Images of the Mother: When the Virgin Mary Became "Meter Theou"

Author(s): Ioli Kalavrezou

Source: Dumbarton Oaks Papers , 1990, Vol. 44 (1990), pp. 165-172
Published by: Dumbarton Oaks, Trustees for Harvard University

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 Images of the Mother:
When the Virgin Mary Became Meter Theou
IOLI KALAVREZOU

his paper attempts to explain how the moth- Sinai in which she is enthroned holding the Christ
erhood of the Virgin became important for child on her lap and is flanked by saints and an-
Byzantium. With the demise of Iconoclasm, theo- gels. The second, in which a more intimate rela-
logians and artists took a fresh look at the Virgin tionship between mother and child is visible, is de-
and began to develop the human and maternal picted, for example, in the fourteenth-century
sides of her personality. These qualities, which had icon from Devani (Figs. 1, 2).
been present but dormant in the earlier centuries,
made her the perfect intercessor between God and The earliest representations of Mary as a mother
the faithful. As the maternal dimension of Mary's are found in the Roman catacombs. They depict a
personality was developed, she became even more seated woman holding a baby in her arms, possibly
accessible, as the ordinary woman who understood even nursing the child. One cannot be absolutely
humankind. I would like to explore how and when certain that the woman holding the child is Mary,
this new focus came about.' since the figure is not identified by an inscription
Mothers have typically been identified in art and bythe context is somewhat unclear. Still, Mary is
being depicted together with their children. the How-likely subject in a painting in the catacomb of
ever, when such portrayals are merely formal and of the first half of the third century. The
Priscilla
hieratic, conveying only external relationships, fadedas yellowish star above the seated woman, to
happens in many family portraits and photo- which a male figure is pointing, is a likely refer-
graphs, there may be little sense of motherhood. ence to the Nativity of Christ.2 The scene has an
The intimacy between mother and child, theotherwise emo- uncomplicated subject matter, depicting
tional interplay, is conveyed through actions or
the relationship between a mother and her child.
gestures, such as feeding, embracing, or playing. The naturalistic poses and gestures of the figures
This involvement of mother and child, for ex- follow conventions of the Greco-Roman world. Al-
ample, is found in twentieth-century art in the though tied to a religious context, they have not
paintings of Mary Cassatt. These two types of rep- yet been invested with theological connotations.
resentation of the mother, the formal and the in- Like other Christian subjects represented in the
timate, stand for the two visual poles that we find catacombs, the pictures of Mary are simple illustra-
in Byzantine religious representations of the Vir- tions of biblical themes or verses. They should be
gin. The first is represented by the icon on Mount regarded as private expressions of faith, here spe-
cifically funerary, in a period when the church had
not yet established an official line regarding which
I This paper attempts to show the change of emphasis in the
or what kind of images were appropriate in a de-
representation of Mary, from Virgin and Protectress to Mother,
in the period immediately after Iconoclasm. Other aspects votional
of context.
iconographic change and focus, namely, those raised by recent
The pictures
feminist and western medieval scholarship, will be addressed at
of Mary contrast with the many
typological
another time. Two studies should be mentioned here in connec- images that symbolize salvation for the
dead.
tion with the specific theme of the maternal sentiment recogniz- The difference lies in the human feeling
able in the representations of the Virgin after Iconoclasm: H.
they portray, in an image that is as much of a per-
Maguire, "The Depiction of Sorrow in Middle Byzantine Art,"
DOP 31 (1977), 125-74, esp. 162-66, and A. Kartsonis, Anas-
tasis: The Making of an Image (Princeton, 1986), 108. 2A. Grabar, Early Christian Art (New York, 1968), 99, fig. 95.

