THE FOURTEENTH SAINT LOUIS CONFERENCE ON MANUSCRIPT STUDIES Abstracts of Papers The Fourteenth Saint Louis Conference on Manuscript Studies was held at Saint Louis University, under the auspices of Manuscripta, on October 16 and 17, 1987. Persons presenting papers were asked to provide abstracts, which are published below. The Fifteenth Saint Louis Conference on Manuscript Studies is scheduled to be held at Saint Louis University on October 14 and 15, 1988. (The Editors) Paul ACKER, The Middle English Dictionary, University of Michigan, “The Craft of Nombryng in Columbia University, Plimpton MS 259”: Columbia University, Piimpton MS 259, is a late fifteenth-century com- monplace book containing, int. al, a ME arithmetical treatise, The Craft of Nombryng. By a curious sequence of events (which I detail in the first half of my paper), portions of this text were published by the original owner, George Plimpton, and by his friend David Eugene Smith (a professor of mathematics at Columbia), each scholar being unaware of the other’s work. In the second half of my paper I discuss the relationship between The Craft of Nombryng and other published and unpublished ME arithmetics. The text is shown to parallel a ME translation of Sacrobosco’s De arte numer- andi and to be joined with that text in the composite treatise in Cambridge University Library MS L1.4.14. Variations in presentation among the three MS witnesses of The Craft of Nombryng are sketched out, the most im- portant of which being that the Plimpton MS uniquely contains the con- cluding sections on division, radication and progression. The paper em- phasizes aspects of manuscript collecting and textual variation, rather than technical aspects of medieval arithmetic. Larry M. AYRES, University of California, Santa Barbara, “Italian Romanesque Manuscript Illumination: Some Roman Dimensions (Bib- lioteca Vaticana, Archivio di San Pietro, cod. A.11-12, C.92, A.4-5)”: In- cluded among the manuscripts of St. Peter’s Basilica now in the Vatican Library are volumes whose decorations reveal signs of a cevival in manuscript illumination in Rome during the era of Gregorian Reform. Three of these manuscripts will be treated here in an attempt to identify some of the artistic sources employed in this neglected chapter of manuscript illumination in Rome in the second half of the eleventh cen- tury. The first work considered is a copy of Gregory the Great’s Moralia in Job ®iblioteca Vaticana, Archivio di San Pietro, MSS A.11-12). The deco- ration of this work provides a glimpse of the types of models that Italian illuminators turned to when a renewed interest in Pope Gregory’s legacy Manuscripta, 32 (1988): 3-19 34 MANUSCRIPTA. occurred in the era of reform. Whereas the pictorial model for the fron- tispiece of this book may descend from a Late Antique or Byzantine pro- totype, the ornamental vocabulary of the decorative initials of the San Pietro Moralia drew inspiration from artistic traditions which originated in South German scriptoria. The miniatures and ornamental initials of a manuscript of the Prophets from the Archivio di San Pietro (MS C.92) likewise confirm a new vitality in Roman illumination of the period. Its scribe, Belizo, has been identified by Gribomont as a priest of St. Peter’s of the same name. The image of the prophet Jeremiah in this volume sig- nals the role which Byzantine or Byzantinizing models were to play in shap- ing a Romanesque pictorial tradition, Features of the ornamental reper- toire of the Book of the Prophets are also shared in designs for initials ina Legendary from the Archivio di San Pietro (MSS A.4-5). The artistic embellishment of these manuscripts therefore draws attention to an early Phase of Romanesque illumination in the papal city. Anthony BENVIN, Montana State University, “New Growth on the Fam- ily Tree: A Re-evaluation of Painting at St. Peter’s Scriptorium (New York, Pierpont Morgan Library, MSS M.780, M.781, Glazier 44; Miinchen, Bayerische Staatsbibliothek, Clm 15713)”: This study focuses on Ottonian manuscript painting at Salzburg, and completes the brief stemma proposed by Georg Swarzenski in 1913. The paper focuses on the four major manuscripts produced in the eleventh century and demonstrates their rela- tionship as family members. This paper introduces the St. Peter’s Gospels (Pierpont Morgan Library, MS M.781) as an early archetype for the Salz- burg family and discusses its location in the family tree. The second manuscript, the Munich Lectionary (Bayerische Staatsbibliothek, Clm 15713), is introduced as evidence for the intrusion of an outside source which incorporates an eastern style. These two manuscripts become the parents of the Glazier Evangelistary (Pierpont Morgan Library, MS G 44), and the miniatures of the Glazier Evangelistary are presented as an amal- gamation of prior styles. This study presents the final manuscript of the group, the Bertholt Lectionary (Pierpont Morgan Library, MS M.780) as the new wave of painting at Salzburg, it locates all four of these manuscripts in a stemma which amplifies the stemma begun in 1913 by Georg Swar- zenski, and it introduces the heretofore undervalued importance of the monumental style of Cologne in Bavarian painting. Joseph R. BERRIGAN, University of Georgia, “The Aesopic Fables of Guarino da Verona (Milano, Biblioteca Ambrosiana, cod. R 21)”: This is the fifth in a series of papers on Aesop in the Renaissance which I have presented at the Saint Louis Conference on Manuscripts Studies. I began with a paper on Gregorio Correr and followed with papers on Ermolao Barbaro, Ognibene da Lonigo and Leonardo Dati. Revised versions of these papers have appeared in Manuscripta and the Classical Bulletin. This pa-FOURTEENTH SAINT LOUIS CONFERENCE 5 per is closely associated with my paper on Ermolao Barbaro, presented at the Third Conference and published in Manuscripta 22 (1978): 141-148; I am also indebted to Professor Chauncey Finch’s study of the Greek sources of Lorenzo Valla’s Latin Aesop. The Ambrosiana manuscript con- taining Guarino’s Aesop provides the same thirty-three fables as do the collections of Barbaro and Valla. They are in a slightly different order for Guarino and are presented in a Latin very close to the Greek text. My