JOHN CHRYSOSTOM

The second half of the fourth century was a turbulent time. Bishops
came and went, monks rioted and Christianity struggled to gain a
foothold against competing religions as increasingly it came to
exert its influence. Just as often Christian group fought against
Christian group for power and influence. From the midst of this
turmoil a number of outstanding figures arose to dominate the
ecclesiastical and political landscape. One of the most remarkable
was John Chrysostom.
This book examines John Chrysostom’s role as a preacher and his
pastoral activities as presbyter and bishop. The authors draw together
the latest research on preaching, the preacher’s audience and pastoral
care in a comprehensive introduction. They also provide fresh and
lively translations of a key selection of sermons and letters which
allow John Chrysostom to speak on these topics in his own words.
John Cbrysostompresents a valuable introduction to the processes of
Christianisation, the roles of elites in the church, the offices of
presbyter and bishop, and the place of the church in late antique
society.
 THE EARLY CHURCH FATHERS
Edited by Carol Harrison
University of Dwbam

The Greek and Latin Fathers of the church are central to the creation
of Christian doctrine, yet often unapproachable because of the sheer
volume of their writings and the relative paucity of accessible trans-
lations. This series makes available translations of key selected texts
by the major Fathers to all students of the early church.

Already published:
MAXIMUS THE CONFESSOR
Andrew Loilth

IRENAEUS OF LYONS
Robert M. Grant

AMBROSE
Boniface Ramsey OP

ORIGEN
Joseph W. Trigg
JOHN CHRYSOSTOM

Wendy Mdyer md Pudine Allen

London and New York

 First published 2000
by Routledge
11 New Fetter Lane, London EC4P 4EE
Simultaneously published in the USA and Canada
by Routledge
29 West 35th Street, New York, NY 10001
Routledge is an imprint of the Taylor 0 Francis Group
0 2000 Wendy Mayer and Pauline Allen
The right of Wendy Mayer and Pauline Allen to be identified as the
Author of this Work has been asserted by them in accordance with the
Copyrighr, Designs and Patents Act 1988
Typeset in Garamond by BC Typesetting, Bristol
Printed and bound in Great Britain by
St Edmundsbury Press, Bury St Edmunds, Suffolk
All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reprinted or
reproduced ot utilised in any form or by any electronic, mechanical, or
other means, now known or hereafter invented, including photocopying
and recording, or in any information storage or retrieval system,
without permission in writing from the publishers.
British Library Cataloguing in Publication Data
A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library
Library of Congwss Cataloging in Publication Data
Mayer, Wendy, 1960-
John ChrysostomiWendy Mayer and Pauline Allen.
P. cm. - (Early church fathers)
Includes bibliographical references and index.
1. John Chrysostom, Saint, d. 407. 2. Theology, Doctrinal.
I. John Chrysostom, Saint, d. 407. Selections. 1999. II. Allen,
Pauline. III. Title. IV. Series.
BR65.C46M39 1999
270.2’092-&21 99-17709
WI CIP

ISBN O-415-18252-2 (hbk)

ISBN 0-415-18253-o (pbk)
 CONTENTS

Preface vii
Abbreviations ix

Introduction
1 JOHN’S LIFE AND TIMES 3
2 THE LITURGICAL SETTING 17
3 JOHN AS PREACHER 26
4 JOHN’S AUDIENCE 34
5 JOHN AS SOUL-CARER 41
6 PASTORAL CARE AND DAILY LIFE 47

Texts
GENERAL INTRODUCTION TO THE TEXTS 55
ON EPHESIANS HOMILY 11 59
ON COLOSSIANS HOMILY 7 73
HOMILY DELIVERED AFTER THE REMAINS OF
MARTYRS ETC. 85
A HOMILY ON MARTYRS 93
ON HIS RETURN 98
ON THE STATUES HOMILY 17 104
AGAINST THE GAMES AND THEATRES 118
BAPTISMAL INSTRUCTION 8 126
ON EUTROPIUS 132
 CONTENTS

ON: ‘I OPPOSED HIM TO HIS FACE’ 140

ON: ‘MY FATHER’S WORKING STILL’ 143
AGAINST THE JEWS ORATION 1 148
ON 1 CORINTHIANS HOMILY 21 168
ON THE ACTS OF THE APOSTLES HOMILY 3 177
CONCERNING BLESSED PHILOGONIUS 184
LETTERS FROM EXILE 196

Notes 205
Bibliography 220
Index 228

vi
 PREFACE

In the case of John Chrysostom no single volume can do justice to

a father of the church whose output was so prolific and is so well pre-
served. Indeed, it is unwise to try. What we aim to present through
the carefully selected sermons and letters translated in this volume is
rather a snapshot of two important aspects of John’s life - his experi-
ences as a preacher and his involvement in the pastoral care offered
by the Nicene Christian church in the cities of Constantinople and
Antioch in his time. Over the centuries many biographies and
accounts of the life and times of this famous preacher have appeared
(in English: Stephens 1880; Attwater 1939; Baur 1959-60, orig.
publ. in German 1929-30; Kelly 1995), yet in few has either
aspect received more than a superficial treatment. In general, too,
critical assessment of John as preacher, analysis of the character,
composition and behaviour of his audience, and nuanced discussion
of John’s involvement in pastoral care, is scarce (with the exception
of Rentinck 1970 and MacMullen 1989). Also rare is the firm situa-
tion of these three aspects within the two distinct urban environ-
ments in which John and his parishioners lived and worked, and
within which interaction between them of a homiletic and pastoral
nature necessarily occurred. It is these deficiencies that we hope in
some small part to address.
The detail which we offer in the introduction to the volume
derives largely from the intensive, systematic assessment to which
we have been subjecting John’s homilies in the course of the past
eight years (Allen and Mayer 1993) - a process which we are now
applying to his correspondence also. The research which we
conducted for the recently released handbook on Greek preaching
(Cunningham and Allen 1998; Allen 1996, 1997; Mayer 1997a, b,
1998b) is likewise reflected. This research has been supported gener-
ously and continuously by the Australian Research Council. Without

vii
 PREFACE

its funding none of the painstaking reading and analysis upon which
this work is based could have been undertaken. Thanks are due also
to the Society for the Promotion of Byzantine Studies (UK) and the
A.G. Leventis Foundation, which assisted the contributors to the
above volume to meet in Oxford in 1996 to discuss at first hand
the finer points of what occurred between the Greek preachers of
the first millennium and their audiences. With regard to the book
itself, we are grateful to the editors for allowing us to incorporate
a longer than usual bibliography containing a greater than usual
number of items in foreign languages. The literature on John
Chrysostom is extensive and there is no single up-to-date bibli-
ography available for this author. In addition, while much is written
in English, the majority of the scholarship relevant to the two areas
upon which we focus appears in other languages. The comments and
advice of Carol Harrison, the General Editor of this series, have been
most helpful.
Finally, it is with considerable appreciation that we acknowledge
the efficient and cheerful assistance of Fran Wilkinson, Secretary of
the Department of Theology; Pam Ackroyd, Secretary of the
Centre for Early Christian Studies; and Elaine Mortimer, Interlibrary
Loans Librarian - all at McAuley Campus, Australian Catholic
University. Without their support this volume could not have
reached fruition.
Wendy Mayer and Pauline Allen
Feast day of blessed Philogonius
20 December 1998

...
Vlll
 ABBREVIATIONS

ACW Ancient Christian Writers

a. i. ab imo
CPG Clauis Patrum Graecorum
EEC Encyclopaedia of the Early Church (ed. A. Di Berardino)
HE Historia ecclesiastica
HR Historia religiosa
BJ Liddell and Scott, A Greek-English Lexicon
OCD The Oxfmd Classical Dictionary
ODB The Oxfmd Dictionary of Byzantium
ODJR The Oxfmd Dictionary of the Jewish Religion
PG Patrologia Graeca
PLRE The Prosopography of the Later Roman Empire
SC SourcesCbrhiennes

ix
Introduction
 1
JOHN’S LIFE AND TIMES

THE SECOND HALF OF THE FOURTH

CENTURY

At Antioch in Syria in c.349l John was born into a world that was at
once both stable and caught up in the inexorable momentum of
change. By the time that he died on 14 September 407 his life
would span the greater part of a remarkable period, during which
the boundaries of power and thought within the Roman empire
shifted and the world of antiquity was irrevocably changed.*
Christianity, while by no means as yet the dominant religion, was
in the ascendant; yet, at the same time, it struggled to compete
with the older pagan religions, the imperial cult and Judaism,
each of which had a strong and tenacious hold on the public space
and upon the public mind. In cities where Christianity did have a
strong hold it was scarcely homogeneous. John himself grew up in
a place in which there resided three Christian bishops, all claiming
legitimate authority - a figure which swelled in one memorable
year to four (Wilken 1983: 10-16). Throughout the fourth century
the call to a life of usRe~ri.r,
the exercise of self-denial, grew attractive
for a number of reasons and there was a dramatic increase in the
number of men, young and old, who abandoned secular life for com-
munities of monks or for a solitary life as a holy man. Women too in
increasing numbers avoided childbearing or second marriages by
declaring themselves celibate and in many cases devoted their lives
to charitable works.3 At this same time the idea that the bones or
ashes of those who had died for the faith had special powers gained
credence and such mortal remains were considered to sanctify the
place where they resided. These associations led to the first trans-
lations of saints’ and martyrs’ remains, a practice which rapidly
gained momentum.*

3
 INTRODUCTION

In the secular world the empire became divided permanently into

east and west, each with its own emperor and administrative centre.
After residing at Antioch for much of the middle part of the fourth
century for military reasons, from Theodosius onwards the emperors
in the east became permanently domiciled at Constantinople. In
association with this shift the ecclesiastical see of Constantinople
rose dramatically in status, being declared at the Second Ecumenical
Council of 381 second in standing after Rome. This declaration
accelerated an already emerging shift in the balance of power in
the east between the see of Constantinople and its more prominent
rivals Antioch and Alexandria. Throughout this same period at
Constantinople the new aristocracy, promoted by Constantine and
successive emperors as the senatorial class of the new Rome, consoli-
dated its position. In association with all of these developments
bishops, monks and pagans flooded into Constantinople in increasing
numbers and began to reside there for lengthy periods in order to
seek influence and favour. They were vibrant times in which, in
the east, the two cities between which John divided his life and
career played roles that were prominent.
It was a world in which much was changing; and yet much
remained the same. Despite the growing influence of Christianity
and the increasing presence of distinctive ascetic men and women,
the larger cities of the late antique world remained uniform havens
of Hellenistic culture. In many ways, to travel from one such city
to another was to journey from the usual into the familiar. Greek
was spoken everywhere, trade and administration continued as it
had before, and the pagan festivals that had defined civic life for
centuries were celebrated with continued enthusiasm. As in the
past the male children of the upper classes were trained in classical
rhetoric and fixed their sights on careers in law or the civil service.
At Antioch, as we shall see in Against the Jews oration 1, citizens con-
tinued to solemnise business contracts in the local synagogue and to
seek healing at local pagan or Jewish shrines according to the sacred
location’s speciality or reputation. It was to pagan priests that they
turned, as they had always done, when a valuable animal had strayed
and they were anxious to locate it (In 2 Tim. horn. 8: PG 62,650 16-
24).5 The norms of daily life were scarcely altered.

JOHN’S LIFE

It was such a world into which John was born and within which he

4
 JOHN’S LIFE AND TIMES

lived out his life. With regard to his family background, it is gener-
ally agreed that his mother at least was Christian and that his father
was a successful civil servant in the bureau of the commander of
military operations in the diocese of Oriens, the magister militum
per Orientem. His mother was widowed young and, as was the growing
custom for Christian women of independent means at the time, chose
not to enter into a second marriage. Kelly (19%: 4) speculates that
the family, while not of the uppermost echelon, was well connected
and very comfortably off. This conclusion may overstate the case
slightly since there is no clear evidence that in the period of his
priesthood at Antioch or while he was bishop of Constantinople
John exploited family connections or operated on the basis of a
private income.6 Nonetheless it is certain that he came from a
family of some means and status since he was sent to school and
received the full education that was standard for the male children
of the families which belonged to the more elevated classes.
Little is known about the earliest stage of John’s childhood and the
twelve or so years during which he passed through the various phases
of his schooling. What is certain is that he finished his training under
the tutelage of a professional orator - probably the renowned pagan
rhetorician Libanius, a prominent citizen of Antioch - graduating in
6.367 when he was eighteen. The young John was at that point most
probably destined for the civil service, perhaps as one of the clerks of
the sacra scrinia (Kelly 1995: 15-16). At some point within the year
following his graduation John presented himself for baptism by the
pro-Nicene bishop Meletius and, turning away from a secular career,
spent the next three years in that bishop’s service as an aide. As Kelly
points out (1995: 1617), the Christian faction to which he attached
himself was not in imperial favour at this time and was obliged to
assemble for worship outside of the city walls across the river on
the military exercise ground. In his Historia religiosa Theodoret of
Cyrrhus twice describes these assemblies and refers to the difficulties
faced by Meletius’ followers (HR 2.15, 8.5-8: SC 234, 226-8, 382-
92). At this same time John seems to have began to frequent an
ascetic school or ask&?-ion run by Diodore (a priest ordained by
Meletius; subsequently bishop of Tarsus) and a certain Carterius.
In an encomium preached when Diodore was later visiting Antioch
John suggests that this instruction too was conducted across the
river (hzs Diodori: PG 52,764 26-g). Kelly (1995: 18-20) specu-
lates that the form of ascetic life with which he experimented at
this time involved the renunciation of marriage, the adoption of a
distinctive style of dress and meetings with like-minded young

5
 INTRODUCTION

men for the purposes of prayer. At this point he was still living at
home.
In c.37 1, not long before Meletius again departed from Antioch for
exile in Armenia, John was brought into the official ranks of the
Meletian clergy through his appointment as lector (anugnfi@.r). The
duty of this office was the reading of the Old Testament and epistle
lessons during worship.’ Not long after he was installed as lector
John abandoned those duties and his other activities within that
Christian community and left Antioch to try out a more rigorous
ascetic life in the mountains that abutted the city. There he spent
four years learning to control his passions under the tutelage of an
elderly Syrian ascetic. At the end of the four years he withdrew to
a cave in the mountains and spent a further two years continually
standing, scarcely sleeping, and learning the Old and New Testa-
ments by heart. As a consequence of the extreme practices he
followed during this latter period his stomach and kidneys were per-
manently damaged (Palladius, Dial. 5; ACW 45: 35). At the conclu-
sion of those six years, perhaps driven by his failing health, perhaps
enticed by the possibility of the return of bishop Meletius from
exile,* John returned to Antioch and resumed his duties as lector
in a Christian faction which now received the support of the new
emperor. He continued as lector for some two years before receiving
ordination to the rank of deacon. After five years in that role he was
promoted and ordained to the priesthood by Meletius’ successor,
Flavian.’ Meletius had died shortly after John’s ordination as
deacon, while attending the Second Ecumenical Council in Constan-
tinople. It is at this point that John’s career becomes of special inter-
est to us in terms of his experiences as a pastoral carer and preacher.”
We know surprisingly little about the twelve years (386-97)
during which John served the dominant Christian faction at Antioch
as a presbyter. For Palladius and the church historians Socrates and
Sotomen the events that overtook his life once he had been elevated
to the throne of the church of Constantinople hold greater interest.
As a consequence there is much speculation about John’s activities
throughout this period. Most of the opinion put forward, however,
has yet to be verified. Kelly (1995: 57), for instance, promotes
John rapidly to the position of personal assistant to bishop Flavian,
and has him following Flavian around in the course of that person’s
duties. He further supposes that in the final stages of his presbyterate
John took over more and more of Flavian’s episcopal duties as a con-
sequence of the bishop’s advanced age (Kelly 1995 : 103). ’ ’ The same
evidence which he cites in support of John’s attachment to Flavian,

6
 JOHN’S LIFE AND TIMES

however, indicates that John was at that point assigned to his own
congregation, ‘* a circumstance which leads one to question whether
he spent the greater part of the twelve years accompanying his
bishop. On the contrary, it may be that for much of that time he
had particular duties to perform in a specific congregation, regardless
of whatever additional tasks he was obliged to undertake at his
bishop’s behest. We have adduced this example in order to point
out just how imprecise our knowledge of this phase of John’s life
is at present. The only fact of which we can be absolutely sure is
that, as presbyter, he preached a great deal in addition to pursuing
a number of less readily defined activities.
We know that John preached a great deal because of the over nine
hundred sermons which survive (by no means the original total). The
majority of these can be presumed to stem from the period of his
priesthood at Antioch, when there are taken into account the far
fewer years - only five and a half compared to twelve - that he sub-
sequently spent at Constantinople.13 Among these sermons there is
one group which does provide insight into an important event that
occurred early in John’s tenure as presbyter. This group consists of
twenty-two sermons preached from immediately prior to Lent
until Easter in the year 387l* - the same period during which the
people of Antioch feared retribution at the hands of the emperor
Theodosius in response to the overturning of the imperial statues.15
The effects of this event upon the city were dramatic. Various per-
sons, children included, were executed immediately following the
insurrection. In a subsequent trial the decurions were arrested and
sentenced variously to capital punishment or exile. In a number of
waves many of Antioch’s citizens - working class and wealthy,
women, children and students - fled the city for the mountains
and uninhabited places. More than a few of the fugitives encountered
death along the way. In the city itself the baths and theatre were shut;
the usually bustling market-place was empty. Only the churches
were full. Throughout this period John preached on Saturdays and
Sundays in the morning and on weekdays in the afternoon.” His
sermons reflect the fear which permeated the city at that time and
provide us with much valuable information about the second trial,
the rumours and more concrete news which periodically swept
through the city, and the behaviour of Antioch’s citizens as they
anxiously awaited the decision of the emperor.
Ten and a half years later, in October or perhaps November 397,
John’s life was to undergo a dramatic change. On 26 September of
that year the bishop of Constantinople, Nectarius, suddenly died.