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 166 IOLI KALAVREZOU

son as it is of a the
meaning.
nursing mother, as used byBut this
Fausta, was not of-
Mary's humanity is
ficially fleeting,
appropriated an
for Mary in this period. We el
owing of what willfind it onlynotin monumentsbe of Coptic art of the
develope
sixth-seventh century,did
For the official church and there not
it seems to have
yet
corporate the devotion that
its origin in the tradition of the Mar
goddess Isis suck-
could elicit, or was afraid
ling Harpokrates.5 to
Presumably, thedoimage ofso.
the
When the status of the Christian church im- nursing mother, at least in the capital cities of
proved after the Edict of Milan in 313, Christian Rome and Constantinople, implied the theme of
art took another direction. The early official dynastic succession, which would have been inap-
church compositions became more structured, propriate
de- to the mystery of the incarnation. The
riving their formality from the repertoire of church,
offi- in any case, was more comfortable with
cial art, which provided them not only with Mary a com-in an abstract, theological sense rather than
positional clarity and hierarchy but also with the as a physical mother, as the acts of the Council of
authority and respect desired for a fast-growing Ephesus illustrate. The council, held in 431, was
religion. a pivotal moment in Marian theology. During
The surviving visual evidence for Mary is scanty, the theological debate about the incarnation and
which may suggest her relative unimportance at Christ's divine and human natures, the word
the time. For the imperial dynasty in the fourth "Theotokos" became a point of contention. Nesto-
century, on the other hand, representations of the rios was condemned in what ensued, and the coun-
mother were an important subject. Helena was cil voted that the title Theotokos should hence-
prominent as the mother of Constantine. Gold forth be given to Mary. Crucial to the definition of
coins were struck with her effigy; on the reverse the Theotokos were the words of Cyril of Alexan-
was a standing female figure holding an olive dria, which were officially adopted in the records:
branch and personifying Securitas. The legend "Now the Word's being made flesh is nothing else
around the figure reads SECURITAS REI PUB- than that he partook of flesh and blood in a like
LICE. A bronze medallion from Rome (A.D. 325), manner as us . . . and proceeded man from a
with Helena's portrait on the obverse, shows on the woman without having cast away his divinity... In
reverse a standing female figure holding a child in this sense they did not hesitate to call the holy Vir-
her left arm like the later Hodegetria, and hand- gin Theotokos-not as though the nature of the
ing an apple to another child on her right. The Word or his divinity took beginning of being from
legend reads: PIETAS AUGUSTES.3 the holy Virgin, but that of her was begotten the
Fausta, the wife of Constantine, also adopted an holy body animated with a rational soul ...."6 Pro-
official image of a mother for her coinage. From clus, the bishop of Cyzicus who was appointed pa-
324 onward, Fausta was depicted either standing, triarch of Constantinople in 434, shortly after the
holding her two sons in her arms, or enthroned council, preached on the Theotokos: "Happiness
with one child at her breast in the position of a has come to all women. Because of the Theotokos
nursing mother (Fig. 3). The legends on these the feminine sex is no longer under a curse. She is
coins read SALUS REIPUBLICAE and SPES REI- the temple of God sanctified."' While this "happi-
PUBLICAE for the standing figures, and PIETAS ness" may have served as a small counterweight to
AUGUSTAE for the enthroned.4 It is interesting the generally anti-feminine tone of the church, the
to note that the legends on these coins associate the qualities of Mary emphasized at the time were still
notions of hope, safety, and security with a woman, primarily abstract or theological. This can be seen
more particularly with a mother. Similar qualities, in one of the monuments built shortly after the
for example, EALIIC or BEBAIA EAHIIC, will be council, the church of Santa Maria Maggiore in
associated later with the Virgin. Rome-the first church in Rome that was dedi-
The church, as is well known, developed most of cated to Mary. The apse originally had a mosaic
its official images from an imperial or official sys- representing her enthroned, which does not sur-
tem of representation, which included the Virgin vive. However, representations of Mary can still be
as the enthroned queen. However, the theme of seen on the triumphal arch. Although the main

3J. P. C. Kent, Roman Coins (New York, 1978), nos. 639-40, 5 A. Grabar, The Golden Age of Justinian (New York, 1967), figs.
pl. 162. 190, 194.
41Ibid., nos. 641-42, pl. 162. M. Alf6ldi, Die constantinische 6PG 77, col. 44-49.
Goldpriigung (Mainz, 1963), nos. 503, 506, pl. 10, figs. 153, 154. 7PG 65, col. 753.

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 IMAGES OF THE MOTHER 167

showsis
concern in the arch mosaics that the greatest honor is due in
christological, to parents
the
narrative Mary is given when,
a place of respect
through reverence appro-
for his mother, he un-
dertakes
priate to her new status as to do that which he She
Theotokos. did not wish to do,""
appears
that is, to
dressed as an empress, and istransform
even the water into wine. We find in
enthroned
the scene of the Annunciation. Her child, who in this idea elaborated in the sixth-century Kontakion
the early Christian representations of the adora- by Romanos the Melodos, "On the Marriage at
tion of the Magi sat on her lap, is here, in the same Cana." First, Mary herself tells how her mother-
scene, separated from her and placed on a huge hood has given her recognition and honor. Then,
throne of his own. Mary, another woman, and the in the dialogue that develops between Christ and
Magi are placed on either side, creating an almost Mary, Romanos shows her to be quite insistent that
symmetrical, hierarchical composition known her son should perform the miracle. After some
from imperial art.8 reluctance on Christ's part, including the excuse
Just as the term Theotokos, "the One Who Bore that her request falls "out of order," he yields and
God,"9 avoids saying anything about the person says: "since it is necessary that parents be honored
who bore him and does not imply any further re- by their children, I shall pay observance to you,
lationship between the two, so the mosaic on the Mother." 2 The Cana episode becomes an illustra-
triumphal arch in Santa Maria Maggiore avoids es- tion of Mary's successful intercession. Both Cyril
tablishing a personal relation between Mary and and Romanos explain that Mary is successful be-
Christ. By the fifth century, then, the Church had cause she is Christ's mother. The general emphasis
incorporated Mary into its art, but only as Theo- in this period is on her ability to intercede with her
tokos. Though the visual evidence is admittedly son for humankind, but beyond that there is no
sparse, the prolific literary evidence makes it clear further development of her character as a
that the early church fathers were reluctant to call mother.'3
Mary "Mother of God." Ambrose, writing in the In the Akathistos Hymnos as well, Mary is
West in the second half of the fourth century, is the praised for numerous characteristics in various
first to use the title Mater Dei, and then only metaphors: as vessel, bridechamber, pillar of vir-
twice.10 One way to avoid dealing with the mother- ginity, table, heavenly ladder, and so on. Although
son relationship as a human relationship was to she is called mother of the lamb and nursing-
make use of the numerous metaphors of Marian mother of virgins, her motherhood as such is not
typology drawn from the Old Testament: the Vir- praised independently. She is the one who pro-
gin mother as the new Eve, the tabernacle, the vides for and protects her people.14
gate, the ark, the rod of Aaron. The Church was
less than eager to confront the paradox of the hu- When we turn to the sixth century, we find that
manity of the mother of God. However, at the the visual evidence corroborates that found in the
same time other aspects or dimensions of the Vir- texts. In the large number of images that are now
gin were being explored. Particularly, Mary's role
as mediatrix or intercessor begins to take shape. 1PG, 73, col. 225C. Although terms like [teo(Ftg, totEOTE&t
This is mainly recognizable in the exegetical and are not specifically used here, the role she plays in the story of
the successful miracle is that of the intercessor. It is a role taken
homiletic literature. For example, in a commen-
directly from the New Testament and her actual life.
tary on the Miracle of Cana, Cyril of Alexandria, 12 M. Carpenter, trans. and ed., Kontakia of Romanos, Byzantine
writing in the first half of the fifth century, com- Melodist, 2 vols. (Columbia, Missouri, 1970), "The Marriage at
Cana," I, 67-72.
ments on the exchange of petition and response
13The only writer who brings out more strongly Mary's moth-
between Mary and her son. He says that: "Christ erly care toward her son in this period seems to be Romanos
Melodos. If one compares, for example, his imagery to the Ak-
athistos
W. Oakeshott, The Mosaics of Rome (New York, 1967), fig. 55; Hymnos, a contrast is immediately recognizable; P.
E. Kitzinger, Byzantine Art in the Making (Cambridge, Maas
Mass.,
and C. Trypanis, eds., Sancti Romani Melodi Cantica (Ox-
1977), fig. 127; B. Brenk, Diefriihchristlichen Mosaiken in S.ford,
Maria1963). On this topic see V. Limberis, Identities and Images
Maggiore zu Rom (Wiesbaden, 1975), esp. 50-52. of the Theotokos in the Akathistos Hymn, Ph.D. dissertation, Har-
9 It is important to note here that the term Theotokos encoun-
vard University, 1987, 145.
tered in the Greek texts, especially of the pre-iconoclastic 14G.pe- G. Meersseman, Hymnos Akathistos (Freiburg, 1958). On
riod, is all too often translated as "Mother of God" ratherthe than
role of the Virgin in the 5th-7th centuries, see the studies
"bearer of God." This translation eliminates the careful use
by of
Averil Cameron, "The Theotokos in Sixth-Century Constan-
the term by the Greek authors: see, e.g., C. Mango, The Art of JTS, n.s. 29 (1978), 79-108, repr. in Continuity and
tinople,"
the Byzantine Empire, 312-1453 (Englewood Cliffs, N.J., 1972).
Change in Sixth-Century Byzantium (London, 1981), no. xvI; and
10M. O'Carroll, Theotokos (Wilmington, 1982), "Ambrose," p. "The Virgin's Robe: An Episode in the History of Early
idem,
20.
Seventh-Century Constantinople," ibid., no. xvii.