hypothesis is that Guarino used his version as an initial aid for his stu- dents, including. Barbaro. Unpolished as they are, they were meant to be helpful. Anthony J. CARDENAS, Wichita State University, “The Spanish Aesop of 1488 and 1489: Two Textual Traditions or One?”: Almost no child in Western culture attains adulthood without having come into contact with Aesop’s fables. Concomitant with the onset of printing was a revival of interest in Aesop’s fables. By one count (George C. Keidel, A Manual of Aesopic Fable Literature [1896; rpt. New York: Burt Franklin, 1972]), from. 1461 to c. 1500 there were at least 178 different editions of Aesop's Fables in Bohemian, English, Flemish, French, German, Greek, Italian, Latin, and Spanish. For the Spanish idiom alone Theodore S. Beardsley (Hispano- Classical Translations, (Pittsburgh: Duquesne University Press, 1970}) lists thirty-one editions from 1488 to 1677. To this day bibliographies and lists by bookdealers that I have been able to consult reveal for Spanish only one facsimile edition, that of the 1489 Zaragoza incunabulum. This presen- tation offers preliminary observations derived from comparing the Toulouse 1488 version with that of Zaragoza 1489. The text of the latter appears superior by modern standards, and its woodcuts are esthetically superior to those of the 1488 editio princeps. The discussion will also show how the relationship between text and woodcut is generally closer in the 1489 version. It will attempt to decide whether these two texts represent two traditions or one, and to point out the importance of these incunabula for a proposed edition of the medieval Spanish Aesop. N. C. Christopher Coucu, Columbia University, “The Illustrations of the Duran and Tovar Manuscripts on the Nature of the Indians (Madrid, Biblioteca Nacional, Vitr. 26-11)”: After the discovery and conquest of the Native American states in Mexico and Peru by Spain, a debate began in the Empire over the humanity of the Indians, and their ability to receive the Faith. Despite the decision of Pope Paul III in 1537 that the Indians were rational beings, the debate continued. Fray Diego Durén, a Domini- can missionary, wrote his Historia de las Indias de Nueva Espatia (c. 1576-81) as a conversion manual for his colleagues. In this work, he defended the rationality and humanity of the natives, identifying the Aztecs as the descendants of the Ten Lost Tribes of Israel, This identification was strengthened visually by the illustrations prepared for the manuscript6 MANUSCRIPTA (Madrid, Biblioteca Nacional, VT 26-11). Although their subjects are the events and personalities of Aztec imperial history, their appearance de- tives from illustrations for the Old Testament found in Bibles printed in Lyons and Antwerp; even the manuscript’s design follows the form of the printed page. Juan de Tovar, S.J., Durdn’s cousin and also a passionate missionary, made a copy of Durdn’s work as part of a campaign for more missionary activity among the natives by his order. In Tovar’s version of Durdn’s work, all references to the Jewish origins of the Aztecs were re- moved from the text; the ilimstrations were copied in a style that appears more native, disguising their derivation from the Biblical models. Frank T. COULSON, Ohio State University, “The Cataloguing of Medi- eval and Renaissance Commentaries on Ovid: An Interim Report”: The poems of Ovid (and in particular the Metamorphoses) held a preeminent position in the school tradition of the Middle Ages and the Renaissance. Since 1980, a team of scholars (which includes R. J. Tarrant, Ralph J. Hex- ter, Ann Moss and myself) has been compiling a catalogue of all known Ovidian commentaries in manuscript or printed form to the year 1600. In the present paper, I provide a brief account of the research conducted to date and I address the following questions: the scope of the project, criteria for determining which works should be included in the catalogue, research tools and collections of particular value to the project, problems involved in tracking down manuscripts, and some of the surprising find- ings concerning the study of Ovid in the Middle Ages which have surfaced from our study. John DAGENAIS, Northwestern University, “A Fifteenth-Century Castilian Teacher’s Lecture Notes on the Metamorphoses (Soria, Biblioteca Piiblica, MS 4-H)”: Manuscript Soria, Biblioteca Publica, 4-H, is a MS whose importance for an understanding of education in late medieval Castile has not, so far, been appreciated. It is, so far as I have been able to determine, the only MS of a classical author surviving from medieval Castile (the text itself seems to have been written in Italy) which we can say with certainty was used as a teacher’s lecture notes. The information it contains is thus invaluable for tracing educational practice in late medi- eval Spain, a subject about which we know far too little. We know this MS was used in the classroom because of a note on the verso of the first flyleaf, “Este es el ouidio por do leya el maestro,” in a hand of about the turn of the fifteenth century. There are also, perhaps in a somewhat later hand, fragments of an accessus and a vita Ovidii. On one of the final fo- lios is a note which situates the MS in the ambience of Salamanca and may be a clue that the MS was used in university level instruction. In the paper, I discuss the MS and especially its numerous glosses in more detail. I seek to trace the glosses to known glosses on the Metamorphoses (such as those of John Garland, Arnulf of Orleans and Bersuire). The commentsFOURTEENTH SAINT LOUIS CONFERENCE 7 on rhetoric, literary theory, mythology and, especially, morality can help us to understand better not only educational practice, but also the works of vernacular Castilian writers whose own literary training MS Soria 4-H now enabies us to understand better. Lowrie J. DALy, Saint Louis University, “Man as a Political Animal: A Comparison of the Comments of Thomas Aquinas and Walter Burley on This Famous Aristotelian Passage”: After a brief explanation of the theory, held for centuries, that civil government and political life as we have it was a divinely-given remedy for the sad results of original sin, a theory exemplified in the words of