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Michael Caldwell Module 3 Reflection Introductions
Michael Caldwell Module 3 Reflection Introductions
Introductions
The cultural characteristics that come to acknowledge and classify individuals and guide
how they socially identify, as Anyon (1980) highlights, apparently correlates with their class
status. Anyon (1980) mentions further, in relation to one’s corresponding societal position,
individually, and in comparison with other members in society, the class status correlation
appears to mediate between how much an individual privately possesses–or owns–in a society
that is structured on capitalism. Here, the disparity in educational attainment becomes most
evident when comparing the apparent great divide in learning access observed between the haves
and have-nots in society, as Anyon (1980) discusses. The divide observed here may correlate
with the reoccurring production of the social class divisions and subjugations, as Anyon (1980)
points out, that appear to perpetually evolve and/or purposefully cultivate in secreted,
egalitarian-emboldened teachers who can facilitate teacher-student dialogue and learning gains is
necessary toward implementing cultural collaboration. More so, Freire (1970/2000) explains
how classroom discourse through reflections, responses, and actions (or praxis) becomes vital to
generating goal-oriented, orderly organization amongst all peoples for regular social practice.
Here, this routine practice can interconnect the socially constructed relationships and counter the
need to emphasize social commonalities and shared interests in educational domains becomes
socially relevant, not just for the vitality of social progress, but for global transformation that
transcends all subjugating and subjective social constructions, as Freire (1970/2000) surmises.
MICHAEL CALDWELL MODULE 3 REFLECTION 2
Summaries
(Anyon, 1980)
When viewing the education system through the lens of social class, as Anyon (1980)
proposes, we can see the social stratifications manipulating, or even controlling, school and
learning accessibility that is tacitly, or as some social critics may posit overtly, predicated on
one’s wage-earnings, the occupational level of parents, and their asset ownership. Anyon (1980)
outlines here, too, by comparing five class and income-diverse schools that are classified from
low to moderately skilled, working-class households to the middle, upper-capitalist social class,
the capitalist classes encompass more of the educationally affluent and elite of society. All
things being equal, curriculum-wise, with comparably similar schoolbooks being provided here
within the five schools spotlighted, Anyon (1980) notes at the lower-classed schools, less
emphasis was placed on a thorough, conceptualized comprehension of the subject matter with the
students.
The classes at these lower-tiered schools, as Anyon (1980) mentions, educated students
via a rote, mechanized approach that contained minimal to no critical perspective and
engagement by the teachers, versus the upper-classed schools who received high-quality,
schools implemented a more well-planned course strategy that focused on content analysis, as
Anyon (1980) notes, which emphasized conceptual command of the content material. Ultimately,
personal investment by a student-centered teacher who elicits inquisition and a desire for broad
discovery in learners seems useless, almost hopeless, in a student’s overall learning development
and cultivation. All students, rich or poor, in all communities should have an undeniable, social
and personal right at gaining a formidable education that will allow them equal and whole
participation within the democratic process of society, which will ideally ensure social justice
(Freire, 1970/2000)
In theory, as Freire (1970/2000) explains, education should authentically exist for the
masses, both prince and pauper, and arouse a common unity amongst the citizenry for social
cause that encourages learning and knowledge creation for all within the communities. The
social action generated can then become revolutionary, as Freire (1970/2000) states, in
transforming the adverse social structures enabling the forces of oppression that can marginalize
oppressors, which can stifle the humanistic realizations and respect of those who are and have
been socially and historically marginalized who, as Freire (1970/2000) contends, can eventually
elicit emancipation and revolution via cultural organization and political coalition. Then, with
oppression dictating and sustaining these socio-cultural and political complications, resolution
can be accomplished and all members of society can freely gain an empowering objectivity to
humanist teacher must urgently and compassionately take on the dialogic challenge, as Freire
(1970/2000) points out, toward getting the student, or the oppressed, to comprehend and take on
this revolutionary fight. Also, the teachers here should guide learners toward, as Freire
(1970/2000) professes, a commitment of love that becomes highly enabling in the emancipation
cause, which becomes warranted in this mutually inclusive struggle to bring forth an enduring
social revolution and eternal liberation for all. Again, success is achieved here with
(1970/2000) claims, that queries both the subjective and objective, and the oppressor and
oppressed.
MICHAEL CALDWELL MODULE 3 REFLECTION 4
Conclusion
Through collaborative, engaging discourse, pedagogical theory, practice, and action can
more feasibly allow the education classroom to become, as both authors Anyon (1980) and
Freire (1970/2000) posit, a situation room of sorts for socio-cultural study by both student and
teacher in organizing and strategizing the critical realities and socio-political domains required
for comprehensive inclusivity for all members of society. Absolute inclusion of all citizens and
residents apparently begins, again, with inquisition and assessment of the societal relationships,
conditions, and associating social disorders marginalizing and castigating those set up for
subjugation and exploitation, almost conspiringly by hidden educational agendas. Here, too, the
authors note how the critical need for intellectual dialogue between teachers and students that,
once more, takes into dire context the historical and structural aspects of societal oppression and
the marginalizing forces, becomes a counter-mechanism for social deterrents. Apparently, as the
authors here also affirm, these deterrent-driven mechanisms are by most accounts, educationally
discrimination, classism, and intolerance, that must be transformed and eradicated for social
methodology towards mutual inclusivity by all concerned must have cause to critically contest,
decipher, and deter the harmful social constructs and their detractors, again as stated above, that
can purpose societal transformation, resolution, and social justice for an all-embracing
democratic process.
References
Anyon, J. (1980). Social class and the hidden curriculum of work. The Journal of Education,
162(1), 67–92.
Freire, P. (2000). Pedagogy of the oppressed. (M. B. Ramos, Trans.). New York, NY: