuities gained recognition as litterateurs. T he
result o f it was th a t in the history o f A rabic literatu re ‘Abdul
H am id al-K atib, A bu Is’h aq as-Sabl, Ib n u l-tA m id, ^ a h e b Ib n
cA bbad, A bu Bakr K hw arzam i, Abul Q asim H a riri and Q azl
F ad h il becam e the big nam es as w riters w ith distinctive style
although a g re a te r portion o f th e ir rhym ed an d cadenced com
positions reflect artificiality as w ell as lack o f vigour a n d effec
tiveness. C om pared to these w riters, A l-G hazall, Ib n al-JawZI,
Ib n Shaddad, Sheikh M u h l ud-d in ibn c A rabl, AbQ H ayyan
T aw h ld l, Ib n Q ayyim a n d Ib n K h ald u n have a g re a te r claim
to o u r esteem as knights o f th e plum e for th e ir smoothness and
facility o f argum ents, m asterly handling o f the subjects, a ttra c
tive style o f expression an d portray al o f ten d er susceptibilities
an d affections. But, unfortunately, their only fault w as th a t
they chose to w rite on religion o r some other serious subject
instead o f applying themselves to the works w ritten m erely to
please the ear or to display their com m and over language.
It is interesting to see a w riter often taking the peri in
hand for producing works o f tw o kinds, one displaying
rhetorical ingenuities and flowers o f eloquence an d th e o th er a
m odel o f sim ple an d direct p ro s e ; th e form er is deem ed
ad m irab le by his contem poraries an d the w riter him self con
siders it to be his lofty an d ennobling a tta in m e n t; b u t th e latter
work is highly esteem ed by the subsequent generations which
consign the form er to the shelves o f th e libraries a n d grace the
others w ith a lasting fam e. T h e book Ib n al-jaw zl was so
p roud o f th a t he nam ed it Al-Modahish o r ‘W ondrous S trange’ is
u n heard o f today but his m iscellanea o f personal experiences
an d events w ritten in a p lain an d simple language an d totally
devoid o f rheto rical ad o rn m en t, to w hich he perhaps attached
little im portance, is now prized in the literary circles.
I f we go th ro u g h the history o f Persian literatu re, w e would
298 SAVIOURS Of ISLAMIC SPIRIT
find ZahQ rl, A bul F ad h al a n d Nicam at K h an ‘All dom inating

th e style o f Persian prose. H ow ever, i f a n a tu ra l an d unaffect
ed expression o f emotions and n arratio n o f plain, plum p facts
w ere to be reg ard ed as th e yard-stick for perfect m odel o f prose
w riting, then very little o f th e ir w ritings, m arred as they a re
by florid an d verbose style, rh etorical artifices^ and verbal
conbeits, would stand th e test o f stan d ard prose. As against
these, th ere would be num erous o th er works always ignored by
the critics and historians o f Persian literatu re w hich w ould
m easure up to th e criterion o f a perfect m odel o f prose w riting.
W e w ould find th a t the g re a te r p a rt o f the letters w ritten by
Sheikh S h a ra f ud-dln Y ahya M aneri, M u jad id A lf T h an l,
Sheikh A hm ad FarQ qi an d A urangzeb ‘A lam glr and parts o f
Izalatul K h ifa 5 o f S hah W all u llah an d Tuhfa* A thna ‘A shriyah
o f Shah ‘ A bdul Aziz as unrivalled in th e style an d structure o f
sentences. B ut it seems th a t in alm ost every language certain
lim its have been set Which circum scribe literary w ritings an d
discourage th e search o f m asterpieces w ritten in a different style
a n d diction on other serious subjects. A nd, th e result has been
th a t for centuries in n u m erab le jew els o f elegance an d grace
h av e been lying beneath th e dust unknow n, unnoticed.
L iterary critics m ore often overlook th e fact th a t effectiveness
o f a w riting, w hether prose o r poetry, w hich im parts it an
enduring fam e, is th e outcom e o f an inm ost craving o f its
w riter to express the tru th know n o r felt by him . A softhearted
friend o f hum anity gifted w ith the loftiness o f tone an d state
liness o f language, an d m oved by an earnest longing to convey a
h eartfelt reality, infuses a touch o f tenderness an d feeling to his
w riting th a t m akes a d en t in every h eart. Such a w riting
preserves its uniqueness w ithout end.
L iterary critics have ever discussed th e rules an d p atterns
o f eloquence a n d th e w ritings o f a poetical o r literary cast as
W ell as th e styles an d attributes th a t b e a r a correlation w ith
fluency an d gracefulness b u t seldom have they recognised th a t
it is really the sincerity a n d alutrism o f a speaker o r a w riter
w hich transm its vigour, freshness an d sharpened sensibilities
to his compositions. I f someone w ith a greater sense o f

realism and with an eye on the charm , effectiveness an d cachet
o f the literary works w ere to attem pt th eir re-classification, he
w ould perhaps find them falling into two categories : one would
be those expressions o f inm ost feelings an d heartfelt realities
w hich are w ritten neither for w orldly gain nor to display the
com m and o f la n g u ag e; the works falling in tfite o th er category
would b e those w ritten to please one's ears o r to find favour
w ith the potentates w hich, unfortunately, makes th eir composers
m ore o f flatterers an d artfu l courtiers th an accom plished poets
an d litterateurs. H e would find a w orld o f difference betw een
th e tw o. O ne being a n earnest craving o f h e a rt penetrates the
h eart o f the readers and retains its fervidness and appeal f o r a
long tim e to come. A nd i f the w riter happens to be a seeker
afte r tru th , fathom ing the mysteries o f m ind an d h e a rt to
establish the validity o f real an d eternal values o f life, h e lfeaves
a deep an d lasting im pression on the h eart o f his readers. O n
th e o th er hand, the w ritings o f the other type, although receiv
ing m om entary applause o f the readers for th eir flowers o f
eloquence and rhetoric ingenuities never m ake a d u rab le im pact
upon th e ir readers. T h e form er follows a style sim ple an d
d irect, concise and convincing w hile the latte r is m a rre d by
florid an d verbose style lacking pathos and feeling. T h e
difference betw een the two has been succinctly brought out by
som eone in a parable. A hound was asked : “W hy can’t you
catch u p 'w ith the d eer in your chase.” “ Because,” replied die
d o g , “ he runs for his life and I for m y m aster.”
M uch in literatu re th at is beautiful and sublim e in thought
a n d artistic in construction consists o f the songs o f th e beauty o f
star-filled sky in the night, tw inkling sm ile o f the stream s, the
colours o f the daw n an d dusk and th e gentleness o f th e m orning
breeze because these have ever elevated and inspired the im agi
n ative feelings o f m an by providing inner com posure, peace o f
m ind an d harm ony o f spirit. But the elevation Of spirit attained
through mystical experience and the state o f ecstasy produced
by absorption in the Absolute Being delivers oneself from
300 SAVIOURS O f ISLAMIC SPO U T
dependence on external stim uli required to aw aken th e fancy o r

im agination o f th e poet. -Their hym n-tunes and love songs
spring from th e inner contentm ent o f h e a rt an d swift flight o f
the spirit to th e sublim e heights o f love-divine. K hw aja M ir
D a rd , a fam ous U rd u poet, has alluded to th e sam e reality in
this v e rs e :
W hy go to ta v e r n ,O D a rd , for th e ru d d y c u p ;
W ith m y h e a rt intoxicated, I feel pretty puffed up.
So, this was th e state o f com posure, penetrating conscious
ness, sp iritual illum ination an d altru istic urge for the m oral up-
liftm enl o f others coupled w ith a com m and o f language and
refined aesthetic sense w hich m ade Sheikh S h a ra f u d -d in a
literary genius. H e created an altogether new style, lucid and
delightful, for th e expression o f his heartfelt realities and diffu
sion o f virtues in his readers. In their vigour a n d effectiveness
his letters a re thus unm atched not only in Persian prose alone
b u t in the entire Islam ic literature.
M akhdSm ’s L etters an d th e ir A d d resses

T h e m ost celebrated am ong the collection o f M akhdtim ’s
letters is the one published und er the title o f Maklubat Hazrat
Sheikh Sharaf ud-din YahyU Maneri, w hich is also know n as
Maklubat Sadi o r Seh Sadi Maklubat. T his collection contains one
hundred letters addressed to Q a z I Sham s u d-din o f Chausa
w hich w ere com piled by th e ch ief disciple o f M akhdum Y ahya
M an eri, Sheikh Z ain B a d r'A ra b l. In his introduction to this
collection Sheikh Z ain B adr cA rabl writes :
“ Q,3zl Sham s u d-dln o f Chausa, a disciple o f th e Sheikh,
m ad e repeated requests in his letters to him th a t since he had
to stay a t a place far aw ay from him an d was precluded from
attending his discourses, som ething to guide h im on his journey
o f spirit m ig h t be com m itted into w riting. T h e Q S zI im plored
M akhdum Y ahya M an eri so earnestly th a t his petition ulti
m ately m et the approval o f th e Sheikh who started w riting about
the various stages an d states undergone by th e seekers after tru th
in th e ir quest o f th e perfection o f divine know ledge. I t was
thus th a t num erous profound yet inscrutable details relating to

spiritual contrition and effulgence, U nity o f G odhead and
know ledge o f divine attributes, essence an d dynam ism o f love,
stages o f attraction and endeavour, separation an d isolation,
blessings and blem ish, preceptorship an d discipleship along w ith
the accounts o f earlier precursors o f the p ath o f p u rity were
p u t into Writing. These letters were sent on different occasions
d u ring the year 747 A .H . from B ihar to the tow n o f Chausa.
Several attendants and in m ates-o f the m onastery kept copies
o f these letters and com piled them for the benefit o f the seekers
o f spiritual purification.’’
A nother slim volum e o f the letters o f M akhdfim Y ahyS
M aneri was also published under the title o f Maktubat-i-Jawllbl
w hich was later incorporated in the Miktubat-i-Seh Sadi brought
out from L ahore. T his collection contains the letters, not p u b
lished earlier* Which were w ritten in reply to the petitions sub
m itted by Sheikh M uzaffar to solve the difficulties experienced
by the travellers o f the path o f mysticism. These letters give
us a glimpse o f the hig h er reaches o f intellectual an d spiritual
attainm ents o f Sheikh M uzaffar who had m ade a w ill th at
these letters should be buried w ith him after his d eath . F o rtu
nately, some o f his disciples, w ho happened to read them got
th eir copies m ade out. T his collection contains 28 letters o f
M akhdQm Y ahyS M aneri.
T here is yet a th ird collection o f M akhdum ’s letters con
taining 153 o f them w ritten to different persons betw een Ja m a d a
al O lS an d R a m ad h an Qf the year 769 A.H.
Subject M atter o f th e le tte r s
Anybody w ho goes through these letters would not fail to

v a lis e th a t the splendid details a n d essence o f realities n o t per
ceptible to the o u tw ard eye, expounded by M akhdQm Y ahyS
M an eri, are neither th e fruits o f his incisive intelligence nor
could these be h ad by deep study o r cultivation o f know ledge,
b u t could only be experienced by a h eart in its loftiest stage o f
sp iritu al exaltation.
W liat M akhdOm says about the sublim e m ajesty an d excel

lence o f D ivine Being, H is m ight and om nipotence. H is beauty
a n d perfection, th e feelings o f aw e, hope a n d a rd e n t love taking
root in th e h eart o f tru e believers and gnostics, th e need for alter
n ate states o f effulgence an d contrition experienced by th e travel
lers o f th e mystic p a th an d repentence o n onei’s sin w hich opens
th e floodgates o f D ivine compassion point out th a t the w riter,
soaring in h ig h er dom ains o f spirituality, is fam iliar w ith the
inn er content o f abstruse realities.
T h e exalted position occupied by m an am ong th e sentient
beings, his lofty aspirations, his desire to achieve the impossible,
his determ ination an d firmness o f m in d , th e g ran d eu r an d
beauty o f his h e a rt an d th e unfathom able essence an d n a tu re of
love described in a graceful and vigorous language by M akhdOm
Y ahy S M aneri deserves to be given a place in th e finest pro
duction o f hu m an m in d in a ll lands and ages.
Sim ilarly, the unethical form s o f n atu ral propensities o f hum an
m in d , his ow n self-deceptions an d th e ruses o f S atan, transgres
sions th a t often take th e shape and colour o f vices an d hinder-
ances obstructing th e p a th o f the devotees expounded by
M akhdQm speak o f his keen observation an d deep know ledge o f
practical ethics.
H ow ever, in o rd er to fully appreciate th e faults an d dangers
besetting the p a th o f mystics and the w arnings sounded by
M akhdQin to avoid these pitfalls, his exhortation to follow the
injunctions o f the Sharfah an d the com prehensive treatm en t o f
the exalted position o f piophethood vis-a-vis the state o f saint-
ship it would be necessary to understan d th e religious thought
and different su fi systems o f the tim e w hen these letters w ere
w ritten. H ere we w ould be giving a few excerpts from th e letters
o f M akhdQm Y ahya M an eri dealing w ith some o f th e m ore
im portant gnostic problem s to acquaint th e readers w ith the
style an d tenor o f these letters.
VII
GOD
The Absolute Being
D escribing the absolute will and authority o f the Suprem e

Being, MakhdQm Y ahyS M anerJ refers to Q u ran ic d e c la ra tio n :
H e w ill n o t be questioned as to T h a t which H e d o eth ,’1 where
as m an being accountable for every action o f his ‘they w ill be
questioned.’2 E verything belongs to G od, explained M akhdQm,
for there is nothing to w hich m an can lay a claim . H e m ay
bestow w hatever favours he desires on a m a n and debase w hom
He desires. H e says th a t none can question the authority o f G od
because w hatever exists in the w orld ‘is the bounty o f A lla h ;
w hich H e giveth unto w hom H e w ill.’8
In a letter* h e w rites :
“ W ho has a rig h t to raise the question why has G od
bes
towed w ealth and riches on one and not on others. W e see a
king appointing a m an as his m inister and another as his atten d an t
or usher. Sim ilarly, G od favours one w ith w ealth o f faith, picks
out a m an from th e p a th o f vice o r draw s up a fellow out o
f the tyrants an d w rongdoers, hum ble and the low. But who has
the nerve to dem and : ‘A re these they whom Allah favoureth
am ong
1. Q.. X X I: 23
2. Ibid
3. Q, L X n : 4
4. Letter No. 3
us ?’* H e ordains to a d m it in his presence Fuzail ibn c Ay Sdh, a

d read ed bandit, and directs Balcam Ba‘ur* who sat on his
prayer-m at for four hun d red years to be tu rn ed out. H e ele
vates ‘ U m a r, th e idol-w orshipper, and debases cA zazll, the adorer
engaged in divine service for seven thousand years. Verily,
‘H e will not be questioned to th a t which H e doeth.’3
“ I f H e casts a benevolent glance on us, o u r errors shall
tu rn into goodness, o u r im perfections into soundness an d our
ugliness into comeliness. O -b ro th e r, a h a n d fu l o f earth was
lying insignificant, tro d d en beneath the feet, b u t no sooner had
H e pity on it, an announcem ent was m ade w ith the flourish
o f tru m p e ts : ‘L o ! I am about to place a viceroy in the
e a rth .’ ” *
In another letter5 he explains how lordly* im perious and
unconcerned G od i s :
“ H ark , O b ro th er, an d take a lesson. Pay attention to the
distress o f A dam , th e lam entation o f N oah, th e pangs of
A braham and th e w ailing o f Jacob. Behold Joseph being
pushed into th e well, Z a c h a riah being sawed into tw o and Jo h n
being put to sw ord. R ecall to your m ind the deep anguish and
excruciating g rie f o f M uham m ad, on whom be peace and bless
ings, an d recite th e verse : “ Everything w ill perish save His
countenance.” 6
As for th e sublim e m ajesty o f G od, M akhdO m writes in
another le tte r :
“ M y bro th er, see th e light, for we can never gain access to
His m ajestic court w ith these counterfeit coins. H ow can the
1. Q,. V I: 53
2. Bal'am of Cannanite race whose story is related in the Bible (Num.
22-24). The story does not find a place either in the Qur’an or the
Traditions but was adopted by the early exegetists. Eal(am thus
achieved a prov erbial fame as a learned Israelite who was beguiled by
the SatSn.
3. Q,. X X I: 23
4. Q.. I I : 30
5. Letter No. 36
6. Q,. X X V III: 88
GOD, T H E ABSOLUTE BEING 305
fodder o f a haw k be digested by the sparrow ? H ow can the

robe o f honour m eant for one great and exalted, fit in on our
low -statured bodies ?” '
But, as M akhdQm says, th e magnificence and- m ajesty o
f God inspires not only aw e, w onder and reverence but also
gives hope to the insignificant and dow n-trodden p eo p le;
for, the generosity an d kindness o f G od takes no tim e in raising
the m ean and ignoble to the highest pinnacle o f fam e and
honour. To quote his w o rd s:
“ T his is the w ealth to w hich nobody can prefer his claim :
it can be had only th ro u g h the benevolence o f G od. W ere
it to be claim ed as a m atter o f right, then, I sw ear to G od, you
a n d %I w ould never have got anything. But, H is favour not
being contingent on our entitlem ent, the profane and defiled can
hope for His benevolence as m uch as the pious and pure o f h eart
can do o r even m ore th a n them . No Wonder ! H e can m ake
the throne o f kings out o f the heap o f rubbish w here dogs loiter.
But G od has, in His wisdom, appointed certain causes for every
contingent. I f you w ant to achieve som ething noble and great,
you shall have to push forw ard daringly with the Sharjah as
your guide an d T ru th as your m eans, for your tra it is profane
a n d rebellious.” *
T h e sam e point was elaborated by M akhdum in this letter.
“ T h e benevolence o f God depending entirely on H is
sweet-
w ili, confers favour on one w hile H is justice punishes
another. H e retrieved ‘U m ar from the idol-tem ple to bless
him but H e left ‘A b dullah ibn U bai to be accursed w ithin the
m osque. A poet has spoken the very tru th in this w a y :
T hou destroyeth one but knoweth how to renovate,
W hom thou redeem eth, T hou knoweth also to lay
w aste
“ M y brother, we have to do with a n Absolute and All-
powerful G od. H e is capable o ftu rn in g the heaven into hell and
th e he!
1. Letter No. 41
2. Letter No. 50
into heaven ; m aking a pan th eo n o f the K a ca b a a n d tu rn in g the