St. Augustine and Pope Leo I, we come to the famous passage in Aristotle’s Politics which became accessible to European scholars around 1260. The comments of Aquinas as found in the authentic portion of his commentary on the Politics are compared with those of Walter Burley which are to be found in his commentary on the Politics. Burley’s commentary is still unedited and is to be found in the copy which he presented to Pope Clement VI in 1343 and which is now codex Burghesianus 129 in the Vatican Library. Betty J. Davis, Hunter College and Borough of Manhattan Commu- nity College, City University of New York, “Manuscript Evidence for Names of the Storytellers in Marguerite de Navarre’s Heptaméron”: The names of the storytellers in Marguerite de Navarre’s Heptaméron are disguised versions of real names, descriptive names, or nicknames which both re- veal and conceal the identities of the storytellers, who, most commenta- tors agree, were members of Marguerite’s circle in the 1540s. In attempt- ing to penetrate the onomastic screen between the storytellers and their historical counterparts, nineteenth- and twentieth-century scholars have constructed elaborate theories based on anagrammatic decipherment of their names, and many of their theories are still accepted today. More re- cently, Claude-Gilbert Dubois has related the names to an underlying Bib- lical mythology, especially the story of Noah and the Flood. In this study, I shall discuss the identifications of the ten storytellers —Oisille, Hircan, Parlamente, Longarine, Dagoucin, Saffredent, Ennasuitte, Nomerfide, Geburon, and Simontault—in relation to variants found in manuscripts and early printed editions of Marguerite’s stories. The name Oisi/le, for example, is written in the manuscripts as Oisille, Osille, Osile, Oisyle, Osyle, and Oysille. Since these variations correspond to the letters in the name Louise as Loyse, a proposed identification of Oisille with Louise de Dail- lon, one of Marguerite’s ladies-in-waiting, caused Fédéric Dillaye, a nineteenth-century editor, to prefer the spelling Osile for his edition of the Heptaméron since it made a neater anagram. Among the manuscripts I shall consider are Mss. Fonds frangais 1512, 1520, and 1524 in the Biblio- théque Nationale in Paris; Ms. M 467 in the Bibliotheque Municipale de8 MANUSCRIPTA la Ville d’Orléans; cod. Reg. lat. 929, Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana; and BN, Ms. Nouvelles acquisitions frangaises 22018. Marsha L. DurtoN, The Middle English Dictionary, University of Mich- igan, “Rubrics of Evaluation: A Fifteenth-Century Manuscript of Aelred of Rievaulx’s De institutione inclusarum (Oxford, Bodleian Library, MS Lat. Theol. d. 27)”: The great English Cistercian, Aelred of Rievaulx, wrote his single work of direction for women, De institutione inclusarum, in about 1160. The work exercised great influence on the medieval development of affective spirituality and devotion to the humanity of Christ, largely through its meditation on the life of Christ. Bonaventure incorporated large por- tions of that meditation in his Lignum Vitae; Ignatius of Loyola’s conver- sion and his composition of the Spiritual Exercises were prompted partly by reading it within Ludolph the Carthusian’s Vita Jesu Christi. Ten manuscripts containing all or a portion of De institutione inclusarum sur- vive. One fifteenth-century manuscript, however, became available to the editor of the treatise, C. H. Talbot, only as his 1951 edition was about to go to press. Hence while it is listed among the extant manuscripts in his editorial apparatus, it received scant attention in the edition. The margins of this manuscript, Oxford, Bodleian Library, MS lat. Theol. d. 27, ff. 181-196v, contain late evidence of the medieval influence of Aelred’s work. A scribe has elegantly annotated the text with notae and comments call- ing attention to and evaluating passages throughout the manuscript. This paper will consider the manuscript’s marginalia as evidence of a fifteenth: century monastic response to a twelfth-century anchoritic treatise. Charles J. ERMATINGER, Saint Louis University, “Johann von Lichten- berg and His Questiones disputate as Enriched by Borrowings from the Oxford Arts Master John Dymsdale (Durham Cathedral, MS C 1V.20; Montpellier, Bibliothéque de ’"Bcole de Médecine, Ms. H 293; Biblioteca Vaticana, cod. Vat. lat. 859)”: In an earlier Conference paper (Manuscripta 22 [1979]: 7) it was reported that the questiones on the Metaphysics by John Dymsdale (Tytynsale, d. c. 1289), preserved in the indicated MSS of Durham and Montpellier, were the source of the text used to supply commentary on Books X and XII in the Opera omnia of John Duns Scotus published by Luke Wadding and colleagues in 1639. In the present paper it is pointed out that the questiones on the Metaphysics by Dymsdale are also the source of three of the thirty-eight Questiones disputate attributed to Johann von Lichtenberg in cod. Vat. lat. 859. Lichtenberg’s questiones 12 (Utrum in materia sit aliqua forma diminuta, f. 161rb-va), 13 (Queritur utrum materia prima sit una omnium, f. 16lva-b) and 14 (Utrum materia proxima ali- quid reale addat supra materiam primam, ff. 161vb-162ra) are condensed versions of guestiones by Dymsdale in the Durham MS (ff. 127rb-128rb, 152rb-153rb, and 153rb-vb, respectively). It is not possible to say at the mo- ment whether the condensed versions were made by Lichtenberg himselfFOURTEENTH SAINT LOUIS CONFERENCE 9 from versions of the type found in the Durham and Montpellier MSS or were taken by him or someone else from a briefer reportatio of the work by Dymsdale. Another of the Questiones disputate attributed to Lichten- berg in cod. Vat lat. 859 (Utrum species expressa intelligibilis in acie cogitan- tis sit idem cum actu intelligendi, f. 177va-b) is a highly condensed and rearranged version of one in the commentary by Jean Quidort on Book I of the Sentences (ed. Jean-Pierre Muller, 1:292-301). At the time of the present paper it was not known whether the edition of Lichtenberg’s Ques- tiones disputate, scheduled in the series Corpus Philosophorum Teutonico- rum Medii Aevi (Hamburg: Felix Meiner), had been published. Concern- ing John Dymsdale again, it was pointed out that