7
 INTRODUCTION

With the elevation of the see of Constantinople in 381 to second in

status after Rome and with the emperor in the east now permanently
residing in that city, the death of Nectarius left vacant a position that
had rapidly become strategic and highly desirable. Various parties
favoured their own candidates and nomination for the position was
hotly contested. It appears that without his knowledge John was
put forward as a candidate by the imperial eunuch Eutropius.
Allegedly through the judicious use of blackmail,” Eutropius was
successful in having his nomination preferred and John was duly
elected by a synod of bishops in the east summoned specially for
that purpose. In the meantime, instructed by the comes Orientis
(Count of the East) Asterius to meet him at the martyrium near
the Romanesian Gate of Antioch, John found himself carried off en
route to Constantinople. Palladius implies that this tactic was
adopted because there were fears that the populace would make its
displeasure felt if it was given advance warning of John’s removal
(Dial. 5; ACW 45: 36).
In the five and half years which followed his consecration on
26 February 398, John was to spend almost as much time dealing
with the various interest groups that vied for power at Constan-
tinople as he was to devote to his episcopal duties. Periodic contact
with the emperor and his wife and court added to his commitments.
At times the different spheres became inseparable. When John made
a move to combat the nocturnal processions which the Arians con-
ducted within the city on the eve of Saturdays and Sundays and of
certain liturgical festivals, it was the empress Eudoxia who donated
the large silver crosses which helped to distinguish the Nicene
counter-processions. It was she also who lent the services of her
chamberlain, the eunuch Brison, to train and conduct the choir
needed to counter the provocative hymns sung by the Arians as
they moved through the city (Sot., HE 6.8; SOL, HE 8.8). As we
shall see in Horn. delivered after the remuins of martyrs etc., on occasion
she herself took an active role in liturgical processions. John’s
encounters with the palace and its officials were not always so
pleasant, however. In the homily On Eutropitls it becomes clear that
Eutropius’ effecting of John’s promotion did not guarantee cordial
relations between them. At the time that the homily was preached,
however, their lives had become enmeshed in a way that neither
could have anticipated. Eutropius suddenly found himself in need
of John’s pastoral care; while for John the opportunity to draw a
moral lesson from the consul’s plight was too convenient to pass over.

8
 JOHN’S LIFE AND TIMES

Other political developments - both secular and ecclesiastical -

interfered directly with the bishop’s more ordinary duties. Twice
in 400 John, who had a close interest in the Gothic community
both in Constantinople and elsewhere (Kelly 1995: 142-4), was
obliged to suspend his other activities while he spent time (first at
Chalcedon, second in Thrace) negotiating with the hostile Gothic
general Gainas over the fate of the political hostages Saturninus,
John and Aurelianus (Kelly 1995: 151-62). A little over a year
later, possibly in early January 402 (Kelly 1995: 163-74), John
chose to place the administration of the see in the hands of his arch-
deacon Serapion and to entrust his preaching duties to the visiting
Syrian bishop Severian while he made a lengthy journey to Ephesus
to sort out a number of disciplinary matters. Whether, as bishop of
Constantinople, John had the authority to interfere in the &airs of
the churches in Asia Minor is questionable; certainly he could not
have done so without imperial backing (Kelly 1995: 178-80). As
we observe in the homily On his rettlm, he was absent for so long
(almost four months) that he missed out on presiding at the baptisms
conducted that Easter and was obliged to soothe those who felt put
out by this circumstance when he returned some weeks after the
festival.
By this stage significant political events which touched upon
John’s life and office were beginning to occur concurrently and his
stress levels were increasing. Whereas the original request for John
to involve himself in affairs at Ephesus had been put forward in
400 at a time when Gainas’ activities were proving an acute distrac-
tion, the arrival of a group of Nitrian monks in dispute with the
bishop of Alexandria, Theophilus, only a few months prior to his
actual departure for Ephesus was to cause him further anxiety. To
offer overt support for their cause, as they requested, would have
placed John in conflict with a powerful and hostile fellow prelate.
Because of the delicacy of dealing with their needs in a way that
would not compromise his own position, his lack of action in the
matter led to their residence at Constantinople for the better part
of two years (Kelly 1995: 191-202). In addition to the constant
anxiety caused by the monks’ presence in the capital, John was also
faced with the unpleasant discovery that while he had been absent
in Asia Minor his substitute homilist Severian had been securing
his own position at court and among the aristocracy at the expense
of that of his host bishop. John’s relations with a portion of his
clergy, with the majority of the local monks and ascetics, with certain

9
 INTRODUCTION

women at court, with a growing number of the aristocracy, and with

certain visiting bishops were in any case poor or deteriorating.”
It was in this climate that a number of factors converged, resulting
in the now famous Synod of the Oak in autumn 403. In a twist
indicative of the fragile state of politics in the capital at the time
Theophilus, himself summoned to Constantinople to stand trial
over charges relating to the Nitrian monks, suddenly became one
of the members of the tribunal at a synod before which John was
now summoned as the accused. The synod, stacked with bishops
from Egypt whose loyalties lay with Theophilus and with individual
bishops known for their hostility towards John, found him guilty -
not on the charges laid before it, but for failure to respond to the
summons to attend - and called for his deposition. As a result of
the violent demonstrations which erupted, the order for his banish-
ment was not acted upon for several days. Scarcely had he set out than
he was called back, in response to an ominous mishap involving the
empress. Not prepared to return until certain conditions were met,
John demurred, spending his time in a suburban villa owned by
Eudoxia until the violent death of a number of monks and supporters
following an encounter between the two groups caused him to relent.
In the months between his return in October 403 and Easter 404
John was in effect to resume all of his normal duties. As Easter
neared, however, the situation came to a head and, although he
was to continue to reside in the episkopeion, he was banned by imperial
decree from entering the Great Church or officiating at the Easter
services. An attempt to conduct the scheduled baptisms at an alter-
native location resulted in a bloody confrontation between John’s
sympathisers and the soldiers sent to disrupt the proceedings.
Another two months were to pass before the opposition was able
to exert enough pressure upon Arcadius to issue the decree that
would send John into a second and final exile (Kelly 1995: 21 l-49).
On 20 June 404 John summoned the forty bishops who had been
staying with him in recent months and the four aristocratic widows
with whom he had worked closely at Constantinople and, after saying
farewell to each group, quietly slipped out of the city. Under military
escort he was hastened from Nicomedia, via Nicaea, Ancyra and
Caesarea to Cucusus, a small ‘city’ in Armenia Secunda. After some
time there, during which various friends and supporters from
Antioch came to visit him and John was able to increase his exchange
of letters with allies at Constantinople and to write to other poten-
tial supporters soliciting their help, he was obliged to flee abruptly
along with the inhabitants of the city to Arabissus, as the result of

10
 JOHN’S LIFE AND TIMES

a series of particularly violent Isaurian bandit raids. According to

Delmaire (1991: 174) he was forced to quit Arabissus for the
same reason in autumn 406. Whether he resumed his detention at
Arabissus or even at Cucusus when the Isaurian activity died down
is uncertain. Whichever is the case, in 407 steps were taken to
send John to an even more remote location, Pityus, situated on the
eastern shores of the Black Sea some 1,100 km distant from Constan-
tinople. Always in a fragile state of health, and with a body further
weakened by the deprivations and exertions of his exile, John was
unable to endure the difficult and brutally rapid land journey. On
14 September 407 he died while still en route to the departure
point on the Black Sea.

THE CITIES OF ANTIOCH AND

CONSTANTINOPLE

John was born into a city whose wealth and status rivalled those of
the other prominent urban centres of the late Roman world -
Rome, Alexandria and Constantinople. Situated at the nexus of the
trade route from the far east to the eastern shores of the Mediter-
ranean and the land route from Egypt through to Constantinople
and the west, it enjoyed the availability of a broad range of produce,
goods and services as well as providing hospitality for a large volume
of visitors. That the markets of Antioch were renowned for their
abundance of goods is indicated in On the stntlceshorn. 17, while in
Concerning blessedPhilogonius some of the range of goods available
are described for us. In the same homily John makes it clear that
the markets associated with festival days occasioned the influx of a
substantial number of people (both traders and buyers) from the
surrounding rural areas.
Other factors contributed to the city’s social mix and status. As the
locus for military operations on the Persian front, as the capital of
Syria, and as the administrative centre for the diocese of Oriens,
for much of John’s life there Antioch periodically played host to
emperors, their officials and their retinue, to military units and
their commanders, provincial governors and magistrates, and to
vast numbers of athletes and entertainers. Due to instability on the
Persian front, throughout the 34Os, 360s and 370s the emperors
Constantius II, Julian, Jovian and Valens spent a considerable
amount of time there. An imperial palace was located on the
island in the Orontes and probably also in the suburb of Daphne

11
 INTRODUCTION

(Downey 1961: 641-6). Various military units were likewise

stationed in and near the city during these same periods. In addition,
every four years more than a thousand athletes would flood into the
city for the staging of the Olympic Games. The Games lasted for
forty-five days, with contests divided between venues within the city
itself and others in Daphne (In print. Actmumhorn. 1: PG 5 1,764-
7; Downey 1961: 649-50). The magister milittlm per Orientem, comes
Orientis and consularis Syriae had their residences and bureaux in the
city and were more or less permanent fixtures. On the ecclesiastical
front, the status of the Antiochene see in the east was comparable
with that of Alexandria. l9 In consequence, the city not infrequently
hosted synods of various degrees of importance, which demanded the
presence of a greater or lesser number of bishops and accompanying
clergy. As Frans van de Paverd (1991: 286) speculates, the Syriac-
speaking monk-presbyters who receive mention at the beginning
of Baptismal instwction 8 may well have come to Antioch periodically
at the same time of year for consultation with their bishop. These
factors ensured that Antioch was usually bustling with life and
that the dynamics of the population were constantly changing.
That the citizens of Antioch felt that they had good reason to be
proud of their city and its ordinarily elevated and pleasurable lifestyle
is reflected in the devastation felt by them at the removal of its status
as a metropolis following the riots in 387 (On the statues horn. 17;
cf. On Co/. horn. 7). In other homilies of this same series the closure
of the baths, theatres and hippodrome, and the marked emptiness
of the shops and market-place in the aftermath of the riots, are like-
wise clearly a cause for anguish.*’ In On the statties born. 17 John high-
lights, along with the status of the city and the abundance of the
available merchandise, its many fine buildings, the facility with
which its inhabitants frequent the streets and market-places until
late in the evening, the colonnaded streets and the charms of
Daphne with its sacred grove of cypresses and its numerous springs.
Indeed Daphne, with its mild climate, its shady groves, its entertain-
ment venues, its abundant water supply, its renowned temples of
Apollo and Zeus and the much-frequented Jewish healing shrine
(the cave of Matrona), would alone have been sufficient cause for
Antioch’s fame and status throughout the eastern half of the Mediter-
ranean. Many of Antioch’s wealthier inhabitants had villas in the
suburb and repaired there for the summer.
Beyond being wealthy, enjoying high status and offering a sophis-
ticated and enviable lifestyle, Antioch was also a city of religious
pluralism. Christians, ‘pagans’ and Jews mingled in relatively large

12
 JOHN’S LIFE AND TIMES

numbers, 21 while Christianity itself, as mentioned, offered a number of

alternative versions and factions. One such group, encountered at
Constantinople also, is labelled by John as the Anomoeans - that
is, those who claim that Christ is ‘not like’ the Father, in opposition
to the Nicene assertion that Christ is ‘like’ (homoios), namely ‘of one
substance’ with, the Father (Kelly 1993: 249). Aetius, one of the two
leaders of the movement, was a native of Antioch. It is against the
beliefs of this movement in relation to the nature of God that
John addressed his sermon on the occasion prior to Against the Jews
0~. 1. With regard to the Jewish community at Antioch itself, the
adherents of Judaism and their practices and cultic sites were promi-
nent and unavoidable. Not only did the Jews appropriate the market-
place every year at Yom Kippur, on which occasion they danced bare-
foot as part of their ritual, but there existed a synagogue within the
city in the quarter known as Kerateion. It is most likely to this site
that John refers in Against the Jews or. 1 in relation to the incident of
three days earlier. A second synagogue was situated in Daphne, as too
was the already mentioned cave of Matrona. The latter most prob-
ably contained the bones of the Maccabean martyrs (Vinson 1994:
180-4), which would have added to its reputation and widespread
attraction. Again, the prominence and attractiveness of the Jewish
festivals which occurred throughout autumn is a factor highlighted
by John in the above sermon.
Antioch was in addition a thoroughly Hellenised city. The statues
of Tyche, the deified Trajan and various pagan gods and goddesses
were distributed throughout its public spaces (Lassus 1977: 67-
74). In Daphne, although the burnt-out shell of the once famous
temple of Apollo ominously greeted visitors as they approached
from Antioch (De s. Babyla: PG 50,532 469), the temple of Zeus
and other long-significant pagan sites remained and continued to
be frequented in association with the traditional festivals. The
civic calendar was imbued with the festivals of Poseidon, Artemis,
Calliope, Adonis, Demeter and Dionysus (Liebeschuetz 1972: 230-
1). Every four years, when the Olympic athletes processed up to
Daphne after thirty days of competition in Antioch, the traditional
rituals continued to be perfomed by the alytarcb and other officials,
although it is possible that the focus of attention had by this time
been transferred from Zeus to Heracles (Downey 1961: 440-l).
Daphne was also the site at which there was held in summer a
seven-day-long festival, possibly associated with Apollo (Theod.,
HE 3.10). If this is the same festival for which John expects that
many of his listeners will depart on the day following the feast day

13
 INTRODUCTION

of St Julianus (In s. Jdiavwm: PG 50,672-S), then it offered as an

attraction banquets, companies of male dancers and erotic songs
with the kind of lyrics that had the potential to cause embarrassment.
When John was abducted on the command of the emperor
Theodosius and conveyed to Constantinople to become its bishop
in late 397, he arrived in a city that was both similar to the one
which he had just left and yet substantially different. Whereas
Antioch was situated on a river plain located some miles inland
from the Mediterranean coast (the city nestled between a range of
mountains and the river Orontes), Constantinople was constructed
on less level ground and was coastal, being surrounded by water
on three of its four sides. Located on the western shore of the
Bosphorus opposite Chalcedon, the city was bound to the south by
the Sea of Marmara and to the north-east by the substantial inlet
known as the Golden Horn. To the west the wall of Constantine
divided the city proper from the cemetery, various martyria and sub-
urban estates, and the hinterland. Where Antioch was at the nexus of
a number of road systems from Egypt, Asia Minor and the far east,
Constantinople was the focus of sea routes from Egypt and the
Black Sea, as well as providing a significant staging post for those
journeying by land from Asia Minor and the east to Rome and
other regions of the west. Two important roads led from the city -
the Via Egnatia to the south-west and to the north-west the highway
that connected the east with the Balkans, northern Italy, the Rhine-
land and Britain (Krautheimer 1983: 42).
More significantly, whereas the Antioch with which John was
familiar represented the culmination of development which had
taken place over centuries of settlement, both in terms of its physical
attributes and its long-established aristocracy and curia1 class (Lassus
1977: 67-74, 79-S3), the city at which he arrived had enjoyed its
present status for little more than half a century. Consecrated in
324, it had been substantially rebuilt and enhanced by Constantine
and his successors (Dagron 1974: 29-47, 388-409; Krautheimer
1983: 42-6). A new aristocracy had been culled from other parts
of the empire and drawn to the city by incentives (Dagron 1974:
119-90; Krautheimer 1983: 46). From around 380 it became the
permanent domicile of the emperor in the east and his administra-
tion. It was thus not through nature, but due largely to the building
programmes of Constantine and Constantius, the residency of the
imperial household, and Constantine’s deliberate relocation ofwealthy
and influential aristocrats as part of his policy of building up a new