K aca b a into a tem ple o f idol-worshippers. N othing m akes any
difference to H im . W ho is it th a t is not stunned an d stupefied
by H is aw e-inspiring pow er ? T herefore, be always awe-struck
and terrified lest His chastisem ent appears as a bolt from the
blue. H is benignity is as independent p f causation as his
harshness. I f H e sometimes calls for a blasphem ous sinner
to wash off his sins an d holds off a devoted and pious
believer to let h im taste the pangs o f separation, H e does
it to let everybody know th a t His benevolence an d severity
both a d m it o f no restraints a t all. H e occasionally causes a '
wicked ty ra n t to take care p f a prophet an d sometimes sets a
prophet to look a fte r a n u n w orthy m alefacto r. H e often m akes
a dog sit w ith the saints, an d a saint to go to the dogs, b u t who
soever is approved by H im is never rejected an d whosoever
incurs H is displeasure is doom ed fo r ev er.” ’
T h e unlim ited au th o rity o f G od is th u s described in a letter
by him .
“ Always pin y o u r fa ith in the beneficence an d absplute
authority o f G od. I f H e so wills, a thousand tem ples and
churches would tu rn into K a l ab a and Bait-ul-M uqaddas* an d
innum erable sinners an d w rongdoers into pious believers and
friends of G od. N o cause or force intervenes betw een H is will
an d the effect desired by H im . H e can cause tens o f thousands
o f disbelievers to em brace Islam and tu rn polytheists into m ono
theists. H e requires no tim e to convert the accursed mischief-
m akers into sanctified souls glorifying H is nam e. But nobody
has th e h e a rt tp ask how does it all com e to pass.” 3
In yet a n o th e r le tte r b e propounds the om nipotence o f God
in these w o rd s :
“ He does what He likes: He never cares who is runied or
saved. A map dies of thirst in a wilderness and says: ‘How
1. L etter No. 59
2. T he Dome o f Rock in JeruM km
3. L etter No. 72
god, Th e a b s o l u t e b e in g 307
m any stream s gush out to overflow but I am dying of th irst I1 -H e

im m ediately gets a reply from on H igh : ‘W e bring a thousand
devotees to a dreadful forest and k ill them all w ith th e sw ord o f
O u r will so that some o f O u r vultures and beasts m ay fekston
th eir carrion. I f anybody gives tongue to dem and : ‘W h y fo r? ’
H e makes him tongue-tacked w ith the reply : ‘H e will not be
questioned as to th a t w hich He doeth.’1 T h e devotees a re O urs,
and so are the beasts and the birds. W hy should one question
in O u r affairs?” 2
In a letter M akhdum tells the addressee th at nobody knows
w hat the wheel o f fortune has in store for him . H e m ight be
saved o f doom ed as the possibilities o f both exist evenly.
“ M y brother, your destination is long,' long aw ay, the p ath
is unsafe, the object o f your affection unattainable, your body is
weak while your own heart, weakened and wasted, is ex d ted by
a passionate desire for the Beloved. A poet has said i
! No other prize T hou seeketh, save the life o f lover,
T h a t’s why few m ake bold to be T hy wooer.
“ T here are innum erable hearts th rilled and intoxicated by
His love but their life-long endeavours, at the last m om ent, pre
sent the picture o f w hat th e Q u r’an depicts thus— ‘And W e shall
tu rn u nto the work they d id and m ake it scattered m otes.’®
A nd, in the hour o f death, how m any hearts apparently w rapped
up in His love find from their L ord, ‘that w herew ith they never
reckoned.’4 How m any faces tu rn in th e ir graves from th e side
o f Qibla*, how m any adorers a re branded unam icableon the day
they first meet th eT ru elo v e ; but m any are there v\ho are re
assured w ith the w o rd s : ‘Sleep thou as a b rid e.’ But, just the
opposite, many are forew arned w ith the intim ation 'Sleep thou
as a n ill-starred w retched.’ A nd they are thus rejected never to
1. Q,. X X I: 23
2. L etter No. 56
3. Q , X X V : 23
4. Q,. X X X IX : 47
5. T h e K a 'a b a
308 SAVIOURS OF ISLAMIC SPI1UT>
be redeem ed,—
O n e not fitted to consort w ith G od,
Vicious th en becom es his virtuous a c t !
“ But th ere a re also those whose every sin is p ard o n ed .
T h e R ed eem er effaces all evils from th e ir hearts to,
b le s s
,|
W hom H e m akes undefiled by faults, p u re an d blam e- .
le s s.,
“ Behold, O b ro th er, K h a lil1 com ing o u t o f the pantheon;
and re c ite : ‘H e b rin g eth forth the living from the dead ;*
spot G anat an8 deserving N oah an d recall to your m in d : ‘He,
bringeth fo rth th e dead fro m th e L iving.’4 H e raised A dam to,
the sublim e heights from w hich he d id n o t com e d o w n despite
his transgression b u t H e pulled dow n Ib lis6 to those depths;
w hich ren d ered all his litanies an d prayers valueless. ‘T h ere
a re g lad tid in g s’6 for som e w hile others are threaten ed w ith the
foreboding : ‘O n th a t D ay th ere will be no glad tidings for the
guilty.” H e gives hope to som e w ith the w o r d s : ‘T h e m ark o f
th em is on th e ir foreheads from the traces o f prostration’* and
d riv es others to despair w ith the th r e a t: ‘T h e guilty will be
known by th eir m ark s.’8 A poet has tru ly said :
D o n ’t be forgetful o f y o u r self like a n ig n o ran t dolt,
E a rn some m e rit here before you give u p the ghost.1®
M ak h d u m explains th a t God is both Severe as well as
F o rg iv er, U nlim ited and U n restrain ed , ju st as the D iv in e
A ttributes a re in th e ir o p e ra tio n ; both o f these take
effect;
1. Abraham, the friend of God

2. Q.. X : 31
3. Son o f the Prophet Noah
4. Q,. V I : 95
5. Satan
6. Q,. X X X IX : 17
7. Q.. X X V : 22
8. Q . X L V III: 29
9. Q.. L V :4 J
L etter No. 77
G O D , T H E ABSOLUTS BEING 309
sim ultaneously and independently w ith the result th a t a believer

has ever to rem ain in a state o f suspense between fear and
fortitude, hope and despair. R eferring to the Q uranic verse
“ D oer o f w hat H e w ill” ,1 M akhdOm throw s light on the
m ajestic m ight and absolute authority o f G od in these w o rd s :
*‘H is benevolence often summons up m an to p artak e Hi?
g r a c e ; at times H e tu rn s the e a rth beneath the paws o f a dog
into collyrium for the eyes o f th e pious an d th e pure hearted.
Sometimes HeTiestows an im m o rta l fam e on a dog by saying
thus : ‘th eir dog sk etch in g 'o u t his paws on the threshold’2 ; at
times H is w rath w arns us th a t this is the place where the teacher
o f angels worshipping H im for sevifcn h u n d red thousand years
w as m ade accursed in the tw inkling o f an e y e ; H e calls for the
idol-w orshipper ‘U m ar to m ake h im a bosom f r ie n d ; not
seldom H e ;turns aw ay a Bal‘am Ba*ur endow ed w ith D ivine
know ledge, from the tem ple and then ‘his likeness is as the
likeness o f a dog, if thou attackest him h e panteth w ith his
tongue out. and if thou leavest him he panteth w ith Tiis tongue
o ut.,J At times H e receives one w ith the most1- distinguished
m arks o f honour, deputes a thousand angels o f light to receive
H is guest and bestows on H is friend treasures unbounded, but
oftentim es H e turns back the beggar em pty b a n d e d ; sometimes
one is m ade to grace th e H eaven o f heavens, but often H e allows
not One to rem ain standing a t H is threshold. K now ledge and
reason a re dum bfounded here an d saints and devotees are
things Of n a u g h t; here is the sally o f ‘D oer o f w hat H e. w ill,’*
an d th e effulgence o f the Suprem e Power. H e does w hatever
H e wills an d decides w hatever H e desires.” 5
Grace and M ercy o f God
M akhdtim describes the m ight an d lordly com m and o f God
1. Q.. L X X X V : 16
2. Q.. X V III: 18
3. Q.. V I I : 176
4. Q ..L X X X V : 16
5. Letter No. 78
so vividly th a t it m akes one’s blood ru n cold. But, following

in the footsteps o f th e prophets o f God who com e not
m erely to th re a te n bu t also to com fort an d console lest the m
ankind g^ts frightened an d loses its h e a rt, he gives w ords to
p ortray the tenderness an d m ercy o f th e C reator w ith th e
sam e vigour and effectiveness. I f M ak hd um tells his disciples,
on the one h a n d , how im m easurably a n d etern ally exalted G od
is, in the totality o f H is om nipotent an d om nipresent
attributes, acknow ledging no rule, sta n d a rd , o r lim it, save H is
own sole and absolute w ill, to w hom belongs the dom ain, and
the excellency, an d th e pow er an d the m ig h t ; he also
explains to them , on th e o th er, the m ercy, and: th e bounty,
a n d the all com passing munificence o f th e C reato r a n d
Sustainer W ho declares “ M y m ercy em braceth all things,” 1 an d
consoles th e afflicted w ith th e revelation : " 0 M y sla v e s w ho
have been pro dig al to th eir o w n h e a r t ! P esp a ir not o f the m
ercy-of A llah , W ho forgiveth all sins. L o ! H e is
th e F orgiving, th e M e rc ifu l.” ?
In a le tte r M ak hd um Y ahya M aneri thus defines the
D ivine a ttrib u te o f m e rc y :
“ O m y b ro th er, w hen the encircling w ave o f A llah’s m ercy
surges fo rth it washes aw ay all th e sins an d vices o f H is slaves.
T h e n all th e ir failings tu rn into goodness for the vileness and
baseness o f m an a re transien t w hile the m ercy o f G od is
end u rin g , etern al. H ow can a thing fleeting an d u nenduring
hold its own ag ain st th a t which is infinite an d everlasting.
V erily, the sole cheerful expectation o f m an , a speck o f m o rtal
dust, lies in, th e com passion o f God. W h at else is there, besides
th e benevolence o f G od, to produce a glim m er o f hope in m an
sunk in vice an d co rru p tio n ? H ow m any dem oralised and
debased a soul is th e re whose face has been blackened by tile
infirm ity o f his ow n base desires a n d predilections, b u t the
h arb in g e r o f D ivine m ercy suddenly appears to announce th a t
th e E tern al D ispenser conveys H is greetings a n d desires to
1. Q.. V I I : 156
2. Q.. X X X IX : 53
GOD, T H E ABSOLUTE BEING 311
converse w ith thee.” 1
Invitation to All
M akhdtim held out hope to those whom he addressed his

epistles, encouraged them to reform themselves a n d partake in
the D ivine bounty as if it w ere a repast for all a n d sundry, a
free and public pothouse w here everyone could go and slake his
thirst. H e told them th at ther£ was absolutely no question o f
anybody being turned back, denied and dejected, for the
E ternal Beloved H im self rem oves the veil from the h eart o f a
seeker after tru th and draw s him n eat. H ad it n o t been so,
argues M akhdQm. th en how a created and contingent being,
ignorant and transgressing, could approach th a t perfection o f
Beauty free from every lim itation and blemish for ‘N aught is as
H is likeness.’*
H ere is a letter in w hich M akhdum describes the unbound
ed bounty o f God in w ords o f lasting beauty*
“ T he doors o f H is generosity a re Wide open. I t is a
banquet for one and all. H a rry up, come a n d get i t ! Brother,
how m uch o f H is bounty can a m an take in, w hereas His
unlim ited bounty allows neither the m aster nor the slave, neither
the ric h nor the poor to rem ain deprived. T h e glorious lam p
o f the H eaven rises everyday, but the entire hum an race cannot
g rab a particle o f its rays. Still, it lights up the palaces Of
kings and grandees as it shines upon the sheds an d cribs o f the
beggars. .Never m ind about m an, the conglom eration o f w ater
and dust, but have your eyes fixed on the loving grace Of G od
who says : ‘lie loveth him who loves H im ,’3 ‘A llah is the Pro
tecting Friend of those who love H im ’4 and H e prom ises to
rew ard H is servants t h u s : ‘Y our endeavour (upon e arth ) has
found acceptance.’5 T his is a distinction not enjoyed eVen by
1. L etter No. 56
2. Q.. XL11: 12 ’
3. Q.. V : 54
4 . Q.. I I : 257
5. Q,. LXXVI : '1
312 SAVIOURS O F I8LAMIO SP IR IT
the angels. T h e heavenly hosts are n e are r to G od, im peccable,

celestial an d holy an d a re ever engaged in the glorification o f
God but the blushing honour bestowed on m an is som ething
quite different.”
Divine M ercy
M akhdum . invites attention tow ards the benignity, gracious

ness a n d clemency o f G od w hich is ever a t the look out to do
the highest possible good, to the offenders. H e says th a t no
m a tter how grievous one’s sins m ay be, a sincere repentance an d
com plete tu rn in g aw ay from the sin would let him pass w ithout
any resentm ent, blam e o r punishm ent. H e cites the exam ple o f
those irredeem able sinners who were pard o n ed by divine favour
in a trice, th eir sinfulness was changed into virtuousness and
they becam e the fount whence honour springs. M akhdum
rem inds th a t how soever num erous one’s besetting sins, faults
and failings m ay be, th e grace and m ercy o f G od is limitless
an d em braces all things, g rea t a n d sm all.
In a letter h e shows th e ways o f D ivine m ercy.
“ Howsoever sunk in corruption you m ight be, my brother,
repent on your sins a n d becom e eligible for th e grace o f God.
You a re npt steeped in iniquity m ore th a n th e w izards o f
P h arao h no r a re you filthier th a n the dog o f the com panions o f
the c a v e ; neither have you a h eart m ore stony th a n th e rocks
o f M ount S in a i1 n o r a re you m ore w orthless th a n the
H u n n an ah .- A n ig g a r is brought from A byssinia to be sold as
a slave, but who can object if his m aster calls him K afG r.3
1. M ount Sina (Sinai) on which God gave Tablets o f Law to Prophet
Moses.
2. The log supporting the thatched roof o f the Prophets’ mosque The
Prophet used to lean on it while delivering th e Friday sermons. After
the pulpit was erected in the mosque and the Plrophet began delivering
sermons therefrom, the log was heard making a cracking sound as if
wailing in separation.
3. Lit. Camphor, meaning white. One, KafOr Akhshidi, Abyssinian by
race, was the ruler o f Egypt. The famous Arab poet, M utannabi, was
his poet-laureate.
GOD, TH E ABSOLUTE BEING 313
W hen the angels said to the L ord, ‘W e do not have strength to

vie w ith this m an m ade o f clay in spreading corruption on
e a rth ’ ; the Lord replied, ‘Reject him , if We send him to your
th resh o ld ; don’t purchase i f We ever sell him to you. D o you
fear th at his corruption would exceed O u r m ercy or th a t his
iniquity shall stain O u r perfection? This is the lum p o f clay
whom W e have exalted and blessed with O u r grace. W hat
have W e to lose by his vileness.” 1
Repentance
T he sorrow for one’s sins w ith self-condemnation implies a

change in conduct and helps in the upw ard ascent o f spirit.
T h e essential conditions for such a repentance have been
explained in a letter by M akhdum quoted here.
“ T h e befit entails repentance over one’s sins expressed by
the disciple before his spiritual guide. In the language o f
mystics this is called gardish or detour which signifies a change
in the position o f the person doing penance, for it takes him
from pollution to purity, from profanity to san ctity ; i f turns the
pantheon o f his heart into a m o sq u e; elevates him from a brute
to a hum an b e in g ; transform s him from worthless dust to g o ld ;
takes him from darkness to lig h t; and then, the glorious lam p
o f faith illum inates his h eart and Islam or surrender to God
guides him on the path o f D ivine gnosis.” *
1. Letter No. 2
2. Letter No! 29
v iii
D ignity of M an
A considerable p a rt of the letters o f M akhdQm Y ahyS

M an eri, exhibiting a m asterly blend o f vigour an d flexibility,
poetic em otion and m atter-of-fact description, re-state the tru th
o f h u m an dignity, the richness and sublim ity o f hu m an h e a rt
an d the sw ift flight o f spirit to its source attain ed through
dynam ic love o f m an fo r,th e U ltim ate T ru th .
T h e poetic creations o f H akim San SI1, K hw aja F a rid ud-
d ln ‘ A ttS r and M a u la n a J a la l ud-din R u m i have, undoubtedly,
; Sung o f the nobility o f m an , b u t, in Persian prose, th e letters o f
M akhdum occupy a singular pre-em inence by virtue o f th eir
style, the m an n er o f presentation and vivifying elements o f
confidence and tru st in th e w orth arid dignity o f m an. T hey
sound a new note, inspire m an w ith expectation an d courage
and open new vistas o f vision to the lofty heights attain ab le by
hu m an spirit. T hese racy and sparkling essays co n trad ict th e
pessimistic view in re g a rd to hum anity unfortunately propagated
by most o f the th e n mystics th ro u g h th eir m isguided interpreta
tio n o f fa n s or an n ih ilatio n o f the self. T o these mystics th e
life o f m an was a vale o f tears, ano th er nam e o f v ain expecta
tions from w hich one ought to seek refuge th ro u g h total afface-
m ent o f th e self itself, w hich was lying and crafty, deceitful and
fiendish. T he self o f m an h ad thus com e to be reg ard ed as the
greatest stum bling block in th e way o f m an ’s spiritual, develop
m ent. Such a pessimistic view o f hum anity h ad shaken .the faith
DIGNITY OF MAN 315
— 1_ - . ..... . .V. . . .__ — . ---- .. ----------■■■■■■ . . A..
o f m an in him self who, asham ed o f his own existence, h ad

begun to look upon the celestial beings as the shining examples
o r m odels o f spiritual ascent. H e h ad forgotten th a t it was
A dam , the progenitor o f m an, and not an angel, before whom
these heavenly creations h ad b |e n m ade to bow dow n low.
I t was to contradict these ill-conceived notions, to dispel
this surrounding gloom, th a t M akhdOm Yahyfi M afterl g«ve his
clarion call to re-affirm m an ’s nobility and em inence, his
deputyship o f God and the love a n d confidence reposed in him
by the L ord an d C reator o f the universe. MakhdOm repeatedly
em phasised this p o in t in his letters, in different ways an d on
different occasions, to restore confidence and hope in hum an
destiny which incites m an to construct new dream s and to aim
for higher achievements.
K t*n, t h e F a v o u r ite o f Giod
In a letter writes M akhdum :

“ T h e creations o f God a re m any and varied, but none
finds
favour in. the.eyes o f G od like this clod o f dust blended
w ith w ater. W hen God w illed to create m an out o f clay,
whom H e desired to crow n w ith his vicegerency, th e angels
said : ‘W ilt T h o u place therein one who, will do h a rm therein
an d will shed blood ?’1 T h e reply received by the angels was m
eant to convey th at a rd en t love needs no advice; for love an d
precaution neyer get together. T he reply., g iv fn by Gjod
dropped the b in t: O f w hat tise is your prayer and
glorification, if not acceptable to Us ? W hat is the h arm
done by the sins if O u r grace wipes out the slate clean ? W e
have already ordained : ‘A llah will change th eir e v il deeds to
good deeds.’* ‘Surely’, said Gq^, to .the angels, ‘you betake
the right path while they can go astray but whenever W e
shall desire p u r m ercy shall unfold' the p a th o f virtue fo r
them and blot ^ u t the s^jns o f transgression fro m th eir
faces t You very well know th a t W e are the object o f their
1. Q , I I : 3 0
2. O -X X V : 70
316 SAVIOURS O f ISLAMIC SPIRIT
passionate yearning, b u t w hat you do nbt know is th a t W e

also love th e m !
“ A poet has correctly said :
D e a r to O n e’s h e a rt, w hen com m its a m istake, A
thousand commeriil&tions his virtues m ake.'*1
Tru*tees o fD ivin e Love
“ O th e r sentient beings,” says M akhdOm in another letter,

“ have h a rd ly anything to do w ith love-divine, for they do n o t
possess a n aspiration so high an d noble (as you do). You see
th e celestial beings tread in g alw ays the sam e beaten track
because the message o f love is not m ean t for them . But, if
m an has a Hard ro a d to tra v el it is because he plunges into
love.
T hus, w hosoever happens to h av e a taste o f love, he o u ght to
b id good-bye to his own self fo r love does not p u t up w ith any
th in g save itself.
O love, thou hast m ade a d ru n k a rd o f m e,
Secure I Was, rolling in th e lap o f luxury.
“ W hen the sta r o f A d am ’s good fortune rose hig h , th e entire
universe w as all a f lu tte r ; some com plained th a t th e ir prayers
o f countless years have been overlooked an d a clod o f e a rth
exalted over them . T h e n , cam e th e re p ly : “ N ever m in d the
clay h'e is m ade of, cast your eyes upon the essence o f love
infused in h i m : for, ‘H e lo v eth w ho love H im .’ ” * T h is is our
com m and arid his h e a rt is glow ing w ith the fervour o f lo v e.” *
I n yet an o th er le tte r’ M akhdQ m unfolds the rom ance o f
m a n ’s glory in this m anner.
“ G od created eighteen th o u san d w orlds b u t each one o f
them rem ained indifferent to th e yearning o f love, n o r d id any
o n e o f th em ever try to get even a fraction o f i t ; W herefore m an
alone could lay a claim to th is w ealth. A ll th e o th er creations
rem ain ed unblest w ith th is glory. A nd th a t is why someone has
1. 36th letter
2. Q,. V : 54
3. 46th letter
DIQ^XTY OF MAN 317
s a id :
T hou a rt highest o f the high and lowest o f the lo w
; , N ot a creation is there on even term s with T hee.”
1
Purpose’o f Creation
T he distinction accorded to m an, explains M akhdum , is

because he is tlve purport and aim o f t h e . creation o f
entire universe, F o r m an is the centre o f all creations, the
tender affection o f love and devotion reflects his worthiness.
“ T his clod iof earth is not, less distinguished, nor is A dam
and his progeny less dignified, my brother. T he Em pyrean and
the T hrone, the T ablet an d the Pen, the heaven and the earth
w ere all created for his sake. As Sheikh Abfl cAll has said God
nom inated A dam as his deputy,2 chosc A braham for His frierd,*
selected Moses for Him self4 and announced the glad tidings
o f ‘H e loveth who love Him,® to the believers. Verily, the
heart o f m an would have been listless and m an him self like the
rest of m ute creation if this spiritual affinity had not been an
indwelling attribute o f bis nature.” 8
Responsibility o f Faith
T h e nobility and greatness o f m an and the distinction

enjoyed by him is because he agreed to assume the Divine Trust.
T h e heavens and the earth an d the hills shrank from bearing
the D ivine T ru st but m an, ignorant an d transgressor, agreed to
shoulder the burden although he was feeble and weak. H e was
foolish enough to think th a t being no m ore th an a speck o f dust,
he had nothing to lose i f he was unable to prove equal to the
T ru st reposed in him . T o w hat low er depth could he be scaled
dow n i f he failed, so he thpught. Endow ed with courage and
1. 59th letter
2. Q,. I I : 80
3. Q.. IV : 125
4. f t . X X : 41
5. Q,. V : 54
6. X X : 41
318 SAVIOURS OF 1 ISL A IttC S P l R t f
self-respect he is still ex claim in g : ;;Is th ere any m ore to