another one of his questiones on the Metaphysics.in the Durham MS (Utrum oporteat po- nere substantias separatas que sint cause generationis et corruptionis isto- rum particularium quas Plato ponit ideas, ff. 124vb-126ra) is copied into a miscellany in cod, 1427 (f. 15va-b) at the Universitatsbibliothek in Leipzig. Constantin Fasort, University of Chicago, “A Text at the Crossroads of Law and Politics: William Durant the Younger’s Treatise on Councils”: The genre of William Durant the Younger’s Tractatus de modo generalis concilii celebrandi is a puzzle. It seems to serve two conflicting goals: on the one hand it was submitted to the Council of Vienne (1311-1312) in or- der to serve as a basis for deliberations on the reform of the church, but on the other hand it had the form of an extended legal commentary on canons quoted in their original order from the Pseudo-Isidorian collec- tion of canon law. The form does not seem to suit the purpose. The mean- ing of the term tractatus suggests a solution. Tractatus could mean two things: deliberations on the common good that were conducted at general assemblies, and written treatments of particular legal issues. It is manifest that this double meaning parallels the dualism of the purpose and the form of Durant’s treatise. The parallel can be corroborated by pointing out that in the 12th and 13th centuries legal treatises commonly vacillated between following the logic of their particular topic and following the order of the underlying legal source from which they usually elicited their findings by way of gloss and commentary, in precisely the same way as Durant’s trea- tise vacillated between arguing for church reform and glossing upon Pseudo- Isidore. This throws a bright light on the place of Durant’s treatise in me- dieval intellectual and political history. Roughly speaking, the two mean- ings of tractatus may be identified with two periods: an earlier one (12th and 13th century), when conciliar deliberations took pride of place over ill-defined legal treatises, and a later one (14th and 15th century), when legal treatises, perfect in form and substance, were published in ever grow- ing numbers, while general councils lost their function as the uncontested arena of medieval politics. Durant’s treatise was located at the intersec- tion. It stood at that turning point in medieval history at which law was10 MANUSCRIPTA beginning to be divorced from politics, and it embodied an ardent desire to prevent such a divorce from occurring. Its genre remains a curiosity, perhaps. But insofar as it conjoined jurisprudence with conciliar deliber- ations essentially, it served its purpose perfectly. Cheryl C. FRASCH, Ohio State University, “The Notational System of the Scribe of Paris, Bibliotheque Nationale, Ms. latin 903”: A paleographic study of the notational system of the eleventh-century gradual, Paris, Bib- liothéque Nationale, Ms. latin 903, and a music-historical analysis of the ramifications of the paleographic evidence establish the unique contribu- tion of the scribe who copied the manuscript to the history of musical notation and of modality. The system is the result of the scribe’s exploita- tion of the possibilities inherent in the elements of Aquitanian notation, including the assignment of certain intervallic patterns to certain neumes, organization of those elements, and maintenance of that organization throughout the manuscript. A description of the system composes the sub- stantial part of this paper. Because he notated each piece using his system, the scribe transmitted not only a relatively precise reading of the chant melody but also his conception of its mode. Through extrapolation of the modes of the offertories recorded in the manuscript from the evidence of the notational system and comparison of those modal assignments with other similar assignments, this study establishes the manuscript as a unique and valuable source of information about modality in chant. A brief sum- mary of the evidence provided by the notation of the offertories composes the second part of this paper. John B. FRIEDMAN, University of Illinois, “ ‘Dies boni et mali, obitus, et contra hec remedium’: Remedies for Fortune in Some Fifteenth-Century English Manuscripts”: Lurking on the fringes of medieval science are sev- eral texts still unpublished and indeed little known, which deal with the fortunes of men and women born in the various astrological signs and planetary conjunctions. Since many of the fortunes for persons born— say, when Saturn is dominant—will be dire, means of offsetting malign influences are often specified, and among them are the utterances of pas- sages from the Psalms, called remedia, A long history of magical names and words from sacred books—Abrazos coupled with the names of the Apostles —is the late antique inheritance of such charms. The present pa- per explores medieval manifestations, especially as they appear in English MSS written in Latin and French in the fifteenth century. Karen GREENSPAN, Mount Holyoke College, “A Fifteenth-Century Popular Guide to Meditation: Magdalena of Freiburg’s Erkldrung des Vaterunsers (Donaueschingen, Firstlich Fiirstenbergische Hofbibliothek, Hs. 298)”: Donaueschingen, Fiirstlich Fiirstenbergische Hofbibliothek, Hs. 298, the Erklérung des Vaterunsers, is a fifteenth-century collection of 505 meditations and commentaries on the Lord’s Prayer composed by the Fran-FOURTEENTH SAINT LOUIS CONFERENCE i ciscan mystic, Magdalena Beutler of Freiburg, and copied by sisters of her convent, probably at her dictation. The Erkldrung belongs to the body of popular literature which found its greatest audience among a newly liter- ate laity and among religious who were, increasingly, literate only in their vernacular. [n contrast to others of the genre, like David of Augsburg’s Paternoster, the Erkldrung des Vaterunsers is not simply a didactic para- phrase of the prayer. Rather, it was composed as a guide for meditation, and its repetitions of the Paternoster with intensely devotional commen- tary and meditations were meant to instill spirituality in those without mys- tical inclinations themselves. Magdalena Beutler (1407-1458), known to her contemporaries as a seer and as a promoter of the Observant