Toleration and the Reformation. Volume: 1. Contributors: Joseph S. J. Lecler - author, T. L. Westow - transltr.

Publisher: Association c Press. Place of Publication: New York. Publication Year: 1960. Page Number: 305.

4
The Reformation in Switzerland and the
Toleration Controversies
-305-

BOOK IV
The Reformation in Switzerland and the
Toleration Controversies
The religious history of Switzerland in the sixteenth century is very
complex. 1 The German part of Switzerland is the home of the second
Protestant denomination, that of Zwingli. It was at Zürich also that
the first centres of Anabaptism were formed. On the other hand, the
French part of Switzerland became, with Farel and Calvin, the very
heart of Calvinist propaganda. Lastly, it was in Switzerland, in the
Grisons, at Geneva, Basle, and at Zürich, that the forerunners of anti-
Trinitarianism found temporary shelter. Yet the number of denomina-
tional divisions did not work in favour of religious liberty as it did in
Poland. The reason lies in the canton system. Precisely because of this
political partition, the Reformation which split up the country from
the religious standpoint, gave also rise to the formation of decidedly
intolerant Established State Churches, as in Germany. The formula,
cujus regio, ejus religio, applies only too well to the religious situation in
the Swiss Confederation after the first half of the sixteenth century.

Switzerland became the platform for the controversy about re-

ligious freedom that shook the century: namely, the conflict between
John Calvin and Sebastian Castellio after the execution at Geneva of
the Spanish physician, Michael Servetus ( 1553). The activities of the
humanist centres and of the Italian refugees were another source of
controversy and produced a few important writings concerned with
the general issue of religious tolerance. To put all this in its context it
is useful to recall the main upheavals which upset the religious
organization of the country in the sixteenth century.

____________________
1
The general works on the Swiss Confederation treat extensively of its religious
history. See in particular: Jean de Muller, Histoire de la Confédération suisse, trs. from the
German and continued by C. Monnard and L. Vuillemin, tt. X-XII, Geneva and
Paris, 1840.-- J. Dierauer, Histoire de la Confédération suisse, trs. A. Raymond, t. III,
Lausanne-Paris, 1910.-- Ernest Gagliardi, Histoire de la Suisse, t. I. Lausanne, 1925,--
W. Martin, Histoire de la Suisse, Lausanne, 1943.

-307-
I
THE SUCCESSIVE PHASES OF THE SWISS
REFORMATION IN THE SIXTEENTH CENTURY
I. HULDRYCH ZWINGLI (1484-1531) AND THE
REFORMATION IN GERMAN SWITZERLAND
HULDRYCH ZWINGLI was born in 1484, a few
months after Luther, at Wildhaus in the bailiwick of
Toggenburg. 1 He was ordained and made parish priest
of Glaris in 1506, whence he was transferred to Einsiedeln in
1516. Two years later he was chosen to preach in the Gross-
münster, Zürich's most important church. At first he was strongly
influenced by Erasmus, but gradually Erasmus was superseded
by Luther, though Zwingli's Reformation remained, in principle,
completely different. He formulated his own individual teaching
not only on the Sacraments but also on the Church and the
relations of Church and State.

Originally the German Reformation was inspired by Luther's

personal worries about justification and salvation, taught the
invisible nature of the Church, and was not linked with politics.
Zwingli, on the contrary, showed from the beginning the influence
of the communal and democratic traditions of the Swiss cantons.
For him the Reformation was from 1522 onwards a political as

____________________
1
On Zwingli and his Reformation the necessary bibliographical information may
be found in the two articles ' Zwingli' and 'Zwinglianisme' in D.T.C., t. XV, cc. 3744
and 3925- 3928. The latter article by J. V. M. Pollet gives a remarkable summary of
Zwingli's doctrine. A later biography of Zwingli is that by J. Courvoisier, Zwingli,
Geneva, 1948, based on the German studies by O. Farner and W. Koehler. Of Farner's
biography, Huldrych Zwingli, three volumes were published in Zürich, 1943- 1954.

For the political aspect of Zwingli's Reformation, see especially A. Farner, Die Lehre
von Kirche und Staat bei Zwingli, Tübingen, 1930.-- R. Ley, Kirchenzucht bei Zwingli,
Zürich, 1948.-- Helmut Kressner, Schweizer Ursprünge des anglikanischen
Staatskirchentums,
Gütersloh, 1953.