14
 JOHN’S LIFE AND TIMES

Roman senate that by the time of John’s arrival Constantinople had

become a comparably large, wealthy and well-serviced city.
A particular peculiarity, due largely to its location and top-
ography, was the incorporation of the water surrounding Constan-
tinople into the conceptual structure of the city and its function
(Mayer 1998~). The theoretically separate municipality of Chalcedon
and the suburbs situated on the northern side of the Golden Horn
were likewise treated as an integral part of the city. Mango describes
the total phenomenon as a conurbation (Mango 1986: 118). This
must have caused John some confusion when he first took over the
reins of the episcopate since, from an ecclesiastical point of view,
Chalcedon operated as a separate see aligned with the churches of
Bithynia and Asia Minor. Its prominent role in the machinations
which led to the deposition of John and as a refuge for clergy not
in sympathy with the bishop of Constantinople (Sot., HE 6.11,
15; SOL, HE 8.10, 16) demonstrates the ambiguity of its status.
Superficially, however, similarities to Antioch abounded. Despite
the overt Christianisation of the city, as at Antioch the civic calendar
was predominantly ‘pagan’.** Many of the same festivals were
celebrated and, as we observe in Against the games and theatres and
On: ‘My father’s working still’, the hippodrome and theatre enjoyed
a similarly high level of popularity, offering much the same degree
of distraction. As intimated in the homily On Eutropius, the political
events and entertainments which took place in these venues were
equally integral to the life of the city. The public spaces of the
city itself were filled by Constantine with statues of the gods
which he acquired as essential to the decor, as Krautheimer expresses
it, of a late antique city (Krautheimer 1983: 61). The rituals asso-
ciated with the cult of the emperor, which had been introduced by
Constantine and which probably still persisted in Arcadius’ time
(Krautheimer 1983: 61-3), would have been neither shocking nor
unfamiliar.
As at Antioch, religious pluralism was also a feature. Although we
know virtually nothing about the size or nature of the Jewish popu-
lation at Constantinople, it is undoubtedly the case that one existed.
In the hinterland, if not within the city itself, pagan temples still
operated (Dagron 1974: 378-9). The Christian population itself
was divided into a number of factions. For the majority of its life
as the newly fashioned city of Constantine, Constantinople and its
churches had been under the control of the Arians. Even after the
churches were handed back to the Nicene Christians by Theodosius
in 380 Arian and Anomoean communities persisted. Technically

15
 INTRODUCTION

forbidden to worship within the city precincts, the Arians in par-

ticular found ways to make their presence known and continued to
exert influence (Sot., HE 6.8; SOL, HE 8.8). In addition, Anomoean
and other semi-Arian forms of Christianity persisted among a
proportion of the monastic communities settled within the city
(Miller 1985: 74-85). These groups were prominent through their
acts of social welfare. The necessity of combating the Anomoean
teaching concerning the status of Christ is demonstrated for us in
On: ‘My father’s working still’. One sector of the Christian community
which may have been less familiar to John was the Nicene rigorist
sect known as the Novatians. Throughout this same period the
Novatians were consistently treated as a legitimate, independent
branch of Nicene Christianity and, while they often shared the same
fortune, there was a tendency to treat them more leniently (SOL,
HE 4.20, 6.9). When John arrived in 397 he found himself obliged
to tolerate a second bishop with his own set of churches and the
equal support of the emperor.

16
 2
THE LITURGICAL SETTING

While there were many similarities in liturgical practice between the

two cities of Antioch and Constantinople, the history and top-
ography peculiar to each ensured that there were also differences.
At Antioch strong competition from numerous prominent and
long-established pagan, Jewish and civic sites and ceremonies
meant that Christianity was obliged to develop strategies for mark-
ing out its own distinctive territory upon the local urban and sub-
urban landscape. Differentiating itself from its competitors was a
primary focus. At Constantinople, by contrast, Constantine had
taken a formerly small and insignificant settlement and reconstructed
and reshaped it into an imperial city - the New Rome (Krautheimer
1983: 41-67). In doing so, he imposed Christianity upon it as the
imperially endorsed religion and ensured that certain churches and
Christian sites would play a prominent role in the ceremonial life
of the city. By the time that John Chrysostom arrived in the city
in late 397, this system had developed in complexity (Mayer
199%; Mayer forthcoming (a)).
In order to situate John and his audiences and to understand how
together they formed part of the liturgical life of each city it is
important to study in greater detail the liturgical environment
which pertained at each location. By the time that John was ordained
presbyter at Antioch in 386 the Meletian faction, now under the
leadership of bishop Flavian, conducted regular worship services in
at least two churches.’ The Great Church -an octagonal construction
of some splendour begun in the time of Constantine -was situated in
the new quarter of Antioch on the island in the Orontes. It lay in
proximity to the imperial palace and the hippodrome and was
almost certainly the episcopal church of the city (Eltester 1937:
254-70; Deichmann 1972). The second construction, the Old
Church (Palaia) was so named because it was situated in the old

17
 INTRODUCTION

part of the city. It was thought to date back, in one form or another,
to the time of the apostles (Eltester 1937: 272-3). We see both
churches mentioned in the title to the sermon On: ‘I opposedhim to
his face’, where it is indicated that John’s normal place of preaching
is the Old Church, but that he had been unable to fulfil this duty at
the previous synaxis (a eucharistic or non-eucharistic liturgy or
service), since on that day he had been summoned by the bishop to
attend him in the Great Church. A third church, the Church of
the Maccabees, situated to the south in the Jewish quarter of Antioch
(Kerateion) between the colonnaded main boulevard and Mt Silpios,
was in John’s time a recent construction.2 Probably built as a delib-
erate means of distinguishing a Christian cult of the Maccabees from
the older Jewish cult, with its locus in the Cave of Matrona at
Daphne, the precise function and status of this church is difficult
to determine. If it served no other purpose, it was the location at
which the festival of the Maccabees was celebrated every year on
1 August (De JJ. martyribus: PG 50,647 l-3).
There existed a fourth church, likewise only recently completed
(c.381), which was situated on the opposite side of the Orontes to
the city, facing the island which contained the palace-hippodrome
complex and the Great Church.3 It is unknown whether this
church was used for ordinary worship in Chrysostom’s day. Its
main use appears rather to have been as the locus for the festivals
of St Babylas and Meletius (De s. Baby/a: SC 362,294-312; De s.
Meletio: PG 50,515-20), both former bishops of Antioch whose
remains had been interred in a common sarcophagus in the centre
of the cruciform building.4 In common with other martyrs’ and
saints’ festivals at Antioch at the time, it is possible that on the
feast day of each bishop the current bishop of the city led the Chris-
tian community in a procession from the Great or Old Church to the
Church of St Baby&. On such days it was usual to then hold a non-
eucharistic service celebrating the life of the saint at the location
most closely associated with that person. The recent date of the
building and the fact that it was almost certainly constructed by
Meletius with the intention that it would become his mausoleum
and not just a monument to the revered Babylas may mean, however,
that the church was intended to be used for more than occasional
worship. The choice of site, within relative proximity of the Old
and Great Churches, and at the edge of the military exercise
ground used for assembly by the Meletian faction of the Nicene
Christian community at the time of the emperor Valens, suggests
that the church was in any case intended to immortalise the triumph

18
 THE LITURGICAL SETTING

of Nicene Christianity at Antioch - particularly since the remains of

Babylas, in whose honour it was being constructed, had effected a
spectacular victory against the temple of Apollo at Daphne in the
time of the emperor Julian.’
The location of numerous significant Christian burial sites
immediately beyond the walls of Antioch, in the surrounding rural
areas and in the suburb of Daphne determined the location of further
places of worship known as martyria. The architecture and size of
these buildings at the time of John’s presbyterate is unknown to
us, but several sites which receive mention in his homilies can be
identified. The main cemetery, located outside the city walls at the
side of the road leading to Daphne, seems to have contained one or
more buildings of this kind (Franchi di Cavalieri 1928). It was to
one or another of these that the Christians of Antioch walked in pro-
cession on the feast days of Sts Julian, Drosis and Ignatius, among
others.’ Another martyrium, constructed in the mid-fourth century
to house the translated remains of Babylas and other martyrs, was
situated near the now ruined temple of Apollo in the suburb of
Daphne.’ The references to orchards, meadows and gardens and to
the availability of pubs on the way home suggest that it may be at
this martyrium that John and his audience celebrated the festival
at which he preached A homily on martyrs.’ Another martyrium was
situated across the river from the city just outside the Romanesian
Gate near the road to Alexandretta, the beginning of the land
route from Antioch to Constantinople. This is the same martyrium
to which John was summoned by Asterius on the day on which he
departed Antioch. It too contained numerous burials, many of
them a source of embarrassment to the Nicene Christian bishop
Meletius and his successor Flavian, because they were individuals
who had played a prominent role in the Arian community, having
been interred at the site during the years in which the churches of
Antioch had been in the hands of the Arian faction. At the time
that John preached the homily In ascensionem(CPG 4342), Flavian
had recently solved the problem by having the coffins of the approved
Christian martyrs raised from beneath the floor of the martyrium,
where they had formerly mingled indiscriminately with the
‘heretics’, and displayed prominently and separately (PG 50,443
22-37). What is of particular interest in the case of this martyrium
is that it was used not just on the festivals of saints and martyrs, but
also for certain liturgical festivals, which clearly involved a proces-
sion to and from the site. Good Friday and Ascension are specifically
mentioned.’

19
 INTRODUCTION

Martyria tended to be used occasionally rather than regularly for

public worship, because of their location and the strong association
with certain hallowed remains. On days when a festival service was
held at one of these locations the liturgical rite will have incorporated
several of the following elements: a procession, a night-long vigil,
scripture readings, a sermon, the eucharist. The last four are
described for us by John in A homily on martyrs. The structure of
the service outlined in that homily, however, is likely to have been
exceptional (van de Paverd 1970: 10-12). That is, it is not at all
certain whether lengthy vigils would have been observed or the
eucharist celebrated on the feast days of individual saints or martyrs.
The martyria did not lie idle, however, on the days when no festivals
were held there. In In ascensionemJohn indicates that the laity have for
years been in the habit of going to the martyrium to pray (PG 50,443
10-15).10 In other of his festival sermons John encourages the
audience to visit these sites in between times for private devotional
purposes. Thus in A homily on martyrs he sets out for the audience
a regimen of weeping at a particular martyr’s tomb, physically
embracing the coffin, anointing oneself with holy oil as a mental
prompt and using the martyr as an advocate in one’s prayers.”
Although familiar through his child- and adulthood in Antioch
with liturgical processions and the stationing of special services at
a particular church or martyrium on certain dates in the liturgical
calendar, John was to encounter a more complex and developed set
of stational practices when he arrived in Constantinople. This was
due partly to his change in status, partly to the status of the city
itself and its particular history, and in part to the markedly different
local topography. Another contributing factor was the simple fact
that by late 397 Constantinople possessed a larger number of
churches in which Nicene Christian congregations regularly gath-
ered for worship. i* The church in which John seems to have preached
the most frequently is the Great Church. This is because, together
with the episkopeion, to which it was adjacent, it formed the admin-
istrative centre of the Constantinopolitan episcopate (Mayer forth-
coming (a)). He also preached in the Church of the Apostles,
St Eirene, St Anastasia and St Paul (Mayer 1997a: 73) - the last
named after a former Nicene bishop of the city, whose remains had
been translated from Armenia in 381 by Theodosius and deposited
somewhat ironically in a church that had been built by his hostile
semi-Arian successor (Soz., HE 7.10; Sot., HE 5.9). At the time
that John preached there it was in the possession of a congregation
of Nicene Goths.13 The congregation had its own complement of

20
 THE LITURGICAL SETTING

clergy and worshipped in its native language. Of the other churches,

St Eirene, situated close to the Great Church and imperial palace, had
operated as the episcopal church from the time of Constantine until
the Great Church had superseded it on its completion in 6.360.
It shared the complement of clergy attached to the Great Church
and appears to have continued to operate even after the Great
Church took over its original function. Originally the reception
hall of an aristocrat’s mansion in which Gregory of Nazianzus had
resumed Nicene worship within the city in 379 (Bernardi 1995:
184), St Anastasia continued to be used for worship after the
churches of the city were handed back to the Nicene Christian com-
munity by Theodosius in November 380. It appears to have been
located about halfway between the Great Church and the Church
of the Apostles.
The Church of the Apostles itself had a peculiar status within the
city. Originally a mausoleum constructed by Constantine within
the city limits on a prominent rise at the end of the northern axis
of the two ceremonial routes that Constantine developed within
the city, it was augmented by a cruciform church, completed in
370. By the time that John arrived in 397, it contained the remains
not only of Constantine and Theodosius, but also of the apostles
Luke, Andrew and Timothy. By Roman law and tradition, because
of their location inside the city limits neither building should have
been permitted to contain human remains. Furthermore, on analogy
with what was occurring at Antioch and in other cities at this time,
even with the remains the church and mausoleum ought to have been
treated as a martyrium. By 381, however, we not only see remains
translated to another urban church - that of St Paul - but we also
find services being held on a regular or semi-regular basis within
both locations (Mayer forthcoming (a)). This was one distinction
which must have struck John forcibly on his arrival. In addition, it
seems that he also inherited a tradition of the bishop periodically
celebrating the eucharist or preaching in each of the urban churches
under his jurisdiction (Mayer forthcoming (a)), a custom for which
there is no evidence at Antioch. It had perhaps developed during
the decades in which the churches had been under the possession
of a succession of Arians, semi-Arians and Novatians as a means by
which the bishop of the dominant Christian faction might period-
ically reinforce his claim over his territory within the city.
In addition to the urban churches there existed a substantial
number of suburban churches and martyria - St Thomas in Drypia
(Janin 1969: 251-2); St Mocius and St Acacius, both beyond the

21
 INTRODUCTION

Constantinian wall (Dagron 1974: 393-5); St John the Baptist at

Hebdomon (Janin 1969: 413-15); St Euphemia at Chalcedon;‘*
Sts Peter and Paul in neighbouring Rufinianae (Pargoire 1899-
1900: 156); a church of the Maccabees across the Golden Horn in
Galata (Janin 1969: 313-14); and a church to which the city pro-
cessed on Ascension likewise across the Golden Horn in the suburb
of Elaia.15 With respect to the homilies translated in this volume, it
is to the church of St Thomas that the empress and city walked in
solemn procession during the night prior to John’s delivery of
Homily delivered after the remains of martyrs etc. The destination
which John and his parishioners eventually reached by boat on the
Wednesday of the storm in the homily Against the games and theatres
is the church of Sts Peter and Paul at Rufinianae. There may have
existed other suburban martyria - for instance, there is mention in
the Life of Isaac of a martyrium of St Stephen financed by John’s
enemy Aurelianus (Vita s. Zsaacii 4.18; see Liebeschuetz 1990: 141)
- but those listed above are the ones which can be identified as
playing a role in the liturgical life of the city from the record of
John’s life and from his sermons.
Unlike the situation at Antioch, which had been a partially
Christianised city for several centuries and therefore possessed an
abundance of native burials, few of the buildings at Constantinople
had been erected over the remains of local saints and martyrs.16
Instead, the dearth of local material had caused remains to be
imported and deposited in purpose-built churches or already existing
martyria in the suburban regions. Thus in 360 the remains of the
apostles Andrew, Luke and Timothy were brought to Constantinople
and interred in the foundations of the Church of the Apostles both as
a means of satisfying part of Constantine’s original plan and of giving
rise to the name to which John refers in Against the games and theatres
- ‘City of the apostle’ (Woods 1991). Most of the translations were of
more recent occurrence. Several took place during the years of John’s
episcopate. The casket which the empress and people escort in Horn.
de&red after the remains of martyrs etc. contains relics which have only
recently been imported into the city and which are being conveyed in
solemn procession from the Great Church to their final resting-
place. ” From the homily delivered on the following day (Horn.
dicta praesente imperatore (CPG 4441.2)) we learn that the celebrations
lasted two days. Two days are also set aside for the celebrations that
occurred when the remains of St Phocas were conveyed to the city
from Pontus (De s. Phoca: PG 50,699-706). Again the emperor
and empress are present and there are various processions and special