reform, was widely read. Her most popular work, the Goldene Litanei, was circulated anonymously in pious anthologies from England to Hungary until the early seventeenth century. My discovery of the Erkldrung at Donaueschingen in 1983 and identification of more than forty manuscript copies and eleven early printed editions of the Goldene Litanei support the claim in her vi- tae that she was a popular and respected spiritual writer, a claim previ- ously considered nothing more than hagiographical exaggeration. The present paper describes the manuscript of the Erkldrung, placing it within its textual and spiritual traditions, and briefly discusses the work in the context of its author’s life, demonstrating how her spiritual practices, within a popular tradition of Franciscan mysticism centered on the imitation of the life of Christ, were transformed to text. It is argued that the Erkld- rung and the widely disseminated Goldene Litanei provide evidence of the popularity and orthodoxy of Magdalena’s devotional practices, which found such eccentric public expression. Comments are invited on the sig- nificance of two line drawings, the only illustrations in the Erkidrung. Sarah M. HORRALL, University of Ottawa, “Pictures and Text in Cur- sor mundi (British Library, MS Cotton Vespasian A iii and MS Add. 31042; Edinburgh, Royal College of Physicians)”: Illustrated manuscripts contain- ing Middle English are extremely rare before the fifteenth century, and it is also very rare to have illustrated copies of vernacular biblical paraphrases intended for the laity. The Cursor Mundi may, however, be an exception to this rule, Even its earliest fourteenth-century copies seem to have provi- sion for illustration. Only one of its manuscripts (Géttingen, Universitats- bibliothek, Hs. theol. 107‘) actually contains an elaborate programme of decoration, but others show interesting evidence of abortive attempts to illustrate them. One (BL, MS Cotton Vespasian A iii) has a series of mar- ginal sketches, another (in the Royal College of Physicians, Edinburgh) has several spaces apparently left for explanatory drawings, and a third (BL, MS Additional 31042), a fifteenth-century manuscript, has a series of spaces in the text which would seem to have been intended for pictures. Taken all in all, however, the evidence seems to suggest that the impulse12 MANUSCRIPTA to decorate Cursor Mundi arose independently on each occasion, and was not the result of a tradition handed on from copy to copy. Thomas M. IzBIcki, Wichita State University, “The Diffusion of a Gloss from the Commentary of Guido de Baysio on the Liber sextus”: A previ- ously unknown gloss by Guido de Baysio, archdeacon of Bologna, on Boniface VIII’s constitution Clericis laicos has been discovered in the Vati- can manuscripts of his commentary on the Liber sextus. This same gloss, sought in manuscripts in other collections, is useful for the tracing of the diffusion of the larger work. The copies studied are located in Spain, Aus- tria and England, though they originated in Italy, France and England. Most have been studied on microfilm. The copies now in Spain or Austria originated either in Italy or in France. Some from either source lack Guido’s gloss on Clericis laicos; others, from either, contain copies essentially sim- ilar to those in the Vatican manuscripts. They do, however, vary in the ac- curacy of the transcriptions they contain. The French copies of Guido’s gloss particularly suffer from sloppy copying. Only one of the Italian co- pies, however, is of sufficiently better quality to challenge or confirm read- ings in the Vatican manuscripts used in the initial editing of the gloss. The English manuscripts present their own problems. One, now in Oxford, tends to agree with the other Vatican copies. The others, now in Cambridge, how- ever, contain certain peculiarities not found in other manuscripts. In all four of these manuscripts, the same peculiarities are found, while two share further matching traits. This suggests a narrow stream of diffusion of Guido’s commentary in England. Using Guido de Baysio’s gloss on Clericis Jaicos as an indicator, we are in a position to trace the threads of his larger work’s diffusion throughout the Latin portion of Europe. Both France and Italy served as centers of diffusion. Each center disseminated copies of the commentary in the version with the gloss as well as that without it. The copies reaching Spain and Austria with the gloss intact tend to con- firm, even in their poor state, the text of the gloss in the Vatican copies. So too does one from England, but the English copies are dominated by a manuscript which contained certain peculiarities. These suggest a place for England outside of the networks along which most of the other copies travelled. George R. KEISER, Kansas State University, “John Lydgate’s Lyf of Our Lady in Fifteenth-Century Miscellanies”: Lyf of Our Lady is one of John Lydgate’s most successful and, apparently, most popular works. The 6000-line verse narrative, based mainly on the account of the Virgin’s life found in the Bonaventuran Meditationes Vitae Christi, is extant in more than fifty manuscripts and two early printed books. About half of the manuscripts are miscellanies, containing the poem, or selections from it, in conjunction with other works that reflect the spiritual and devotional interests of the original owners of these codices. This paper will examineFOURTEENTH SAINT LOUIS CONFERENCE 13 five representative miscellanies which illustrate the pious interests of fifteenth-century English readers, some of them known through inscrip- tions or other statements of ownership (mainly, heraldic) in the volumes. It will also discuss what the presentation of the text in the codices reveals about how these pious readers made use of the Lyf of Our Lady for their devotional exercises. (This paper is part of a larger codicological and bib- Jiographical study of the manuscripts anu early editions of the poem.) W. Nicholas KNIGHT, University of Missouri, Rolla, “Theological Changes in Updike’s Manuscript: A Month of Sundays”: G. K. Hall pub- lished as a Christmas card poem in 1978 a sonnet by Updike. On the front it is announced as “A New Poem by John Updike,” and the context gives