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 168 IOLIKALAVREZOU

being produced,Letimages us now turn to art in

after the period of Ico
which
focus, her role oclasm. Anna Kartsonis dates
as mother is a number
not of p
she is identified by
toral crosses an
and small crossinscrip
reliquaries to the l
simply MAPIA or H AFIA MAPIA, not even eighth and ninth centuries.19 She points out th
Theotokos. suddenly we find, next to the representation of
Her image can be seen in apse compositions, Virgin,
on the label OEOTOKOC and occasiona
alsoInMHTHP EEOY, which had not appeared
icons, and on a number of ecclesiastical objects.
art earlier. What does the introduction of these
most of these pre-iconoclastic representations,
Mary is holding the Christ child and presenting
titles suggest? For my argument, it is important to
establish
him to the world. 15 She is not only venerated as the when these terms are introduced and
means through which the incarnation waswhy. madeBoth labels appear on the same type of
jects:
possible, but her intercessory function is also rec-the pectoral crosses depict the Crucifixion
ognizable. Among the many examples is the the obverse and the standing Virgin holding
Cleve-
Child in front of her on the reverse. Additional
land tapestry icon, in which Mary is enthroned
medallions
holding the child before her (Fig. 4). She is iden- of the evangelists and other saints are
tified by an inscription as H AFIA MAPIA placed
and ison the crossarms. These scenes and figures
canrole
flanked by the archangels. A suggestion of her be seen, for example, on the silver-plated
crosses
as intercessor is made by the enthroned figure of in Venice and Athens (Figs. 6, 7).20 On th
cross
Christ placed directly over her.16 Another ex-in Venice, Mary is identified as H AFI
ample, in this case an apse decoration, is the eEOTOKOC;
sixth- on the fragmentary reverse of th
Athens cross, she is labeled MHTHP [EOY].
century church at Parenzo built by Bishop Eufras-
ius. Although heavily restored, the mosaic hasThere
not is good evidence that after the Seventh
been changed iconographically (Fig. 5). The Ecumenical
Vir- Council in 787, which reinstated the
worship
gin is enthroned on a meadow-like ground. She is of relics and images, phylacteries of the
trueside
flanked by angels and approached on either cross and illustrated crosses like these were
worn by the iconophiles as statements of their or-
by saints and Eufrasius himself, who is presenting
thodoxy during the interim period 787-815. This
his church to her. She is set up like a queen holding
use probably continued during the second period
her child before her, guarded by her attendants.
She is receiving the honor and respect of theof Iconoclasm.21 These pectoral crosses were one
saints
and the bishop, who hopes for a place in heaven
of the first types of object to be decorated with fig-
through her intercession. A wreath is placed ures,
in thepossibly because of the attention given the
center, and heavy, colorful clouds cover the cross
skyduring Iconoclasm as the only image or sym-
above. In this case Christ, seated among the bol to receive veneration. The Crucifixion was ob-
Apostles, is represented on the wall of the trium- viously an apropriate theme. But I would like to
phal arch above.'7 show that the cross and the scene of the Crucifix-
The compositions in these early non-narrative ion were consciously chosen by the iconophile
representations are formal; symmetry and hier- movement to defend the depiction of Christ.
archy are important for focus and emphasis. In all At the Crucifixion, Christ, shortly before his
these representations Mary is depicted frontally death, turns to Mary and says: "behold, this is your
and always holding the child. Except for the hand son" and to John: "behold, this is your mother"
on the shoulder of the child, which could be read (John 19:26-27). These words have received vary-
as a motherly touch, these images more than any- ing interpretations in different periods.22 The
thing else are unemotional and distant. Mary is still ITICCA. This icon has been dated 6th-7th century, an early
the Theotokos as defined at the council, a concept date for this type. The icon was repainted in the 13th century,
which precludes the establishment of any direct and only the face and hand are original and in the encaustic
emotional connection between her and her son technique. The wooden panel is also put together from a num-
ber of pieces, so it is not clear how the head and face related to
that could imply a family relationship.'8 each other in the original composition; K. Weitzmann, The Mon-
astery of Saint Catherine at Mount Sinai: The Icons, I (Princeton,
'5G. A. Wellen, "Das Marienbild in der friihchristlichen 1976) no. B.4., 21-23.
Kunst," Lexikon der christlichen Ikonographie (Freiburg, 1971), vol. 19Kartsonis, Anastasis, 105-7
3, 156-211. 20Ibid., fig. 33; Venezia e Bisanzio (Venice, 1974), no. 17, with
16 K. Weitzmann, ed., Age of Spirituality (New York, 1979), no. literature.

477, pl. xiv. 21Kartsonis, Anastasis, 118-20, for textual evidence.

17 G. Cuscito, Parenzo (Padua, 1976). 22T. Koehler, "Les principales interpretations traditionnelles
"8An icon on Mt. Sinai depicts the Virgin as a supplicant, de Jn 19, 25-27 pendant les douze premiers si'cles," Bulletin.
turned toward the right in a pose known later as the AFIOCOP- Socigtd Frangaise d'Etudes Mariales 16 (1959), 119-55. There is a