22
 THE LITURGICAL SETTING

services. On this occasion a flotilla of boats and brightly lit pyres

escort the remains over the waters surrounding the city as part of
the solemnities (Mayer 1998~). In the case of the church of Sts Peter
and Paul at Rufinianae, the remains had been secured by Rufinus, the
owner of the palace which housed the shrine, no earlier than 389
(Vanderspoel 1986: 247). The custom of processing across the
Bosphorus in boats and holding a service at that site on the feast
day of Sts Peter and Paul (29 June) can thus only have been estab-
lished a few years before John’s arrival. This further suggests that
the service held in the Church of the Apostles on the Wednesday
morning in Against the games and theatres may not be opportunistic
so much as a reflection of former practice.
The liturgical calendar which John encountered at Constantinople
was likewise both largely familiar to the newly installed bishop
and yet subtly different. At Antioch the feast of Christmas
(25 December), to which he refers in Concerning blessedPhilogonius,
had been introduced a few years prior to John’s ordination as
presbyter (In diem natalem: PG 49,351 24-9). In the same homily
he mentions Epiphany, Easter, Ascension and Pentecost. It is pos-
sible, however, that the separate feast of Christmas had not yet been
introduced to Constantinople and that the birth and baptism of
Christ were still celebrated together there on Epiphany (6 January).‘*
The other festivals, however, were already an established part of the
Constantinopolitan calendar.” At Easter, as we are informed in On
his return, a large number of baptisms usually took place.” People
expected that these would be performed by the local bishop. At
Antioch he was familiar with the conducting of baptisms at Pente-
cost also (De s. pentecostehorn. 1: PG 50,457 58-61). In what is prob-
ably a Constantinopolitan sermon John declares, however, that in
this city it is the custom of the fathers not to baptise at Pentecost
(In Acta apost. horn. 1: PG 60,22 16-27). At both locations baptism
at Easter was preceded by a period of intense instruction, during part
of Lent, which then continued for a further week following the cere-
mony (the paschal octave). It is within this latter period of catechesis
that Baptismal instruction 8 falls, although the homily is inaccurately
titled, since it is addressed to a full congregation, including visitors.
Lent provided another new experience for John, since it lasted for
eight weeks at Antioch, whereas its duration was only seven weeks
at Constantinople (van de Paverd 1991: 250-4). During this
period shorter than usual services were held early every evening
from Monday to Friday (van de Paverd 1991: 161-201), although
local events, such as those outlined in On the statues homily 17,

23
 INTRODUCTION

could disrupt their sequence. The large number of local saints’ and
martyrs’ festivals which were observed in each city, as distinct
from the small number which were most probably common,21 pro-
vided another aspect of the liturgical calendar that was noticeably
different. The festival of Philogonius, a former bishop of Antioch,
which would have been of little interest to anyone beyond that
location, is one such example.
There was a further domain in which John’s experience of the
liturgy between and within each city varied. This domain encom-
passes the spaces within which he and his various audiences
worshipped. Between each of the different churches in Antioch or
Constantinople in which services were regularly held and between
those churches and the local martyria there existed noticeable differ-
ences (Mayer 1997b). The greatest variation lay in the shape of each
building and in the way in which the audience and preacher were
disposed within it. At Antioch the Great Church was octagonal
in shape, with upper-storey galleries surrounding a central atrium,
covered by a lofty dome (van de Paverd 1970: 3-8). The ambo, or
location from which the scriptures were read and the presbyter
delivered his homily, was most probably situated beneath the
dome in the centre of the atrium. At Constantinople, on the other
hand, the Great Church was a basilica or rectangular in form, with
two to four aisles flanking the nave (Mathews 1977: 11-19;
Krautheimer 1983: 52-5). Like the Great Church at Antioch, it
too seems to have had galleries. In a building of this shape the
ambo was once again in the centre of the nave, while the bishop’s
throne, from which he was expected also to preach, was situated in
the centre of the top level of a synthronon in the apse - that is, a
semicircular tiered dais set into a niche at the rear of the building
behind the sanctuary. In a building of this shape the line of sight
of the preacher in relation to the displacement of the audience was
somewhat different. A similar arrangement most probably existed
in the Old Church at Antioch, which is thought to have been a
basilica also (Eltester 1937: 272; van de Paverd 1970: 9). The audi-
ence here seems to have been distributed in an entirely different way,
however, since a wooden barrier had been constructed during the
course of the fourth century, which bisected the nave cross-wise
and distributed the men and women between the front and rear of
the church, rather than between the left and right side of the nave,
or between the ground floor and the galleries (In Matt. horn.73174:
PG 58,677 424; Mayer 1997b: 108-9).

24
 THE LITURGICAL SETTING

There existed other variations. The church of St Babylas at Antioch

was neither octagonal nor basilica1 in shape but cruciform, with each
arm of the cross of even length (Lassus 1938). This is likely to have
been the case with the Church of the Apostles in Constantinople too,
which was also cross-shaped (Greg. Naz., Somnium de Anastas. cccl.:
PG 37,1258 60). In both locations the line of sight of the audience
would have been slightly more focused and the potential for dis-
traction to some degree restricted. Other variations will have related
to the liturgical furnishings. There is still argument concerning the
liturgical furnishings to be found in martyria as opposed to churches
in which worship was held regularly (van de Paverd 1970: 1 l-12), on
the assumption that the eucharist was rarely, if ever, celebrated in
such locations. A homily on martyrs, however, in which there is
clear reference to the eucharist, throws the question open; while it
is also the case that Constantine arranged for an altar to be located
in the mausoleum which existed prior to the cruciform Church of
the Apostles, against all norms for such a location (Eusebius,
Vita Co&., 4.58-60; Mango 1990). Whether episcopal thrones were
to be found in all regularly used churches or only the episcopal
churchineachofthecitiesandwhatkindofseatingfortheclergyexisted
in the local martyria are two further questions which have yet to be
answered. At Constantinople episcopal thrones were undoubtedly
present in the Church of the Apostles, St Anastasia and St Eirene in
addition to the Great Church (Mayer forthcoming (a)).

25
 3
JOHN AS PREACHER

Just because an episcopal throne was available in many of the

churches in which John preached at Constantinople and because
this was the place from which a bishop was expected to deliver his
sermon, it did not mean that he always observed the time-honoured
custom. Indeed there is clear evidence to the contrary. Socrates tells
us that, as bishop, he more often than not preached seated on the
ambo out in the middle of the nave, where he could be better
heard by the people (HE 6.5). That there existed a tension between
such pragmatic behaviour and the occasional necessity to assert his
episcopal authority by preaching from the traditional position is
demonstrated by events on his return to the city after his first
exile. The crowd insisted that he seat himself on the episcopal
throne as soon as he entered the city, declare from it his usual bene-
diction and then deliver a homily (Socr., HE 6.16; Soz., HE 8.18).
Both actions were clearly considered a public statement that he
had resumed his duties as the legitimate bishop of the city. Being
seated, however, whether on the ambo or on his throne in the apse,
seems usually to have been sufficient affirmation of his elevated
status. This can be seen from Antioch, where all of the available
evidence indicates that by contrast, as a presbyter, John stood
while preaching from the ambo.’
Stance is only one of many aspects of John’s life as a preacher. His
advanced rhetorical training under Libanius and his years of spiritual
and scriptural learning under Diodore and Carterius contributed
strongly to the content of his preaching and to the characteristics
of his style. The influence of his years in the ask&+-ion (the place
where aJkCr is practised) of Diodore and Caterius are most clearly
seen in his exegetical homilies. The literal interpretation of scripture
generally favoured at this time in Antioch (as opposed to the
allegorical method preferred in that other influential eastern city,

26
 JOHN AS PREACHER

Alexandria) shines through in the matter-of-fact historical comment,

pragmatic theological debate and observations on the techniques
employed by Paul and the gospel writers. This preference for direct-
ness is characteristic of his preaching in general. The traces of John’s
rhetorical education can be seen in every aspect of his sermons’ struc-
ture, content and delivery. Nowhere are they more evident than in
the homilies delivered on special occasions. In these the freedom
from the demands of the liturgical year, the lectionary system or
other customary considerations allows him to give his oratorical
skills full rein. Some of the most spectacular examples are the homi-
lies On Eutropiw, Horn. delivered after the rem&s of martyrs etc. and On
his return. In the latter two casesthe genre of the encomium, a literary
work commemorating the deeds of a famous person, is exploited to
the full. Exaggerated flattery of the empress, on the one hand, and
of the audience, on the other, permeates each sermon and it is with
the intention of praising his subjects that almost every topic, meta-
phor or verbal flourish is introduced. Just as in classical rhetoric
the design of the encomium is to ‘glorify and honor’, so the sole
aim of the diatribe is to ‘vilify and defame’ (Wilken 1983: 112).
The exploitation of this latter rhetorical set piece is exemplified
here in Against the Jews or. 1.’
The full range of the rhetorical tricks at the disposal of the well-
trained orator are to be observed throughout John’s sermons.3
Against the games and theatres begins powerfully with an example of
epanapbora or the repetition of the same word at the beginning of a
clause, phrase or sentence (‘Is this bearable? Is this to be tolerated?‘).
The repetition of these same two rhetorical questions throughout the
opening section of the homily itself produces the effect of an insistent
refrain. Epanaphora is used extensively elsewhere (e.g., ‘this slavery. . .
this slavery . . . this slavery’: On his return). In Against the games and
theatres we also see him anticipate the objection of the audience
(“‘What evil?” someone asks . . . “What, then”, you say, “if I
don’t look at her . . . ?“I), another favourite technique, which
allows him to create the effect of a dialogue and enliven the delivery.
In On his retam John employs a third technique, parison or the juxta-
position of parallel phrases, to emphasise his point.

For there, there was a serpent setting snares,

here, Christ is instructing us in the mysteries;
there, Eve was working her deception,
here, the church is being crowned;
there, Adam was being deceived,

27
 INTRODUCTION

here, a people is being publicly acclaimed;

there, there existed trees of different kinds,
here, there are gifts that are diverse and spiritual.

Arsis, an ornament in which an idea is first stated negatively and then

positively also appears frequently (e.g., ‘not over many days but in a
brief critical moment’: Against the statues horn. 17; ‘don’t simply
applaud but wish to be corrected . . . don’t recoil, but take refuge’:
On: ‘My father’s working still’). Diaporesis, or pretended doubt, com-
bined with epanapbma creates a strong beginning to Horn. dehered
after the remains of martyrs etc. (‘What can I say? What shall I speak?‘).
The metaphors and similes that John employs often come straight
from the orator’s textbook (Ameringer 192 1: 56-67). The athletic
and wrestling metaphors in A homily on martyrs and Concerning blessed
Pbilogonius, and the hunting exempla and medical imagery that recur
throughout the latter half of Against the games and theatres and in
Against the Jews or. 1 and On: ‘My father’s working still’ are all part
of the standard repertoire. Many are characteristic of his preach-
ing. Debt metaphors (Concerning blessedPbilogonius), references to
hospitality and the furnishing of a lavish table (Against the Jews
or. 1; Baptismal instruction 8; On: ‘I opposedhim to his face’), and calling
the audience a theatre (On Eutropius; Baptismal instruction 8) are all
favourite ways of opening a homily. Reference to the ephemeral as
‘dust’, ‘spring flowers’, ‘smoke’, ‘bubbles’ or ‘a spider’s web’ (On
Cal. born. 7; On Eutropius) or the employment of exempla from the
theatre and hippodrome, the military and maritime milieux, agricul-
ture, the animal kingdom, and the world of children, school, parents
and household slaves is as commonly to be encountered in John’s
preaching. In concluding his chapter on John’s use of metaphors
Ameringer wryly comments on ‘the prodigal exuberance’ of them
(Ameringer 1921: 67).
The topics that occupy John and the scriptural exempla which he
adduces also tend to fall into familiar patterns. As we observe in On
Co/. born. 7, On Eutropius, On Acts born. 3 and On 1 Cm. born. 21,
wealth, pride and power and their negative consequences are issues
frequently addressed by him. In association with these topics he is
anxious to promote the virtues of humility (tapeinopbrosync) and
charity (ele%osynF).On Epbesiansborn. 11, A homily on martyrs, Concern-
ing blessedPbilogonius and Against the Jews or. 1, on the other hand,
demonstrate how the correct behaviour and belief of his parishioners
is also of primary concern to him. On other occasions (Horn. delivered
after the remains of martyrs etc.; On his return; On: ? opposedhim to his

28
 JOHN AS PREACHER

face’), even when the rhetorical exaggeration is taken into account, he

is simply filled with pleasure at the responsiveness of the audience.
A sermon such as On Eutropiz~s highlights the strong pastoral empha-
sis in John’s preaching, as he is unable to resist the opportunity that
has been handed to him for drawing a powerful lesson from the cur-
rent events and his own part in them. Although they are little repre-
sented in the texts presented here, the Old and New Testament
exempla of Job, the three boys in the furnace, the tax-collector
and pharisee and the widow who gave everything she had are firm
favourites and appear frequently throughout his homilies. The
ministry, life and character of the apostle Paul are much admired
by John and likewise receive frequent emphasis. John’s command
of scripture, developed during his years sampling the ascetic life, is
evident from his frequent citation of a diverse range of passages.
Whereas the contents of his sermons were shaped by the different
strands of his education, it was the liturgical calendar in operation at
each city, in conjunction with the civic calendar and local events,
which to a large degree determined the kinds of homilies which
John preached. Collectively his sermons range from festival homilies,
and panegyrics on saints and martyrs, to primarily exegetical com-
mentaries, polemical or ethical discourses, and catecheses (that is,
pre- and post-baptismal instructions). In addition he preached
what are termed occasional sermons, that is, homilies which have
as their focus a specific and often unique occasion or event - for
instance, the riots at Antioch, his ordination, and the deposition of
Eutropius. Examples of all of these are found among the homilies
translated in this volume. In many instances, however, the labels
traditionally used are more convenient than accurate, since the cate-
gories have a tendency to overlap. Thus Concerning blessed Philogonius
starts out as a panegyric on Philogonius and his life, but ends as an
ethical discourse on the behaviour of those who receive the eucharist
only on the day of a major liturgical festival. Horn. delivered after the
remains of martyrs etc. exhibits all of the characteristics of a festival
sermon, but is in many respects an occasional homily too since the
event which it records has elements that are unique. Against the
games and theatres is both occasional homily and moral discourse
since it is preached in response to various recent events, but has as
its focus a specific failing which John wishes to correct. Against the
Jews m. 1, on the other hand, is almost pure polemic, occasioned
by the proximity of the prominent autumn festivals celebrated by
the local Jewish community.