it a Christmas setting. Examining the original typescript at Amherst Col- lege (gift of Jack W. C. Hagstrom, ’55), one discovers that the Lovelorn Astronomer was composed on July 10, 1953. The author was therefore twenty-five years younger than the publication date and appeared to be responding to the Fourth of July in Pennsylvania rather than to Christmas in Massachusetts. Matters of production, process and interpretation, and the nature of meaning and its imposition and inference are revealed by tracing the changes and history of this manuscript. Even in 1953 Updike was concerned about observation, the uncertainty principle, and being ir- relevant, and by 1978 he could not believe there was not a Divine Observer. The sonnet then traces Updike’s longings in the fifties through physical theory to a tenuous theological assertion about man and his reality in the Universe. Elizabeth LipsMEYER, Old Dominion University, “The Thirteenth- Century Liber ordinarius of Konrad von Mure”: A Liber Ordinarius writ- ten in 1261 by Konrad von Mure, the first cantor for the Grossmiinster in Ziirich, Switzerland, contains richly elaborated information on ritual and observance in thirteenth-century Europe. Written on one hundred sixty- nine parchment pages, the manuscript escaped Zwingli’s wholesale burn- ing of religious manuals in sixtéenth-century Zirich because it contains legal records of transactions and compromises among the city’s churches. Ina particularly informative section of the text, Konrad von Mure describes ceremonies for Palm Sunday observance in scrupulous detail, from the blessing of the palms to the apportionment of versicles and responses be- tween the male choir canons and the Benedictine nuns of the nearby Frau- miinster, to the unique processional route over the Lake of Ziirich toward its destination on the Lindenhof. The manuscript provides additional bo- nuses for art historians and liturgical historians in its specific directions for the use of a Palm Sunday Christus, a type of three-dimensional, usually life-sized wooden figure of Christ on the back of a donkey. The Ziirich text exemplifies a rich, sometimes underestimated textual type which holds a wealth of information for scholars in medieval studies.14 MANUSCRIPTA Thomas MACKAY, Brigham Young University, “Editing the Commen- tary on the Apocalypse by Alcuin in cod. Vat. lat. 651”: A century and a half ago Cardinal Mai published the editio princeps of Alcuin’s Com- mentary on the Apocalypse. This text exists in a single Vatican manuscript (Vat. lat. 651) and is incomplete, for it contains only five books, explain- ing Apoc. 1-12. (These five books do not correspond to the seven-fold di- vision of Bede noted by Alcuin in the preface.) Nevertheless, to understand the work in the exegetical tradition of the West, we can compare Alcuin’s composition with other commentaries that he mentioned as sources: Jer- ome (who reworked Victorinus), Primasius (including copious extracts from Tichonius), Bede of Jarrow and Ambrosius Autpertus. Primasius and Am- brosius Autpertus have been recently edited for Corpus Christianorum; 1 am editing Bede for the same series. Alcuin likewise used various state- ments by Gregory the Great and Augustine. I am also verifying the text of Alcuin published by Cardinal Mai, paying particular attention to pos- sible variants from the texts Alcuin quotes that could indicate which por- tion of the manuscript tradition of his sources he knew. In my paper I also address the question of whether (and to what extent) the approach taken by Alcuin reflects that of his sources or represents his own exegeti- cal development. This paper is a preliminary statement of problems rela- tive to a full critical edition of Alcuin’s text. Lister M. MATHESON, Michigan State University, “Hagiography and History: Legends of the Saints in London, Lambeth Palace, MS 84”; Lam- beth Palace Library MS 84 is a composite text compiled in the late fif- teenth century by an exceptionally well-read Englishman whose literary tastes and knowledge were remarkably similar to those of William Cax- ton. The basic text is a Middle English Brut chronicle, into which the com- piler has inserted material and stories adapted from various literary and historical works, a number of which are otherwise unknown. It is the pur- pose of this paper to describe and discuss the compiler’s use and treat- ment of legends of various saints that he added to his basic text and his sources for this material. The paper will concentrate on four representa- tive additions: a traditional account of the martyrdom of St. Kenelm and the miraculous discovery of his body; the legend of St. Augustine at Com- pton, which is a prose rendition of a poem by John Lydgate; a ghost story set in Burgundy in which St. Thomas Becket settles a case of wrongful disinheritance and liberates the tormented spirits of the illegal owners; and an English version of the so-called “Vision at Sens” or “The Ampulla Prophecy,” a political prophecy attributed to St. Thomas Becket. Frederick M. MORRISON, Southern Illinois University at Edwardsville: “Pero Lépez de Ayala and the Rationale for the Condensation of his Trans- lation of Gregory’s Moralia (Madrid, Biblioteca Nacional, MS 12720)”: Spanish scholars have credited Pero Lépez de Ayala with the condensa-FOURTEENTH SAINT LOUIS CONFERENCE 15 tion of his full translation of Gregory the Great’s Moralia in Iob. The com- plete manuscript in a fifteenth-century copy, Biblioteca Nacional, MSS 10136-10138 and Vit. 17-6 (the equivalent of MS 10137), known to have been conserved in Ayala’s family, contain marginalia which suggest the por- tions meant to be contained in an anthology. The condensed version envi- sioned by these cuts exists in a unique manuscript, BN, MS 12720, also from the fifteenth century, though unfortunately not known to have be- longed to Ayala. Nonetheless a study of the specific content of 12720 ap- pears to offer a way around the impasse and, although not in itself con- clusive, serves to corroborate the long held contention that Pero Lépez is the author of the condensed version as well as the translator of Gregory. Américo Castro had suggested that the anthology was constructed along the principles inherent in the devotio