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 IMAGES OF THE MOTHER 169

church fathers generally considered

These words unmistakably makethe Mary thetext t
show Christ's thoughtfulness mother not only of Christ but
toward of all mother,
his his disciples.
his intention to provide Thisfor
is to be her.
understoodMorein the widest sense-she
precise ex
planations were offered is the
after motherthe of all.patristic
Mary becomes the most a
period
particularly in the ninth proachable
century. intercessor Inbetween
a homily the faithful of
George of Nikomedia, for her son. example,
She is to be called mother,
the for she was not
analysis o
these two statements only reveals the
a skevoma (abode) general
for him, which was theeffor
tra-
after Iconoclasm to emphasize ditional image for Christ's
her maternity,human
but also becausena-
ture. This was done, in she part,
showed a proairesis,
by stressingan affection or devotion
Mary
humanity. that makes reference to her maternal feelings and
George of Nikomedia was a diakon and charto- disposition, an aspect in her relation to Christ not
phylax of Hagia Sophia who became a well-known encouraged until now. Why does the motherly as-
preacher. He was a personal friend of Patriarch pect of Mary become so important at that time?
Photios, who appointed him Metropolitan of Ni- Her human relationship to Christ had become
komedia in 860. Of the great number of his hom- most important in this period since Christ's human
ilies which survive, the best known are those on nature depended on her humanity. The most im-
various subjects related to the Theotokos. In his portant argument in the debate about the icons of
homily entitled "When his Mother stood next to Christ of the iconophiles was that, according to the
the cross at the Crucifixion," he elaborates on the acts of the Council of 787, "Christians have been
words Christ says to his mother: IAE O YIOC taught to portray his image in accordance with his
COY. Christ himself explains his statement: "for visible nature, not according to the one in which
through him (John) I bequeath also the rest of my he was divine . . ."25 The desire to represent the
disciples. And as long as you will live with them visible nature of Christ resulted in the emphasis on
and stay with them, as it shall be my will, you will his human aspect, and the representation of the
give them your bodily presence in place of mine. human nature is necessarily tied to the miracle of
Be for them all that mothers are naturally for their the incarnation through the Virgin Mary. Her hu-
children, or rather all that I should be by my pres- man qualities rather than her utility as a source of
ence; all that sons and subjects are, they will be for doctrine had to be brought out directly, and em-
you. They will pay considerable respect to you be- phasizing her motherhood was the most obvious
cause you are the mother of the Lord and, because means of achieving this.
I came to them through you, they acquire in you In the scene of the Crucifixion, the suffering of
the placatable intercessor toward me."23 Christ and the sorrow of Mary depicted the human
Christ explains in the following way his words to nature of both. The Crucifixion was also the scene
John IAOY H MHTHP COY: "It is not only for in which the theme of Mary as the human mother
you, but also for the others that I have made her was first clearly depicted. The source was the text
mother and guide, and it is my will that she should of the New Testament itself and not a theological
be honored in the fullest sense with the dignity of interpretation. Visually this was done by the addi-
mother. Though I have forbidden you to call any- tion of Christ's own words as a quotation in the im-
one on earth father, I wish nonetheless that you age. Under the arms of the cross, we read: IAE O
call her mother and honor her as such, she who YIOC COY and IAOY H MHTHP COY. This can
was for me an abode more than heavenly, and be seen on the two crosses mentioned above (Fi
showed me an affection with which nature is un- 6, 7) and can be found on a number of other ea
acquainted."24 pectoral crosses.26
In two crucifixion icons from Mount Sinai (pr
large body of literature on the specific verses of John 19: 25-
27; see the bibliography in O'Carroll, Theotokos, 374-75.
xat TCO Ti4 g MrqO6g d?b[act tttaodOat oPoOXogtat xoClog. El
23PG 100, col. 1476D: lot y &Q 8C' acToI xcat 'og vIV
XOLoio;g
xat Xa tQta xakXEv L tv I'nt yL"g dct]y6Qdeoa, 6atwg;
JTaQaTcOq[tOl taOqTdg xat &4' 6oov POfOXot a TE [1o. oGE] ovve-
Ta'cOTv MTrpa xat t t ToOat xat xakXElOOat nac' IN6v, 'T
VaL to'totg, xat v tp p lC 8&cLTEXELyV, Tqig oaQQXLXqig oto
ovQdvt6v tot XQqtaTC0aQoav o JXV(Lta, XLat VlV Tig O
3aQovwoagcL Ttv oLXECav aQ1oTg Qv'CLTrQagxo0g. FIvo0 t EL8etya[t~vv
[V ati`tog, 3TQoa(QeotLv. In the writings of George of N
6oa MTQ6oL JT Obg iltobg yEvWOaL txe -~ tXXkkov media, &8, 6oa Henry
yb Maguire has also observed that through Ma
lament and gestures of affection Christ's human natu
oVtwaq(v ? ab'cot i' & & T6Cv ithkv xat W lnx6wav oo0 yevioovTCaL.
brought
'A~t6Okoy6v 0o0 16 oG oag, g co0 otxeoL AEou 6Eo6To1 out; see DOP 31 (1977), 162.
o'ooTVOL
25 Mansi,
Mi'qpt, ()g 8t0 oo 0 o0totg tL?L8UqptioavT6g tov, xaQt eteFCLCaV oF XIII, 252; also Mango, The Art of the Byzantine
3t6g [LE h8LtdXXaxTov a1t'ToL XEXttavot. pire, 172.
24 PG 100, col. 1477B: NOv y,Q Ta'Ozv, oi t6vov oof, XX6 of them are illustrated in Kartsonis, Anastasis,
26A number
figs. 25-27.
xat TCOv o X0otCv, (g TExoVoCv, xaOqyoIhtvqv TCOq[tL a60qTCv,