29
 INTRODUCTION

The exegetical homilies are often more distinctive, since in these

John tends to pursue a close verse-by-verse exegesis of the pericope
or scriptural lection, which he then follows with an ethical discourse
on some issue. This second half of the sermon is not always directly
related to the subject-matter of the first. Instead it can be occasioned
by some concern which happens to be close to John’s mind at the
time or he may continue a theme which was initially addressed in
other sermons preached before the same audience. The exegetical
homilies translated in this volume tend to have closely linked
exegetical and ethical parts, but in one instance do provide some
indication of the diversity to be observed in this respect. Whereas
in On Epbesians horn. 11, On Acts horn. 3 and On 1 Cor. hom. 21 the
ethical subject-matter is recognisably linked to the contents of the
scriptural text, in On Colossians horn. 7 John initially follows his
exegesis with a related discussion about baptism but soon diverges
on to less relevant topics such as the folly of pride, power and
wealth. The precise relationship between the pericopes exegeted in
such homilies and the lectionary system in use at each city is difficult
to determine.4
Having examined the issues of where John delivered his sermons,
his stance during delivery and the characteristics of his sermons’ con-
tents, structure and genre, it remains to ask how he composed them,
how they were published, what control he had over the process, how
often he preached and what occurred when other clergy preached at
the same synaxis. The first three questions are difficult to answer.
There is much debate concerning the issues of composition, publica-
tion and editorial control in relation to the homiletic activity of
John Chrysostom. Some of the questions that have been raised are
whether certain of the homilies were ever preached or were written
purely for publication (Baur 1959: 299; disputed by Kelly 1995:
92-3; Hill 1998); and whether the lack of polish in some cases or
the degree to which obvious homiletic features have been removed
in others is indicative of the degree to which John himself had a
hand in the editorial process and the production of material for pub-
lication (Goodall 1979: 62-78; discussed by Kelly 1995: 93-4). The
reality is likely to be more complex than simple. In relation to the
homilies preached in Constantinople Socrates (HE 6.4) states that
some were published by John himself, while others were taken
down by stenographers as he delivered them. Sozomen (HE 8.18)
refers to a homily that tradition held to have been preached entirely
extemporaneously. That the manuscript title to the series on
Hebrews states that the collection was published after John’s death

30
 JOHN AS PREACHER

by an Antiochene presbyter (PG 63,9) serves to add weight to the

suspicion that a range of persons and procedures could be involved
in the publication process.
Unfortunately this information tells us almost nothing about how
John actually prepared his sermons. Goodall does argue that homilies
from the exegetical series which demonstrate ‘spontaneous’ elements
and contain stylistic lapses are more likely to refer back to an orally
delivered and stenographically recorded (but not subsequently edited)
version. This orally delivered version, he supposes, is to some degree
also extemporaneous (Goodall 1979: 78).5 If this is true, then it may
also be the case that conversely sermons which are highly polished
and structurally sophisticated will prove to demonstrate either a
greater degree of preparation by John in the first instance and/or
editorial tidying by the homilist after the event and personal
involvement in their publication. While further investigation will
probably prove that these suppositions need additional refinement,
it is an inescapable fact that the versions of the homilies available
to us today can vary markedly in quality. Considerations related to
the processes involved in editing sermons into series and the trans-
mission history of individual texts further complicate the issue.
The frequency with which John preached at each location is no less
difficult to determine. It is widely assumed that by far the greater
number of the surviving sermons were preached at Antioch, not
simply because of the greater number of years spent there, but
because as a presbyter John had greater leisure to compose, preach
and publish homilies. It is thought that at Constantinople the
weight of his episcopal duties interfered greatly with his ability to
perform this task. To what degree these assumptions are true is
at present difficult to determine. Certainly it is the case that at
Constantinople John was distracted for various periods of time by
his involvement in negotations with Gainas and his trip to Ephesus,
while he was also prevented from preaching at various points as a
result of his first exile and subsequent delay in re-entering the
city, his ban from officiating in the city’s churches during the
months leading up to his second and definitive exile, or factors as
simple as the protocol to be observed when a fellow bishop visited.
On the other hand, as we observe in On: ‘I opposedhim to his face’,
the demands of his presbyteral duties too could temporarily
remove him from the homiletic arena.
The above factors are in any case no reason for assuming, as does
Pargoire (1899-1900; cf. Kelly 1995: 130), that at Constantinople
John was therefore preaching only once a week on a Sunday. At

31
 INTRODUCTION

both cities synaxes were regularly held on Saturdays and Sundays

during ordinary times of the year, while liturgical festivals and
saints’ days sporadically increased the number of opportunities avail-
able. As we see in Baptismal instruction 8, at Antioch the month of
April was filled with a number of martyrs’ festivals which followed
each other in quick succession. During the eight weeks of Lent at
Antioch or seven at Constantinople there were in addition services
in the late afternoon every weekday in the course of which a
homily was preached. Yet although the expectation of a sermon
each day at such times was normative, as already noted, circum-
stances could intervene, as in the case of the Antiochene riots, to
interrupt this sequence (van de Paverd 1991: 363-Q. The demands
of instructing the catechumens during the second half of Lent further
increased the potential number of sermons that an individual might
preach, since these instructions were delivered early on weekday
mornings over the course of three or four weeks, in addition to the
late afternoon synaxis (De diabolo tentatme horn. 2: PG 49,258 8-10).
As we can see, the number of opportunities to preach during a
year were considerable, while any number of circumstances could
intervene at any point in an individual year to prevent John from par-
ticipating. In sum, the most likely scenario is that the frequency with
which John preached varied from week to week at each location.
The final aspect of preaching that requires mention is alluded to in
Concerning blessedPhilogonius. There John informs us that the local
Antiochene bishop, Flavian, will be preaching a sermon at this
same festival immediately after him. He anticipates that in it Flavian
will cover the topic of Philogonius’ life more thoroughly. This habit
of having more than one homilist preach on special occasions is
recorded by the late fourth-century pilgrim Egeria in relation to
the practice at Jerusalem. There, she says, on such occasions as
many presbyters as wish preach, while it is the bishop who always
preaches last (bin. 25.1). That this situation pertained at Antioch
is demonstrated by the homily De s. Babyyla, where John says that
he will leave such details to the more senior of the ‘teachers’ and
‘the common father’ (SC 362,296 5-7), implying that a number of
presbyters as well as Flavian are to preach after him on that particular
occasion. Such circumstances will have affected the length of the
homily as well as perhaps introducing a note of competitiveness in
terms of holding the audience’s attention. Similar challenges faced
John when he was bishop. As we discover in On: ‘My father’s working
still’ visiting bishops were supposed by custom to be given the
opportunity to preach, perhaps even precedence. Certainly there is

32
 JOHN AS PREACHER

at least one homily in addition to the latter which suggests that those
who preached at the same synaxes as John at Constantinople could
suffer by comparison (In ilhd: Filius ex se nihil facit (CPG
4441.12): PG 56,247 l-lo), while on another occasion the presbyter
who preached before him did so in the native language of the audi-
ence, altering the dynamics and producing a different set of expecta-
tions (Horn. habita corn presbyter gothus (CPG 444 1.9)). The problems
that could arise from the competition posed for a bishop by his peers
are alluded to at length in On Ephesians horn. 11.

33
 4
JOHN’S AUDIENCE

If Antioch was a city of great wealth and elevated status, which

offered a high standard of living to those who could afford it, it
was also a city of great poverty. As John indicates in On 1 Cm.
horn. 21 there existed a highly visible class of beggars and homeless
people who solicited the rest of the citizens of Antioch as they
went about their business in the market-place and streets. This
same class of people is discussed at length in another Antiochene
sermon (De eleemosyna:PG 5 1,261-72). Constantinople, with its eco-
nomic and political attractions as the seat of the emperor in the east,
is likely to have been host to a similar proportion of the economically
and socially disenfranchised. Recognition of their existence is impor-
tant not just from the point of view of pastoral care but also in rela-
tion to the question of precisely who attended church and constituted
John’s audience.
That the wealthy members of Antiochene and Constantinopolitan
society attended church and, when they did so, constituted a high-
profile sector among John’s audience is readily evident, since he
often addresses them directly (On COI. horn. 7; On 1 Cov. horn. 21;
Leyerle 1994; 1997). Contrary to previous opinion on the subject
(MacMullen 1989), it has recently been asserted that women also
attended in reasonable numbers on ordinary occasions in a number
of the churches in both cities (Mayer forthcoming (b)). We see the
wealthy among them being addressed by John in On Cal. horn. 7,
while in Horn. de&red after the remains of martyrs etc. we observe
that on the day of a spectacular festival at Constantinople a diverse
range of women are present, including the empress, the elderly and
ascetics. The presence of men in the audience on every occasion is
self-evident and requires no more than a simple statement. The ques-
tions that are more difficult to answer are whether the audience was
comprised only of the elite or more broadly represented secular

34
 JOHN’S AUDIENCE

society, whether the truly poor were ever present, and whether
children and slaves were included.
With regard to the presence of slaves it is likely that they were
usually to be encountered in the company of their mistresses or
masters. In In 2 Thess. horn. 3 John tells us that if a rich man attends
he is typically accompanied by a flock of young slaves with the inten-
tion of emphasising to the rest of those present his elevated status
(PG 62,484 1 l-14), while in his account of a miracle which occurred
during John’s episcopate Sozomen (HE 8.5) assumes that it was
normal for a female slave (therapaina) to accompany and stay close
to her mistress. In a rare instance John actually addresses the slaves
in the audience directly (In Titum horn. 4: PG 62,686 14-22).
Whether slaves ever attended of their own volition and without
their owners is difficult to determine. The numbers in which slaves
were to be found and whether attendance was uniform across all of
the churches in each city are likewise open to question since, despite
his comments in In 2 Thess. horn. 3, in another sermon John accuses
the audience of providing little opportunity for their slaves to learn
Christian ethics, since, contrary to the audience’s habit when attend-
ing the theatre or baths, they tend not to set out for church with a
flock of slaves in attendance (In Eph. horn. 22: PG 62,158 2-4). In
the case of children their presence is much more difficult to establish.
If it were not for the rare allusion (In Acta apost. horn. 29: PG 60,218
4-5 - ‘I’m not addressing those who’ve been here a year, but those
who’ve been attending since they were very young’; cf. In Acta
apost. horn. 44: PG 60,313 23-4), we would be tempted to conclude
that they did not form a part of the regular audience. While such
allusions suggest that the admonition at the conclusion of Against
the Jews or. 1 may perhaps be more than a simple topos, the presence
of children cannot be considered normative since in other homilies
John exhorts members of the audience to bring them with them to
synaxis (Contra Anomoeoshorn. 11: SC 396,3 14 3 15-18) or admonishes
them for failing to do so (In illud: Si esurierit inimicus: PG 5 1,176
15-20).
On the question of the truly poor and socially disenfranchised,
Peter Brown (1992: 91-103) refers to their exclusion from participa-
tion in the activities and benefits of the &OS (the people, populace or
citizenry) and argues that it was the bishops’ championship of this
class which empowered and increased the status of both the local
bishop and the ‘poor’ of the city. Within this scenario one might
expect that the poor who physically surrounded the churches and
were the focus of the welfare programmes of the church and the

35
 INTRODUCTION

recipients of its largesse were also to be found within the church

buildings at the time of synaxis and were among those who listened
to the preacher’s message. Yet in this respect it seems more likely
that the audience within the church mirrored external society.
While it is impossible to state definitively that the exclusion of
this class from synaxis was in fact the case, the evidence is suggestive
of this conclusion. In the Servo 5 in Genesim (PG 54,602 57-603 1)
John says that when the audience departs from the church they see
the poor standing on both sides of the entrance, an impression
reinforced by information supplied in other homilies (Horn. in ihd:
Habentes eumdem spiritum 3: PG 5 1,300 18-42; In 1 Thess. horn. 11:
PG 62,466 19-29). It is almost certainly with this scenario in
mind that John makes his final comments in On COI. horn. 7. Further,
in De eleemosyna(PG 5 1,261 3-9) the poor, disabled and beggars who
so inspire his sermon are to be found elsewhere in the market-place
and streets and not within his audience. Rather, when John directly
addresses the poor in his sermons it is usually not the genuinely poor
to whom he directs his remarks, but those who think themselves poor
when they compare their own lifestyle with that of their friends and
neighbours (Mayer 1998b: 123). In this light, John’s comments that
at baptism or during the eucharist the disabled and poorest of the
poor stand next to the rich and powerful should be treated with a
degree of scepticism (Cat. 2: SC 50bi”,140 13.1-S; De resurrectione:
PG 50,437 17-29).
If the truly poor are unlikely to have been among John’s audience
as he preached, the next issue to be resolved is whether the audience
was in fact predominantly wealthy. Ramsay MacMullen proposes
that this was indeed the case and that it was in the main the elite
members of society who attended (MacMullen 1989). While there
is no denying that the foibles of the rich are a constant focus of
John’s homilies, the question remains whether this overwhelming
focus reflects a genuine preponderance of members of this class
within the audience or whether, just as in the case of women
John’s address is predominantly directed toward the males in the
audience regardless of the real numbers of both genders present
(possibly because men are socially and culturally more significant),’
so the attention paid to the elite within the audience reflects the
social and cultural status of these persons in society rather than
their actual numerical dominance. This latter possibility cannot be
dismissed. Certainly there was a more diverse range of people
within the audience than is evident at first impression. As both
Baptismal instruction 8 and On: ‘My father’s working still’ remind us,

36
 JOHN’S AUDIENCE

most of the churches in each city had a large number of clergy and
liturgical and administrative assistants attached to them - a
number augmented not infrequently by the presence of non-local
clergy visiting for synodical and other reasons.* Although various
members of the clergy and support staff can be presumed to have
been present on most occasions when John preached, rarely do they
receive explicit mention.3 Moreover, the background of these indi-
viduals is likely to have varied considerably. However, as we shall
see in Chapter 6, Flavian came from a wealthy family, as did other
members of the Antiochene clergy,* at least one of John’s presbyters
at Constantinople had formerly been a slave (Soz., HE 8.24). The
visiting monk-priests who swell the congregation in Baptismal
Instruction 8 are likewise neither of elevated background nor wealthy.
A close examination of John’s homilies also reveals some degree of
variety of economic and social status in relation to the more general
audience. This variation is seen mainly in homilies of Antiochene
provenance. In a number of them John clearly expects that a sector
of the audience is comprised of tradespeople.s In another homily
he says that the ‘poor’ who were in attendance recently are excused
from being present today because they have to work for their
living (In prim. Actorum horn. 1: PG 5 1,69 5 1-61). On the other
hand, he expects that others who are absent are at this moment
being harassed by their accountants, managers and slaves (PG
5 1,69 36-43). In yet another Antiochene homily he suggests that
married men who work every day can only attend once a week (De
mutatione nom. horn. 3: PG 5 1,136 21-7). On another occasion he
says that some of the men in the audience are soldiers, others artisans
(De poen. horn. 3: PG 49,291 31-3 a.i.). This evidence that the
congregation attached to at least one church in Antioch included
artisans, tradespeople, wealthy estate owners and perhaps also
soldiers accords well with John’s description of his audience in
Baptismal instruction 8. He expects that when they leave the synaxis
some will be working with their hands, others at military duties,
and that yet others will be involved all day in political or civil affairs.
That the native language and ethnicity of individuals contributed to
the diversity of the audience is suggested by Horn. delivered after the
remains of martyrs etc., Baptismal instruction 8 and the homily delivered
by John at Constantinople in the church of St Paul, the worship
centre of the Nicene Goths.
The size of the audience and the frequency with which individuals
attended varied markedly according to the time of year and the
nature of the occasion. As is already evident external commitments

37
 INTRODUCTION

in some cases dictated when men were able to attend. It is also the
case that the major liturgical festivals and spectacular occasions,
such as the translation of martyrs’ remains, drew larger than usual
crowds, while the heat of summer could as readily deter them
(In ilhd Si eswierit inimicus: PG 5 1,174 49-175 3). On the former
occasions the diversity as well as the size of the audience increased
(Mayer forthcoming (b)). Accidental occurrences, such as the coinci-
dence of Eutropius’ flight to the Great Church on the day before a
regular synaxis, could also prove a major attraction. In On Es&-opicls
John remarks that he has not seen such a large crowd since Easter.
That the audience dwindled in between times and that the atten-
dance habits of individuals varied considerably is evident from
John’s comments in On Ephesians horn. I Z and in homilies such as
De mutatione nom. horn. 1 (PG 51,113 l-5) and Sermo 9 in Genesim
(PG 54,620 4-6 a.i.). Not only does the size decrease with each suc-
cessive synaxis following Easter, but John is often obliged to repeat
himself because many of those who were there at the previous synaxis
are not present today and vice versa. Furthermore, as we learn in On
Ephesians horn. 11, the loyalty of even the most faithful members of
the audience could be diverted away from John and towards another
preacher.
Regardless of the mix of people in attendance on any one occasion
external social dynamics often entered with the individual members
of the audience and influenced their stance and behaviour. Thus,
although at this time in the churches of Antioch and Constantinople
it was normal for the audience to stand throughout the course of the
liturgy and sermon, while the clergy and bishop had seating available
to them, there is evidence that certain (probably very wealthy) mem-
bers of the audience sat also.6 While it may be the case that some of
these individuals were incapable of standing for any length of time
due to lifestyle-related diseases, it is as likely that the action of
being seated in the midst of a standing majority served to isolate
and emphasise their wealth and social status.’ The physical separa-
tion of the men from the women by various means, another reflection
of external cultural norms, has already been remarked upon. The
audience’s behaviour in some ways differed little from when they
were in each other’s homes or at the hippodrome or theatre. A display
of oratorical brilliance elicited much applause, as we learn from the
opening comments of Against the Jews or. 1. People gossiped, chatted
and laughed during the liturgy and sermon (In Heb. horn. 15: PG
63,121 50-7). Others crowded around John, pushing and shoving
so that they could get closer to this star performer (Sot., HE 8.5;

38
 JOHN’S AUDIENCE

De/n-o/h obsczlr.horn. 1: PG 56,176 23-7). In other respects the audi-

ence simply responded as human beings to the subject-matter of the
sermon as their emotions were manipulated by the power of John’s
rhetoric. So in Against the games and theatres he says that he sees
some beating their heads and subsequently looking gloomy as he
threatens to ban the offenders from the premises. In On Eutropim a
portion of the audience is moved to tears. In On Colossiam horn. 7
he evokes a response from the women in the audience as he speculates
that they would wish to have golden hair. Other all too human beha-
viours are documented in Concerning blessed Philogonius.
A glimpse of the audience’s attachment to John as a preacher and
pastoral carer, their expectations of him and the interaction that took
place between John and individual members beyond the realm of
the sermon serves to round out the picture. John was an extremely
popular preacher. The not infrequent references to applause, the
testimony of the church historians (Palladius, Dial. 5; Sot., HE
6.4, 6.16; SOL, HE 8.2, 8.5) and the massive numbers in which
John’s sermons survive to the present day all bear witness to this.
In On his retzrrn John openly revels in the attachment of the people
of Constantinople to him, just as the fact that many among the audi-
ence came just to hear him is evident in their rejection of the bishop
of Galatia as replacement homilist on the Sunday prior to On: ‘My
father’s working still’. However, not everyone was enamoured with
his philosophy of care. At Constantinople direct censure both from
the ambo and during personal encounters in the home or on the
street alienated a significant minority. We see a possible allusion
to members of this group in On Epbesjans horn. 11.
Glimpses of the interaction between John and members of his
audience beyond the confines of the church are supplied in two
Antiochene homilies. In On: ‘I opposed him to his face’ it is evident
that members of the congregation that he serves have recounted a
summary of the locum’s sermon to him shortly after the event.
This information implies either that his daily routine was such
that he encountered parishioners casually outside of synaxes or that
some of them were in the habit of meeting with him in between.
In Against the Jews or. 1, John relates an encounter with two
Christians on the street, in which he took it upon himself to upbraid
the offender and explain to him the error of his ways. Here we see
not a pre-arranged counselling session with a parishioner but the
opportunistic administration of pastoral care to a member of the
wider local Christian community. In On his retwn at Constantinople
he addresses the complaints that have come to his ears about his

39
 INTRODUCTION

absence during the baptisms at Easter. Combined with his comments

about receiving regular reports of the situation at Constantinople
from travellers during his absence, this information hints at some
of the effective communication networks which existed between
John and his parishioners.