Zwingli's Works have been published in the Corpus Reformatorum, tt. 88-98, Berlin and
Leipzig, 1905- 1928.--See also Zwingli Opera, ed. Schuler-Schulthess, 8 vols., Zürich,
1828- 1841.-The first edition (4 vols.) of Zwingli's works by R. Gualter--sixteenth
century (no d. and no pl.)--contains the Latin trs. of several German treatises.

-309

well as a religious process which should affect the civil and the
ecclesiastical communities simultaneously so that they could
later combine into a kind of theocratic State. As Ranke put it:
' Zwingli saw his life-task in the religious and moral transformation
of the Republic which had accepted him, and in securing the
return of the Swiss Confederation to its original principle.' 1 Some
scholars have questioned whether the Zürich reformer was
conscious of this idea from the beginning. A. Farner in particular
tried to trace in Zwingli an evolution similar to that of Luther,
from the invisible Church to the State Church. 2 This thesis seems
to lack serious foundation. In fact, Zwingli, the Zürich citizen,
always considered that his Reformation should lead to the
establishment of a true Respublica Christiana. 3 His tendency
towards an increasing interpenetration of Church and State is
but the logical result of his original position.

The first attacks on the established state of things were delivered

in 1522. Zwingli criticized the collection of tithes, fasting, clerical
celibacy, and other ecclesiastical observances. As the bishop of
Constance plainly disagreed with him, he turned to the civil
authorities of Zürich. This is a characteristic feature of Zwingli's
Reformation: its progress is marked from the beginning by great
public disputations, by appeals to public opinion, and, as a
natural consequence, by acts of the Great Council. The first
dated from 21 July 1522, but the really decisive measures were
taken after the disputation of 29 January 1523. This had been
organized by the Council. The basis of the discussion consisted of
sixty-seven 'theses' which Zwingli had taken from the Bible. The
victory of the new gospel followed normally on this carefully
prepared meeting. From then on, the city of Zürich was, for all
practical purposes, independent of episcopal jurisdiction.

A few months later, Zwingli published a commentary on his

sixty-seven theses: Auslegung und Gründe der Schlussreden ( 14 July
1523). 4 Article 36 is noteworthy: 'The jurisdiction which the
churchmen have unduly claimed belongs entirely to the secular
authority, provided it is Christian.' 5 Zwingli based himself on

____________________
1
Deutsche Geschichte im Zeitalter der Reformation, t. III, new edn., Munich, 1925, p. 50.
2
In his work, Die Lehre von Kirche und Staat bei Zwingli, Tübingen, 1930.
3
Cf. H. Kressner, op. cit., p. 26.
4
In Sämtliche Werke, t. II (= C.R., t. 89), pp. 1 -457. See especially arts. 34-43, pp.
298-347; summary in D.T.C., "'Zwinglianisme'", t. XV, cc. 3863-3865.
5
Werke, t. II, p. 307.

-310-

Christ's words: 'Who hath appointed me judge or divider over

you?' ( Luke 12:14). His argument was that if Christ himself
refused to exercise jurisdiction, churchmen should, all the more,
abstain from such actions. Their one task is to teach; their one
sword that of God's Word. To the objection drawn from St Paul
( 1 Cor. 6:1-11), where the Apostle asks the faithful not to take
their differences to pagan magistrates, he replied that churchmen
could hardly use that objection against Christian magistrates. 1
He nevertheless allowed the Church a certain autonomy--in
its preaching, for example--though the competence of public
authorities would be continually extended.

Thus, in the very year when Luther urged the princes to limit
themselves to their temporal functions in his treatise Von
weltlicher Obrigkeit, Zwingli already entrusted the conduct of the
Reformation and the exercise of ecclesiastical jurisdiction to the
magistrates of Zürich. In his treatise Wer Ursache gebe zu Aufruhr
( 1524), he put before the princes in general an extensive project
of religious reform. 2 But there was, even at Zürich, some opposition
to this boosting of the powers of the magistrate. The Anabaptist
movement began to threaten the new Reformation, and to out-
flank it by its radicalism. Its supporters forbade Christians the
exercise of public offices: such offices, they maintained, pre-
supposed the right of the sword and no Christian may shed blood.
To meet them, Zwingli had to compose a defence of the Christian
magistrate. One of his treatises, De vera et falsa religione com-
mentarius ( 1525), shows how much his Christian city differed from
any other. An ordinary city is ruled by compulsion and purely
outward laws. The Christian city is penetrated by the love which
flows from the Spirit of Christ: 'It is steadfast and holy because
with good laws it combines the goodwill to put them into practice.
There is therefore no happier city than that where true religion
has made its home.' 3 In spite of the Anabaptists, such a city can
only be governed by a Christian magistrate.