com e.” 1 1
M akhdum throw s light on the exauea position enjoyed by
m an over all other beings a n d creations in, a letter ji^ h ^ .f f jr c e
ful and impressive style “ G lorified is this lum p o f ea rth an d
high are his aspiratidns although huinble a n d m iserable he is
in his composition. W hen the offer o f D iv in e T r tik Was*
th u n d ered forth, the celestial beings erigaged in glorification o f
God for seven h u n d red thousand years an d raising th e slogan—
‘W e hym n T hy praise an d sanctify T hee’*'— refused to b e a r th a t
b u rd e n .’’ T h e sky p rided iti its Ibfty height ; ‘th e e a rth
pleaded th a t duSt was its g arth en t”; the m ountain m ade the p lea
th a t it stood as a w atchm an, firm and stable ; the jew els ekpresfe-
ed the feair' o f losing ther'r lustte and b rillia n c e ; B u t,' the
ig h o ra ijt' speck o f dust stretched forth its hands subrtaW-
sively an d took the D ivine T ru st to its-h eart. 1I t feared not
anything like the heavens an d e a rth , for, w hat h ad the lovve&i:
o f the low to lose in takiiig th a t risk. A nything debased a n d
deg rad ed , so it thought, is throw n in the dust, but h&w the
dust can be put to sham e ? I t stepped a h e a d u n d a u n te d a n d
undertook the b u rd en unb earab le to the seven heavens and
earth an d yelled w ith d e lig h t: ‘Is there any m ore to com e ?” *
Glory o f the D ust
N ow listen to w hat M akhdtim says about th e glory of

m an.
“ N ever belittle th e clod o f dust anid the drop o f Water that
m aketh a m an, fo r w h a te v e r is there in the w orld comes Oiit o
f th e t w o ; w hatever you see h ere proceeds from e a rth a n d w
ater an d w h atev er you find h e re besides these is a figm ent o f
yotir im agination. As they say, the love took wings from it*
hom e
1. Q,. L : 30
2- Q,. I I : 30
3. Q,. X X X I I I : 72
4. 49th letter
DIGNITY OF MAM 319
of honour, saw the em pyrean, sublime and exalted, and passed

by i t ; crossed the T hrone, splendid and m agnificent; forded the
sky, elevated and tow ering; then it cam e down to the earth
w hich was plunged in toil, and trouble and descended to make*
its nest there.” 1 , ].
A gnostic poet has m ade an im m ortal verse of the
same idea in these words : . v
H eaven o r .^ r t h , w hat can suffice T hy vastness? ,
My h e a r t' alone can accom m odate Thy
goodly
precious.
In one of his letters M akhdfim spells out the
distinctive place occupied by m an in the eyes o f his G reater. ■
“ O brother, m an has been specially favoured by the Lord.
It is related th at when the Angel o f D eath is deputed to carry
o ff the soul o f any believer, he is instructed first to convey the
greetings o f C od and then take his soul away. You would have
read in the Q u r’an th at ‘the w ord from a M erciful L ord (for
them ) is Peace’2 on the Day of Reckoning. In tru th , there is
no deity except Allah, the Everliving, and so is His w ord and
H is greeting. > H ad not the condescending favour o f God been
conferred on m an on the day he was created, he would not have
been accosted with salutation at His first m eeting.”3
Many the Confidant o f Divine Secrets
But, why has m an been allowed to occupy th e most distin

guished place o f honour ? T he reply given by M akhdum to
this question i s :
“ O f all the beings inhabiting eighteen thousand w orlds
created by G od, none was bestowed an am bition higher th an
th a t o f m a n ; no other being was told : ‘I have fashioned him
and breathed into him o f M y sp irit;’* no apostle was raised
1. 50th letter
2. f t . X X X V I: 58
3. 51*t letter
4. Q , X X X V III: 72
320 SAVIOURS O F U LA M IC S PIR IT
------------------------ ---------i - a e
from am ongst any o th er c r e a tu r e ; n o r a book conferred on o n e :

' !O
n o r yet G od sent H is salu tatio n on any one o f them . I t was
m an alone whose a rd e n t love m ad e th e pangs o f separation
u n b earab le for h im a n d th a t is w hy his h e a rt w as allow ed to
subsist by the,'1 Essence o f D ivine Beauty in this w orld an d
£ > • ’ 1
p erm itted to behold H im in th e next. M a n has n o thing d e a re r
to his h e a rt th a n the love o f G od in this w orld a n d no o th er
longing th a n fo w j t n ^ H is ra d ia n t countenance unveiled in tlie
• 'it /. • •
w o rld to come. 'Khiaiis th e lesson m an has learn t from
th e
Q u ra n ic v e rs e : ‘T h e eye tu rn ed not aside n o r yet was
overb old.’1 ” *
M an, Superior to Angels
“ I t was assuredly m uch too precious,” w rites M ak h d a m ,

“ th a t m a d e th e angels pro strate before m an— th e creatu re
envied by the heavens. H ow soever ignoble an d earth -b o rn a m an
m ay a p p ear to be, he is so holy a n d consecrated in his essential
n atu re th a t n eith er th e celestial intelligence no r h u m an reason is
capable o f plum bing b is secrets. W hen th e lustre o f his tru e
being rad iates, the angels a re bew ildered an d the heavens dum -
fo u n d e d . H e is m odest a n d m eek yet others a re terror-sm itten
w ith his awe.
I f thy essence, th e angels w ere to behold ;
P ro stratin g w ould they a rriv e a t T h y th resh o ld .” 3
The Cognizant Heart
M akhdOm m ain tain s th a t the value, excellence an d super

iority o f m an springs fro m his h eart w hich is th e abode o f
invaluable w ealth bestow ed on h im . In a letter he w rote o f the
h u m an h e a r t :
“ T h e L o rd c re a te d th e em pyrean an d com m itted it to th e
c a re o f heavenly h o s ts ; fashioned th e p arad ise an d appointed
1. Q,. L I I I : 17 ?. 53rd
letter
3. 58th letter
DIGNITY OF MAN 321
Rizwfin1 to guard it; m ade the hell and deputed Malik* to k eep
watch over i t ; but when He chiselled the heart of the believer,
H e cam e out with the announcem ent: ‘his heart is between the
two fingers o f the Most M erciful.” 3
H ere is another letter w ritten by M akhdum Yahya M aneri
throw ing light on the w orth o f this adm irable gift o f God.
“ H ad there been anything m ore worthy and precious than the
heart o f m an, then God would have assuredly laid the jew el o f
His gnosis in that. A T radition o f the Prophet speaking of
G od’s will says : ‘N either M y heavens can contain Me nor My
earth ; but if anyw here there isro o m for M e, it is the heart o f
a believer;’ Heavens are unable to store up the perfection o f
D ivine knowledge and the earth is incapable o f bearing its
b u rd e n . Thus, the heart o f the believer can alone bear this
heavy charge. A stud could carry a m an like Rttstarn but when
the sun o f D ivine R adiance shines over a m ountain, than which
there is nothing m ore massive and Solidly pitched in the earth, ‘it
comes crashing down’* below. But this very sun of eternal Beauty
shines day in and day out on the heart o f the believer who raps
out the cry : “ Is there any m ore to com e1' and greedily seeks
. still m ore of it, to quench his unqcenchable thirst.” 0
T h e B ro k e n -H e a rte d
W hatever is broken into pieces becomes valueless, but a dis

consolate and broken heart is the only exception ; for, it becomes
m ore precious in the eyes o f its C reator. M akhdum expounds
this tru th in these words :
“ A h brother, breakage renders everything woithless but a
h eart becomes m ore valuable if it is m ore m elancholy and
broken. Moses once whispered : ‘W here should I seek T hee.’
1 Name of the angel guarding the Paradise

2 • Angel guarding the Hell
3 43rd letter
4. Q . V II: 143
5. Q . L :3 0
6. Q . 38th letter
322 SAVIOURS O F ISLAMIC SPIRMF
‘W ith those.’ cam e th e reply, ‘whose hearts a re ren t for rrrf

sake.’ :■:»
";r
Realm o f Love
' ■'f
T he most precious w ealth a heart possesses is love—a love
th a t encompasses all the spheres and states an d whose authority
extends over this w orld as m uch as over the next. MakhdOm
vividly describes how love signifies thfe highest reach o f
m ankind. ' rl
“ Love e'nwraps the en tire d u ratio n o f tim e, the past, pre
sent and future. I t encircles the first and the last, whence an d
whither:. A gnostic has said th at this w orld as well as. the
world beyond are for preferring a dem and. I f some one asserts
th a t the other w orld is not m eant for dem anding he is abso
lutely wrong. C ertainly there would not be fasting a n d prayer
in the w orld to come b u t one would beseach G od for things still
higher an d nobler. O n the D ay o f Judgem ent the Law will be
abrogated, no doubt, but, th e two things—Love for G od and
Praise o f God—shall ever rem ain .” 2
1. 6th letter
2. 46th letter
IX
Intuitive. Insight
: T h e letters o f Sheikh S h a ra f ud-d in Y ahya M aneri shed

light on some of the m ost in tricate problem s and highest m ani
festations o f in tu itiv erelig io u s perception experienced by*highly
evolved an d elevated, sensitive a n d self-conscious souls; T h e
gnostic im agery and mystical tru th s vivid ly d escrib ed a t different
places and in different contexts in; these letters b ear an eloquent
testim ony to the h igher plane o f consciousness attained by
M ak h d u m th ro u g h prayer an d ' penance - a n d his researches into
the in n er content o f religious experience as also his endeavour
to com bine speculative reason w ith th e intuitive experience.
T hese indescribabletruths given form s o f expression by M akhdum
so enchant and evoke rapturous joy as a few poetical com posi
tions or'eleg an tly w ritten tracts can claim to produce;
Unity o f Manifestation
T h e w ritings o f M akhdum contain certain concepts and

doctrines w hich a re generally believed to have been articulated
a few centuries after him . O ne such m ystical doctrine know n
as U nity o f M anifestation ( Wahdat-us-Shahvd), was propagated in
th e eleventh century o f th e Islam ic e ra by M ujaddid A lf T h a n I
to co n trad ict the then prev alen t concept o f U nity o f Being
( Wahdoiu! WojUd) It is tru e th a t M u ja d d id A lf T h am was par
txctlhtice the greatest exponent o f th e doctrine o f the U nity o f
M anifestation but one is surprised to see th a t M akhdGm Y ahya
M a n e rl, too, had clearly delineated the fundam ental position o f

this concept about fwo an d a h a lf centuries before it was revived
by th e M u ja d d id M ak h d u m has explicitly stated in his letters,
in the light o f his personal religious experiences and intuitive
know ledge, th a t w hat was com m only known by U nity o f Being
o r annihilation o f every created being in the D ivine Essence
was really no m ore than a state o f eclipse o f o th er beings and
objects in the presence o f D ivine light exactly in th e same way
as the dim light of the stars is deprived o f its b rillian ce before
the lum inuous lam p o f sun; H e succinctly describes the
process by pointing o u t th a t the extinction o f any object is
altogether different from its becom ing invisible. H e explains
th a t the tenuity an d evasiveness o f the im m anentist feeling
deludes m any an elevated soul in the ecstatic state of D ivine
effulgence unless grace o f G od and guidance o f a n illum inated'
teacher give shoulder to lead h im on the rig h t path.
“ T h e effulgence o f D iv in e Essence is so m anifested before
the traveller o f spirit th a t its rad ian ce blots o u t every o th er
object an d being from his view. T h e tiny particles o f dust a re
p u t out o f sight in th e light o f the sun but it does not m ean th a t
these particles becom e extinct o r g et absorbed in th e sun. W hat
it actually m eans is th a t these m inute atom s cover up th eir faces
in sham e before th e lum inuous lam p o f heaven. M an never
becomes God for God is E xalted, G lorious .and G reat. N or is
ever a created being sw allow ed up, incorporated o r u n ited w ith
the D ivine Essence. Becom ing extinct is quite different from
b eing invisible. A gnostic poet has lent articulation to this tru th
in these words.
F o r the E te rn a l O n e nothing is old o r n e w ;
All others are insignificant, H e is th a t H e is.
“ W hen you look into a m irro r, you get absorbed in the
reflection o f your ow n self a n d forget the m irro r : then you do
n ot a v e r th a t the m irro r has becom e extinct o r th a t it has turned
into your reflection o r th a t your reflection has m elted in to
m irro r. T h is is the substance o f annihilation in D ivine Oneness
w hich m anifests itself in a like m an n er
N TU ITIV E INSIGHT 325
H e talks funny who speaks o f it, but does not know T o

set a lim it between one’s annihilation and H is
refulgent glow.
“ T his is the tenuous path w here m any have slipped.
No trav eller o f spirit can forge ahead unless the grace o f God
and the guidance o f an elevated m entor, who had him self
w aded through the billows’ rage o f this furrow ed sea, help him
to find out his w ay.” 1
Transformation of Attributes Alone
H ere it m ight be contended th at a lam p brought before the

sun loses its lustre so completely th a t its existence becomes
m erely illu so ry ; for, nothing can be existent and nonexistent
both at one and the same time. MakhdOm says that such a
contention is not correct'because the transform ation undergone
by the lam p is o f attribute and not o f essence. He writes in a
le tte r:
“ Some say th at when the sun shines the lam p practically
loses its entity : the sun is then the only, reality that exists.
W hat is the use o f a lam p, they say, w hich melts into nought,
for its entity and light rest on an even-keel. I f anybody con
tends th a t th e existence and non-existence are each o th e r’s a n ti
thesis and the two cannot be found at one and the same tim e,
then he ought to know th at we a re talking about the attributes
and n ot about the essence. T he essence does not undergo a
change but the attrib u te does. T he sun .■•hiries over a stream
and w arm s its w ater. Its quality is changed but not its n a tu r e ;
the rays o f sun act on the attribute an d not on the essence.
T h ere is no contradiction a t a ll in it.” 2
Upward Ascent of Spirit
T h e spiritual ascent o f those who have attained the

pinnacle rem ains, quite often, hidden from their companions
and friends.
1. 1sl letler
2. Ntith le tte r
326 SAVIOURS O F ISLAMIC SPI!
T h e prophets o f G od an d such >o f the illum inated souls

w h# hav e reached th e stage o f A cquaintance, are gifted w ith
courage, en d u ran ce an d a soaring am bition. T hey n either
w hirl nof shout, n o r yet they work m iracles o r lay a claim to
it. T hey alw ays try to conceal th e ir attain m en ts from the
public gaze.
M akhdum w rites in a le tter th a t th e higher is this upw ard,
progress o f spirit, th e less it is noticed by the people aro u n d tR*
m ystic.
“ T h e faster the speed, the m ore its m ovem ent becomes
im perceptible. D o n ’t you see th a t when the stone o f the wind*,
m ill gains speed, it appears th a t th e m ill is not w orking. Some*
body asked J u n a id B a g h d a d !: ‘W hy don’t you stir d u rin g the
m usical re citatio n s?’ In reply lie recited the verse from th e
Q u r ’ an : ‘A nd (O M an ), th o u shalt see th e m ountains, w hich
thou thinkest a re fixed firm ly, shall float (in the a ir) even as
clouds.’1 Y ou cannot see sw ift speed. W hen it goes ah ead a t
full speed, it cannot be seen. O ften the zephyr moves so gently
th a t nobody notices its speed.” *
Control o f Carnal Desires
T h e developm ent o f c h a ra c te r an d spirit, acco rd in g to some,

d epends on com plete extinction o f carn al desires. T h is, says
M akhdO m , is not correct. H e h olds th a t th e aim should not be
to stam p out the desires o f flesh but to put b rid le on them .
G h a z a li too has explained”, in Ihydf-ul-Ulaom, th a t th e reform
atio n o f a m an does not re q u ire com plete suppression o f vices
like an g er, m alice etc. but in subduing these .natural
propensities and h o ld in g them in leash. M akhdflm ’s treatm en t
o f the subject is inspiring an d creates a profound im pression on
th e readers H e w rites in a letter :
“ H e is an ignoram us a n d d o tard yvho considers th a t th<
Shan1oh dem ands sm othering o f th e carn al appetites a n d n a tu ra ’
instincts o f m an. H e has n o t given thought to w hat the Prophei
I .. Q . X X V II ;8B
2. 4th letter
IN TUITIVE INSIGHT 327
said : ‘I am a m an and sometimes I get angry.’ Sometimes

his indignation became apparent on his face. T h at is why God
loves those who ‘control their w rath ’1 and not those who do n o t
possess th at emotion a t all. How can the Sharf'oh dem and
extinction o f sexual desire.w hen the P rophet contracted nine
m arriages. I f some one has lost his sex-urge, he ought to take
m edical treatm ent so that this natu ral instinct is restored. F or
the loving care o f one’s family m em bers a n d children, anger
over the enemies o f God in fighting against them and
preservation and propagation of one’s race spring from the
natural instincts m an possesses, even the apostles o f God
have shown eagerness for these. Thy longed to have th eir
line o f progeny unbroken. T h e Sharjah only dem ands th at
these instincts should be kept under strict com m and o f the Law .
A hunter needs a steed and a w ell-trained dog which go
after the chase on his bidding. T h e horse, if untrained, will
throw away the rider and the wild dog will pounce a t him .
It is thus essential th at the horse and the dog should he w elt-
trained for hunting. So are the instincts o f sex and anger
needed for capturing the rew ards o f H ereafter. But, your
aids should be under your c o n tro l; for if they gain a control
over you, your ruin is inevitable. T h a t is why prayer and
penance seek to bring these under one’s com m and.” *
The Idol o f Miracles
It has been stated elsewhere th at the working o f m iracles

by the saints had become so popular during the tim e o f
M akhdum th at it had come to be regarded as an indisputable
evidence o f one’s piety and sainthood. How ever, M akhdum
m aintained th at indulgence o f certain mystics in preternatural
acts constituted a veil and signified th eir interest in objects other
than those leading to Divine propinquity. It was also an idol,
in his vjew, which required to be rejected and given up
1. Q.. 111:134
2. Q,. 40th letter
altogether, if need be, for the health of soul.