40
 5
JOHN AS SOUL-CARER

These brief snaphots of his audience lead us to ask several related

questions, which are significant to understanding the relationship
between both John and his audience as a preacher and John and
his parishioners as a carer of souls. As both presbyter and bishop
did John minister to a single congregation for lengthy periods or
did he rotate between different churches in the course of his
duties? If he was attached to a single church, which duties and
what percentage of them did John perform? How often were these
same duties performed by other clergy? If he did rotate, did the audi-
ence follow him? The different options predicate different degrees of
intimacy. The more detail we can accumulate about the extent to
which John connected with the lives of those around him, the greater
our understanding of his own style of pastoral care and the greater the
possibility of placing it in the context of the general character of the
care available at Antioch and Constantinople in the late fourth and
early fifth centuries.
There is sufficient evidence to suggest that in some ways there were
distinct differences between John’s experiences at each city. From the
homily On: ‘I opposedhim to his face’ it is evident that at one point
during his years at Antioch as a priest he preached regularly before
a congregation at the Old Church. This circumstance suggests
that, despite Flavian’s periodic claims upon his time, John was a
member of the complement of clergy attached to that church and
therefore had an opportunity to develop a relationship with the par-
ticular audience that worshipped there. It may even be that it is this
audience that is reflected in the Antiochene homilies which refer to
soldiers, artisans and other businesspeople. On the other hand, the
fact that Flavian is interfering with John’s duties at that church by
requiring him to accompany him elsewhere indicates that there
were disruptions to that relationship. However, such disruptions

41
 INTRODUCTION

would mean little except in terms of disturbing a planned pro-

gramme of pastoral education through preaching, if John continued
to perform his duties between synaxes without interruption. At
Constantinople, on the other hand, it appears that the bishop of
the city, while based at the Great Church, preached according to a
developed system in other churches of the city also (Mayer forth-
coming (a)). As observed in On: ‘My father’s working still’, moreover,
the flood of visiting bishops could interfere with the frequency with
which John preached before the audience in the Great Church. When
these factors are combined with the weight of episcopal duties in
general it is likely that the opportunity for John to develop a close
rapport with individuals within the different congregations at
Constantinople was more limited.
What, then, were the different forms of pastoral care in which John
personally became involved at each location? As already hinted, the
episcopal role itself inevitably attracted additional duties, while the
weight of these additional duties at times interfered with those that
were more mundane and familiar. Other pastoral activities developed
by virtue of the different circumstances which pertained at each city.
Thus at Constantinople the proximity of the female ascetic and
deacon Olympias’ monastery to the episkopeion and Great Church
saw the development of a close relationship between John and the
women in this community. Not only is it likely that a proportion
of their number attended the Great Church and constituted part of
his regular audience (Mayer forthcoming (b)), but John himself
was the only outsider permitted to enter the walls of the community.
He did so frequently for the purposes of instructing the women (Vita
Olymp. 8). He also ordained several of the inmates to the diaconate so
that the forms of care available within the monastery could be
expanded and assured continuity (Vita Olymp. 7). John’s care of
these women, instigated initially because of the accident of their
proximity, thus developed on at least three levels - through preach-
ing, through extra-homiletic instruction and indirectly through the
institution of permanent pastoral delegates in the form of deacons.
Another avenue of care which is likely to have been specific to
Constantinople and to John’s role as bishop there is mediation
between the emperor and the high-ranking officials in the imperial
bureaucracy in times of dispute. His involvement at this level
could be time-consuming and had a tendency to interrupt his
other more regular duties. Thus in a sermon delivered in 400 John
excuses himself to the audience for his absence from preaching,
due to his involvement in negotiations over hostages with the

42
 JOHN AS SOUL-CARER

dissident Gothic general Gainas (Cum Satwnintls et Aurelianw: PG

52,413 2 a.i.-415 SO). In On Eutropius likewise we seeJohn in aposi-
tion of defending the once powerful eunuch-consul from the wrath of
the military and using all of his rhetorical skill to turn the audience’s
natural antipathy towards Eutropius into sympathy, despite his own
personal feelings towards the individual. The description of the
interaction between John and Eutropius over the status of the
church prior to the latter’s downfall, if not invented for the occasion,
shows John persistently and frankly challenging Eutropius’ actions
out of care for him when few people, if any, would dare to do so.
Boldly reminding the emperor of his obligations towards the
Nicene Christians at Constantinople and advising Arcadius to
resist the demands of Gainas that he assign a church to the Arian
Gothic community (Soz., HE 8.4) demonstrates John’s own per-
ceived broader duty of care as bishop towards the souls of all
Christians at Constantinople. It requires him to ensure that ortho-
dox Nicene Christianity persists within the walls of the city
unchallenged.’ The journey to Asia Minor to which he refers in
On his retwn is one further example of John’s expanded perception
of the boundaries of pastoral care appropriate to the bishop of
Constantinople. The reality is that by undertaking to travel to
Ephesus personally to sort out matters regarding his peers in a see
not his own John is technically in breach of his jurisdiction.
So far we have observed that as bishop John considered that a broad
range of activities came within his purview. He mediated between
the emperor and his officials, especially in matters of life or death;
he took direct action whenever necessary to ensure the preservation
of Nicene Christianity within the city precinct; he intervened at
least once in disciplinary matters in neighbouring sees, convening
synods, deposing bishops, closing non-Nicene churches and super-
vising the appointment of replacement clergy; he regularly admon-
ished a high-level official for his behaviour and encouraged him to
modify it; he frequently visited a neighbouring all-female monastery
to instruct members of the community and ordained three of them to
ensure the continuity of pastoral ministry within the community.
There were also other forms of care which were more common to
his experiences as a priest at Antioch.
Preaching is a major avenue for pastoral care and one at which John
excelled throughout his career. The down-to-earth, yet cleverly
manipulated language of his sermons, the genuine concern for the
souls of his listeners that permeates and prompts virtually every
word, the willingness to seize opportunities to teach that others

43
 INTRODUCTION

might well avoid, are all aspects that serve to highlight John’s desire
to move his audience and effect genuine change in their lives. His
constant frustration with the audience’s lack of progress and his
praise of those who do achieve are also indicative of his desire that
those who listen to his sermons learn and not just enjoy being enter-
tained. If he moves the audience to applause or tears it is in the hope
that they will thereby more effectively remember his point. When he
threatens the audience in On Cal. horn. 7 and Against the games and
theatres it is in the manner of a parent who understands that discipline
is necessary, if a child is to learn how to behave appropriately. His
constant citation from the scriptures is as much a ploy to hammer
some of it into the memory of his listeners as to justify a particular
point. These are the words of a preacher who understands that the
homily is a powerful educative tool and medium of persuasion, as
well as an effective means of forging a bond with those who actively
listen to what he has to say.
Letter-writing is another major avenue for pastoral care. Although
only a selection of the letters which he wrote in exile survives, from
the collections of letters attributed to other bishops in this and later
centuries it is clear that as bishop, if not also as presbyter, John would
have been constantly engaged in writing to colleagues, former
parishioners, contacts and friends. Some of the letters that he does
write from exile can be considered typical of those that would have
been included among such correspondence. Among these are several
letters of consolation to grieving friends and acquaintances - for
instance, Letter 197 to Studius the Urban Prefect, in which John com-
mends and counsels the recipient on the appropriate way to grieve a
virtuous Christian’s death; and Ep. 7 1 to Malchus on the death of his
daughter, in which he not only counsels the grieving father, but also
asks him to convey the same advice to his wife (PG 52,647-g). In a
different, but no less pastoral, way, John writes to Theodora, a
woman of considerable status, on hearing that she has fallen out
with a certain member of her household. Without knowledge of
the specific circumstances, he nonetheless feels it his duty to counsel
forgiveness and to urge her to let go her anger (Letter 117). An even
stronger tone is taken in a letter to another person, Adolia, a noble-
woman of Antioch (Delmaire 1991: 103), with whom he enjoys
frequent correspondence. He has advised her time and again to get
her priorities straight and to ignore worldly concerns and tells her
that the treachery of which she complains is in essence her own
fault. He further expects that, if she wanted to, she could come to
visit him and receive his advice on the current situation in person -

44
 JOHN AS SOUL-CARER

an allusion to the possibility of private counselling (Ep. 133: PG

52,691-2). In two rare letters he upbraids presbyters of the church
of Constantinople for failing in their duties at a time of particular
need (Letters 203, 212). There his concern is both for the souls of
the priests themselves and for those of the parishioners whose care
is being neglected.
The letters reflect other pastoral avenues and concerns that are less
personal and more complex than the ones that have been mentioned.
A number are addressed variously to clergy of different ranks, lay
people of high status and monks urging them to deal with issues
related to a mission which John supports amongst the pagans in
Phoenicia. The well-being of Nicene Goths in their own homeland
also comes under discussion (I$. 9 (14) Ad O~ytnp.: SC 13bi”,236-8
5.b), as does the welfare of the Nicene Gothic community in
John’s now former see, Constantinople @pp. 206-7: PG 52,726
7). In none of these instances does John expect to be involved
directly, but he clearly has a network of people which he either
administers or supports who are involved at different levels. Thus
in Epp. 221 and 225 John addresses a presbyter, Constantius, in
the first instance telling him that he has found an eremitic monk
in Nicaea, whom he has persuaded to join Constantius in his mission
work; in the second, making it clear that Constantius, whom he
describes as a manager (oikonomos) of the project, has responsibility
for the destruction of paganism, the building of churches and the
care of souls in Phoenicia, Arabia and throughout the east (PG
52,732-3 and 735). In Phoenicia Constantius is also involved with
the care of the traditional clients of welfare - the orphans, widows
and poor. John himself tells the monks and presbyters who are
doing the hands-on work in Phoenicia that he has ensured the line
of supply of essentials for their work by securing funding and that
Constantius will be able to supply shoes, clothing and food to
their brothers as freely as before (Ep. 123: PG 52,676-g). In other
letters John urges wealthy laypersons to support missionary and
local welfare projects financially, indicating that the elite as well as
clergy are an important part of the system (Letters 5 1, 217). Such
letters demonstrate that throughout his episcopate John was
involved in the complex organisation and administration of mission-
ary activities in a number of locations at some distance from Constan-
tinople, and that he continued to work hard behind the scenes to
ensure the continuity of these projects in exile. They also raise the
slight possibility that he had already become involved in these
same or similar networks during his years at Antioch.*

45
 INTRODUCTION

Locally the networks for the provision of certain types of pastoral

care were no less complex. Even though John was undoubtedly
involved personally in the private counselling of individuals,3
including perhaps the hearing of private confession (Soz., HE 8.5),
and although at Constantinople he presided in person over informal
synods (Palladius, Dial. 13-14) and perhaps also a form of episcopal
court and therefore dealt with the broader issues of care through these
media, it is doubtful whether he had any direct involvement in the
hands-on provision of care to the needy (i.e., widows, orphans, sick
transients, beggars and other persons lacking family or adequate
means of support). As we shall see in Chapter 6, at both locations
there were already well-established institutions and structures in
place for the provision of such care. At Constantinople John’s contri-
bution to these enterprises seems to have consisted of an overhaul of
the registers and the number, administration and financing of various
institutions, in addition to the planning of new hospitals and insti-
tutions for the care of the sick (Palladius, Dial. 5; ACW 45: 39). In
exile we find him continuing to drum up finance for the presbyters
involved in the administration of various projects (Letter 217).
Through his preaching he constantly tries to persuade the wealthy
to become benefactors of the poor and to help relieve the burden
of care that is placed upon the church (On 1 Cor. horn. 21).
Indeed it may be that there exists in John’s case a direct relation-
ship between his care for individuals and the means by which he
provides care for the broader Christian community. There is some
evidence in both his correspondence and the external sources that
not just at Constantinople but even during the period of his
presbyterate at Antioch John’s personal ministry of care is directed
particularly toward individuals who function at the elite level of
society and that it is through these same individuals and their associ-
ates that he elicits the financial and physical assistance necessary to
ensure the provision of a wide range of pastoral care.* If Sozomen
can be relied upon, these relationships and networks continued
into the period of John’s exile, where the financial support of
Olympias and others provided the means by which he was able to
effect the release of captives of the Isaurians, restoring such indi-
viduals to their families, and to assist those who were in material
or spiritual need (Soz., HE 8.27).

46
 6
PASTORAL CARE AND DAILY LIFE

If the provision of pastoral care by John as priest and as bishop could

cover a relatively broad range of avenues, there were yet other ways in
which such care could be administered and in which its provision
impinged upon the lives of Antioch’s and Constantinople’s inhabi-
tants. One of the more obvious avenues was the permanent philan-
thropic institution. Both cities, by virtue of their status and
resources, attracted a large number of visitors. Not all of these
were in good health or capable of supporting themselves after their
arrival. In addition, among those who dwelt permanently in the
cities children, women and the elderly who became deprived of the
support of immediate or extended family were vulnerable to poverty
and disease. By the time that John was ordained priest at Antioch
church-administered orphanages, hostels, hospitals and perhaps
even old people’s homes were becoming a familiar part of the
urban landscape. ’
At Antioch, a city plagued by the economic effects of seasonal
work (De eleemosyna:PG 51,261 21-47; 269 65-270 9), periodic
drought (Downey 1961: 383-4, 419-20; Libanius, Or. 1.205-ll),
and the economic strain caused by periodic military activity
(Downey 1961: 382-3), the evidence suggests that institutions for
the care of indigent visitors were felt to be necessary from at least
the mid-fourth century onwards. The Chvonicon pascbale asserts that
bishop Leontius (344-58) founded a number of hostels (xenodocheia
and xencnenes) for the poor and the strangers in the city (PG 92,30-
3). Devreesse (1945: 111 n. 11) notes that the Yakto mosaic, a
fifth-century artifact recovered in archaeological excavations at
Daphne, depicts a building labelled to Leontiou, which he identifies
with the hostel mentioned in that document. Writing in the sixth
century John Malalas, who was himself from Antioch, states that
a xen8n was founded in the city in the time of Constantine under

47
 INTRODUCTION

the Christian governor Plutarch (Chron. 13.3; ByzAus 4: 172-3).