The 'Christian magistrate' was, in reality, the Council of the

Two Hundred, under whose auspices the Reformation gradually
took shape. Various decrees were published: in 1524 the suppres-
sion of images and statues; in 1525 the suppression of the Mass

____________________
1
Ibid., t. II, p. 310.
2
Ibid., t. III ( C.R., t. 90), pp. 355 -469. The programme for the Reformation is
found in the third part of the work, pp. 445-469.
3
Werke, t. III ( C.R., t. 90), p. 868.

-311-

and the compulsory baptism of infants (aimed against the

Anabaptists); in 1526 the setting up of a matrimonial tribunal
which became a veritable court of morals; lastly ( 7 March 1526)
the death-penalty for anyone who tried to rebaptize. 1 All this
activity of the Council did not at first proceed without arousing
protests. Some saw in it an abuse of power, a usurpation of the
rights of the political and ecclesiastical community by a small
assembly. Zwingli had to explain himself in a famous passage of
his treatise Subsidium sive Coronis de Eucharistia ( 1525). 2 He pointed
out that the Council, far from acting arbitrarily, kept in touch
with the people and was most submissive to the Word of God.
The Reformer obviously mistrusted the crowd. Were they not in
danger of being swept along by dangerous influences, such as that
of the Anabaptists? He had a far better chance of achieving his
purpose through the secular authorities whose inspiration and
prophet he remained.

So, from then on, he meant to reserve the freedom of preaching

to his 'gospel' exclusively. Like Luther after the Peasants' War, he
persuaded the public authorities not to tolerate any dissident
propaganda on their territory. On 3 January 1527 he wrote to
Oecolampadius to ask him to do the same at Basle: 'Make the
Senate understand how dangerous it is to let people of one town
be drawn this way and that by the preaching of divergent
doctrines.' 3 Thus the rule for the future, cujus regio, ejus religio, was
already outlined in Switzerland as in Germany. Though Zwingli
brought up Gamaliel's argument ( Acts 5:33-39), which Sebastian
Castellio exploited more fully later, it was only to urge the bishop
of Constance not to do anything against his Reformation; but he
did not propose to extend this same freedom to others. 4 The

____________________
1
On this last law, cf. Harrold S. Bender, Conrad Grebel, Goshen, 1950, p. 160. In
compliance with this law the Anabaptist Felix Manz was drowned on 25 January 1527
(cf. supra, p. 200).
2
The treatise is reprinted in Werke, t. IV ( C.R., t. 91), pp. 440-504. The passage
alluded to is on pp. 479-480. There Zwingli clearly set out the objection: 'Dicam obiter
de usu senatus diacosiorum, propter quem quidam nos calumniantur, quod ea quae totius
ecclesiae
esse debeant, nos per ducentos agi patiamur, cum totius urbis et vicinorum ecclesia sit plus
minus
7000' (p. 479).--The passage is well studied in the art. "'Zwinglianisme'", D.T.C., t. XV,
cc. 3872-3876.
3
Werke, t. IX ( C.R., t. 96). Luther said the same thing, as has been mentioned, in a
letter to the prince-elector of Saxony, of 9 February 1526 ( De Wette, Luthers Briefe,
t. III, p. 89).
4
This letter is in the first edn. of his Works, Zwingli Opera, ed. R. Gualter, t. I,
fol. 120.

-312

more the new gospel became organized at Zürich, the more

pressing became his demand for more energetic action by the
magistrates. One of the most significant documents on this point
is Zwingli's letter to Ambrose Blarer in connection with the
organization of the Reformation at Constance. 1 He first criticized
Luther's thesis: Regnum Dei non est externum. That proposition, he
wrote, is false. Christ himself gave a social structure to his
kingdom; his Apostles did not hesitate to give outward instructions,
as at the Council of Jerusalem:

If the Apostles, the ancients, and the whole Church laid down precepts
forbidding the use of blood and of strangled meats ( Acts 15:20), who
would prevent the Senate of Constance, who are Christian, from
legislating for the people even in religious matters--provided it con-
cerns outward things and conforms to the Word of God--and even if
there were many complaints? 2

He agreed that the Senate of Constance is not the Church, but

by means of the comitia curiata (electoral divisions) the Church was
in touch with what went on in the town: who, then, would forbid
the Senate to abolish the Mass and the veneration of images? 3 Nor
was Zwingli afraid of brutal measures. Was there not the example
of Elias who destroyed the prophets of Baal (3 [1] Kings 18:40)?
And of Ezechias who broke up the idolatrous statues (4 [2]
Kings 18:4)?