“ T he working o f m iracles,” writes MakhdOm in letter, “ is
nothing short o f idolatiy. T h e unbelievers w orshipping idolk
deny the overlordship o f God but no sooner do they give them
up and m ake a public announcem ent o f their rejection o f idols:,
they turn into His friends. So is the m iraculous pow er wielded
by a gnostic : his journey o f spirit gets beclouded and suspended
if he is satisfied with w onder w orking ; but, if he gives it up he
is elevated an d rew arded w ith nearness. As a gnostic poet has
said :
T h e ir gaze fixed on the heaven, the pious are ;
Sm acking their, lips in the lock-up, the lovers
are.
His m eicy is for all, noble and laity,.good and bad,
Bold and intrepid one has to be, to bear his w rath.
“ This is the reason why when God bestows
m iraculous powers on an elevated soul, be becomes m ore G od-
fearing and hum ble. H e becomes unpretentious, meek and
yielding and inculcates a g reater aw e of. G o d .”
Ill-disposed Miraculous Powers
“ It is possible,” says M akhdum , “ that the secret truths

revealed to certain God-m oved souls through D ivine grace or
penetrating intellect or prognostication o f com ing events m ay
be denied to some m en o f G od, but that does not signify any
defect in the em inence o f spiritual attainm ent o f the latter
group. D efect or fault lies in deviation from th e rig h t path.
T h e secrets revealed to the blessed ones increase th eir faith,
strengthen their virtues an d m orals and lead them to
glorification o f the L ord. But if such pretern atu ral powers are
enjoyed by a m an who transgresses 1the injunctions o f the SharV-
ah, then, in very tru th , they becom e the means o f lead ing him
a fa r from the path of virtue. H e is then deluded and
befooled for he ■begins to regard others as his inferiors and
underlings. At l i mes he even forsakes Islam a n d Marts d e n y i n g
the lim its set by
]. oth
IN TU ITIV E INSIGHT 329
God for the permissible and prohibited, lawful and unlaw ful.
H e begins to consider recollection o f God as the only way o f
His glorification and discards the way o f the Prophet, and this
ultim ately leads him to infidelity and apostasy .” 1
Social Service
Explaining the m erits o f social service M akhdum writes in

a letter : ,
“ R endering social service is highly meritorious for the
seeker after tru th , for, it helps to inculcate those virtues which
cannot be produced by any other form o f litany and p ray er.
It deadens the love of self, expels pride and vanity, produces
modesty and humbleness, beautifies the m orals, teaches one to
follow the path q f the Prophet and th at o f the blessed mystics,
elevates the spirit and illum inates his ego from w ithin and
without. These are the ennobling gifts o f service. O nce a seer
was asked : ‘How m any ways are there to attain fellowship o f
God ?.' ‘As many as the atom s this world contains,’ replied he,
‘bijt none m ore straight and easier th an consoling the broken
hearted. : I have attained G od through this way and I bid my
followers to do the sam e.’ T h ere are others, too, whose devo
tions to God attain a higher virtue because o f their selfless
service to th eir fellow beings .” 2
Criterian for Self-purification
T h e criterion for self-purification prescribed by the mystics

is sufficiently high. In fact, it is so high that one can never be
sure w hether all vestiges o f self-conceit, earthly desires and sex-
appetite have been completely eradicated from one’s self. O ne
can never confidently claim to have reached that stage o f self
purification where one’s spiritual ascent takes wing unfettered
by his base desires. H ow ever, in M akhdOm’s view, a m an
reaches the desired stage o f self-purification when he gives up
1. 96lh le tte r
2. 71 s t l e t t e r
330 SAVIOURS O F 1SLAUIG • H M t j
acting according to his ow n predilections and wishes an d begin*

to pursue, in all seriousness, th e p a th chalked out by the Shar1**11
In th e letter quoted h ere M akhdum sets forth jthe essential
requisites for self-purification.
“ M y bro th er, th e S elf o f m an is deceitful an d treacherous^,
I t always boasts and brags a n d makes false claim s. It always
advertises th a t it has p u t a b rid le on its cravings an d appetites,
b u t it ought to be asked to furnish the proof o f its claim . And
th e only evidence sufficing to establish its claim is th a t it does
n o t take a step o f its ow n b u t acts according to the injunctions
o f the L aw . I t is tru th fu l, i f it acts z&tfully on injunctions o f
th e Skorit ah, b u t if it avails o f th e leave or interprets th e L aw to
suit its longings, it is assuredly a blasted slave o f its desires. I f
it is a helot o f anger, it is a dog in the g arb o f m a n ; if it is a
serf o f its appetite, it is a b e a st; if it is a captive o f
its despicable desires, it is a greedy h o g ; if it is enthralled
by style and taste, it is effeminate. But the m an who
adorns his Self w ith the com pliance o f th e Shartah, puts
it to test from tim e to tim e, gives the reins o f his desires in
th e hands o f the L aw a n d m oulds him self in its cast, then alone
can he claim to have gained control over his Self, its propensi
ties an d inclinations. T o th a t end only pru d en t an d sagacious
m en, enlightened w ith the core o f tru th , bridle th eir Self with
the chains o f righteousness a n d -fear o f G od .” 1
1. 96th letter
X
Defence of Faith
It was undoubtedly a great achievem ent o f Sheikh S h araf

ud -d ln Yahya M a n e rlth a t he guided a large num ber o f people
on th e p a th o f God, purified an d anim ated th eir spirits, created
a longing in their hearts for attaining the knowledge o f D ivine
Being, lit the flame 6 f love-Divine in them and expounded the
intricate and subtle realities o f intuitive experience in an
elegant, m oving and heart-w arm ing diction like other great
reform ers and renovators o f the faith. But this was not all.
H e protected the purity o f faith as the earlier revivalists and
defenders had done, against th e antifiom ian tendencies an d
pantheistic monism im ported by m isguided sSfl cults w hich
eluded every effort to tie them dow n by the classifications and
definitions o f the Sharf ah. H e also endeavoured to eradicate
the influence o f Batinite and philosophical concepts im bibed and
propagated through neo-Platonist pursuits o f religious expe
rience. In a country, like In d ia, Where the people d id not
have a direct access to the D ivine'revelation and the T raditions
o f the Prophet, the rapidly grow ing popularity o f th e heterodox
belief and practices had sharpened the conflict between them
arid the sound and puritanical faith o f Islam . M akhdGm’s
letters refuted, in a peculiarly vivid and direct way, this
incredible confusion, multiplicity, and often absurdity 6 f ideas.
H e fell ba'dk on the S cripture and the Sunnah and rejected all
hvfellectual c6 nsthictions and intuitive subtleties which cam e in
conflict w ith the authorised in terpretation o f the Q u r ’ an an d

the Sunnah. He also balanced and corrected th e intuitive
im agination and m ystical experience o f his tim e by accom m o
d atin g these in the fram ew ork o f fundam ental religious attitudes.
T h is was m ade possible solely because o f his own spiritual
insight gained through personal ecstatic experiences and illum i
nations which m ade him not only an exponent o f mysticism but
also an authority on the subject whose interpretations and
experiences could not be brushed aside by o th er mystics.
P rophethood and Sainthood

An e rra tic concept prevalent for quite a long tim e am ong
th e th en mystics was th a t sainthood occupies a place m ore
exalted and sublim e th an prophethood : the saints being always
attracted to D ivine perfection severed all relationship w ith the
w orld and sentient beings around them w hile the prophets’
mission being to p ro p ag ate an d expound the revealed tru th , the
la tte r had , very often, , to rem ain in contact w ith th eir fellow
beings. A nd, since, the fellowship o f Got} was a task m ore
consecrated than th e fellowship of hum an beings, the saints
held, a m ore elevated an d hollowed place than the prophets did.
Som e other mystics, how ever, m ade a distinction between the
two states o f th e prophets when they w ere absorbed in D ivine
propinquity and w hen they w ere busy dissem inating the divine
message am ong th eir fellow beings, an d thereby concluded th a t
the prophets in th e ir form er occupation enjoyed a higher
position than when tlity perform ed the function o f th eir
m inistry. Even this view signified an inferior position o f the
prophethood and its mission by a lig n in g a m o re exalted status
to th e engrossm ent in D ivine Being, the ch ief pursuit o f the
saints^ ,
T hus, how ever interpreted, this blasphemous proposition
was derogatory to prophethood and involved im pairm ent o f
th a t exalted office besides paving the way to agnostic and
irreligious way o f thinking. W ith characteristic vividness and
vigour o f his w ritings an d discourses, MakhdOm Y ahya M an erl
DEFENCE OF FAITH 333
set in to give the lie to the nonconform ist belief o f the mystics
and established, through his clear and logical reasoning, th at
th e prophethood, in all its states and stages, was infinitely higher
th an sainthood. -He dem onstrated th at the shortest span o f
prophetic existence, a single breath o f any prophet,- -was
decidedly m ore blessed and sacred th an a whole life-time spent
in th e state o f saintliness. T he argum ents brought forth by
M akhdum -to clinch his point were draw n m ore fr6m the
higher reaches o f his ecstatic illum inations th an cold an d logical
form ulations o f discursive reason.
M akhdum writes in reply to a letter w herein Shams ud-dln
h a d sought a clarification in reg ard to the position o f prophet-
hood.
“ Sham s ud-dtaj my dear brothers you ought to know th at
there is a consensus o f opinion am ong all the mystics tr.eading
the path o f spirituality th at the saints, in all states and stations,
are subordinate to the prophets who are always superior to the
saints. W hat is incum bent on the saints to translate into action
is the guidance vouchsafed by th e’, apostles o f God. All the
prophets are saints, but no saint can claim the honour o f being
a prophet. T here is not the least difference o f opinion in this
reg ard am ong th e doctors, o f divinity bearing allegiance to, the
w ay«if Ahl-USunnat Wal-Jwriefal. A sect among th e renegades*
howevef, claim s th a t th e saints surpass the prophets on the
ground th at the latter, are ever engrossed in effulgence s>f the
T ranscendent Being while the prophets are busy ever and anon
in the pursuit o f their mission of preaching the message o f God
to the hum an beings. T hus, they argue that a m an who is
totally effaced and lost in beholding the Beauty of the Lord
takes precedence over one who seldom engages h is-m in d -in
contem plating the presence o f G od. A nother group which
venerates the saints and claims to be their followers goes even
fu rth er to assert th at the saints are higher-up than the prophets
for the reason th at form er are initiated into the divine m ysteries
w hereas the latter have access only to the knowledge revealed
to them . They infer from it that the saints are acquainted with
334 SAVIOURS QF ISLAMIC S P IR IT
the secrets nbt known to the prophets. T hey avouch th a t th e

saints have intuitive know ledge not possessed by the prophets.
T hey d ra w th isin feren ce from the story o f Moses an d K h id h r
and assert th a t K h id h r was a saint and Moses a prophet* who
got revelations from the L ord. T h e la tte r was u nable to fathom
th e secret o f any mysterious event unless a revelation descended
from on H igh. But, K h id h r the saint, endow ed w ith intuitive
know ledge could im m ediately plum b the secret o f every m ystery
in as m uch as Moses h ad to subm it him self as a disciple o f
K h id h r. This, they say, clearly proves their point, for, a
disciple is'always an u n derling o f th e m entor....... But one should
never lose sight o f th e fact th a t all the precursors o f righteous
p ath o f religion, o n whom reliance can be placed, have
vehem ently protested against such sacrilegious creeds and ideas.
T h ey have never accepted this profane dftctririe th a t any saint
can ever excel o r even be a m atch to a prophet o f G od. As for
the story o f Moses and K h id h r, the latter was g ranted a
m om entary prim acy by virtue o f his intuitive know ledge on a
p articu lar occasion w hile MoSes enjoyed an enduring para-
m ountcy an d . as you know, abiding suprem acy cannot be
overshadow ed by a passing pre-em inence. T ake M ary , for
instance, who was g ran ted a tem porary ascendancy over oth er
women because o f the b irth o f h er child w ithout being touched
b y a m an, but this tem porary advantage could not eclipse the
p erd u rab le superiority o f ‘ Ayesha and F atim a an d th e ir illim it
able suprem acy over all wom en for all tim es to come. H ark
y e ! m y b rother, the. entire life spent in litanies and prayers,
transports and illum inations by all the s a in ts 'o f all tim es shall
com e short o f a step taken by a prophet. W h at the saints
endeavour to achieve th ro u g h penance, and devotion, flight o f
spirit an d diving into the treasure o f D ivine m ysteries; that
know ledge is attain ed by th e prophets straightaw ay. T h ey a re
charged w ith th e responsibilities o f their apostolic m inistry a fte r
being illum inated by th e lam p o f sanctity and th a t is th e reason
w h y th e y are able to aw aken the zeal for fellowship o f God in
thousands o f th e ir followers.
DEFENCE OF FAITH 335
“ H ence, a breath o f the prophets outweighs the entire life

o f saints. T he saints are able to cast off th e ir hum anly veil and
speak o f the secrets o f spiritual existence only a fte r attaining the
highest degree o f sanctity b u f they still rem ain under the
shadow o f the weaknesses hum an flesh is heir t o ; but the
prophets, on the other h and, find the secrets o f nature unveiled
before them on the very first step o f th eir m inistry. T he last
lap o f the saints is the starting point o f th e piophets o r, to be
tru th fu l, even th e destination o f saints cannot com pare w ith the
outstart o f th e prophets. O nce someone asked K hw aja Bayezld
al-B istam l: ‘W hat do you say about the life o f the prophets'.
‘H eaven f o r b i d h e replied ‘we can never gain entrance in
th eir realm .’ T h e way the stations an d stages o f sainthood
rem ain hidden from th e eyes o f uninitiated masses, the exalted
reaches o f prophethood are beyond th e im aginative flight o f the
saints. Prophets take to strides w hile saints s tro ll: one rides the
skies w hile the oth er creeps on the earth.
“ In clarity and purity o f spirit, virtue and sanctity the
entire bodily fram e o f the prophets is lik e th e head an d heart
o f the saints, intoxicated w ith th e love o f G od. T here is thus a
great; difference between the m en w ho have found en tran ce
to th e place which, for others, is the goal o f th eir h eart’s
yearning.1”
Paramouatcy of Sksri‘ sh
A nother indecorous thinking th at had gained popularity

am ong certain mystics t>f the day w as th a t the established
religious institution could be brushed aside by them , for,
according to them , one needs to follow th e com m andm ents o f
th e Shan'-ak up to a certain sta g e ; but w hen he reaches th e stage
o f A cquaintance and attains the fellowship o f D ivine Essence,
he could reject the dem and for external conform ity to the
Shartf-ah. T h e wide diffusion o f this erratic idea h a d given
reins to m any illiterate an d m isguided mystics w ho, acting as
1. 2 0 th l e t t e r
336 SAVIOURS O F ISLAMIC SPIRIT)
impious ministers o f evil, were spreading infidelity and irre li

giousness am ong the superstitious masses. Even cet ta in educated
persons h ad started citing the Q uran ic v e rse: ‘A nd worship-
thy L ord until there com eth unto thee th e d e a th .’ 1 to support
this contention. T hey arg u ed th a t the Sharfah need be follow*
ed in letter an d spirit until one attains the stage o f certitude of;
th e transcendental T ru th , but once one reaches th a t stage the
chains o f L aw fall to pieces for him . MakhdOm Y ahya M an erl
raised his voice in defence o f th e authentic religious view and
dem onstrated th e fallacy o f th e antinom ian practitioners o f
sufism. H e set fo rth argum ents to show th a t w hatever stage o r
station m ay be attained by a trav eller o f spirit, he has to follow
the rules o f th e Shari1ah to th e end o f his life’s journey, for they
a re never suspended o r superseded by the elevation o f spirit. '
T h e following quotation from one o f his letters will show
th a t MakhdOm severely taxed those who opposed th e authority
o f \h e established religious institution finding expression in the
laws o f th e Shari1ak.
“ B rother Sham s ud-<din ought to be aw are o f the
subtle ways o f th e D evil w ho sometimes makes the mystics
believe th a t the object o f renouncing sin is to weaken the
natu ral
hum an desires a n d inclinations so th a t the rem em brance o f God
overcomes them and cleanses the h eart o f its impurities- T he
whole o f this endeavour is m eant, the D evil tells them , to atta in
the perfection o f D ivine K now ledge, and so is also the Sherfah
a m eans to arriv e a t the sam e goal. T hus, if a m an alread y
reaches th a t destination, w hat has he to do w ith the luggage
and means o f transport. T h e prescribed form s o f liturgical
service w ould then become a veil for him . O ne already
beholding E tern al Beauty needs no piostrations, devotions and
orisons as these are the aids for attuning the strings o f one’s
I. Q,. X V : 99—Almost all the eminent commentators of the Q u r’Sn hold

the view that the word Taqtn, in the Arabic text, means death in this
verse while certain mystics interpreted the word to mean spiritual
enlightenment.
DEFENCE OF FA ITH 337
h eart w ith the melody o f D ivine Essence. They claim

th a t they find themselves engulfed by celestial glory and the
reign o f spirit— But, in tru th and reality, they give expression
to what Satan h ad felt when he was asked to prostrate
before A dam , iteing aw are o f his station he thought th a t
nothing would he gain by bending low before a being low er
th an him . G od has not referred to this story in the Q u r’an
as a m yth or fable but to serve as a w arning for those w ho
are given to the ruses o f S atan. G od w anted to tell them th
a t nobody should dare flout His L aw . V erily, the precursors o
f faith have correctly em phasised th a t th e path chalked out by
the Short-ah is th e only way to attain the fellowship o f God.
“ H ere Satan has kept an im portant point concealed from
the view o f this m isguided group. H e has persuaded them to
believe th at the only purpose o f the Sharjah is to a ttain
proxim ity o f the L ord. But this is w rong for the Shafpah is
m eant for a lot m ore th an that. Take for instance, the prayers
prescribed for five times a d a y ; these are like five poles
supporting a canopy o f hum an perfection ; if the poles are taken
aw ay, the canopy will fall to the ground as Iblis 1 him self fell
from h is exalted position. N ow, if you w ant to know how the
prayers lend th eir support to m ake a m an v irtu o u s; my brother,
this is som ething beyond your lim ited intellect to conceive.
T hese are like the properties o r characteristic qualities
o f m edicines o r o ther substances, o r the attractin g power o f
the m agnet but nobody can find out the reason why these
properties have been em bedded in these substances.”
P ra ctica l W isdom o f th e S h a rja h
T h e practical wisdom o f th e Sharjah, utility o f its practical

functioning and the way it guards and enhances the faith and
m o ral virtues o f the believer and links his spirit to the D ivine
Essence has been set out by M akhdQm Y ahya.M anerl in one o f
his letters.' H e shows th ro u g h an allegory how disregard for
1. The
name o f Satan
338 SAVIOURS OF ISLAMIC SM
the rules o f the Sharfah leads a m an to the destruction

w rought by the devil w ithin h im .
“ Suppose a m an constructed a p a latial house on the top o f
a hill and provided every m eans o f com fort w ithin it. W h$n
the tim e cam e to q u it this w orld, he bad e his son to m ake
w hatever alterations he m ight desire in the house, but to leave
untouched an arom atic grass p lan ted by him in a portion o f the
courtyard even if the grass becam e dry. W hen spring camp)
the h ill and vales w ore the look o f em erald green, flowers o f
num erous varieties blossom ed forth and filled th e a ir w ith th e ir i
frag ran ce and the sweet smell o f the old grass was overcom e by '
redolent smells. T h e boy thought th a t his fath er h ad planted
th a t old spicy grass m erely for frag ran ce an d therefore it was o f
no use to let it be th ere any m ore. H e, therefore, o rd ered his
servants to pick out th e grass. But w hen th e grass was th ro w n
aw ay, a black serpent cam e out o f a hole an d b it th e boy. The
aro m atic grass planted by his fath er h ad tw o properties, first, to
keep the house filled w ith its aro m a, an d , secondly, to keep
aw ay the snakes. I t h a d a n an tip ath ic smell to the reptiles.
T h e boy was so p ro u d o f his knowledge th a t he considered
everything not know n to h im to be nonexistent. Being ign o ran t o
f the D ivine revelation th a t ‘o f knowledge ye have been
vouchsafed but little,’* th e poor fellow was bro u g h t to ru in .
S im ilar is th e case w ith those m isinform ed mystics w ho think
th a t th e wisdom a n d secrets o f the Sharfah laid open to them
a re a ll th a t is w o rth know ing about it. T h is is a g re a t m istake
th ey have m ade like m any o th er travellers o f sp irit w ho have
fallen a prey to this fatal belief. T hey h a d th o u g h t th a t the
Sharicah h a d only one objective an d thus they could never think
o f its o ther aim s a n d designs w hich w ere m ore im p o rtan t for
atta in in g the best ends. T hey could never conceive th a t i f
th e Sharfak intended to achieve only the end they h a d in
view , then why d id the P rophet spend his nights standing in
p ray er u n til his feet used to swell up. T h e P rophet ijever
said th a t
1. Q , X V II; 85
D EFEN CE O F FA ITH 339
the'prayer^w as incum bent on his followers but He was

exem pt from it . ” 1
In another letter on th e subject M akhdOm says :
“ All those doctors o f divinity, sufa and saints w ho
had
a tta in e d th e height o f sanctity have held the vieW th a t every
ru le a n d condition laid dow n by the Islam ic doctrine o f
duties is im perceptibly related to some spiritual m erit
beneficial for D ivine blessing in the H ereafter. All o f them
have scrupulously followed the discipline o f these laws till the
end o f th eir life. O nce a n a tte n d a rit o f Sheikh Ju n a id B
ag h d ad i, w ho was helping him in perform ing ablution, forgot
to pass his fingers through his b eard . T h e Sheikh caught
hold o f his han d an d rem inded him to do so for it was a
Sunnak o f the Prophet. Some persons present on the occasion
asked : “ Is it not permissible to om it these voluntary details
especially w hen one is unable to perform the ablution by him
self?” T h e Sheikh re p lie d : “ I have been blessed by G od
solely because o f acting on the Sumah o f the PrOphet.” T his
was the way tro d d en fay those w ho h ad been blessed w ith
in terio r illu m in a tio n ; but, alas, those \yho are m isinform ed
are so easily throw n off the false scent. T hey think th a t
w hatever is beyond th eir u n d erstanding o r not known to
them , does hot exist a t all. Filjr has tw o raklats o f p ray er, Zuhr
has four, casr has again four, maghrib has three and £«fAa5 has four
o f them , an d th en each raPat is com pleted by a genuflexion and
tw o prostrations. E ach o f these has its Own m erit propitious
for attain in g the entelechy o f spirit. T h e w orth and excellence
o f all these acts are m anifested as soon as a j n a n breathes his
last. T h en he knows th at no perfection, no exaltation o f spirit
is d f any use to him i f t h e stipulations o f the Shariâh a re taken
ou t o f them . Every w ayfarer o f mysticism who" will leave this
w orld i n th a t condition would find him self utterly ruined an d
th e n he Would cry o u t : ‘W hat has happened to th e perfection
o f spirit attained by m e ? ’ T h en the reply he would get will
b e : ‘T h e plank o f your perfection was n o t nailed to your
1. 7 0 th le tte r
340 SAVIOURS O F ISLA W Q S
coffin a n d so it has been blow n aw ay in th e sam e w ay as a ll tife|

m erits an d perfections o f Ib lts w ere reduced to dust fo r a single
transgression o f the D ivine com m and . ” 1 1
M akhdtim Y ah y a M a n e ri w as so rig id ly opposed to tfc$
sSfis’ d isreg ard o f religious duties th a t in a le tte r h e lashes o a t
a t th eir p ractice in these w ords : “ T h is is absolutely w rong an d
th e creed o f renegades w ho say th a t one (m ysticism ) is perm is
sible w ithout the o^her (L aw o f Islam ). T h ey assert th a t w hen
some one attain s the T ru th and is rew ard ed w ith illum inations
a n d beatifications, th e L aw becomes superfluous fo r , him . F ie
upon such beliefs a n d creeds.” *
S ign ifican ce o f th e S h arl'ah
M akhdtim held th a t th e p a th o f mysticism was a m isnom er

w ithout acting on the precepts o f the Shafpak. Say* h e :
“ N obody can get an y th in g out o f mysticism i f he does not
obey th e precepts o f th e SharVah. I t is only th e renegades an d
apostates who hold th a t one is perm issible w ithout the other.
T h ey m aintain th a t th e Shariîh becomes needless afte r one has
found the essence o f T ru th . D am n this b e lie f! Sharil ak is the
o u tw ard expression o f faith , b u t w ithout in w ard credence it is
h y p o c ric y ; an d the b e lie f w ithout external im perative is apostasy.
T h e exterior o f th e Shari'-ah w ithout in terio r faith is a d e fect:
the faith concealed in th e h e a rt w ithout o u tw ard expression is
no m ore th a n avarice. T h a t w hich is m anifest is so integrated
w ith its inner content th a t th e tw o can never be sep arated .” 8
E m u lation o f th e P rop h et
In his letters M akhdO m Y ahya M an eri always expounded

th e view th a t n eith er salvation could b e achieved n o r . an y per?
fection o f spirit, or, fo r th a t m a tte r, nor the fellowship o f E te r n a
Being can be a ttain ed w ithout following in the footsteps o f th*
1. 26th letter
2. Ibid
D EFENCE OF FA ITH 341
beloved Prophet of G od. C om m enting upon the Q uranic verse :