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 170 IOLI KALAVREZOU

ably eighth cies between the visible mosaic

century),27 Maryand the sermon of
is st
and the quotation
Photios.30is absent.
I believe In
this to be partly true, fa
but Pho-
pre-iconoclastictiosexamples have
intended to read into the mosaic image theitas-
become a commonplace
pect of motherhood by thewas
which previously tent
not pre-
The use of the title Theotokos on these crosses sent, or was not meant to be present, in Mary's
portraits.
emphasizes the definition of the Council of Ephe-
Among a number of descriptions of Mary's
sus that through her humanity Christ became
man. But in the end the word MHTHP, as found motherly gestures, as she holds the child, Photios
in the Gospel text in the scenes of the Crucifixion, says that she "fondly turns her eyes on her begot-
expressed more directly the quality newly invested ten Child in the affection of her heart, yet assumes
in the Virgin and became the only way to refer tothe expression of a detached and imperturbable
her in images in the following centuries. In a word,mood."31 I would argue here that the visual rep-
resentation of this action on the part of the Virgin,
Theotokos is now ntTlg as well.
Byzantine artists commonly turned to inscrip- that is, to turn and look at the child, is impossible
tions in their paintings, either as epigrams or la- in this period and impossible in an apse composi-
bels, when a specific or new meaning, not imme- tion at any period. Even in the church of St.
diately perceivable through the iconography, was George at Kurbinovo of the late twelfth century
to be read in an image. The addition to the Cruci- (Fig. 9), whose paintings offer the most dramatic
fixion of the biblical quotation and the introduc- expressions of motherly sentiment and suffering,
tion of "Theotokos" and "Meter Theou" should be the enthroned Virgin in the apse, who admittedly
seen as parallel efforts to state the Iconophile po- holds her child in her lap in a rather relaxed posi-
sition in the images. tion, does not turn her gaze toward her child.
Within the context of the Church, it appears that This statement of Photios, concerning Mary's af-
new concepts or meanings were more easily intro- fectionate gaze upon her son, should be seen as an
duced through language than through images, es- attempt on his part to evoke her motherly tender-
pecially when, as in Byzantium, very strict defini- ness and care for her child. He projects an emo-
tions about religious representations were in force.tional expression that could at this point not yet be
New ideas were first expressed in hymns and other seen in images. He attempts to create a motherly
religious texts, such as homilies, before they image ap- of the enthroned Theotokos by reading ma-
peared in the visual iconography. ternal gestures and invoking feelings into the pic-
ture that were present in the homiletic tradition by
The promotion of the motherhood of Mary the late ninth century, but not yet in the art. In
after Iconoclasm is also noticeable in the homilies contrast to the earlier apse compositions, the orig-
of Photios. For example, in his homily on the im- inality of the apse of Hagia Sophia is that for the
age revealed in Hagia Sophia in 867, he brings outfirst time the beholder has a direct approach to the
in florid terms the maternal qualities of the Virginmother and child. They are represented against a
plain
by describing the way she is holding and looking at golden background, without clouds or
ground to stand upon, and the composition has
her child (Fig. 8). His description, it has been ar-
been stripped of the narrative crowding of other
gued, is inconsistent with the mosaic visible today
in the apse, and thus the mosaic that we see todayfigures. The image of Mary presenting her child
becomes accessible to the viewer in a one-to-one
in Hagia Sophia cannot be that of the ninth cen-
tury.29 Cyril Mango and E. J. W Hawkins have sug- relationship, which is not disturbed by the over-
gested that lofty rhetoric explains the discrepan-crowding of the space around her. The archangels,
although still present, have been placed in a differ-
ent architectural space, the bema arch. This sepa-
27Weitzman, Sinai Icons, I, B.32 and B.36. Another icon of the ration was a conscious choice rather than a matter
Crucifixion, B.50, of the late 8th or first half of the 9th century,
of
has the quotation from John 19:26-27 under the crossarms and limited space, since the same compositional ap-
identifies Mary as MHTHP OEOY. proach is present in the apse decorations that fol-
28In the 10th century there are a number of monuments with
the representation of the Crucifixion that incorporate the in-
scription. A dated one is the enamel plaque from Georgia,
whose donor was King George II of Abkhazia (922-957), which 30C. Mango and E. J. W Hawkins, "The Apse Mosaics of St.
also includes the quotation from John. Sophia at Istanbul," DOP 19 (1965), 113-51.
29N. Oikonomides, "Some Remarks on the Apse Mosaic of St. 31C. Mango, The Homilies of Photius, Patriarch of Constantinople
Sophia," DOP 39 (1985), 111-16, which cites earlier literature.(Cambridge, Mass., 1958), 290.

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 I I. ,

I'vo 4

fl
~i Lst~~~..
pip

2 De'ani, icon of standi

Mount Sinai, icon of (after
VirgA. Grabar, Zogr

(after K. Weitzmann, The Ic

[New York, 1978])

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 ,02

;01'

ai-

i. 8

4 Cleveland, tapestry 5
iconParenzo
of Vir
(after Weitzmann, Age (photo:
of D
Spiritua

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 'S

": ~

13 Seal of Patriarch
3 Gold medallion of Empress FaustaPhotios (858-867,
(after Kent, pl. 162, no. 641)
877-886), Hodegetria (after Zacos,
II, no. 7a)
14 Seal of Patriarch Sergios II
(1001-19), Hodegetria
(photo: Dumbarton Oaks)

1.