Why then should the Christian magistrate not destroy statues and
abolish the Mass, especially if he acts with the consent of the Church?
This does not mean that he has to cut the priests' throats, if it is
possible to avoid such a cruel action. But if not, we would not hesitate
to imitate even the harshest examples, provided the Spirit gave us the
same assurance as he gave to those heroes of old. For--let me say this
en passant--I know of bishops who will never cease to sow trouble until
they meet at last an Elias who puts them to the sword. In the meantime,
let us spare them if charity demands that we do so because they still give
us some hope. But if this same charity commands us to kill them for the
well-being of the body, it is better to pluck out a blind eye than to run
the risk of losing the whole body. 4

This same year ( 1528) saw a still closer combination of civil

and ecclesiastical power. For all practical purposes the Council of

____________________
1
Werke, t. IX ( C.R., t. 96), pp. 451-467.--Cf. R. Ley, Kirchenzucht bei Zwingli, pp.
100 ff.
2
Werke, t. IX, p. 456.
3
Ibid., p. 457.
4
Ibid., p. 464.

-313-

the Two Hundred had already substituted itself for the Zürich
community. The institution of the Secret Council, composed of
a few members only, limited the Great Council's activity in its
turn. As Zwingli was on the Council himself, all political and
religious power was centralized. 1 New measures were taken to
strengthen this centralized power. In 1529 the Secret Council
ordered the visitation of the churches by decree, followed by
compulsory attendance at the services. If the citizens cared to
stay in Zürich they were bound to attend the services, and they
were forbidden to go to Mass in the neighbourhood. 2 Lastly, in
1530, the whole civic and religious life of the city was subjected to
severe discipline by the great Mandate on Morals (Sittenmandat). 3

***

At this time the whole of German Switzerland was already

fermenting with Zwingli's revolution. After the famous disputa-
tion of Berne ( 1528), first the canton of Berne, then that of Basle,
had gone over to the Reformation. 4 Three other cantons--
Schaffhausen, Appenzell, and Glarus--openly showed their
sympathy for the new ideas, and there was an evangelical party
at Solothurn. Three of the original cantons--Schwyz, Uri, and
Unterwalden--together with Lucerne, Zug, and Freiburg,
remained firmly Catholic. The religious situation became more
complicated still because of the existence of 'common bailiwicks',
i.e. territories which belonged in administration to two or three
cantons. Hence arose a completely new problem: what to do if
one canton were Catholic and another Protestant? For the
prophet of Zürich the solution was simple: as the Swiss historian,
William Martin, put it: ' Zwingli, autocrat in his own canton,
preached tolerance in the common bailiwicks.' 5 Religious
freedom should further the cause of the Reformation, and when
the number of the faithful was large enough to dominate the
situation, religious freedom should be suppressed.
German Switzerland was practically cut in two. The tension
between the Catholic and Protestant cantons rose so high in
1529 that war threatened to break out. Zwingli was openly in

____________________
1
A. Farner, op. cit., pp. 123 - 124.
2
J. Courvoisier, Zwingli, p. 176.-- A. Farner, op. cit., pp. 125 ff.
3
A. Farner, op. cit., p. 127.-- R. Ley, op. cit., pp. 105-115.
4
J. Courvoisier, Zwingli, pp. 140 ff.
5
Histoire de la Suisse, Lausanne, 1943, p. 101.

-314-

favour of it. 1 Only the intervention of the governor of Glarus,

Hans Aebli, prevented the two armies from coming to actual
conflict. Peace was made on 26 June 1529. Zwingli wanted freedom
of preaching even in the Catholic cantons. For the common
bailiwicks, at least, he secured a very advantageous solution.
Freedom of conscience was guaranteed, and freedom of worship
was settled on the basis that when in each locality a majority had
opted either for the Mass or for the sermon, the minority must
conform or move to a locality where its own denomination pre-
vailed. 2 At that time, such a clause appeared a daring novelty.
But the unscrupulous behaviour of Zwingli and his emissaries
perverted its application and war became inevitable.