‘Say, (O M uham m ad to m a n k in d ): I f ye Love Allah, follow
m e, Allah will love you .’1 M akhdum gave expression to his in
most feelings and the ardent love for the Apostle o f God in these
verses o f a gnostic p o e t:
Seek not a new path , his w ord is gospel,
Seal your lips and stop all prattle.
W hatever says he, saith the L ord,
W hate’er he does, is an act o f God.
Be dust unto him to w ear the crow n,
To have your way, first knuckle down.
Like the dust o f his way, if not is he,
H e’ll lick the dust, even if an angel be he .” 2
1. Q.. 111:31
2. 50th letter
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Chronological Table
A.H. A.D. Events and Personalities
93 712 M u h am m ad ibn Q asim T a q affi captured

Sind
136-158 753-774 R eig n o f C aliph M ansur
198-218 813-833 R eig n o f C aliph A l-M am un
208 824 S aiyida N a flsa (d.)
339 950 Abu N asr A l-F arabi (d.)
409/411 1017/1020 K h w aja A bu M u h am m ad C hishtI (d.)
416 1025 S u ltan M a h m u d attacked S o m n ath
421 1030 S ultan M uhm Qd o f G hazni (d.)
428 1037 AbO ‘A il S in a (d.)
5.3.8 1143 M u h am m ad Ja ru lla h Z am ak h sh arl (d.)
563 1168 K h w S ja Zia? u d -d ln Abul N ajlb ‘ A bdul
Q a d ir F ird au si
569 1173 B irth o f K h w aja F a rid ud-dln B akhtiyar
K aki
571-588 1175-1192 R eign o f P rith v iraj C hauhati
571-602 1175-1205 Expeditions o f S hahab ud-dln
M u h am m ad G ori against In d ia
584 1188 K h w a ja F a rid ud-din meets K hw aja
Q u tu b ud-din
586-87 1190-91 S hahab ud -d ln M u h am m ad G h o ri de
feated by P rithviraj
588 1192 P rith v iraj defeated by M u h am m ad
GhorJ
595 s 1198 Ib n R ushd (d.)
602 ! 1206 S h a h a b ud -d ln M u h am m ad G h o ri (d.)
352 SAVIOURS OF ISLAMIC -S P IR IT
A.H. A.D. E\ id personalities
606 1209 M ongol’s attack on In d ia repulsed

10 th 27th K hw aja N ajm ud-d ln K u b ra (d.)
Ja m a d a Septem ber
ul-tJla 1213
610
627 1230 K hw aja M o 'in ud-dln C hishtl (d.)
632 1235 Ib n A l-Fariz (d.)
633 1236 K hw aja Q u tb ud-dln B akhtiyar
K aki (d.)
636 1239 B irth o f K hw S ja N izam ud-dln Auliya
638 1240 M uhJ u d -d ln Ib n ‘ A rabl (d.)
647 1249 A l-M alik al-Salah AyyQb (d.)
647 1249 cIzz u d -d ln Aibeck ascends the
650 1252
throne
652 1254
H asan ibn M uham m ad As-Saghanl (d.)
655 1257
A bul Barkat M ajd u d -d ln ibii T aim iyah
657 1259
(d.) NOr ud-dln cAli ascends the throne
658 1260 S a if u d -d ln K atz deposes Nfir ud-
658 1260 dln
661 1263 ‘ All
S a if ud-dln K atz slain
10 th 22 nd R ukn u d-dln Baibers ascends the throne
R abi-ul- J a n u a ry B irth o f Sheikh Sh a ra f ud-dln Y ahya
Awwal, 1263
M aneri
661
5th 17th B irth o f Ib n T aim iyah
M u h a rra m O ctober,
664 1265
672 1273 K hw aja F arid u d-dln (d.)

677 1278
678-689 1279-1290
682 1283 N aslr ud-dln Tflsi (d.)
Saiyid Qutb ud.dln M adnl (d.)
683 1284 Reign of Al-Malik al-N4sir Qalawoon
Shahab ud-dln ‘Abdul Halim
Ibn
Taimiyah (d.)
Ibn Taimiyah’s first speech
CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE 353
A.HL A .D . E vents and p erso n a lities
684 1285 Sheikh K am al u d -dln Z ahid (d.)

690 1291 Sheikh Y ahya M aneri, father of
M akhdQm ul-M ulk (d.)
691 1292 Sheikh N ajib u d -d ln F irdausi (d.)
692 1293 Ib n T aim iyah goes for Haj
694 1295 Conversion o f G hazan to Islam
696 1297 M ongol hordes Invade In d ia
697 1298 L and R eform s by H osam ud-dln L aieer
698 1299 T u m u lt kicked up against Ib n T aim iyah
699 1300 E gyptian forces come to aid o f D am ascus
27th 24th Battle between al-M alik al-N asir
R abi-ul- D ecem ber, M uham m ad ibn Q alaw oon and G azan
Aw w al 699 1299
3rd 28th D am ascus em issaries m eet G hazan

R abi-ul- D ecem ber,
T h an i, 1299
699
699 1299 Ib n T aim iy ah joins Aqoosh A l-A fram in
his expedition against heretics
700 1300 T a q l ud-din Ib n D aq iq ul-cId meets
Ib n T aim iyah
2 nd 20 th Second battle o f Sultan al-M alik al-
R am ad h S n , April, N asir w ith T a rta rs
702 1303
704 1305 Al-M ujahid Ib ra h im ibn Q a tta n pro
duced before Ib n T aim iyah
Z il H ijja, J« iy , Second expedition against heretical
704 1305 sects
2 nd 25th T h ird expedition against heretical sects

M u h arram , Ju ly ,
705 1305
9th 27th Com plaint lodged by R afa'iy ah s against

Ja m a d a -u l N ovem ber, Ib n T aim iyah
U2S 705 1305
A.H. A.D. Events and personalities
5th 2 1 st Ib n T aim iy ah summoned to Egypt

R am ad h an M arch,
705 1306
2 2 nd 7th Ib n T aim iyah reached Egypt
R am a d h a n , A pril,
705 1306
30th 3rd Ib n T aim iyah offered to be released
R a m a d h a n , A pril, from ja il
706 1307
14th 15th Q azI B adr ud-dln J a m a 'a h meets Ibn
S afar, August, T aim iy ah in ja il
707 1307
23rd 22 nd A m ir H osam ud-dln M ohanna ibn ‘Is a 5
R a b i ul- Septem ber, takes out Ib n T aim iyah from jail
Awwal, 1307
707
Safar, July, Ib n T aim iy ah ’s internm ent in A lexandria
709 1309
13th 16th N aslr ibn Q_alawoon captured D am ascus
Shat abSn, Jan u ary ,
709 1310
7th 8 th Baibers A l-Jashanghir executed
Z il Q a cad a , A pril,
709 1310
4th 16th Ib n T aim iyah m anhandled by riff-raffs
R ajab , N ovem ber,
711 1311
712 1312 R oyal edicts issued on th e advice o f
Ib n T aim iyah
Shaw w l, February, R eports o f T a rta r invasion
712 1313
5th 7th Ib n T aim iyah forbidden to give ju ristic
R abi-ul- M ay, opinion on divorce
A w w al, 718 1318
CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE 355
A.H. A.O. Events and personalities
10th 9th Ib n T aim iyah released from preventive

M u h arram , F ebruary, detention-
721 1321
721 1321 Q u tu b U d -d ln M ubarak S h ah killed by
KhusrO K hS n
721-24 1321-24 Construction o f M akhdflm ’s m onastery
721-26 1321-26 Ib n T aim iy ah devotes his tim e to
teaching
20 th 8 th W arrants o f vicegerency signed by
Z ilhijia, D ecem ber, K hw aja Nifcam ud-din
724 1324
725 1323 S ultan M uham m ad T ughlaq ascends the
throne
18th 3rd K hw aja N ieam u d -dln (d.)

R a b i ul- A pril,
A khir, 1325
725
7th 9th Ibn T a im iy a h placed under detention

Shal a b a n , J u iy»
726 1326
9 th 2 1 st W riting m aterial taken aw ay from Ib n

Ja m a d a - A pril, T aim iyah
ul-A khra, 1328
728
22 nd 28th Ibn T aim iyah (d.)

Zil- Septem ber,
Q a*ada, 1328
728
734 1333 Ibn Saiyid-in-N Ss (d.)

752 1351 Sultan M o ham m ad T u g h laq ( d )
759-776 1358-1375 Sultan M uham m ad Shuh B ahm anl
767 1366 Sultan M u ham m ad S h 5 h Bahm anl
entered D au latab ad
780 1378 Saiyid ‘ All H am ad an l’s arriv al in K ashm ir
A.H . A.D. E vents and pewwm aliti**
6 th 10 th Sheikh S a ra f ud-dln Y ah y a M an eri (d.)

Shaw w al . Ju n e,
782 1380
786 1384 A m ir Syed ‘ All H am ad an I (d.)

786 1384 M aulSnS F a rid u d -d ln 1 A lam (d.)
791 1389 Q a z I cA bdul M u q ta d ir K in d i (d.)
801 1399 Sheikh Z ara u d-dln (d.)
808 1406 Ib n K haldfln (d.)
809 1406 M au lan a K hw Sjgl o f D elhi (d.)
820 1417 Sheikh A hm ad o f T h an esar (d.)
825 1422 Saiyid M uham m ad GesQ D araz (d.)
849 1445 Sheikh S hahab u d-dln bin *Uma*-(d*)
874 146? M u h am m ad ib n Q u tb (d.)
986 1578 M uham m ad T a h ir Patn i (d.)
1003 1595 Sheikh YaqQb S h a ra fl (d.)
1034 1624 Sheikh A hm ad S rah in d i (d.)
1047 1637 M a u la n a ja m a l ul-A ulia C hishti (d.)
1052 1642 Sheikh ‘ A bdul H a q M u h a d d ith D ehlavi
(d.)
1085 1673 Shah P lr M uham m ad o f Lucknow (d.)
1161 1747 M u lla N izam u d -d ln (d.)
Glossary of the Arabic and Persian Terms
A hl-i-Suonat W at Jam afat —A te rm generally applied to

a sect o f M uslim s who acknow ledge, in ad d itio n to th e Q u r ’an,
the Sunnah o r p a th o f th e Prophet to be th e correct version o f
Islam . T h e Sunnis i. e. one o f th e p ath , em brace by fa r the
g re a te r portion o f th e Islam ic w orld. T hey believe th e f ir s t
fo u r C aliphs to have been rig h tfu l successors o f the P rophet an d
belong to one o f th e four schools o f jurisprudence founded by
Im Sm AbO H an ifa, i m i a i ash-Shafe*!, Im am M alik o r Im S m
A hm ad ib n H anbal. See Sunnis.
A llali-O -A k liar —Lit. ‘G od is g re a t.’ A n ejaculation w hich
is called Takbir. Ito c c u rs fre q u e n tly in th e litui^fcal form o f
w orship an d Mauds f o r th e d eclaratio n o f God-s absolute over-
lordship over th e w orld.
A sh 'arite —A sect form ed by A bul H asan *All ibn Ism aftt
al-Ashca rI, b o rn 206 A. H . (873-74 A. D .) A shlar it es h o ld th a t
th e attributes o f G od a re d istinct from His essence, yet in
subh a w ay as to forbid any com parison betw een G od an d
H is creations. A sh'arites trav erse th e m ain positions o f th e
M uctazilites, denying th a t tn a n c a n b y his reason atone, rise to
th e know ledge o f good a n d evil. T h ey ad o p t th e m id d le
course betw een th e M u*tazilites an d th e H anbalites. U n lik e
th e form er they n eith er accept th e claim o f reason to be
com pletely free to d iscern m etaphysical realities and deliver its
verd ict ab o u t th e content a n d n a tu re , attrib u tes a n d C haracter
istics o f th e Suprem e R eality n o r do they agree w ith th e
H an b alites w ho reject th e claim o f reason to have any say in
expounding th e revealed T ru th .
*A sr—T he tim e for obligatory prayer offered m idw ay

when, the sun has begun to decline an d sunset.
A s s a s s i n s —C orruption o f hailshijah o r haslsh-eater. A
sect o f the Batinites who undertook to kill treacherously their
enemies.
A y ah —Lit. “ a sign o r m iracle.” T he term is also used for
one o f the sm aller portions o f the ch apter o f the Q u r’an o r a
verse.
B a ci t —O ath o f allegiance taken by ihe people for rem ain
ing faithful to the head o f a M uslim State o r any o th er person
acknow ledged as spiritual guide.
, , B a tin ite (or Balinxyah). Lit. ‘inner, esoteric.’ They
m aintained th a t only a symbolic interpretation w ith gradual
initiation by an illum inated teacher could reveal the real
m eaning o f the Q u r’an . T he w ord, they claim ed, was like a
veil, hiding the deep occult m eaning never attainable to those
clinging to literal explanation* Being a Shica ite theological
school o f thought, they also upheld the doctrine o f <th e divine
source 01 Im am ate (the spiritual leadership o f an /mam) a n d o f
the transm ission o f indefeasible right o f Prophets vicegercncy
by divinely ordained hereditary succession o f Caliph tA ll. T h e
w idespread Ism a'llite sect and its offsprings like Q arm atians,
FStim ides, Assassins, etc. belong to the sphere o f Batinite
thought. '
C h is h tiy a h —T h e o rd e r o f mysticism founded by K hw aja
M o‘in ud-dln C hishti Sajazl. I t is the most popular S $ fi
o rd e r in In d ia.
D a rn ] H a d i t h — An institution o r faculty for higher studies
o f the science o f T raditions.
D r u z e —Also D aru zi;; A sect founded by an em issary o f
the sixth F atim ide caliph, Al-Hakim l’ A m r illah. t
F a j r —T he tim e for obligatory prayer p erform ed after
daw n but before sunrise.
F iq a h —T h e dogm atic theology^ o f Islam am plifying the
Islam ic, ideals o f ethical precepts in day-to-day . affairs o f-th e
believers. ; ■,
GLOSSARY O f T H E ARABIC AND PERSIAN TERMS 339
Fatimide —A Shicaite dynasty o f 13 Caliphs or Imams in

N o rth A frica (9 J 1-1171) an d in Egypt (969-1171). U nlike
oth er heads o f th e larg er or sm aller States em erging w ithin the
sphere o f cAbbasid C aliphate or w hich conceded to the Caliphs,
a t least to save appearance, th e Fatim ides challenged the
cA bbasids for both the tem poral and spiritual power. Beyond
its political significance, how ever, it fulfilled the apocalyptic
belief in the reign o f M ah d i, as essential tenet o f th e Ism at ilite
branch o f Shi'aism .
F i r d a u s iy a h —T h e mystic o rd er founded by K hw aja B adr
ud-dln o f S am arkand. T h e o rd er laid emphasis on c 6 ntem pla-
tion, renunciation o f the w orld, annihilation o f the self and
concealm ent o f spiritual powers. T h e o rd er laid particu lar
emphasis on following the injunctions o f the Sharp ah.
H ad ith — See Sunnah.
H a fiz —A person who has com m itted to his m em ory the
entire Q u r’an.
Haj —T h e pilgrim age to M ecca perform ed in th e m onth o f
Z il-H ijja o r the tw elfth m onth o f M uslim year. I t is the fo u rth
p illar o f Islam ic religious observances, and an incum bent
religious duty founded upon express injunctions o f the Q u r’an.
H ajee — A person w ho has perform ed the H aj o r pilgrim age
to M ecca d uring the appointed days.
H ajib —An official appointed by the T a rta r converts to
Islam to settle or ad ju d icate upon th eir personal disputes
according to Tasaq, the M ongol code.
H akim ites —A sect o f Fatim ides founded by the sixth
Fatim ide C aliph A l-H akim , w ho asserted th at he was th e express
im age o f G od. A l-H akim ascended the throne a t th e age o f
eleven years in 996 A. t) . and was assassinated in 1021 A. D .
Halalah— T h e iriarriage o f a divorced woman w ith another
m an who m ust consum m ate th e m arriag e a n d 'd iv o rc e ' her,
before th e re-m arriag e o f such a w om an to h er first husband.
Hanafite —Those following the juristic school o f ; Im a m
A bu H an ifah an-N ulm an (80-150 A. H./700-767 A. D ), the
g ie a t Sunni Im a m an d jurisconsult. T h e H anafites, spread
360 SAVIOUR? OF ISLAMIC SPO U T
over T urkey, A fghanistan an d In d ia n sub-continent, form th e

g re a t m ajority o f the M uslims.
H a a b a lites —Follow ers o f Im am A hm ad ibn H a n b a l ^SO
BS') A. D .), founder o f one o f the four orthodox sects o f the
Sunnis. T h e m o d ern W ah ab is claim to follow th e teaching o f
A hm ad ib n H an b al. H an b alites asserted th e p aram o u n t
au th o rity o f .the Q u r ’a n w ith the T rad itio n s as against
superiority o f reason ov er faith.
R a q i q a t — U t. ‘T ru th .’ T h e essence o r m eaning o f a thing.
A stage in th e m ystic jo u rn ey o f th e •>«/» w here he is supposed
to receive a n in sp iratio n o r illum ination o f the tru e n atu re
o f G odhead, th a t is to a rriv e a t th e ‘T ru th ’.
H lflb at-n llalt —Lit. the ‘P arty o f A llah ’
‘M — A com m on nam e fo r Id-ul-Pitr, the festival o f fast-
b reak in g a t th e end o f th e m onth o f R a m a d h a n a n d Id-ul~Adha
o r the feast o f sacrifice celebrated on the ten th day o f Zil-H ijja.
I f t ir —Lit. ‘B reaking’ o f fast in the evening after sunset.
Ijm ca —Lit. ‘C ollecting’ o r ‘assem bling’. In Islam ic
ju risp ru d en ce Ijml a expresses the unanim ous consent o r con
sensus o f the m en o f learn in g an d piety over any ju ristic issue.
Im am — Lit. ‘O ne w ho leads’ i. e. a n o rm al guide o r a
m odel. I t com m only denotes in tlie Sunnite creed the le a d e r o f
the congregation in p ray er who should be conversant w ith th e
ritu a l. T h e term is also ap p lied to one learn ed a n d pious an d
capable o f m aking logical deductions on a legal o r theological
question. I n the Shi* a h d o ctrin e, how ever, th e te rm covers a n
entirely different notion. T o them the /mam is th e faultless an d
infallible le ad er, a n offspring o f ‘ A ll, to whoxii sp iritu al lead er
sh ip is supposed to have been passed o n from the Prophet
th ro u g h his son-in-law and th e fourth C aliph eAli.
I m i m a t —T h e office o f Iniam.
Im am Bara —A b u ild in g in w hich the festival o f Muharram
is celeb rated by th e Shi‘ ahs to com m em orate th e m arty rd o m o f
H usain, son o f C aliph ‘ All.
cI « h a ’—T he tim e for th e last o f th e daily obligatory
prayers, p erfo rm ed w hen the n ig h t has closed in.
GLOSSARY O F T H E A RA BIC AND PERSIAN TERMS 361
I s h r a q —A voluntary prayer perform ed w hen th e sun has

w ell risen.
Ism acilite s —o r Ismaciliyah. Also called seveners (Saba-
ijah), they form ed the group o f extrem ist Shicahs originating
from a schism w hich took place in the Shica h com m unity
tow ards the end o f the eighth century about the question o f the
succession o f the seventh Imam Ism a'll. T h e sixth fmSm, J a cafar
al-Sadiq, h ad disinheritd Ism acll in favour o f his younger
son M usa al-K azim but a faction o f th e S h ia h s rem ained
faithful to Ism a'll. L ater, the Ism a(llites proved th e ir vitality
u n d er such different aspects as the terrorism o f Q arm atians
sectaries, the caliphate o f th e F&timides, the B rethren o f Purity
and the once so d read ed Assassins (also see Batinites).
Jih ad —L it. a n effort o r striving. A religious w ar w ith
those unbelievers who attack the M uslim s o r are inim ical to
them . I t is a n incum bent religious duty, established in the
Q u r‘an an d th e T raditions as a divine institution, and enjoined
specially for the defence o f a M uslim land an d repelling evil
from th e M uslims.
J iz y a h —T h e capitation tax Realized from th e non*Musllm
subjects in lieu o f protection afforded to them by a M uslim
State. Such non-M uslim subjects, called sim m is, are exem pted
from m ilitary duty in defence o f th e realm b u t enjoy full
citizenship rights like other M uslim s, who, besides paying Z flkat,
not levied on non-M uslims, are also liable to be d rafted for
dative service.
K M lafat N am ah —T he w arran t o f vicegerency conferred
by a s$fl saint on his disciple w ho is thus allow ed to preach an d
a d m it others in the mystical o rd er o f his m entor.
K h w S rlj—A sect w hich denied th e authority o f the C aliphs
a n d believed th at commission o f a m ajor sin condem ned one to
eternal torm ent in the H ell. T hey seceded from th e arm ed
forces o f C aliph ‘A ll after the w ar o f Siffln m 13 A. H . as a
protest against the appointm ent o f arb itrato rs to decide th e issue
o f caliphate betw een ‘ All and M u‘ aw iyah.
M a d a m — An educational institution, specially for
362 SAVIOURS OF ISI.AM1C SPIR I;|
teaching o f religious sciences.