7 Athens,
6 Venice, church of St. Nicol6 di Mendicoli, silver Benaki
cross Museum, silver cro
(after Venezia e Bisanzio, no. 17) (after Kartsonis, fig. 33)

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 IlkI

3fD

RON |

0Q
?AI' 44

Ix

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 it5

tt

9 Kurbinovo, ch

.jV

? -.;,

LOPL

10 Constantinople, Hag

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 ke!

$~4t~k

11 Tbilisi, State A
(after L. Z. Khuski
[Tbilisi, 1984], no

. . . .... ... . . . ...-?_-j , , Aft,

i 1

w. 1!' '

'i- t \ C
12 Berlin, Staatliche Museen, ivory icon, Deesis
(after A. Goldschmidt and K. Weitzmann,
Die byzantinischen Elfenbeinskulpturen. . . [Berlin, 1979])

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 V.!

no U-,,

15 Constantinople, patriarchal room over ve

(after Cormack and Hawkins, DOP 31 [1977

.f

16 Cappadocia, Tokah Kilise, niche with Virgin and Child

(photo: Dumbarton Oaks)

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 -no I

OY

51

-4.
Jilt -I

14

to

- 4r?

i-A

18 Con
17 Constantinople, church of the Chora, parekklesion,
(photo: Dumbarton Oaks) Virgi

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 IMAGES OF THE MOTHER 171

lowed, such as Hagia Sophia

crowns the in Thessaloniki,
emperor.34 This is the first time Ho-
in Byz-
sios Loukas, Nea Moni, etc. antine art that she is depicted performing this act.
The mosaic of Hagia Sophia in Constantinople In a general way, one can say that from the late
also lacks the title MHTHP OEOY on either sideninth century Mary becomes more active, that is,
of the image, which implies that it is of the ninth she is more of a participant in the religious images
century when the label was not yet common; it wasof the Byzantine Church. Here I am not referring
possibly too daring for the first and most impor-to the scenes that derive from and are tied to the
tant image in Hagia Sophia. The same can be saidGospel narrative. I refer to the images of an iconi
for the apse mosaic in Hagia Sophia in Thessalo-devotional, or even political nature, often cal
niki, which also lacks the inscription.32 The pref- ed symbolic, that the church and the state ar
erence for this title by the tenth century can be creating.
seen on the enthroned Virgin and Child mosaic in
Hagia Sophia over the narthex entrance from the Her important theological position after Icono-
vestibule which, I think, must have the largest andclasm is also evident in the decision of the patri-
boldest inscriptions of these words ever made archs of Constantinople to adopt her image as a
(Fig. 10). representative symbol on their seals. Before Icon-
oclasm she was part of the repertoire of imperial
The introduction of Mary as the mother of God seals. Two types were common then: the Virgin
and as the most accessible and understanding in- was depicted either as a bust with the head of the
tercessor expanded the artistic possibilities of her child showing in front of her breast or as a stand-
image. Change was slow, and she did not appear as ing Hodegetria. The first patriarch to place her
the sentimental mother embracing her child until image, a standing Hodegetria, on his seals was Pa-
later in the tenth century, and then only in images triarch Methodios (843-847).5 Photios had two
of special devotion and possibly in limited geo- types: one was the abbreviated bust with the Christ
graphical areas. First we see her in her role of me- child in front, while the other was the standing
diatrix who intercedes for mankind with her son. Hodegetria (Fig. 13). They are both types that
From this period onward, the theme of interces- were used on imperial seals before Iconoclasm.36
sion has a distinct iconography and becomes a fa- After Photios, the older bust type disappears alto-
vorite subject on a number of objects of devotion gether, and the Hodegetria continues until she is
for personal use as well as for the Church. Forreplaced
ex- by the seated Virgin and Child in 1059 in
the seals of Constantine III Leichoudes.37
ample, on the Martvili enamel reliquary of the sec-
ond half of the ninth century (Fig. 11), we see However, already with the patriarchate of Ser-
Mary in an intercessory position of address gios
and II (1001-19), a change in the iconography of
the frontal Hodegetria is recognizable (Fig. 14).
prayer to her son. Together with John the Baptist,
she represents the theme of the Deesis. Another The Virgin holds her head slightly inclined toward
her child, a gesture of affection and a sign of her
Deesis is found on a small ivory icon of probably
motherly nature. Now also the label MHP eY en
the same period in Berlin (Fig. 12), which has the
composition in reverse. We can see that the label ters the iconography of the seals and appears on
MHTHP 8EOY is not yet standard; it is visibleeither on side of her figure.38
the ivory but not on the Matvili enamel. Emperor She possibly becomes the protectress of the pa-
Leo VI introduces on his solidus, for the first time
triarchs because Christ was used on the imperia
seals-an appropriate choice for the emperors,
on a Byzantine coin, a Virgin orans, that is, the Vir-
gin as his intercessor. This coin has a doublesincein- Christ invested them with their power. In any
scription: Mary is called MAPIA but also MWP case, the Virgin seems more appropriate than
Y.0 As a particular intercessor for Leo, she Christap- for the patriarch who, in his capacity a
pears on the ivory scepter in Berlin, where head she of the clergy is, like the Virgin, the mediator
between the people and God.
32 R. Cormack, "The Arts during the Age of Iconoclasm," in
Iconoclasm, ed. A. Bryer and J. Herrin (Birmingham, 1977),
34K.37,Corrigan, "The Ivory Scepter of Leo VI: A Statement of
fig. 4. Cf. idem, "The Apse Mosaics of S. Sophia at Thessalon-
Post-Iconoclastic Imperial Ideology," ArtB 60 (1978), 407-16.
35G. Zacos, Byzantine Lead Seals, II, ed. J. Nesbitt (Berne,
iki," AeXT.XQLoT.'A)qX.'ET. 10 (1980-81), 111-35; he redates
the mosaic of the Virgin to the 11th century. 1984), no. 5.
36 Ibid., no. 7.
33 P. Grierson, Catalogue of the Byzantine Coins in the Dumbarton
37 Ibid., no. 16A.
Oaks Collection and the Whittemore Collection, III, Part 2 (Washing-
ton, D.C., 1973), 508, 512, pl. xxxiv. 3"Ibid., no. 12.