By then the reformer had reached the height of his power. At

Zürich he had founded, according to his ideas, a veritable
'Christian Republic'. He foresaw a swift victory for the Refor-
mation in German Switzerland. From this period ( 1530-1531)
date several writings which are important for the understanding
of his political themes. The 'Confession of Faith' of 1530 is very
important for Zwingli's dogma, but need not detain us here.
Article 11 outlined the role of the 'prophet' and the magistrate
in the political and ecclesiastical community. 3 This point is
treated more extensively in the Christianae fidei brevis et clara
expositio. 4 Composed in 1531 and dedicated to the king of France,
whose alliance Zwingli sought against the Emperor, this document
was not published until five years later. He explained at large
that whilst the Church needed prophets, it could not do without
the magistrate. In this visible body of the religious community no
discipline could prevail without the constant activity of the
secular authority:

As the visible Church comprises rebels and criminals who have no

faith and could not care less about excommunication, even if launched
repeatedly, it needs the magistrate--whether prince or senate--to
constrain the impudence of sinners. Since there are shepherds in the
Church, by whom one should understand 'princes' according to
Jeremias, it is obvious that a Church without a magistrate is a trun-
cated and mutilated Church [mancam ac mutilem]. Far from objecting

____________________
1
J. Courvoisier, Zwingli, p. 150.
2
J. Dierauer, Histoire de la Confédération suisse, t. III, pp. 152-155.
3
This confession of faith is in K. Müller, Die Bekenntnisschriften der reforntierien Kirchen,
 Leipzig, 1903, pp. 79-94; a. ii, p. 92.
4
Zwingli Opera, ed. Schuler-Schulthess, t. IV, pp. 42-78.

-315-

to the magistrate, as we are said to do, most devout King, our teaching
is that he is necessary to the perfection of the ecclesiastical body. . . .
In the Church of Christ the magistrate and the prophet are equally
necessary, although priority belongs to the prophet. Just as man can-
not exist without the union of body and soul, the body forming the
more humble part, so the Church cannot exist without the magistrate,
although the magistrate busies himself about less exalted and less
spiritual things. 1

It is obvious that for Zwingli the ecclesiastical community and

the civil community coincided and, together, constituted the
Church of which Zwingli was the prophet, while the magistrates
administered all the outward functions. Although his system
seemed to favour the authority of the Christian magistrate
considerably, he put 'prophecy' first. Whilst, indeed, the power
and jurisdiction of the magistrate extended to all public affairs,
he could not act at random for purely temporal motives; he had
to remain under the inspiration of the 'prophet' who was the true
representative of the Spirit. This conclusion followed also from the
preface to the commentary on Jeremias, addressed to the Senate
and people of Strasbourg ( 1531):

Although in religious matters the prophet must not yield in any way
to the magistrate, nor the magistrate to the prophet, priority never-
theless belongs to the prophet, for the first task of a master is to teach,
the second to amend what may have been ill understood or badly
undertaken. . . . Thus the prophet will teach religion to all, as he is the
pontiff and the initiate. After him the magistrate will undertake the
correction of all those who do not practise that teaching or who act in
a way which is contrary to the instructions. 2

This preface ends with a concise description of the Zwingli's

ideal Christian city:

The princes are not puffed up by ceremony; the prophets teach with
knowledge and fidelity; and the people, at peace, submit to the
teaching and the authority; thus, as I have already said, and like to
repeat: the Christian is none other than the good and faithful citizen, and the
Christian city none other than a Christian Church. 3

It would seem that no other Reformer has come so close to the

old ideal of the people of God. The magistrate and the prophet,
the identification of the political community and the ecclesiastical,

____________________
1
Zwingli Opera, ed. Schuler-Schulthess t. IV, pp. 58 and 60.
2
"'Complanatio in Hieremiam prophetam'", pref., in Zwingli Opera, ed. Schuler-Schulthess,
t. VI, i, p. 3.
3
Ibid., p. 6.