M aghrib —Lit. west. T h e tim e for obligatory prayer
offered ju s t after the sunset.
M a x n lu k —Lit. ‘Slave’, the designation o f the im ported
T u rk slaves serving in, the arm y.
Mcarifat —M cori f ah o r D ivine gnosis is a stage in the
mystic journey o f spirit w herein the sufl, after-occupying him self
w ith contem plation and investigations concerning the nature,
attrib u te and works o f G od, attains the ‘know ledge’ o f these.
Maulana —Lit. ‘a lord o r m aster’. A term generally used
for a learned m an.
M n’azzin —O ne who gives the call to prayer.
M ustaufi-ni-Mamalik —T he A ccountant G eneral o f the
realm .
M u'tazilites —o r Mu'-lazdah. Lit. ‘T h e Separatists’. A
school o f thought founded by W asil ibn ‘A ta5, who separated
from the school o f H asan al-Basrl. T h e chief tenets o f the
school w ere : ( 1 ) T hey rejected all eternal attributes, o f God
saying th a t eternity is the proper or form al attrib u te o f His
essence; th a t God knows by His essence, and not by His
know ledge ; th a t to affirm these attn b u tes ijs the sam e thin g as
to m ake m ore eternals th a n one ; an d th at the U nity o f God is
inconsistent jwith such an opinion. (2) T hey believed the w ord
o f G od (Q u r’an) to have been created, and w hatever vwas
created was also an accident, and liable to perish. (3) T hey
held th a t i f any M uslim is guilty o f grievous sin, an d dies w ith
out repentence, he will be eternally dam ned. (4) T hey also
denied th e vision o f God i n Paradise by the corporeal eyevand
rejected all comparisons or, sim ilitudes applied to G od.
. D uring th e re ig n ^ o f.th e ‘A bbasid C aliphs al-]Î|iji,un (813-
8 33),. al-M uct ^ i m ^833-842} nl-W ath\q (842-847) the
M uctazilah were in high favour.
, Naqsbbandiyab— T h e jn y s tic pr.der founded by K hw aja
P ir M uham m ad iNaqsht^nci (d. 719/1319). T hey usually
perform îkr-i-K a ft or sil.eist devotions by. way o f the rem em
b rance o f God.
GLOSSARY O F T H E ARABIC AND PERSIAN TERMS 363
N iz a m iy a li—T he o rd er o f mysticism followed by the

disciples and,follow ers p f Khv^sya N izam ud-din A ulia9.
N u s a y r ls - Also Nusajri. A sect o f the Shilahs founded by
Ib n N usair (d. 873 A. D.)> a follower and emissary o f the
eleventh Shicaite Im am al-H asan al-£Askari. T hey lived in
J a b l N usairiyah an d num bered about 2,50,000.
P i r —Lit. ‘A n elder’. T h e term denotes a spiritual leader.
Q ,a d iriy a h —T h e Qjtdiriyah o rd er o f mysticism sprang up
from the celebrated Saiyid A bdul Q a d ir Jil&nl (1 0 5 8 -llli)
w hose shrine is in B aghdad.
Q ,a ri—O ne who reads the Q jir’an correctly and is
acquainted with the science o f pronouncing the w ords o f the
scripture faultlessly.
Q a ? i —Sometimes w ritten as C adi. A Ju d g e o r adm inis
tra to r o f law appointed by the ru ler o f a M uslim State.
Q ib ia h —T h e direction in w hich M uslims offer prayer.
Q iy a g —T he analogical reasoning o f the learned w ith
reg ard to the teaching o f the Q u r’an, Had'ith and IjnuP. T he
essential conditions fo r such an analogical reasoning a re th at
( 1 ) the precept or practice upon w hich it is founded should be
o f com m on an d not o f special application, ( 2 ) the cause o f the
injunction should be known and understood, (3) the decision
m ust be based upon either the Q urân, the Hadltk, or th e IjndP
an d (4) th e decision arriv ed a t m ust not be contrary to
anything expressly enjoined elsewhere ip the Q u r’an and the
Hadith.
R a fiz f—Lit, ‘A forsaker’. Synonymous with Rafizfth. A
term used for a body o f soldiers, belonging to a sect o f Sliicahs,
w ho jo in ed Z aid, the son o f lA ll ibn H usain. T hey dem anded
th a t Zaid. should abuse AbQ Bakr a n d 'U m a r , the first tw o
Caliphs, but on his refusal to do so, they left him to th e m ercy
o f H ajjaj ibn Yusuf. Z aid fought bravely w ith the handful p f
his rem aining com panions who all fell a g a in s t. the vastly
superior enemy.
R a k ca t — (PI. Rakcah). A u n it o f prayer consisting o f one
genuflection and two prostrations.
R a fi'iy a h — A m ystic o rd e r founded by S aiyid'A hm ad b in

4A ll bin Y ahya ar-R afa1! al-H asnl A bdul * AbbSs (512*578
A H ./1 118*1182 A. D .) in I ra q . A u th o r o f a num ber o f books,
Saiyid A hm ad a r-R a fa 1! is rep o rted to have one h u n d red eighty
thousand disciples. T h e do m in an t feature o f th e o rd e r was
em phasis on service o f hu m an ity , self effacem ent, gracious
b eh av io u r a n d severe m oral a n d spiritual discipline. L a te r on,
how ever, a n extrem ist group o f his followers took to w onder
w orking an d developed an tin o m ian tendencies.
S a b cI n i y a h —A pantheistic sect o f sufis who believed th a t
everything is G od, and o f the same essence.
Sadr-i-Jabuni—T h e officer ch arg ed w ith th e responsibility
o f enforcing Islam ic rules and regulations an d disbursing
stipends to M uslim divines, scholars an d m en o f piety.
Sahihaio —Consists o f the two books o f T rad itio n s consi
d ered to be th e most correct books.
J. Bunhari o f M u h am m ad Ism a 'il al B ukhati (d . 256
A.H.).'
2. Muslim o f M uslim ibn al-H ajjaj (d. 261 A. H .) .
S a h Q r—T h e m eal w hich is taken before d aw n w hile
keeping fast.
S h a f e 'i t e s — followers o f one o f the four juristic schools o f
orthodox Islam . T h e fou n d er o f this school was Im a m
M u h am m ad ib n Id ris as Shafe*!, who Was b o m a t A sqalon in
Palestine (95/714). *The Shafeîtes are found In South In d ia
and Egypt.
S h a r 'i a h — Lit ‘T h e w ay’. T h e law , including *b6 th the
teachings o f th e O u tra n a n d the T rad itio n s o f the P rophet. It
has been .defined as ‘the “way o r ro ad in the religion o f
M u h am m ad , w hich G od has established for the guidance o f
H is people, both for th e w orship o f God an d fo r the duties o f
life'.
S h e ik h —A title accorded to the venerable doctors o f
religion. It is used in addressing theological scholars and
divines who have acq u ired a certain spiritual prom inence,
w ithout necessarily h o ld in g a religious office.
GLOSSARY O P T H E ARABIC AND PERSIAN TERMS 365
S h e i k h 's l - I d a m ^ 'T h c highest ecclesiastical office under

a M uslim State.
S h ica h —Lit. ‘Split’ and also ‘followers’. A general desig
nation covering various sects o f M uslim s not following the
conform ist o r orthodox faith. T h e schism whose origin goes
back to th e early years o f Islam h ad its beginning in, the
rivalry for the caliphate between th e U m m ayyad an d A lid
clans after caliph ‘A ll’s death an d M u‘aw iyah’s accession to the
C aliphate. T h e A lid party m aintained th a t this highest office
o f Islam was a prerogative o f th e P rophet’s house. T hey also
m ain tain ed th at ‘All was th e first legitim ate /w aw o r successor o f
th e P rophet an d therefore rejected the first three successors o f th e
P rophet. T h e belief in this reg ard later developed into a faith
th a t the Prophet’s God-willed sp iritual a n d secular guidance
h a d passed from him to ‘A ll who, h im self a n in carn atio n o f the
D ivine Spirit, h ad bequeathed his mission to a sequence o f
h ereditary Imams o f his progeny. O n this soil was set up a
theological fram ew ork w hich left am ple room for th e most
varied opinions, some o f w hich h a rd on th e borderline o f
Islam .
S h ir k — Lit. Ascribing plurality to the Deity o r associat
ing partn ers to G od. I t consists o f ascribing divine knowledge
to others; th a n G o d ; ascribing divine powers to others th an
G o d ; offering w orship to created beings; and, the perform
an ce o f cerem onies w hich im ply reliance on others th a n
G od.
S ik ak-vs-S ittak —T h e following a re the Sihah Sittah, or
‘six. correct’ books o fT ra d itio n s, received by Sunni Muslims.
(1) Al-Bukhari, o f M uham m ad Ism ail al-Bukari (d. 256
A .H .).
(2) Muslim, o f M uslim ibn al-H ajjaj (d. 261 A. H .).
(3) Al-Tiim izi, o f AbQ ‘Is5 M uham m ad al-T irm izl (d. 279
A .H .).
(4) Ata Di*Sd, o f Aba D i’ud as-SajistSnl (d. 275 A. H .).
(5) An-Ni&P, o f Abu ‘Abdur Rahm&n an-NisSiJ (d. 303
A. H .).
366 SAVIOURS o r 1SLAMI0 SPIRIT
( 6 ) Ibn M&jah, o f A bu AbdullSh M uham m ad Ib n M ija h

(d. 273 A. H .).
S a fi—O ne who professes the mystic principles for attaining
the gttbsis o f G od. T h e principal occupation a ■
f*(A *s
m editation on the U nity o f G od, the rem em brance o f G od’S
nam es and the progressive advancem ent m spiritual life to
a tta in propinquity o f God.
Suharwardiyah —A p o p u lar o rd e r o f mysticism founded
by Sheikh S hahab ud-dln S u h arw ard I o f B aghdad (d. 602/
1205).
S n n n a h —As opposed to th e Q u r’an which is a d irect reve
lation from G od, the Prophet also received w hat is reg ard ed as
an unrtad revelation w hich enabled him to give authoritative
declarations on religious m atters. T he A rabic w ord used for
these T raditions is Hadith an d Sunn/th fa saying o r a custom ).
T h e Prophet gave very special instructions respecting the
faithful transm ission o f his sayings. G radually, how ever,
spurious T raditions also gained currency for which a n elaborate
canon o f subjective and historical criticism was evolved fo r th e
acceptance o r rejection o f th e T raditions.
T h e Sunnali represents an authentic interpretation b f the
Q u r’an , a valuable Source o f law an d an infallible g u id e for
the overw helm ing m ajority o f the M uslims-in every situation o f
th eir spiritual and secular life as opposed to Bid1ah (innovation)
in religion.
S u n n i— Lit. ‘O ne o f the p ath ’. A term generally applied
to a ll M uslim s who consider the Sunnah o f the Prophet, m ani
fested by his sayings, acts or tacit approval and transm itted by
the com panions o f th e Prophet, as the infallible guide o f th e
faith fu l and an authentic interp retatio n o f the Q u r’ an.
T h e 1-Sunnis em brace by fa r the g reater portion o f the
M uslim w orld. i,
T a h a jju d —A voluntary p rayer o(ft*red after m idnight.
T a l i q —T h e sentence o f divorce^ T h e Islam ic law o f
divorce or release from th e m arriag e tie is founded upon
express injunctions contained in the Q u r’an , as well as, the
OI.OSSARY O F T H E A R A B IC A N D P E R S IA N TERM S 367
T raditions and exhaustively treated in the works on ju ris

prudence.
T a r a w i h —T he p lu ral o f Tatwlh i . tfe. rest. T he prayers,
o f usually twenty rakcats, recited at night during the m onth of
R am ad h an ; so called because the congregation sit down and
rest after every fourth rakcai.
T a u h id —A term used to express the U nity o f the God
head, which is the great fundam ental basis o f Islam . T he
teaching o f the Q u r’an and the Prophet as to the n atu re o f God,
H is U nity, without any associate o r partn er, His absolute Power
and th e other essential attributes o f an E ternal and A lm ighty
Being is the most im portant p a rt o f the Islam ic faith.
T ariq at— ‘A p ath ’. T he Tanqah 01 spiritual path which
is usually known as lasawwuf o r mysticism, is the inner and
esoteric dim ension o f Islam and like the Sharlfah has its roots in
the Q u r’an and prophetic practice. Being the actual nature
o f spiritual path, the traveller on the path o f Tarlqat seeks to
em ulate the life o f the Prophet who is the prototype o f spiritua
lity and thus realises the m eaning o f unity or Tauhid in its
fullness.
cU la m a — P lural o f Aalim. O ne who knows, learned 5 a
scholar. In the plural form the word is used as the title o f the
learned doctors in Islam ic theology and law.
‘U r s —A term used for the cerem onies observed at the
anniversary o f the death o f any celebrated saint.
Walayet —Lit. Sainthood or state o f spiritual elevation.
W a ll—(Pluarl Aulia’), T he term is applied to a saint o r
holy m an who has attained a high state o f sanctity by virtue of
his divine illum ination and pious life.
Yoga —H indu system o f philosophic m editation and asceti
cism designed to effect the reunion o f the devotee’s soul w ith
the universal spirit.
Yogi —O ne who practises yoga.
Z im m i —A m em ber o f the Ahl-uz-ûmmah a non-M uslim
subject o f a M uslim G overnm ent, belonging to the Jew ish,
C hristian or Sabean creed, who, for the paym ent o f poll or
capitation-tax, enjoys security o f his person, p ro perty and

religious observance in a M uslim country w ithout bearing the
responsibility o f defending the realm .
Z nhr—T h e tim e for afternoon obligatory prayer.
INDEX
*■ Aftul Q iiim H a riri, 2 ? /

A ban ibn S a'eed ibn al-cAas, 133 AbulQfisim H indu S h sh , 243
‘A b b ls, 85, 133 AbQ Sa<eed Abul K hair, Sheikh, 23*
* A bdul Aziz, S h sh , 298 AbO ShakOr Salm i, 173 . „. „ _
'A b d u l H a i, M aulSnS Syed, 264, 266 AbQ Sufyan ibn al-H Srith ibn ‘Abdul
Abul H a jja j A l-M izzI, 60, 138 M u ttalib , i 33
•Abdul H am id al K Stib, 297 A ba Z ahra, 32, 39, 45, 49, 53, 55, 57,
cA bdul H a q M uhaddith Dchlavi, 118
S heikh, 221, Abyssipi^, 3.IJ5
'A b d u l H a ian A l-A ih'axi, Im Sm , 26 A dam B innauri, Saiyid, 264 .
'A bdullSh az-2£arafee, 59 ' A dam , H a zra t, 23, 279, 304, 308, 315f,
'A bdullSh ibn M u h ib , 59 337
'A bdullSh ibn U b ai, 305 •Adi ibn MusSfir Amawi, Sheikh, 45 ,
'A bdullSh, S h a ra f u d -d ln , 60 ‘AdnSn, Z ain ud-din ibn, 38,
A bui L aith 'S am ark an d i, Faqih, 155 A fghanistan, 150
'A b d u l Q S dir Jila n i, Sheikh, 45 A hm adabad, 249
•A bdur R ah im , K h w ija , 197 A hm ad F am q i, Sheikh, 298
'A b d u r Rahm fin, Z ain u d -din, 43, 56, A hm ad ibn cA li, 166
59, 60 A hm ad ib n M uhainm ad as-SaghSnJ,
Abu A hm ad C hishti, K hw Sja, 149 Sheikh, 220
AbO 'A li SinS, 95, 96, 103, 104, 105, Ahm ad ibn Sheikh Yahya
106 See S h a ra f u d -d in
Aba fA m ar, 77, 78 A hm ad ibn 'U m a r, 262
AbO Bakr, H azrat, 132, 133 A hm ad K h w aja, 264
AbQ Bakr K h arrS ta (Qaww Sl), 168 A hm ad ThSnesw ri, Sheikh, 237, 250
A b a B aqr B aqillani, Q iz i, 26 Aibeck, (Izz u d -d in , A l-T urkm ani, 11
AbQ H a ft Aushi, M aulSnS, 155 în-i-Akbari, 154
A bo H a n ifa , I m lm , 194, 212 ‘ Ain Jalut, 11
A bu HayySn T aw h id i, 297 •A in-ul-Q udhSt H am ad an i, 267
AbQ Is’hSq a s-S tb i, 297 A jm er, 151f, 247
AbU I*’hSq Sham i, Khw Sja, 149 A jodhan, 160, 164, 168, 171f, I76f,
A bul BarakSt BaghdSdi, 95 182, 188
A bul F ad h al, 154,298 ‘Ajweba, 294
Aba M uham m ad C hishti, K h w ija , Akhbar-ul-Akhyar, 157, 162
149, 150 A l-A khanP, Q a z I T aq l ud -d in , 81
A bul M u q ta d ir K in d i, Sheikh, 237, A l-A kK n& ifahfii
250 'A lam u d -d ln al-BarzilT, 48, 61, 135
370 lAVlOURS OF ISLAMIC SPIR IT
(A lam u llah N a q ih b a n d i, S h lh , 264 Arjawish, S 3