Whether it is the case that this hospice, said to be situated in
proximity to the Great Church, genuinely dates back to that time,
local tradition clearly held it to be of some antiquity. John himself
confirms the existence of at least one xen& associated with the care
of the sick, when he tells Stagirius to go to its administrator and
ask to see the inmates as a cure for the despair the young man is
experiencing as a result of his own chronic epilepsy (Ad Stagirium:
PG 47,490 31-7). That private individuals could use their own
property and resources for a similar purpose is suggested by an
Antiochene sermon in which John points out to his audience that
their bishop, Flavian, has in effect turned his ancestral home into a
xemin. The scale on which he provides hospitality for these people
is such, John says, that the house could as well be said to belong
to the strangers who are its inmates as to its owner (Sewno 1 in
Gen.: PG 54,585 47-67).
At Constantinople the range of philanthropic institutions for
which evidence exists is broader. Timothy Miller argues at length
that the Sampson xen&z, an institution which was still operational
in the tenth century, was established between 350 and 360 by a
semi-Arian ascetic of the same name who worked under bishop
Macedonius. This foundation, which cared for the sick, was tradi-
tionally located between the Great Church and St Eirene. Miller
highlights its contemporaneity with the orphanage (orpbanotropbeion)
founded by Zotikos (Miller 1990: 104-13). The historian Sozomen
makes reference to poorhouses (pt&eia) founded under Macedonius,
of which the deacon Marathonius was director or epitropos (HE 4.20).
Thus by the time that John took up the reins as bishop of Constan-
tinople in early 398 there already existed several church-run institu-
tions for the care of the sick, the poor and the orphaned.*
It is possible that when Nicene Christianity was enforced at
Constantinople under Theodosius not only the churches of the
city but also the associated welfare institutions were transferred
from the hands of the Arian Christians.3 Palladius mentions that
Chrysostom himself transferred surplus expenditure from the
budget of the bishop’s residence (episkopeion) to ‘the hospital’; and
that he constructed further hospitals (nosoRomeia),each of which he
staffed with two presbyters and an unspecified number of doctors,
cooks and other persons devoted to the ascetic life.* In addition, in
In Acta apost. horn. 45 John makes it clear that the church at Constan-
tinople administers a xengn or xenodocheion to provide care for poor
travellers to the city who require accommodation. The imaginary

48
 PASTORAL CARE AND DAILY LIFE

individual with whom he argues in this sermon expects that the

church will maintain the institution entirely from its own income,
to which John replies that it is as much the duty of individuals to
pay for and provide such care (PG 60,319 lo-320 29). While the
imagined response of this parishioner suggests that the laity were
grateful that the church relieved them of all responsibility for such
care and were happy to leave it in its hands, their feelings were not
always so sanguine. Kelly, on the basis of the as yet unpublished
panegyric on the life of Chrysostom by ‘Martyrius’, describes the
reaction of the wealthy of Constantinople to John’s plans to build
a leper hospital in the suburbs in proximity to their properties.
They were decidedly unenthusiastic and unamused (Kelly 1995:
119-20).
The reference by Palladius to celibate individuals assigned as carers
to Chrysostom’s new hospitals highlights the unique pastoral role
that men and women of an ascetic persuasion were able to assume.
In the case of Flavian, who was an ascetic as well as bishop, it is in
all probability precisely because he had no heirs, anxious to protect
their inheritance, that he was able to put his father’s house to such
a use. Olympias, too, orphaned, childless and left as a young
widow with a vast inheritance under her personal control,5 was
able to dispose of sections of her property holdings and quantities
of gold and silver as she wished in support of the welfare activities
of the local church (Vita Olymp. 5, 7). Indeed her generous material
support extended even beyond the confines of the church at Constan-
tinople to the churches of many of the bishops who visited there
during the episcopates of John and his predecessor Nectarius.6 In
the case of Olympias, independent wealth and a dearth of male rela-
tives made it possible for her to use her property for such purposes
without interference from family.’ Had there been any possibility
of objection on the part of her remaining female relatives, she cleverly
subverted it by ensuring that they too were enrolled among the
ascetics in her private community and that a number of them were
ordained by John as female deacons of the Great Church (Vita
Olymp. 6-7).
The freedom to act which arose from proclaiming oneself celibate
and living the life of an ascetic did not just involve supporting the
pastoral activities of the church at second hand. The fact that
Olympias was present when Optimus, bishop of Antioch in Pisidia,
died on one of his visits to Constantinople and was able to close his
eyes with her own hands suggests that she had been at his sickbed
either to supervise or herself to undertake his physical care.8 John

49
 INTRODUCTION

himself tells us that he has heard reports of young women from

wealthy backgrounds who live a harsh ascetic life, neglecting their
status and personal comfort to care for the bodies of the sick, wash
feet and handle beds. Many, he says, even cook meals.’ It is possible
that the ascetics who worked as carers in John’s new hospitals came
from similar backgrounds. In any case, in the time of Macedonius the
form of asceticism promoted at Constantinople by the deacon
Marathonius had as its focus shelter for the poor and care for the
sick. This work was carried out by both male and female ascetics
living together in loosely organised communities, called synoi&~i.~~
Ascetics and wealthy widows were not the only members of the
wider community to provide such care. In one of his letters John
commends the tribune Marcianus for his philanthropic activities in
the midst of the confusion and persecution which occurred at
Constantinople in the months immediately following John’s exile.
Marcianus, he says, has been caring for orphans and widows in
every possible way, alleviating their poverty and becoming their
protector. He has also been keeping the whole population, as it
were, in grain, wine, oil and everything else (Ep. 122: PG 52,676).
By the whole population John appears to mean his supporters,
whom Delmaire expects were excluded from the regular distribution
of the dole under John’s successor Arsacius (Delmaire 199 1: 140). At
Antioch in the time of the emperor Julian it is married women who
are said to be actively involved in feeding the Christian poor at their
husbands’ expense (Julian, Misopogon 363A). Nor is care for the
socially disenfranchised the exclusive province of Christians.
Libanius alludes to the fact that at Antioch individual pagan temples
were equally the gathering place and shelter of elderly men and
women, orphans and the disabled, all of them poor (Or. 2.30;
30.20). He hints, moreover, at the active provision of care by the
personnel attached to these premises. It is quite possible that the
local Jewish community, following Judaism’s long history of care
for widows, orphans and other unfortunates,” also had in place its
own welfare systems.
When we examine pastoral care in everyday life from the perspec-
tive of the care that laypeople provided not for those less fortunate
than themselves but for the clergy, we see that the distinctions
between such care and the behaviour required by ordinary client-
patron relations become blurred. In exile John is the recipient of a
number of gifts, some financial, others material (e.g., Letters 51,
75). In the case of Carteria, who sends perhaps both money and
medication (Letter 34; cf. Ep. 232: PG 52,738-9), the intention in

50
 PASTORAL CARE AND DAILY LIFE

the latter instance is to provide John with a salve that he cannot

acquire locally and that will help ease his long-standing physical
complaints. Other women, situated not at Antioch but at Constan-
tinople, are also instrumental in assisting him in this way (Ep. 17
(4) ad Olymp. : SC 13 his, 370 26-40). The Harmatius to whom John
addresses Letter 75 is likewise concerned for John’s comfort and
well-being and appears to have lent him a house at Cucusus and
given him the use of his servants. Like Carteria, Harmatius is a
member of the nobility at Antioch. In another letter we begin to
catch a glimpse of the links within the networks that provide such
care. Arabius, a member of the elite at Constantinople, has written
offering John the use of his property at Sebasteia for his comfort in
exile. John expresses his gratitude and asks if, now that he has
found out that he is going to Cucusus instead, Arabius could write
on his behalf to any friends he has there (Ep. 12 1: PG 52,676
l-l 1). On further reading, it becomes clear that Arabius is not a dis-
interested well-wisher but the husband of a close acquaintance of
Olympias (Ep. 5 (8) ad OIymp.: SC 13bi”,120 20-122 23). Care, at
a number of levels, is intimately connected to the social networks
in operation both within and between each city.
Hospitality is one realm in which the two become almost indi-
visible, whereby considerable tension can come into play. As
bishop, John was obligated to provide food and lodging for visiting
clergy at the episkopeion. Apart from the strain caused to the episcopal
and church budget by the flood of bishops and satellites who came
and went, it was for political reasons not always expedient for John
to provide such hospitality. When such conflicts occurred he can
be seen to resort to his closest networks of care. Thus when the
fifty Egyptian monks came to Constantinople to present their case
against the Alexandrian bishop Theophilus, it was to the resources
of a number of women in his immediate circle that he resorted.
Although he allowed the monks the use of some space in St Anastasia
as a place to sleep, it was the women who funded and provided their
daily food (Palladius, Dial. 7; ACW 45: 47). The status of the indi-
vidual women was apparently such that it placed them outside of the
tensions which existed at that time between John and Theophilus
and their associates. There is a certain irony in John’s actions in
this respect, since in the same homily in which he complains that
his Constantinopolitan audience expect the church to be the sole
provider of hospitality for strangers in its xen&, John also exhorts
his audience to permanently set aside a room in their houses for
this purpose and to instruct their most trusted slave to supervise

51
 INTRODUCTION

its use (In Acta apost. horn. 45: PG 60,319 33-53). The impoverished
holy men to whom he denies his own hospitality in the above
instance are precisely the sort of people who he endeavours to
persuade his audience will bestow a blessing upon the household
which offers them a bed or meal (cf. In Eph. horn. 20: PG 62,447
46-53). In consequence it is doubtful whether any of the audience,
other than those ascetically inclined men and women who provided
such hospitality in any case,‘* took John seriously.
So far we have looked at the role of permanent philanthropic
institutions, ascetics and the wealthier members of the laity in the
provision of care on a daily basis. We have also examined the recipro-
cation of care towards the clergy, the connection between such care
and prevailing social networks and their collision in the realm of
hospitality. One final area in which ordinary people encountered
pastoral care in their everyday lives for which there exists some
slight evidence is on the occasion of weddings and funerals. In
what is probably an Antiochene homily (Allen and Mayer 1995:
337-9), John mentions that it has become a habit for Christians to
summon presbyters and people who chant the psalms as part of the
funeral arrangements (In Heb. horn. 4: PG 63,44 19-28). While the
precise role of the presbyters is not specified, he does suggest that
part of their function is to stress for those present the message of
the resurrection and to educate them in the appropriate way for a
Christian to behave at the death of a loved one. John’s distaste at
the persistence of originally pagan cultural practices, such as the
hiring of professional mourners, alongside the newer Christian
ones indicates that the role of the priest in the rituals attached to
death is at this point still marginal. Elsewhere he indicates that in
the same way at weddings some families bring in Christian clergy
on the first day, while on the second they revert to the usual fnll-
blown drunken partying. This latter half of the wedding includes
such pagan rituals as the singing of hymns to Aphrodite (In illud:
Proper fwnicationes uxorem: PG 51,211 l-35). Regardless of the
marginal status of priests at such family affairs, their presence is
indicative of a growing role for the clergy in private rites of passage
performed in the streets and home.

52
Texts
 GENERAL INTRODUCTION
TO THE TEXTS

Care has been taken in this volume to present only sermons which
can be attributed to Antioch or Constantinople with certainty or
something approaching near certainty, so that the information
which they contain can be situated carefully in context. Likewise,
in our selection we have tried to avoid material which is frequently
quoted in other publications, such as the letters to Olympias. Our
intention is to present a side of John Chrysostom which is less
well known to the reader. We have made an exception in the case
of the sermons On Eutropius and Against the Jews oration 1, because
of the wealth of detail which they contain regarding John’s preaching
and the relationship between John and his audiences, and the balance
that they bring to the picture. It is also our policy to present the full
text of a sermon wherever possible in order to avoid giving a false
impression to the reader, as is often the case when only an extract
is supplied. We have relaxed this rule in the instance of Baptisma
instruction 8, where a careful modern translation in English already
exists (Harkins 1963), and in the case of On the Acts of the apostles
horn. 3, where the available Greek text of the first half of the
homily contains certain difficulties. In the latter instance these
problems make it preferable to adjourn a full translation of the
homily until one of the promised new critical editions of the series
appears in press (Gignac 1987; Devine 1989). In the cases of On:
‘I opposedhim to his face’, On 1 Corinthians horn. 21 and On: ‘My father’s
working still’ we present a shortened text likewise, for reasons of space
and because the style of homily is already well represented.
The letters we have selected are here translated into English for
the first time as are a number of the homilies. The majority of
those texts which have previously been translated into English
appeared in the Library of the Nicene and Post Nicene Fathers in the
late nineteenth century in language which now fails to convey the

55
 TEXTS

immediacy and vitality of John’s preaching. In the case of Against the

Jews oration 1, we present a full text of the homily in a fresh trans-
lation because of the significance of the detail which it contains.
This has been prepared with the recent translation by Paul Harkins
(1979) in mind.
Because of the numerous biblical citations which occur in a
majority of the sermons selected, in the case of citations from the
Old Testament we refer the reader to the standard modern titles
and numbering of the texts unless the book in question is exclusive
to the Septuagint, or the Septuagint reading differs substantially
from the Hebrew (e.g., Gen. 22:3; Isa. 41:2 LXX). By this same
rationale the psalms are cited according to the Hebrew rather than
the Greek numbering. This preference for the Hebrew over the
Greek reference system is purely for the convenience of the modern
reader. John himself used only the Greek versions of both the Old
and New Testament which were at the time available to him. It
should be noted that in some cases these deviate from the standard
text. In two instances apparent scriptural citations are unidentifiable.
In these cases the citation is italicised, but no reference appears in
parentheses after it. Attention is drawn in the notes to the lack of
identification. Italicisation is also used to set apart from the rest of
the text formulae which John cites from the liturgy. The translations
of scriptural citations are largely our own.
Parentheses are employed in two ways in our translations. Where
John makes an aside, the comments are placed within parentheses as
is usual in English syntax. Parentheses are also used to indicate to the
reader where we have inserted words into the text which do not exist
in the Greek original. In these cases, the words have been added to
improve the clarity of the translation. Occasionally we also explain
in parentheses what should be understood by a particular word or
phrase. Such explanations are always prefaced by ‘SC.’(scilicet).
There are several words which recur throughout the sermons and
letters which have a range of meanings and are difficult to translate
with consistency. One such term is philosophia. This is sometimes
translated by us as ‘philosophy’ (in the general sense), sometimes
as ‘wisdom’. In a very broad sense it can also mean ‘a Christian
way of life’ or ‘the ascetic way of life’. More rarely it is used by
Chrysostom in its technical sense (philosophy). Where the word is
translated by us as other than ‘philosophy’, indication is given in
the notes. Parrksia is another word to which there attaches difficulty.
Sometimes we translate it as ‘frank speech’, sometimes as ‘confidence’
or ‘boldness’. In the context of speech with the emperor the meaning

56
 GENERAL INTRODUCTION TO THE TEXTS

becomes something like ‘easy access’. Again, where the translation

differs from the primary meaning (‘frank speech’), indication is
given in the notes. Philanthro;bia likewise presents difficulties. In
relation to God it is most often translated by us as ‘love for human-
kind’. However, in Hellenistic society it can also constitute a tech-
nical term which refers to acts of public benefaction.’ In cases
where this sense is stronger we tend to translate it as ‘generosity’.
One final word which presents particular difficulty is spoudc While
in the sermons we have selected it can usually be translated as
‘zeal’, in the context of the letters it takes on a more complex
range of meanings. There it has been translated by us variously as
‘enthusiasm’ or ‘attention’.
The text from which the sermons and letters are translated is most
commonly that of Montfaucon, as preserved in volumes 48-63 of
the Patrologia Graeca. The majority of John’s sermons have yet to
appear in modern scientific editions. In the case of On Epbesians
hota. 11, On Colossians horn. 7 and On 1 Corinthians horn. 21, a text
based on a more discriminating view of the manuscripts than is pro-
vided by Montfaucon was prepared by Frederick Field in the mid-
1800s. This text represents the most scientific edition of these
homilies to date and is generally more reliable.* In these three
cases we have based our translation on the Field text.3 All instances
in which we prefer the punctuation or reading of the Montfaucon text
as preserved in PG are indicated in the notes to each of the three
homilies. An exception to the use of the Montfaucon and Field
editions occurs in the case of On his return and Baptismal instruction 8.
In the first instance the only edition of the Greek text was published
in the twentieth century in an article by Antoine Wenger in the
journal Reu.ue des &des byzantines. In the second, an edition of the
homily was made available for the first time in 1970 in the series
Sources Chrhiennes. We regret that the new edition of the letters
by Anne-Marie Malingrey and Roland Delmaire, which is scheduled
for publication in 1999 in Sozmes Chre’tiennes, will appear too late to
influence our translation of the nine letters which are presented at
the end of this volume.
It has been our policy to adopt inclusive language throughout our
translations. It should be borne in mind by the reader, however, that
in the sermons John habitually refers to and addresses people in the
masculine, distinguishing women by gender only when he wishes to
address them directly. Since women were almostly certainly present
in the audience on every occasion that he preached (Mayer forth-
coming (b)), the use of inclusive language in our translations

57
 TEXTS

serves to present a more faithful rendering of the reality, even if it

does not reproduce exactly the style of the preacher. We have also
adopted a policy of employing contractions (don’t, can’t, etc.) in
our translations of the sermons to convey the more familiar tone
which John adopts in them. By contrast, we employ a varied but
generally more conservative approach in the letters in order both
to preserve their more formal style and to help convey the different
levels of familiarity which existed between John and his correspon-
dents. The division of sermons and letters into paragraphs is largely
our own. In those homilies which are presented in an abbreviated
form, the reference to the number of paragraphs that have been
skimmed over is necessarily somewhat arbitrary. Its purpose is
simply to give the reader some idea of the proportion of the homily
that has been omitted.
For the benefit of the reader who wishes to examine the texts more
closely, the corresponding column or page and line numbers of
the Greek edition are located in the margin to each translation.
The numbers conform to the edition indicated at the end of each
introduction.