-316
the reform activity of pious princes and their ruthless struggle
against idolatry--all these features of the old Israel seemed to
flower again at Zürich under the inspiration of Zwingli. It is
hardly necessary to add that there was no room for tolerance of
different religions in such a system. Normally, these were to be
suppressed as Josias and Ezechias suppressed the high places and
idol worship. Lastly, just as the people of Israel did not hesitate
to make war on pagan nations in order to subdue or to exterminate
them, so Zwingli was not averse to the use of force for the
extension of the 'kingdom of God'.

The treaty of 1529 was indeed but a truce. The policy pursued
by Zürich in the common bailiwicks was bound to lead to war
with the Catholic cantons sooner or later. The Swiss historian
J. Dierauer wrote: 'From everywhere Zwingli dispatched members
of the Council to preside over the polling for the Reformation in
the communes, to expel those that were loyal to the old faith from
positions of authority, and to give protection to the preachers. He
organized the reformed communes, suppressed the monasteries,
and on his own initiative disposed of ecclesiastical property as if
the bailiwicks depended exclusively on his authority.' 1 The same
method was followed in Thurgau, the Rhine valley, the territory
belonging to the abbey of St Gallen, and in Toggenburg. The
relative tolerance agreed upon by the treaty of 1529 was but a
bait and deception. During 1531 the tension between Berne and
Zürich on the one hand, and the Catholic cantons on the other,
rose to an unprecedented height. In the autumn war was declared.
On 11 October a battle was fought near Kappel, on the frontiers
of the cantons of Zug and Zürich. The Protestant forces were
crushed and Zwingli himself fell in the battle, his hands still
clutching his weapons.

***

The Reformer's death was a serious blow to Protestantism in

German Switzerland. The Peace of Kappel which followed on
23 November put an end to its expansion. It forbade any further
accessions to the new faith in the common bailiwicks and allowed
the Catholics to recover lost ground. Though not considerable,
these gains were nevertheless worth having. Common bailiwicks
were regained in Aargau, Thurgau, and Toggenburg. The canton

____________________
1
J. Dierauer, Histoire de la Confédération suisse, t. III, p. 166.

-317

of Solothurn, which comprised an evangelical party, was taken

over in its entirety. Later on the situation was stabilized in
Glarus ( 1564) and Appenzell ( 1567) by the partition of each of
these cantons into two districts, one Protestant, the other
Catholic. The return of Solothurn to the Roman Catholic faith
had a major political consequence: it procured for the Catholics
an electoral majority (7 in 13) in the federal Diet. 1 In the second
half of the sixteenth century this situation was finally settled by
the work of the Counter-Reformation, mainly through the
activity of the Jesuits and the Capuchins. 2 In so far as religious
freedom is concerned, German Switzerland was afterwards
ruled, like the Empire, by the principle of the Peace of Augsburg:
cujus regio, ejus religio.

Zwingli's death also seriously affected the interior development

of Swiss Protestantism. In his view, the authority of the civil
magistrate in the evangelical community should be tempered by
the influence of the 'prophets'. As A. Farner has observed: 'After
him prophetic activity disappeared from the government of the
Church of Zürich. The secular sovereignty over the Church was
henceforth established, and the way was open to the Staatskirchen-
tum.' 3 As long as his powerful personality could dominate the
civil powers, the suppression of the Church's autonomy and the
handing over of all jurisdiction to the State did not yet mean the
pure and simple domination of the State over religion. But once
the 'prophet' had disappeared, his successors lacked the power to
continue to play his part and the effective government of the
'Christian Republic' fell into the hands of the magistrate. New
theorists were found to justify the new situation. Towards the
half-century the teaching of Wolfgang Musculus at Berne and of
Rudolf Gualter at Zürich paved the way for that 'territorialism'
and 'erastianism' exploited by all systems which wanted to see in
the religious power of the prince (jus circa sacra) the pure and
simple consequence of the State's sovereignty. 4 At first this
development did not directly affect religious freedom in Switzer-
land, any more than in Germany, but served merely to justify the
rigorous application of the principle: cujus regio, ejus religio.

____________________
1
Pastor, H.P., t. XVIII, pp. 206-207.
2
Ibid., t. XX, pp. 94ff.
3
Op. cit., p. 134.
4
H. Kressner, Schweizer Ursprünge des anglikanischen Staatskirchentums, pp. 45ff.--
J. Heckel, "'Cura religionis, Jus in sacra, Jus circa sacra'", in Festschrift Ulrich Stutz,
Stuttgart, 1938, pp. 285ff.

-318