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 172 IOLIKALAVREZOU

The mosaic of the Deesis

visible.42 A thick layerinof sootthe patri
covering the painting
above the vestibule
indicates(Fig.
that it had15),
an oil lamprestored
burning in fron
clasm (second half of
of it. We do the
not know 9thwhether century
a specific meanin
was attached to the theme ofto
seen as a direct reference the embrace
this at this par
cessory function period,
of but theit seemsChurch,
that this type of tender sym rela-
by the theme of tionship
theof Deesis Mary with her childas became
such. a favoredI
dental that in the later
subject centuries,
in Cappadocian churches during the tenth pr
the reconquest of andConstantinople,
eleventh centuries. Several examples survive, th
of the Deesis wasunfortunately
set up not inagain in the
very good condition.43
when this was A large number
used as aof hall
these depictions
for in Cappa-
th
church councils.40 docian churches, expressing Mary's intimate rela-
tionship with her child, are clearly votive icons, ac-
Mary, although now mother and more actively cording to Nicole Thierry. They are set up with
painted frames as if they were panel icons, and are
participating as the closest intercessor with Christ,
retained, in representations of an official nature
frequently found on the south wall of the church.4
such as the decoration of an apse, what PhotiosAde- Palaiologan example of this tradition is found in
the Parekklesion of the fourteenth-century Chora
scribed as an "expression of a detached and imper-
turbable mood." On the other hand, the intimate church of Theodore Metochites (Fig. 17). On the
and emotional side of Mary's motherhood began to south wall, a standing Mary embraces her child by
enter images used in more private circumstances, almost bending her whole body over him.
whether in a private chapel, on an icon in one's
home, in a manuscript, or on a seal. There, artists Interestingly, even at this late period the distinc-
and patrons felt more free to minimize the for- tion we have observed between the formal and the

mality of the Virgin and give rein to the explora- intimate representations of the Virgin is still main-
tion of her more emotive and motherly qualities. tained. In the larger church with the mosaic deco-
A dimension that had been missing before entered ration, the more official church of the monastic
into Byzantine art. The results of this more ex- foundation, the type chosen for the wall icon of
pressive direction include many of the well-known the Virgin is that of the Hodegetria rather than the
later Byzantine works, mainly icons, for example, affectionately embracing mother (Fig. 18). The
the famous Vladimir icon of the twelfth century. child is held a bit further away, which now allows
One of the earliest surviving depictions of this the mother to "turn her affectionate gaze toward
maternal sentiment is in a wall icon in the New her offspring," to quote Photios once again. In this
case In
Church of Tokahli dating to the tenth century.4' too, the image is an icon and not an apse
painting. However, we perceive the influence of
a niche to the left of the central apse is a remark-
able Virgin with the Christ child (Fig. 16). motherly
She qualities even on one of the oldest im-
ages,
holds the relatively small child pressed against the Hodegetria.
her
cheek in a tender embrace. One hand supports The the extent and degree of this human dimension
head, the other the child's knees. This imagein the art of late Byzantine society provides ample
seems
to have been of special importance since, as visual
An- testimony-in this case, if I am not mis-
nabel Wharton has pointed out, the slab of taken,
the more impressive than the textual evi-
dence-for
parapet in front of it was cut down to make it more the emotive power of motherhood.

19R. Cormack and E. J. W. Hawkins, "The Mosaics of St. So- Harvard University
phia at Istanbul: The Rooms above the Southwest Vestibule and
Ramp," DOP 31 (1977), 175-251, esp. 213-19.
40T. Whittemore, The Mosaics of Hagia Sophia at Istanbul (Bos- 42 Epstein, Tokalz, 9, 26.
ton, 1952). 41N. Thierry, "La Vierge de tendresse ai l'epoque macedon-
41A. W. Epstein, Tokalh Kilise: Tenth-Century Metropolitan Art in
ienne," Zograf 10 (1979), 59-70.
Byzantine Cappadocia, DOS 22 (Washington, D.C., 1986), 26. 44Ibid., 63.

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