fAW> u d-dln *Ali S tb ir , Sheikh, 158; Arkiin, 125
1C?, 165 Arrah. 269
*AMP u d -d ln Babm an S h fh , A shraf J a h in g lr S am nSni, Saiyid 246,
Sue Sham*-i-SirSj A tlf 251, 293, 294
•Ala* u d -d ln J iu rl, Sheikh, 264 •Asqalfini, Ib n H a jar, 67
fAlS* ud-dln K h iljl, 148,186, 189, *90,
Asrar-i-Ktmdt, 2 fl
1 9 1 ,1 9 3 ,2 1 6 ,2 3 3 , 235, 238
'A ta J ullah, K h w aja. 205
‘AH’ u d -d in , Sheikh-ul-Islam , 233
‘Ala* ud-din UsDli, M aulSnS, 167 A tliar us-San5did, 183, 170
<AlS>-ul-Haq, 246, 294 A urangabad, 249^
'A lexandaria, 46, 47, 48 Aurangzeb, *Alamgir, 298
(A li Asgliar, M a u lS n l, 251 Aush, 154
•A li, H a zra t, 35, 63, 77, 89, I33f, 136 Auza % 52
'A lim ullah, Q i z i, 251 Averroes, See Ibn Rushd
'A ll Sikizzi, Sheikh, 157 Avicenna, See AbQ fA!i S i n t
'A llam a G a zru n i, 250 tAwSrif, 235
A lpharabius, See Al-FarSbi tAwdrif-nt-Macarif, 173, 174. 262
A m erica, 149 'Ayesha, 334
A inelhf, 251
AyyUb, Al-Malik al-Saleh, 11
A m ir B u lli1, 32
AyyObi, Sultan Salah ud-fiin, 23
A m ir H a jl, 216
A m ir H asan fAla* S ajazl, 170, 185, Ayyfib Najm ucWin, 11
188,204, 207 ,2 1 7 ,2 2 7 Az6d, Ghulam *Ali, 153 ‘AzSzil,
A m ir HosSm ud-din M a h a n a ibh *Is5, 304
44 A zh n tiya h , 141
A m ir K h u sru , 180, 183, 184, 191, 192
195, 197, 216, 221
A m ir Q a irb ek , 215 174,217
A m ir S a if u d -d in JaghSn, 28 Baba
Badr Fud-dln,
arid a l-DK hinaw
, 24fl
* ja, 264, 265, 266
A m ir Saiyid (A li H a m a d in i, 263 Badr ud-din
u d -d in ,Is’h
M aiq , M
u la n t,aulanS, 164,
161, 182
A m ir T u za u n , 29 172,
Badr u d -d ln Sulsim S n, Sheikh, 165 J
A nandpU , 151 Baghdad, 10, 13, 39, 59, 141,147,155,
A n a l ib n M ilik , 9 195 : " ' ' . " ' ‘I
A ndluji, SSy'id, 93 B aha al-H aqq, 248
A n o ra j, 151 Bahi* ud-dln ib n a z-2 a k i a s-S h ife ^ ,
tAqc?id-i-SharaJil 295 Q a z i, 25
‘A qil, 133 B aha9 ud d in M a u ltn S , 263 (,
Aqoosh al-A fram J a m il u d -d in , 33, 34 B ah a’ u d -d in Z akariya M u ltan i,
Sheikh. 108, 195, 201, 265 ^
•A rabi, M uhi u d -d in ib n , 41, 42
A ristotle, 18, 93f, 98, 102, 103, 111, Baha* u d -d ln Z akarya, 162
115 Bahr-ul-Ma*Sm, 295
Baiber«-AI-Malik al-Zahir 1, 12, 13, BukhSri, 55 /'r l [
15 B urhin ud-dln •1-Maiginitnf,
Baibers, Rukn ud-dln, 11 »70 " v
Bait ul-Muqaddas, 50,282, 306 B urhin ud-dtn 169
Al-Bakrl, Sheikh 'A ll Ibn YfaqBb, 81 Burhan ud-dln, Sheikh, 245
BakhtiySr Kaki, K hw ija Qjjtub-
ud-din. I54f, 163, 182, 264, 265 ■ m : ..
Balakb, 273, 285 Cairo, 12, 47, 53, f t , 89* 90
Al-Balasi, Muhammad al>Khabb£z, 38 C anasta, 308
Bal*am Ba'nr, 304, 309 Chand BardSi, 131
Balban, GhiySth ud-din, 161, 168, 183, Chauift, 306, 301
188,249,259 Chenghi* Khan, 16, 29, 39, 133, 155.
Banr An-Nadhlr, 40 241
Band »Abd M unaf, 133 China, 60
Barni, Zia* ud-dfh, 148 Cordova, 148
Batinites, 5-6 Cunningham, General, 269
Bayariah, 190 Cyprus, 5, 39
Ba-Yazid, Sheikh, 235
Bayeztd ai-Bist£ml, 335
At-BazzKr, Sjraj ud-din Aba Hafk, 67,
71,72 Dacca, 259
Behiah, 269 Damascui, 10,14, 19, 20, 21, 29*
Benaras, 251 31f,
Bengal, 222, 246, 249, 258, 259,285, 39,46, 47, 49, 50, 55, 59, 77, 17*
294 Daniel, 125
Bibi Fatimah, 165 DStS Ganj Baksh, Tom b of, 89
Bibi NastQrah, 165 Daulatahad, 196, 244,250
Bibi Sharifah, >65 David, the prophet, 24, 103, 122, 126
AI Hidayah wan-Niyayah, 12 Deccan, 264
Bihar, 257, 258, 270, 272, 294, 301 Delhi, 148, 151, 154f, 159, 160, 166,
BiqillSni, Abu Bakr, 94 168, 170f, 177f, 87, 191f, 201, 211,
Bil M ufid, See ibn Noaman, AbO 216, 217, 223, 237, 239, 240, 241,
'Abdullah Muhammad 246, 249,250, 259, 260, 261,264,
Bisgldeo, 151 ~ 265, 271, 281,294
BishniJah, 183 Devagtri, 196, 197, 241
Brahamputra, 259 Dialectic*, 3, 5
Brahma, 151 DrOzes, 6
BO *Ali Q alandar, 261
Budaun, 166, 180
Buddah, 269, 270 Edeoa, 19
29, 32, 34f, 42f, 62,65, 71, 73,
Bughra Khan, 183 Egypt, I t , 12, 13, 14, 15, 17,
77, 78, 122, 141, 312
BukhSrS, 147 20,23,
Etah, 183
26,
372 SAVIOURS OF ISLAMIC STOUT
Euclid, 93 Firoz S h ih TUghJaq, 240f, 267, 272

10,V2 281
Ezra, 73, 120 Al-Fttrq&n, 41
FusTis ii-flekam, 41 ,
' **v FiUihai-i-AfaWyah, 41
Fa H ian, 269 Fuzatl ibn (Ay4dh, 304
l’akhr ud-dTn ZarrlHf MaulfinS, 194.
199,222*241, 242,271 - ■'■■■■ O
Falasafalul lkhtaq fil Islam wo Silmluha Galen., 93
bil Fatsafalil IghripSk, 66 Ganj-i-LSyafna, 295
A1 FarSbi, AbQ Nasr, 95, 103, 105 Ganjshakar, See Farid-ud-din
Farghane, 154 Ganjshakar
Farhang Ibrahimi, 257 Gaza, 42
Farid ud-dln ‘Slam, MauISnS, 267 „ Gaznavi, Sheikh Badr ud-din, )63
Farid ud-dln *Attar, KhwSja, 263, Gaznavi, MahraQd, 149,150
267 ,c . :{. Gazfin, 29, 30, 31 32
Farid ud-d!n Ganjshakar, KhwSja, Al-GhazSH. Imam AbQ H b n id , 66. 95,
I58f, 168, 170, 172f, 177, 178, 182, 97, 107, 111, 209, 210,297, 326
202,,211, 218f,' 230, 232, 247, Ghazni, 150,159
248 GhiyithpBr. 180, 182f, J9I, 704,234,
FSrOqi, Ibrahim, QawwSm, 257 248
Fsih ud-din, 203 , GhiySth ud-din Mansur Shirizi, M ir,
Fatiwah Ibn Taimiyah, 52 250
Falawnh Shtikh-ul-Islam ibn Taimiyah. p GhiySth ud-din Tughlaq, SultSn, 19?
141 193, 196,221, 222,271,285
Faliiwah Titarkhiniyah, 267 Ghor, 150
Falimah, Hazrat, 135, 334, G hori, ShahSb ud-din Muliammad, ,
FawSHd-i-Rukni, 294 1491,257,258
FawaHd Muridin, 295 Ghost, Holy, 118, 119, 22, 123
Faw&id-ui-Fawid, J69f, 174, 175. 177, GhulSm Husain SaRm, 246
179, 180,182, 186,m 207, 211, Gospel, 119, 120
212,217, 222, 224f,235 Greece, 93,101, 103,110
At-Fih, 57 Gulbarga, 237, 249,251
Fihrist ibn Nadim, 94
H
FirangT Mahal, 251
Firdausi, KhwSja N ajlb ud-dln, 266f Habaldcuk, 125
Firdausi, ShSh Shtfaib, 259, 264, 265, H abib ud-din, Sheikh, 258
267,275,278 HajjSj ibn YOsuf, 53 ,
Firdausi, Sheikh N ajib ud-dln, 261 H ajw airi, Syed *Ali, 89
Firdausi, Sheikh Rukn ud-din, 264, HalSkfl, 39, 96
266 Haldl-i-Suttan-ul-Mash&ikh, 163
Firoz Shih Sharqi, Sulttn, 285 Haleb, 10, 21, 29,39
373
HamSdSn, 147 •’ :'s ■ ;, ;a I»w K athir, I I , U . W,

Hamah, 29 ’ ' ■ f 41, 43, 47f, 53* 54, 56, 60.
Hamid ud-din Nagauri, Q azi, 159,195r
■■ 2T2 - ■ * IbaK haH tkfc 5? ,, f i
Hamid ud-din, Sheikh, 281 Ibn M illk, S 7-. ,
Hamilton, Dr, Uuchnan, 269 Ibn Mukhluf, <îzj,,46, §7 ,
HSnsi, 159, 160, 177, 182, 239, 240,271 IbnNo»mStfc AbO* Abdullah ,
Hauz Qatlaglt K han, 182 1 . Muln*»n»ad, 7ft
H aftan. 10, 19, 20 Ibn QaryyirnvHifiK, 5 2 ,5 5 ,6 3 , 297
Hasari. I^hclij 216
Ibn Rajpb, (50
Hasan, ImSm, 77, 135
Ib n R ushd,96, 103, 111
Hasan Sar Uarahiia, 339
Ibn Sab'ain, 41
Ha.mil Hamah, 195, 232 S'
Ibn S aiyid-in-Ni>, 64 .
H auran, 34
Hejan, 13 '• -• •■■■!• Ibn S haddid, 297
Al-He-kaui, 45 - ,- . Ibn S mS, 103, 113
AI-Hifli, ibn-ul-M utahhir, 127,134, Ibn Taimiyah, 3, 10,11, 13, 17, 18,
135 birth & childhood, 19—25, 26, 28,
Hims, 30 * 30, 31f, 41, in Egypt, 42-49, 50f,
Al-Hindi, Sheikh' Safi ud-din, 7:1 -: 58, last days, 59-60, intellectual
Hindustan, See India ; si. • ; Brilliance, 61-63t Courage, 64-68,
Hippocrates, a ■ < literary achievements, 69-72, 73, 79,
Hisar, 20,4 , . 81f, 90f, 96f—142
H iueu Tsiang,-269 ! _< Ibn Taimiyah, Abul Barkat M ajd
HosSm ud-din Far jam , 193, 194,105 ud- dfn, 19, 20
H ad, 126 •
Ibn Taimiyah ShahSb ud-din 'Abdul
Hum aidi, Imam, 22 a
Halim, 19, 20 ,
Huinaun, 183
HunninaU, 312 .
Husain, ImSm,89» 135, 258 Ibn Taimiyah, Sheikh Sharf ud-din, 47
Ibn Taimiyah, Sheikh T aqi ud-din,
"'"7 i " 40 Ibn Taim iyah, £ ain u d -d in 1Abdur
Iblis, 308, 337 Rahm an, 55 s. ' ] /
Ibn ‘AbbSs, 82 Ibrahim , H id,
Ibn ul-'Am azrat,
29733, 75, 77, 257, 304
l b n ‘Abd ud-DSyam al-M aqdisi, 22 Ibn308, 317 60
us-SalSh, .
Ibn'A bdul H id i, 22 i Ibrahim
Ibn Sharqi,
Yarning 293 Sultan, 246, 251
Ibn al-Athir, 60 Ighathalallohjan, 52
Ibn al-Faridh, 45 luyaJ-uÛloom, 66, 235, 326
Ibn al-Jawzi, 297 Iltutmish, Sultan Shams ud-djn, 1541',
Ibn 'Aqeel, 107 166,264, 269 .
Ibn ‘AsSkir, 60 Imadul-Mulk, See Rawat 'A rz .
Ibn ‘Ata* ullah Iskandari. Sheikh, 45 Im am Shafa*!, 196
Im fm ul-Harmayh, 26 Al-JSshangir, 46, 67, 48

lndrapt, 26? Jathli, 258
India, 14<f, 157f, 177, 178, 18 ,190, Jaunpur, 251
221, 237, 243, 247, 25fl, 25J. 258, Al-Jowab-vl-Suhih li-man Baddala Din il-
259, 262f, 269, 270, 33 f Masih, 70, I17f, 127, 139
Iqbal, 191, 197, 206, 2 » Jauamre-id-Kuli»i. 1B2, 255 Jazirah,
Iqtidhi3 Siral-ul-MusIa//lm Mnkhilufola
19
AshSk id-Jahim, 69, 139; 140
Jerusalem , 50, 54, 257, 306
Iran, 13,29,148, 150, 166. 252
Iraq, 10, 13, 19, 29, 32,63. 148 Jesus Christ, 73, 76, 77, 86, 119, 120,
Inhad al-Salkiii, 294 122, 123, 125,126, 29, i35, 292
lrth ad ul-TSlb»n, 294 Jhajjii, 204
Is’h iq ibn Rabuwalh, 52 John, 304
Iihiral-i-Mukhul-Muf ard, *^94 J o r d a n ,257
l w h , 125 Joseph, 304
Iikandaria Alexandria Al-JubbS •-», AbU ‘•All, 94
UiimicTheughl, rigidity, 8 Junaid, Sheikh, 195, 235, 326, 339,
Istnailitrs, 6 Ju rd , 39
Jzalelul 298
(Izz ud-din, Malik, 153
- * ■■■
Ka>aba, 5 4 ,6 4 , 74, 282,289, 306,! 307
Jacob, 304 K a ’ab ibn MUJk, 175
J a h i n ib l d , 251 Kabul, 159
J a i Chand, 151 K a f. r Akshjdi, 312
JaU l ud-din. Husain, Sheikh, 237
K ahenw it, 159, 160
J a l il ud-din K hiljl, 188
K aikabid, 183
J a l 11 ud-dfn, M aulin*. 23ft
JaU l ud-din, £8*1,194, 195 Kalim ullah, Shah, 249, 251
J a l i l ud-din R um i, 213, 267 Kalpi, 251
JaU l ud-dln Sheikh. 28 Kalyar, 158
J a U l ud-din, Tebrezl, Sheikh. 167 K am il Junaidi, B aba, 263
J a l i l ud-din. Sheikh, 258, 260,261, 289 K am il ud-dln ‘ A llim ah, 237
J a g r tl ud-din ibn al Q ilit'isi, QSzt, 48 K am il ud-uln al-Zamalkanl, Allama.
J a m il ud-din K hatib, Sheikh, 159 24
Jam al ud-dln, M auU nI, 177 K am il ud-din ibn al-A nji, Sheikh,
Jatafcl ud-din M ubkt, Sheikh, 263 30,
Jam il-uI-AuBi* CMtfttf, MauUr,*, 25/
31
J i t n i , M aulina, 150
K tm U ixM iii ibn Azmalikiini, 138
Ja«n‘I Ma»jkl, 166, 184
Kama) ud-d»n Z iliid Muhammad
At J tw fo 6a,'n-uS‘SaMieiii, 22
Jard , 33. ibn
Ahmad M arlkati, M a u lin a , 220 K a m
il ud-dln Z&hid, Sheikh, 169 K annauj,
151, 25
Kans, Raja, 246
Knxz -ul-Mo'mn, 295
K ara, 264
Karbala, 79 Lajeen, Hoiam ud-dln, 15
Ka^Sni, KtadUfiiS; 213- ‘ L akm uti;822
Kashf-ul-Mnhjii, 235 L a tJ tf,d ik y t,2 9 4 '
Kashghar, 258 Lauaih urn Lawatneh, 235 ■:
Kashmir, 263 Lucknow, 203,246-
Kmhxtiif, 220 Lutfullah, M aulifi*, 25L ■
K asiw in, 33 LuqtnSn, 103
K a itr, 159 L utfi Jam 'ah, 96
Al~Kawikib‘u4-Dutriyah> 20, 22, 2*, 25.
31,44, 56, 62f, 67, 71,72 " m
Khaibar, 63, 64 Ma'adaii-ut- Ma'anl, 258, 274,294
Khnir-ul-Majilii See Siraj-ul-MajStts Ma'arij tU-Watil, 98
Khalid ibn Sa'ecd ibn al-fAas, 133 Maulhnr-it-Kiram, t52, 153
Al-Khalll, 257 Magadha, 269
K halil ud-dln, Shefth, 258, 287, 290 Mahmud, See Ghazan
Khall<| Ahmad NizBml, Professor, 246, MahmQd J a r ullah Zamakhsharl, 221
249 Majad-ul-Mulk, 272, M l
Kham.sa-P-Mizami, 221 Al-Majnfia Bain Rai-il-Hakimam, 95
Khaifmtnl A ifil 154, 165, 177, 266 *Alujm'a-'rur-Rasa*il at-Kubn?, 26
Khidhr, 334 Al-Majm'a :il-Ilmi-ul-cAiH, 57
Khili/M-nAltalt, 177 . Majmuf-a Rasa*'d, 86
Khfer K h in , 106, 188, ISM Makhdum JahSnian J e h in Gashi Htt
K hurasan, IS, 150, 166,241 JalSI ud-dln Husain
Khusru Khfiis, 192, 193 Makhdum-ul-Mulk Bihar?, (See
Khutat-i-Misr, 16, 46 Sharaf ud-dln)
K h w ija ‘Xbid, 285 ? Makhdum Kund, 270 - • • ■.
KhW ija «Alt, W6,;:167 Maktu64t-i-tAin-ul-Qadhi(,2'i5
KhwSja *Arab 166 Makthbit Hazrat Sheikh Marqf-iuWln
KhwSjgi, M aulSn*,2S0 Tehyi Marten, M , 3Qt
Khtvan-i-Pur ttfamat, 259, 287, 294 MaklSKSl-i-Jfeuiiii, 301
K hw irtim i 14?; 26^ MaktuhSt-i-Kalhni, 249
KhwSrxatni, AbJ Bakr, 297 MtkrabU-i-Sek Satft, 295
KitSntjuh, 141 ■ *■ , M d fu tit, 295
Kilokharl, 155, 183 M alik, 321
A i-r c n H ,n Al-MSlik-al-Muix, I t
Kmu»-Naiuutl,<to,IS* Al-MSHk al-ZShlr, II, IS, 15, 17
KitSb Hl-Arfiwad-Deyjtmti,^ M5lik G h S il S * Kfcu*U KhSn
KiUi m-RaM-i-talal Mmtaffjrbij 66 M ilik, ImSni, 83
K orth, 251 MSlik NaiJb (or K ifu r ), (A , 170
Kusa-Nagarpura, 269 M alik d a r a Bcg, 190
t MStiki, Q i z i ibn M*k»hluf, 43
Lahore, 98, 159, 166, 264, 301 Al-Mambijl, Sheikh N aan, 42
376 SAVIOURS OF ISLAMIC SPOUT
A l-M £m in, the Caliph, 93, 94 , M ir Khurd, 180,194, 20Q, 203, 206,
Maniqib-ul-Asfia, 259f, 269, 27), 272. 209, 215, 218, 220, 227, 235
27 8 ,2 8 0 ,2 8 ' Mirsad-ul-*Abdd, 235, 263
MtmSsik H ajj-ut-M asH Sud,n Misbah-ul-Hiiayat, 213
M anazir A hsanG ilanl, 175, 178,186,192 Mishk&t, 221
M anikpur, 251, 264 Al-Modahish, 297
M ansarowar, 151 Mo‘ln ud-d»n Chishti. K hw aja, 149,
Mans_.r, the C aliph, 93 150, 152f, 156, 158, 163,187,216,
Mantqqi-ul-Akhbir, 19 247,265
Mantiq m ‘SldfS,, 95, 96 Moses, 77, 122, 126, 128,129,312, 317,
Manyar (or M aner), 257, 258; 259,268, 334
281 M u'Swiyah/Ainair, 35
Maqimat H arhi, 169 Mufassal, 220
Maqasid-i-Falasifak, 111 M uhatntnad, 181,317 ,
MaqbtufisrSifyah, 60 * ' M ohammad as-S^gharu, Allama
Al-M aqrizt, 12, 23. 47 Hasan ib n , 169
Marv, 147- Muhammad ibn Idris ash-Shafe‘i, 77
M ary, 86, 123,292 Mubatnmad ib n .Q S w n T teq affi, 149 ,
Mashariq-ul-Antoi r, 169,170, 220, 221 Muhammad ibn-Q utub, 203
Masjid-i-Aqsa, 54 Muhammad L u tf Ja m ‘ah, U,1
Masjict M lri, 19J • Muhammad Q a jira B ija p u rl, 196
Mas* d See F a tid ud-dln Ganjshakar Muhammad Rash»d, Sheilch, 251
M atthew , 120 s. ’ Muhammad Shah Bahm anl, 244 245
M aulana Ahmad, 251 Muhammad T ahir Patnl, 221
M aulana Muzaffar, 285 M uham mad, the Prophet, 5, 74, 117,
Mecca. 79, 135,257 ;■ 118 125f, 133, 285, 289f, 304, 341 ,
M edina, 79, 135 Muhammad T a j ud-dln, M aulana, 257
Memluk*, 11, government, t i - 14, tocial M uhammad Tuglaq, Sultan, 164,194
conditions, 14-15 201,239,244,244,281
Meshhad, 79 v ls * Muhammad Yusuf M usa, Dr. 66
Messiah, 123 M uhl ud-dln ibn ‘Arabi, Sheikh, 297 ,
M ewat, 248 M uhl ud-din K S ih an i, Qâzi, 194, 195
Miftahul Luglidl, 258 M u‘id ud-din, 238 . 4
Al-Milal-a:an-Jfamal, 95 M u'iz Shams, Sheikh, Husain, 273
Minhaj-H- Wasui ila-'Ilitl-il- UiVl, 140 M utz ud-din Kajkbad, Sultan, 183,188
MinftSj ud-din, M aulana 59 Mujaddid AJf-i-Thanv Set Shqikh
M inhaj ud-dln CU thrnan Jltuzjan i , Ahmad Sarhindl
Q5Z|, 15Q , ; M ujid ud-din Baghdadi, Sheikh, 26J .
Minhaj-ul-Karamah, 121-, 134,136. Mukhbirul Wasilin, 165 , , ,
Minhaj-m'-Sunnah, 10, 12 If, 136, 39 Mulla Jeewan See M auian£ Ahmad
M lran Ja la l D iwana, 278 M ultan, 149, 160, 161, 168, 201, 248
M ir Oard, K hwaja, 300 Munis-id-Maridin, 295
in
Munis-ul-Qulut>, 281 *' * V, *v N i'Sm at K b ln ‘Alt, 2 9 8 ''1
Al-Mtmgidh min az-Zatai, 210 Nicholson, 211
Munlakfiab'ul-Taivarikh, 48, 150 Nit* R , U ‘'?J> ^ '
Muqaddmah Jbn Khaldun, 114 Nfohipur, 147
M ..sa, K hw aja, 217 Nizam H aji Gharib-ul-Y*mlnl, Su r
Muslim, 55, 58 Nizam ud-dln Yamlnl
Musnad Imam Ahmad, 22, 55 Nisam-i- T ‘St an, 176, 179, 186, 187^192,
Al-Mustafa, III 216 41
Al-Mustansir b'illSb, 12 NizSm Maula, MaulSnS, 270,271
Al- Mu' labor, 95 Nizam ud-dln, 251
M utannabi, 312 Nizam ud-diti Aulfya, K h w f j« , 147
158, 161,164, 165, early Atfsi 166, in
Delhi, 168, briilidnt student, 169-170', in
Nabak, 30 ^ Ajodhari, 171*, 17*182,
An-Nabuitdt, 104, 106, 107 in Giyathpur, 182-196, (hstmtidn o f
A l-N atbva,^ Delhi, 196-197,198, end ofttis jottrney,
An-NSfeh, 159 199-201, Character; G? achievements,
$agra jjj, ?49.s 202-210,21 If, 228,229,230, disciples,
Najaf, 79, 8$ 23l-232f, 238f, 247f, ?60, 261, 26#,
Najlb ud-din, Sheikh, 171. 172. 174 270,271,272 v
Najm ud-din K ubra See Ahmad ibn Nizam ud-dln KhwSja Malik, 289
'U m ar, 263^ 264,275 Nizam ud-dln Nazsirbarl, 239, 249
Najm ud-dln R azl, Sheikh, 263 Nizam ud-dln Y am lnl, 294
Najm ud-dln Sughara, 155, 265 Noah, The Prophet, 304, 308
Nakh’ee, 52 Ailfhat ul-Uns, 150
Naqdh-ul-Mantiq, 99, 102, 103, 108,..... N ur Cbitub4-‘X ttm , 2 # , 251
Ill, 114 N urT urk, MaulanS, 160 ■■■••<■■
Naqshbandi, K hwaja, 275 N ur ud-dln, 240
N aiirabad, 264 Nur ud-dln ‘Ali, II5' '
Naslr ud-dlt>'Ab4 Yusuf, K hw aja 149 Nusayrls, 6 ■;%.
Naslr ud-dln C h irighD ehli, K hwaja, Nuzhat-ul Khawatir, ‘l \ , 166, 260, 264;
185, 193, 199, 204, 207, 237, 243, 266, 295
244, 250, 271
.P..,
N a ar ud-dln Mahmud, Sultan, 161,,
Orfa, 19
162, 168, 241
Nasir ud-dln Tusl, 96 Oudh, 249, 250
Nasr al-M am bijl, Sheikh, 46 Owais Q arnl, K hw aja,
Nasr ud-dln Naar ullah, Sheikh 165 276 Oxford, 269
Naubakhtl, Hasan, ibn Musa, 94.
Nawavi, Imam. 12. 14 Painam, 259
Nazzam, 94 Pakistan, 160
378 SAVIOURS O f ISLAMIC SPIR IT
Pakpattan, 160, 248 Q S zl Shams ud-dln, 289,290, 300 .