moderna. My own investigation takes a very different direction. It was not a religious principle that governed the selection but a political one. Ayala’s rationale was in effect his wish to craft a type of speculum principum. How Ayala performed this feat, why he chose to construct his manual out of Gregory’s commentary on Job, and why such a project conforms with the Ayalan corpus give the answers which corroborate Ayala’s authorship and identify the nature of the condensation. Katherine O’BRIEN O’KEEFFE, Texas A&M University, “Sectional Divi- sions in the Vercelli Book (Vercelli, Biblioteca Capitolare, MS CXVID): An- other Look”: The Vercelli Book (Vercelli, Biblioteca Capitolare, MS CXVID, a miscellany of Old English homilies and religious poems, ap- pears to have been copied rather mechanically from various exemplars by one scribe in the southeast around the year 970. This paper examines one aspect of the formatting of verse, the division of a narrative text into sec- tions, often called “fits.” Scholarly opinion has divided between a possi- ble scribal or authorial origin for sections, but evidence for either case has been overinterpreted. The present argument examines use of blank space and non-lexical symbols to indicate textual relationships in the narrative verse of the manuscript. An examination of narrative clusters within the verse reveals a poor match between narrative structure and the manuscript’s visual representation of sections. This disjunction between narrative breaks and visual breaks, also found in contemporary codices of Old English verse, suggests that the copying of the Vercelli texts preserves two conflicting sys- tems: an oral, story-telling measurement of length and a newly developing visual indicator of proportion. Christine M. RENO, Vassar College, “Codicological and Paleographic Peculiarities of Paris, Bibliotheque Nationale, Ms. fr. 605”: BN, Ms. fr. 605, raises a number of questions, the answers to which often present in- sufficient or contradictory data. The paper outlines the various problems as follows, indicating when evidence permits the most likely solution: (1)16 MANUSCRIPTA the grouping and in one case (the Livre de Prudence) the form of the four works of Christine de Pizan which it contains; (2) the seemingly conflict- ing evidence presented by parchment quality, gatherings, catchwords, run- ning titles, signatures, and various smudges of paint as to whether the manuscript originally formed part of a larger codex, the Duke of Berry’s copy of Christine’s collected works; (3) the dating, for which inconsistent clues appear to be supplied by the handwriting, some marginal notations, the decoration, and evidence provided by the inventories, Despite the many questions it raises, the manuscript constitutes, from a paleographic point of view, a model in which to study the cooperation and respective roles of three scribes who worked very closely together. Roy ROSENSTEIN, The American College in Paris, “Medieval Manuscripts and Modern Mouvance”: Borrowing Paul Zumthor’s termi- nology, Rupert Pickens has shown how the history of textual transmission is that of a text being written: once again, ontogeny recapitulates phylogeny. Over the last ten years the principle of mouvance has been applied to the textual study of medieval and post-medieval authors, from Jaufre Rudel to Bob Dylan. For Pickens, the songs of Jaufre Rudel develop in their mou- vance through the classic edition by Alfred Jeanroy. In this paper I show how Pickens’ 1978 Toronto edition and my own 1983 Garland edition con- tribute, both knowingly and unknowingly, to the same incremental growth. The principle of mouvance is thus renewed in formulation and confirmed in universality through a study of two contemporary editors in the guise of the ubiquitous “dumb scribe.” Trascrittore, tradittore? Mouvance must be expanded to include ourselves as much as medieval scribes and early editors. Just as a copyist rarely escapes introducing willy-nilly his own var- iants when transcribing, so an editor is hard put to avoid betraying his base manuscript, whether by consciously normalizing forms or by uncons- ciously introducing phantom readings. For today’s editor, this mouvance is potentially extended to several registers, since the intrusive changes find their way into the accepted text and the rejected variants. Corine SCHLEIF, Universitat Bamberg, “Artists and Craftsmen as Donors: On the Function and Meaning of the Illustration in Bamberg, Staatsbibliothek, Hs. Msc. patr. 5”: Although fascinated by this rare glimpse of twelfth-century monks engaged in manuscript production, modern scholars have focused little attention on the intended significance of the illustration. Both the miniature and its context demonstrate that this ink drawing was meant to function as the dedication page of the codex and that the artist-craftsmen considered themselves donors. The miniature shows monks with a book in various stages of preparation, surrounding Saint Michael, who stands on a gabled structure, alluding to Michelsberg, the abbey in which and for which the book was made. This iconography and the placement of this inserted leaf underscore its function as dedica-FOURTEENTH SAINT LOUIS CONFERENCE i7 tion page. The selfawareness of the artist-craftsmen as donors is manifest in that no intervening “commissioner” presents the book to the saint. The material data suggest that the illuminator took it upon himself to create the illustration, employing the modest means readily available to him in the scriptorium, without the financial support of an external donor. In an extraordinary contemporary document the scribes and illuminators of the Michelsberg scriptorium are extolled as “donors” of the manuscripts they produced. Dorothy M. SHEPARD, Bryn Mawr College, “Conventual Use of the Prayers and Meditations of Anselm in the Twelfth Century (Oxford, Bod- leian Library, MS Auct. D.2.6, and Admont, Stiftsbibliothek, Hs. 289)”: The richly decorated twelfth-century copies of St. Anselm’s Prayers and Meditations raise many issues, including those of patronage, prototypes, and actual use of a text in conjunction with miniatures for meditation. Two of these Anselm manuscripts remain in good condition today; both were designed for the use of nuns. As has long been known, Admont 289 was copied for Traunkirchen, a Benedictine house in Austria. My research shows that Bodleian Auct. D.2.6 was copied for the Augustinian canonesses at Harrold monastery in Bedfordshire. Otto Pacht studied this group of manuscripts in the fifties and proposed a common lost prototype for them. My research has shown that these two not only belong to different textual recensions but were decorated independently as well. Two different strate- gies were used in organizing the Harrold and Traunkirchen manuscripts for meditation. One appealed to monastic learning while the other did not require it. Different approaches to the illumination of Anselm’s text were used in these manuscripts as well. The iconography of corresponding minia- tures in the two manuscripts is consistently different. The Harrold manuscript uses conventional formulas to identify the saint to whom the prayer is addressed. The Traunkirchen miniatures build on Anselm’s text as the source of the iconography of the miniatures. Its miniatures include tituli and a wide range of texts and melodies on scrolls as avenues to medi- tation. I will discuss the diverse and sometimes unexpected functions of the multiple visual elements used in these manuscripts. Marilyn STONE, Dominican College, Orangeburg, New York, “Manuscript 88 of the Real Convento de Predicadores de Valencia: A New Link in the Manuscript Tradition of Las siete partidas?”: Las siete par- tidas, compiled during the reign of Alfonso X e] Sabio (1252-84), have been famous for generations as an outstanding, extensive medieval legal trea- tise and the basis for Spanish and Spanish American law. Partida tenets. are cited as legal precedents, quoted in literary works and used as models for moral and philosophical concepts. Yet, scholars, lawyers and judges have been debating the true meaning of Partida precepts since the four- teenth century because there are so many variant texts. Although there are18 MANUSCRIPTA forty printed versions based on three editions (Montalvo, 1491; Gregorio Lépez, 1555; and Academia de la Historia, 1807) and more than ninety manuscripts and fragments, there is no critical edition. The first step in the preparation of.such an edition would be an evaluation of all the exist- ing manuscripts of each Partida. Firsthand examination of a manuscript of Partida II] and IV, recently found in the Archives of a Dominican Con- vent in Valencia, reveal that it is from the fifteenth century and may be part of a manuscript once housed in the Biblioteca Nacional in Madrid. This presentation will describe the Valencia manuscript, its relationship to the other manuscripts of Partida IV and its connection to the entire corpus of Pertida manuscripts. Linus J. THRO, Saint Louis University, “The Discussion of Master John Dymsdale on the Plurality of Forms in His Commentary on the De anima: A Text Collated from Oxford, Balliol College, MS 311, and Oriel College, MS 33”: The manuscript which served as the base for the text presented here is one segment of the Oriel College MS 33. Most of the seventeen component parts of the codex are concerned with questions or commen- tary on the works of Aristotle, and several certainly or probably are the work of an Oxford Master of Arts named John Dymsdale (a.k.a. Didyns- dale, Titenshale, Dydenshale, Didneshen, Dydneshale, and so on, accord- ing to the Emden listing). The manuscript collated with it, also an Oxford product, and at present the only alternate version available, is MS 311 in the Balliol College collection. By comparison with the freely cursive Gothic of the Oriel manuscript it is written more carefully and in early fourteenth- century bookhand style, but it is at times seriously flawed in its continuity and consistently omits what are presumed to be superfluities. The ques- tion treated in the text is at the heart of some of the most heated con- troversy of the contentious 1270s and 1280s. The conflict over the plural- ity or unicity of substantial form has no direct connection with the rise of Averroism and is hardly related to the contests between seculars and mendicants, nor at least initially is it a confrontation between Franciscans and Dominicans. At bottom, the issue was the philosophical and theolog- ical question whether the loosely Augustinian interpretation of the consti- tution of the human body-soul composite could stand against a strict Aristotelian hylomorphism reinterpreted in the light of the reformed metaphysics of being taught by Thomas Aquinas. The discussion con- tributed by John Dymsdale is an interesting but perhaps not very impor- tant trickle in the flood of unedited material on the subject. Anthony VITALE, University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign, “A Dis- cussion of the Questions Surrounding the Charters Issued by the Khans and Khanshis of the Golden Horde to the Metropolitans of the Russian Orthodox Church”: During the years of Mongol rule in Russia, several Mongol Khans, or the wives of Mongol Khans (Khanshis), issued chartersFOURTEENTH SAINT LOUIS CONFERENCE 19 (gramoty) to the Metropolitans of the Russian Orthodox Church which defined the rights and obligations of the Church and its dependents. These charters were important for two reasons. First, the protection given the Church and its dependents allowed the Church to acquire much land and wealth during the period of Mongol rule in Russia. Second, they were, and still remain, an important source of information on the political, social, and economic life of the Mongols and medieval Russia. Because of their importance, these charters have been intensively studied by orientalists and historians. In this paper, 1 will review the various terminological, textual, and sphragistical questions which have been dealt with by orientalists and historians who have studied medieval Russia. There are two surviving col- lections of these charters. Through an examination of the concise collec- tion of these charters, the collection considered the most accurate, and the works of Soviet, pre-revolutionary Russian, and Western orientalists and historians, I will discuss the various textual, terminological, and sphragisti- cal questions surrounding these charters.