Palestine, 5, 6, 120 Q S zl Shu’aib, 159
Pandawa, 246, 250,251, 294 Q a z l Z ih id , 270, 287, 289
Pan ipat, 261 QSzwin, 147
Panjab, 248 Al-Qiyis, 140
Patbagorai, 103 Qpnl-ul-Qtilub, 235
Patna, 257 Qudoorl, 167
Paul, . t , 118 Qfllut, R. 39
Pentateuch, 120 Q utb -ud-dln ‘Abdul M a'all al-
Pharaoh, 122 Ash‘arl, 23
P ir M uhammad, S h ih , 251 Q utb ud-dln Aibeck, 166, 264
P ith o ra rij, 152 Q utb ud-dln Aush, <55
PUto, 18. 93, 97, 103 Q u tb ud-dln Dab'S-, 241, 242
P rith v iraj, 150.151,152, 258 Q utb ud-dln Maudud, K hwaja, 150
Prithidr'ij Riisa, 151 Q utb ud-dln M nbirak S h ih , 191,
Produt, 95 193
Psalms, 122,123 Q u tb ud-dln Muhammad M adnl,
Ptolemy,:93 Saiyid, 264
Pushkar, 151 Q u tb ud-dln Munawwar, Sheikh, tdS
239,240,271
. „ * ' Q utb ud-dln N iq ta, 169
Q abjuk, Saif ud-dln, 31, 33 Q utb ud-cfln R azl, 96
Qai'doh, 83,84 Qjutb ud-dln S h irizl, 96
Q aliw oon, al-Malik al-Man»ur Saif
**,
ud-dln, 12,13
Q alaw oon, al-Midik a M iis lr R abi‘ah Basri, 227
M u bam sud ib n , 13, 29,34, 3t>, 42, Rabi-a ibn al-H Srithibn 'Abdul
48, 67 M uttalib, 133
Qalawoon, M ansur, 13 Ar-Radd al-Aqwam, 41, 42
Qalawoon, N isir ibn, 46 Ar-Raddtfalal Akhn&l, 89
Q artabl, S a id , 110 Ar-Roddo'alat-Bakri, 74f, 89, 90,97, lt(3
Qasr-i-Hut&r Siluit, 193 Ar:Raddo'alal Maniatfiyin, 98, 100, -186,
QatsiifH, 54
a l-Q a ttin , «1-M ujtfad Ib rlh im ibn, 38 A,-Raid td-WSJir, 62,63, 65, 66, 67
Al-Qfiul-il-Jolt, 62 R a f i‘iyah>,40
Q a z l‘A b d u l‘Abbas, 31 R af‘1 ud-dln 208, 209
Q iz i ‘Abdullah ibn al-Akhnii5, 57 Rdhat-ul-Qulub, 159,294
Q a z l Badr ud-dln ib n ja m 'a h , 44 Rajagriba, 269
Q i z i Fadhll, 247 R ijg ir, The fibred, 269, 270, 271, 272
Q i z i ibn M ukhK f M iliki, 4$ 290
Q i z i M ughith ud-dln, 190 Rajshahi, 246
Q a z l M untajab, 177 R ak S b d ir, 181
INDEX 379
. i m ‘ j . i in i i ' i i f t : '. n ■>
Ratnagiri, 209 Saiyida N afuah, 77

R iw at *Arz, 180 ..... 1 ISO .
Ray, 147 Sttikiya, 39
Razi, Imam, 95, 96, 106, 107 ailih, UK - '
R iiih h Dor T/ilat-i-Tilibin, 295 s ito a n .is i
Risilah-i-Hamu iyah, 141 S a ^ k a n d , 147, 264
Ris&lah Makkiyah, 294 Saraswaii, 151
Sarhangl, 159
Risalah Qushiri, 235 Rijjz-us-Sulilin,
S ara? Mila B azir orN atnak ki Bazir,
246
180
Rizwan. 321
S aitap in i, tha cave, 269
Rohilkhand, 166
Saudi Arabia, 141
Rukn ud-dln fiaibrfs al-Jashangir,
Sek Sadi M akluiH ,300,S6f
42 Rultn'ud-din Firoz Shah, 166, 201 S h ld i GulSbi, 181
Rukn ud-din M au lin a, 220,233 Shahabad,289
Rum i, J a l il ud-din, 3 Shahib ud-din Ahtnad ibn ‘Umar of
Rum See Turkey. Daufauabad, Sheikh, 250
Rustam, 321 Shahib ud-din Jag Jo t, Sheikh, 257
Shahib ud-din, Sheikh, 165, 174; 195,
'250
Sa‘ad ibn M a'az, 63, 64 S hahib ud-dm Suharwardi, Sheikh,
Sa ad ud-din Ifamuya, S heikh, 263 173, 232, 262
Sab'iniyah, 47 Shahib ud-din, S ultin, 150
S‘ad K ig zi, 181 Shah M ina, Set Muhammad ibn Qulub
Sadr ud-rf»n, Sh'-ikh, 181 Sbabrshtinl, 'Abdul Kai'Im, 95
Pahab ud-dln H ilil, M a p la n i, 290 Shams-i-Siraj 'A flf, 243, 244'
Saheb ib n 'A b b id 297 Shams ud-din ax-Zahabi, 138
Saif ud-din ‘AH L in a h , Sheikh, 263 Shams ud-din D am ghbn, 201
Saif ud-din B*Hiirzi, Shfikh, 232, 263, Shams ud-diti ibn Muslim, Q *zi, 53
269 Shams ud-din KhwSrzarai, M a u lin i,
: >,68 220
Saif ud-din Katz, 11 Shams ud-din Sharab-dir, 18!
Saiyid ‘Afi Hamadani, 263 Shams ud-din Y ahyl, M aut&ft, 241,
Sfiyid Ahmad Shahid, 264,296, 296, 250,271, 333, SS6. '
383, 324 Sbams-ul-Mulk, KhwSja, 1$9
Saiyid Husain K irm ani, 199, 200, 201, Sharaf ud-din, KhwSja, 207, 208
209 . S haraf ud-dl n Mahmud ibn Abdullah,
Saiyid K iita m h Ihn Saiyid Muhammad Sheikh, 263
K irm S ni, 221 S haraf ud-din, M a u lin i, 259, 260
Saiyid Muhammad Gesii D Sharaf ud-din Yahya M aneri, Sheikh,
a rit, 254, Birth and Edacatua..- 257—261,
262, in Bihar, 270f Cuidmct o f the
K bw ija, 224, 237
Saiyid Muhammad M ubirak K irm
lnl,
180
Saiyid Muhammad Tirraizl, 251
sAvtoinu or m juac trnar .
people-—273—275, Character, 275—280 Somnath, 150

Last days, 288f, 291, 2 9 V 294, Disr Sonargaon, 299,260,285
cipUs & Writings, 294. 295 His Utttrs Sot, R, 166
296f, 303, 304, 305, 307f, 313, 315f, Sudan, 12,, 13
322f, Teachings, 327f,_33t, 332, 333, Suhaib ibn Sinan, 58
336, 337, 339, 340, 341 Suharwardi, 103
Shauk&nl, 19 • Suq-al-Khalil, 60
Shtrok AjabrulrMurldi! ,295 Syed Sulaiman Nadwi, 115 . ’
Sharah hbahamiyah, 141 Syria, 5 ,6 , 11— 15, 22, 23,26,28, 29,
Sharah Kafiyih, 250 , , 31—36, 39,40, 42, 44, 46, 47, 49,
Sharah Tâiruf, 235 ,
50, 54, 55, 60, 6 3 ,6 5 , 71, 78, 103,
Sheikh Ahu fAll, 317 :
133,195,257
Sheikh Abu Z u h n , 118
Sheikh Ahmad Sirhindi, 224, 263,274.
Sheikh Mttzaflar, 301 •
Sher Shah Sun, 259 TabqSt-ul-Atibba, §4
ShiMj, 195 Tabqit-ul-Hanibilah, 60
Shir**, 148 , Tabq&l-i~Nasiri, 150 TabqSt-us
Shu'aib, 126 Shqfe'iyaln. 12, 17, 68 TabqSt-
Shu‘il?I,jImam» 129 \ v
ul-Umanf, 9 i, 94 ;
Sitar-ul-Aqtab, 154, 212 Tafiir Surah IM a i, 91, 98, (02, 10S
Tadmiriyah, 141
Siar-id-Arifiny 163, 205, 208, 223 Tafsir Surat-un-Nur, 23
Sitp-vl-Aulia, 152, 153, 155, 156, 158, Tahafut-al-Falasqfah, 95
160-73,177—79 .1 8 U -8 5 ,188—90. T a ju d -d in , Sahcb, 64
195—99, 201, 204—209, 212— 18, T a j ud-dln at-Fazari, Sheikh, 25
220—21, 223, 225, 231, 232, 2S5— TatnUd, 171
37 T a q l ud-din ibn D aqlq ul-‘id , 62
Sibawaih, 22, 66 T aqi nd-dln ibn al-5ubki. 63, 138 .
SihaA-us-SUta, 22, 222 Tarain, 150, 151, 152,258
Sinai, M t. 512 Targhi, 193
Sind, 149 Tarikh AkhlSq, 66
SirSj Baqqll, 180 Tdrikh Fmshta, 150, 155, 157, 196, 2+3,
SirSj ud-dln, Hafiz, 65 245
SirSj ud-dln, Sheikh, 222,223,250 Tarikh Firoz S h ik , 148, 190, 231,235
Virdj-ul-Majdlis, 163, 167, 185,193, Tarikh Mashaik-i-Chisht 246, 249
227 , . TZrikh-i-Jfdsirt.^tt
W as-Sharaf, 258, 260, 270, 271, 272, T£rikh-ul-Muluk, 244
2ftl, 282, 284, 285,294,295 T arta n , Social condition, 15— 16 .
Sir Saiyid, 183 T artfo KhSn, 267
Socretes, 103 Al-fawasstd wal- Wassilah, 83
Soloman, the prophet, 103, 126 Tazkirahd Ashqin, 165
Someshwara, 151 Thanesar, 151
INDEX 381
Thaqafat il-Islamiyah fil Hind, 221 Warangai, 189, 190

Thaqhab, 36 Al- Wastah Bnin-ul-khalq wat-Halq, 87,
Thatha, 244 88
Thauri, 52 Wastiyah, 141
Thomas Arnold, 246 Wehbars, mt. 269
Tigris, R , 10
Tila Mosque (Lucknow) 251
V
Tilangana, 189 Yakub Sarfi, Sheikh, 263
Tilmisani, 41, Yaman, 60, 133, 148
Tilodni, See Tarain Yaqoob, Sheikh, 165
Tirmiit, 9 Yasii), Slieikh, 251
Tiyamna, 39 Yunus Qaisi, 76
Torah, 120, 122,123
TowSmah MaulSnS Sharaf ud-dln
Z
Abu ,?59 Zachariah, 304
Tripolis, 12 Zad-i-Safar, 295
Tughlaq, Malik Ghazi, 148 Z5d-ul-Ma‘U . 52, 63, 64
Tuglaq MSmah, 192 Zafrabad, 285
Tuhfah Athna Ashriyah, 298 Al-Zahabl, Shams ud-dln, 62, 63, 64,
Tuhfah-i-Chaibt, 294 65,66
TurSn Shah, 11 Zahidan, 150
T iis l, Muhaqiq, % , 97 Zahir, ud-dln, Saiyid, 291
Zahuri, 298
U
Zainab, Hazrat, 89
Al-Ubab-uz-Zaihir, 169 Zain Badr ‘Arab!, Sheikh, 273, 286,
Uchh, 161 288, 289, 300
‘Umar, H azrat, 68, 132, 133,228, 304, Zain ud-dln ibn al M unja Hanbali, 25
305 Zain ud-dln, Sheikh, 244, 245
Al-XJqnd-ud-Durtiyah, 21, 23, 56 Zaki ud-din, 260
‘Uthnaan HarwSni, Khwaja, 150 Az-Zamalkani, Kamal ud- din, ibn, 62
‘Uthman ibn ‘Affan, 133, 250 Az-Zamalkani, Sheikh Jam al ud-dln, 67
U ttar Pradesh, 166
Zanj, 147
V Z im ir ud-dtn, 272,281, 282,294
VigrahrSj, 151 Zaranj, 150
W Ziarat-ul-Quboor, 86
Wafat Nimak, 287, 295 Zia ud-dln ‘Abdul N ajlb 'Abdul Qfidir
Wafyat-al-'Ayan, 57 Suharwardi, KhwSja, 262
Whahdat-us-Shahud, 323 Zla* ud-dln Barnl, Qazi, 189,190,195,
W hahdat-ul-W ajud, 323 231, 233, 240. 241,243
W ali 'ullah Shah, 295 ZiS ud-dln Ruml, Sheikh, 191
Waqa'iq, 95 Zubair ibn ‘Abdul M uttalib 257

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SAVIOURS OF ISLAMIC SPIRIT

Abul Hasan All Nadwi

Edited and Translated by

English : 3rd Edition 1997

P rice Rs. 90.00

Printed at the Lucknow Publishing House

I a m glad to present the second volume o f the Saviours o f

W ith this b rie f prologue, I place this volum e in th e

T h e dashes to m ark th e long vowels : a as. in f a r ; 0 as in

H ow ever, w here any proper noun is in com m on use in

2. Sultan-ul-M ashaikh K hw aja N izam ud-din Aulia

3. M akhdum -ul-M ulk Sheikh S h arf ud-din Yahya

I. From B irth to A dulthood ... 257

IV . C h a ra c te r a n d D eportm ent ... 275

Chronological T ab le ... 350

Muslim World in the Seventh Century

M aulana J a la l ud-dln R G m ih a d sought to refute the exces

intuitive experience, intim ate and personal, for th a t could be

trying, like philosophy, to ascertain the nature and attributes o f

M agian dogm a, Platonic concepts an d dangerous political am bi

which wore the appearance o f harmless pleasure o r innocent

Q u r’ an and the Sunnah. T h e doors o f legislative process w hich

tim e which cut across the true concept o f the Oneness o f G o d .

1. Tirmizi on the authority of Anas ibn Malik

P olitical and Social C onditions

F or a proper assessment o f the achievem ents o f Ibn

o f sympathy and compassion for the unfortunate, victims

About twelve years before Ib n T aim iyah was born, the

1. Ibn K athir, Vol. X III, p. 276

System o f G overnm ent

undoubtedly, Always tried to obtain the support o f the religions

M oral and Social con d ition s

T h e riding class o f the 'I ’tirkomari tribes was conscious

read the Q u r’ an and adhered to religious canons

N arrow -m indedness a n d rigidness Were not lim ited to the

Birth and C hildhood o f Ibn T aim iyah

1. Known as Orfa, the town is now in Turkey

w ere worse th a n d e a th , th e fam ily o f Ib n T a im iy a h left H

T h e new s o f th e a rriv a l o f this illustrious fam ily soon spread

Ib n T a im iy a h ’s fam ily was know n for its strong

the people lost in am azem ent. An eye-witness account o f

Education o f Ibn T aim iyah

1. Abu Zahra, p. 56 (cited from Al-*Uqud-ud-Durriyah) , p. 21

works b e ar witness to the fact th a t he was fully aw are o f the

logic, appealed to reason and relied on the ap p aren t m eanings

different juristic schools attended his discourses and each

The Gifted Teacher

Trials and Tribulations

Avowal o f tlie D ivine attributes by them was neither m eant to

D ivine attrib u tes, m ore often, en d ed up in reducing G od Al­

1. tin Kathir, Vol. XIV, p. 4

'Tartar Attack on D am ascus

1. GhazSn, alio known as Mahmud, was the great grand-son o f Chenghiz

by th e prisoners who broke open the gates o f th e gaol and loot

Ibn T aim iyah m e e ts Ghazan

Ibn. T aim iy ah an d th e rem aining p atrician s o f th e city then

Im underfoot your solemn declarations in o rd er to lay a

c a p tiv ity ; libraries an d charitable trusts w ere e x tirp a te d ; and

1. Ibn Knthir, Vol. X IV , pp. 7/8

In the m eantim e th e news of the E gyptian forces com ing to

Pnnitive Expedition to the Hills

T he Christians, Batinites and Ism a’ilites settled in the hilly

1. Ibn Kaxhir, Vol. X IV , p. 12

large n um b er o f volunteers a n d the people belonging to H

D ivine attrib u tes, m ore often, en d ed up in reducing G od Al

Ib n T aim iy ah h ad earlie r accom panied al-A fram in his ex

appointm ents to public offices being m ad e on m onetary consi