58
 ON EPHESIANS HOMILY 11

INTRODUCTION ’

The city in which this homily was preached is almost certainly

Constantinople, since in the final paragraph John makes it clear
that the so-called ‘schism’ in the local church is caused by once faith-
ful members of his audience transferring their allegiance to a rival
peer, whose activities in the city have the appearance, at least, of
legality.’ The emphatic but inexplicit manner in which John finds
himself obliged to press his case makes it clear that the members
of his congregation are unaware that by attending worship in another
church presided over by another bishop they are doing anything that
might be considered questionable. This situation accords well with
the circumstances at Constantinople, where from the beginning of
his episcopate large numbers of bishops took up residence in the
city for short to lengthy periods in order to curry favour with the
bishop, the elites of the city and the imperial household. To have
twenty or more bishops enjoying the hospitality of the episkopeion
at any one time was not unusual (Palladius, Dial. 14; ACW 45:
89).* As we shall see in the homily On: ‘My father’s working still’,
John was obliged to permit his visiting colleagues to preach, if
they so wished, in the churches of the capital.3
The situation to which John alludes in this homily, then, is most
likely one in which one of the more permanent visiting bishops is
preaching regularly in a church other than the Great Church and
is beginning to draw to himself a loyal crowd of adherents. The
emphasis on ‘adultery’ (‘you are consorting with him, when you
are married to me’) and the fact that John feels unable to do more
than allude to the person and situation in question support this con-
clusion. It is even possible that the bishop is Severian of Gabala, who
had ample opportunity to build up a devoted crowd of followers

59
 TEXTS

while he acted as locum preacher during the months of John’s

journey to Ephesus. If this is the case, it would locate the homily
somewhere between mid-402 and early 403.*
A solution which cannot be discounted, however, is that the
bishop to whom John alludes is Sisinnius, head of the Novatian com-
munity at Constantinople. Socrates alludes to a dispute between John
and Sisinnius over the existence of two bishops in the capital (HE
6.22), as well as attesting to Sisinnius’ eloquence as a wit and
preacher. His talent as a preacher was clearly sufficient to have set
him up in competition with John from the point of view of their
respective audiences, while the failure of the laity to distinguish
between the legitimacy of the two bishops in this instance is readily
explained by the status of the Novatian church in Constantinople at
this time. If this scenario is the correct one, then the homily is
perhaps more likely to date to the earlier years of John’s episcopate.
Regardless of which solution is correct, this homily illustrates the
competition that a preacher inevitably faced from both visiting or
local peers and his own clergy. It provides an insight into the atten-
dance habits of the audience. It also demonstrates the pastoral
emphasis of John’s exhortation. His concern is not for his own
immediate welfare but for the long-term well-being of the church
and of his parishioners’ souls.
Translated from Field (1852: 214-27).

TEXT

214~ There is one body and one spirit, just as, when you were called, you were
called in one hope. There is one Lord, one faith, one baptism; one God,
Father of all, who is over all and though ail and in us all. Grace was
given to each one of us according to the measure of Christ’s gift (Eph.
4:4-7).

c Paul seeks from us no ordinary love, but one which binds us

together and makes us inseparable from one another - a love
which supplies as great and as precise a union as if we were
limb (joined) to limb. It’s this love which produces great bless-
ings. That’s why he says ‘one body’, meaning both feeling the
same things and not being put out at others’ blessings and
rejoicing together, and he has demonstrated all of these qualities
D together in this expression. He speaks well when he says ‘one
spirit’, showing that the one body will result in one spirit.

60
 ON EPHESIANS HOMILY 11

Either it’s possible for the body to be unified, but not the spirit
(for instance, if someone were an associate of heretics); or,
through this statement, Paul is shaming us - that is, he means
that you who’ve received one spirit and have drunk from one
spring ought not to have differences of opinion; or by ‘spirit’
he means in this instance ‘willingness’.5
Then he says: yust as, when you were called, you were called in one
hope’. ‘God has called you’, he says, ‘for the same purpose.’ He
E allots no more to one person than to another. He has given every-
one the gift of immortality, everyone eternal life, everyone
undying glory, everyone brother- or sisterhood; he has made
everyone his heir. He is the head of everyone, he has aroused
everyone equally and has seated them equally in the one place.
Seeing that you possess so much equality in spiritual matters,
on what grounds, then, do you feel proud? Is it because the
one person is rich, and another is powerful? In what respect
wouldn’t that be ridiculous? Tell me, if the emperor happened to
21s take ten individuals and dress them all in purple and sit them on
F the imperial throne and give all of them the same honour, which
of the ten would dare disdain the other, on the grounds that they
(81) were richer or held greater prestige? None. I haven’t yet stated
the whole case, for the distinction in heaven is not as great as
we experience here below.
One Lord, one faith, one baptism. Indeed, the hope in which you
were called. One God and Father of all, who is over all and through
all and in us all. Is it the case that yours is the greater, that
person’s the lesser calling? Is it the case that you are saved by
faith, while that person is saved by works? Is it the case that
your sins are remitted through baptism, while that person’s
are not? One God and Father of all, who is over all and through
B all and in us all. Who is over all, namely who is Lord and above
all things. And through all, namely the one who plans and
administers. And in USall, namely who dwells (in all). And yet
people claim that this refers to the Son, such that, if it were a
matter of diminution, it couldn’t have been said about the
Father.
Grace was given to each one of us. ‘Why?‘, someone asks. ‘On
what basis are there different gifts of the Spirit?’ This question
continually reduced the Ephesians, the Corinthians and many
others to desperation, on the one hand, and to despondency
c and envy, on the other. That’s why Paul adduces the example of
the body everywhere. That’s why he has employed it also at this

61
 TEXTS

point, because he was about to mention different spiritual gifts.

While he addresses the issue more precisely in the Letter to the
Corinthians, since this sickness held sway there in particular, he
only hints at it here. See what he says. He doesn’t say: ‘Each
according to their faith’, so that he doesn’t cast into despondency
those who haven’t received much. What does he say? ‘According
D to the measure of Christ’s gift.’ The most important gifts of all -
216 baptism, salvation through faith, that we have God as Father,
that we all share the same Spirit - Paul says, are shared by all.
Don’t grieve, however, if someone does possess something
more by way of a spiritual gift, since their burden is greater
also. The servant who received the five talents extracted five
more. The one who received the two talents, on the other
hand, added only another two and yet he possessed no less
than the first (Matt. 25:14-17). In this situation Paul therefore
E comforts the listener on the same basis. ‘For the preparation of the
saints’, he says, ‘fm the task of serving, fm the building up of the body
of Christ’ (Eph. 4:12). That’s why he said too: ‘Woe is me, if 1 don’t
preach the good news’ (1 Cor. 916). For instance, should someone
receive the gift of being an apostle, there is woe to them, because
they received it. You, on the other hand, have had that risk
removed. According to the measure. What does according to the
measzlremean? It means this: not for our own merit, since (had
that been the case), no-one would have received what they have
received. Rather, we have all received what we have as a gift.
F Why, then, has one received more, another less? This is of
no moment, Paul says. Rather, it’s a matter of indifference.
This is because each contributes to the building process. In this
way he shows that it isn’t as a result of individual merit that
one has received more, another less, but for the sake of others,
to the degree of God’s measure. Since in another place Paul says:
(82) ‘God positioned each one of the body’s members precisely as be wished’
(1 Cor. 12:lS). He doesn’t mention the reason, in order to
avoid confusing the thoughts of his listeners.
That is why it says: ‘He ascended on high and made captive captivity
and gave gifts to humankind’ (Eph. 49). This means: ‘Why are you
full of yourselves? Everything has come from God.’ While the
Prophet says in the psalm: ‘You received gifts among humankind’,
Paul says: ‘He gave gifts among humankind. It’s the same thing.
Similar too is the reflection: What does the fact that be ascended
B mean, if not that be also jirst descended into the deeper regions of the
earth? The one who descended is the very same person who ascended

62
 ON EPHESIANS HOMILY 11

above all the heavens, in order that be might fulfil everything (Eph.
419-10). When you hear this, don’t think of an exchange. For
Paul supplies the information which he provides in the Letter
to the Philippians in this instance too. Just as, when he is speak-
ing persuasively about humility in that instance (Phil. 2:3-8),
Paul adduces Christ, so is it his practice at this point too, since
217 he descended into the deeper regions of the earth. For if that circum-
stance were not the case, this statement which he makes would
be without point: ‘He became obedient zmto death’ (Eph. 4:8). The
c descent is suggested by the fact that Christ ascended. According
to the opinion of people, ‘the depths of the earth’ means ‘death’,
as Jacob said too: ‘You will lead my old age with sorrow down into
Hades’ (Gen. 44:29). Again it is expressed in the psalm: ‘I shall
become like those who descend into the pit’ (Ps. 143:7), namely those
who die.
Why does Paul adduce this region at this point? What kind of
captivity is he talking about? The capture of the devil. For Christ
took the tyrant as his prisoner, namely the devil, as well as death
and the curse and sin. Do you see booty and spoils? What does the
D fact that be ascended mean, if not that be also descended? This speaks
against those who follow Paul of Samosata.’ The one who descena%d
is the very same person who ascended above all the heavens,in order that
be might fuljil everything. ‘He descended’, Paul says, ‘into the deeper
regions of the earth, beyond which there are no others; and he
ascended above everything, beyond which nothing else exists.’
This achievement is a mark of his absolute power and creative
energy, since, in fact, everything has long since been fulfilled.
And be gave some the gift of being apostles, others prophets, others
evangelists, others shepherds and teachers, for the preparation of the
E saints, for the task of serving, for the building up of the body of Christ
(Eph. 4:11-12). Th e remark which Paul makes in another place:
‘That’s why God exalted him’ (Phil. 2:9), he makes in this instance
too: ‘The one who descended is the vwy same person wbo ascended.’ It
did Christ no harm at all to Ascend into the d&per regions of the
earth, nor did it prevent him from becoming higher than the
heavens. That’s because the more one is humbled, the more
F one is exalted. Just as, in the case of water, the more a person
pushes it down, the more the water rises in height; and the
greater the distance from which one shoots, the more it hits
the mark, so is it the case with humility. Whenever we talk
(83) about the occasions on which God ascended, it’s necessary to

63
 TEXTS

2123think first of a descent; but it isn’t the case when we talk about a
human being.
Next Paul shows God’s forethought and wisdom, in that the
being who performed such feats and displayed such strength
and for our sake didn’t refuse to descend to the deeper regions
wouldn’t have distributed the spiritual gifts at random. In
another place he says that the Spirit performed this task, express-
ing it in this way: ‘In which the Holy Spirit has placed you as
B supervisors to tend the church of the Lord’ (Acts 20:28). And yet in
this situation he says that it was the Son, in another place, that it
was God. He gave the church apostles, on the one band, on the other,
prophets (1 Cor. 12:28). On the other hand, in the Letter to the
Corinthians, he says: ‘I did the planting, Apollo did the watering,
but it’s God who has induced growth’ (1 Cor. 3:6); and again:
‘The one who plants and the one who waters are equal. Each shall
receive the wage appropriate to the particular labour’ (1 Cor. 318).
It’s the same case in this instance. What does it matter if your
contribution is less? It’s as much as you have received. First,
c apostles, because they had every gift. Second, prophets, for there
were some who were not apostles, but prophets, like Agabus
(cf. Acts l&28; 21:lO). Third, evangelists, namely those who
didn’t travel around all over the place, but preached the good
news alone, like Priscilla and Aquila (cf. Acts ~26). Shepherds
and teachers, namely those entrusted with the care of an entire
race. So what? Does this mean that the shepherds and teachers
were worth less? Certainly, those who sat (in one place) and
were concerned with a single location, such as Timothy and
Titus, were less valuable than those who travelled around
and preached the good news. To put it another way, it wouldn’t
D be possible to work out who was subordinate and who was
elevated in honour other than from another epistle. ‘He gave’, it
says, so that you might have no grounds for objection. Perhaps
by ‘evangelists’ Paul means those who wrote the gospel.
For the preparation of the saints, for the task of serving, fm the
building up of the body of Christ. Do you see the authority? Each
one builds, each one prepares, each one serves. ‘Until such time’,
E he says, ‘as we all arrive at the unity of the faith and of the knowledge
of the Son of God, at full manhood, at a measure of maturity of the
fullness of Christ’ (Eph. 4:13). By ‘maturity’ Paul means in this
case ‘perfect knowledge’. For, just as an adult male is firmly
focused, while children are carried all over the place by their
219 thoughts, so too it is with those who believe. ‘The unity of the

64
 ON EPHESIANS HOMILY 11

faith’, he says; namely until it can be seen that we all hold one
faith. I mean that unity of faith exists when we are all one,
F when we all similarly recognise that we’re bound together. If
that’s why you’ve received a spiritual gift, so that you might
build up others, see that you don’t destroy yourself, through
envying another. God has honoured you and positioned you so
that you might prepare another. Indeed, it was towards this
end that the apostle existed, and it was towards this end that
the prophet prophesied and persuaded, and the evangelist
preached the gospel, and that the shepherd and the teacher too
existed. They were all bound up in one task. Don’t talk to me
(84) about the disparity among the spiritual gifts, but that they all
had one task. Unity exists at the moment when we all believe
alike. It’s evident that this is what Paul means by full manhood.
What’s more, in another place he says that we’re infants, even
when we’re mature. However, he’s looking at a separate issue.
For in that instance he calls us infants in respect of the knowl-
edge that is to come. For after he says: ‘We know in part’, he
adds: ‘through enigmas’ and other such expressions (1 Cor. 13:9-
12). In this case he addresses another issue, that of the ease
with which our status can be changed, just as Paul says in
B another place: ‘Solidfood is fm the mature’ (Heb. 5:14). Do you see
how he speaks of maturity in that case too? Observe how he calls
them mature in this case also, when he continues, saying: ‘That
we may no longer be infants’ (Eph. 4: 14). He states that the measure
we’ve received is minimal, so that we might make every effort to
preserve it, with firmness and security. That we may no longer.
With the expression ‘no longer’ Paul indicates that they had
been in this state for a long time. He both places himself in a
position to correct the situation and does SO.~ ‘The reason
there are so many builders’, he says, ‘is so that the building
c won’t be unstable, so that it won’t be moved around, so that the
stones will be firmly fixed in place.’ He means it’s in the nature
of infants to be tossed about, to be carried all over the place, to be
unstable.
‘That we may no longer be infants’, Paul says, ‘tossed about and
cawied around by every puff of doctrine, by the throw of people’s dice,
by trickery cunningly intended to promote error’ (Eph. 4:14). ‘And
cawied around’, he says, ‘by every puff of air.’ He adduces the meta-
220 phor as a means of demonstrating the degree of danger that
doubting minds are in. ‘By every puff of air’, he says, ‘Sy the
D throw of people’s dice, by trickery cunningly intended to promote error.’

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Kubeutai is the name given to those who play games with coun-
ters. That’s what scoundrels are like when they seize on persons
more simple than themselves. They transpose the position of
everything and change everything around.
At this point Paul touches upon life too. ‘Rather, when we speak
the truth in love, we shall grow in emy way in Christ, who is the bead.
Since it’s from him’, that is, from Christ, he says, ‘that the entire body
is joined and fitted together through evq connection that’s supplied, in
accord with the function apportioned to each and every part the body
E effects its growth and builds itself up in hue’ (Eph. 4115-16). His
explanation is extremely unclear, because he wants to say every-
thing at once. What he in fact means is this: just as the signal
that descends from the brain doesn’t send sensations through
the nervous system everywhere at random, but instead does so
to the degree appropriate to each body part - to that which is
capable of receiving more, it sends more, to that which requires
F less, it sends less (for the brain signal is the root) - so too is it the
case with Christ. Since people are appended to him like parts of a
body, his forethought and the spiritual gifts he has supplied in
appropriate measure effect the growth of each and every part.
What, then, does tbrougb every connection that’s supplied mean? It
means this: through sensation. My point is that the signal
(~5) that’s supplied to the parts of the body from the head activates
each part by touching it. One could express it in this way: the
body, by taking over in turn the activity of supply, proportionate
to the parts within it, effects its growth. Or, to say it another
way: the parts of the body grow through receiving that which
is supplied in the degree appropriate to their own measure.
Or, in other words: when the signal flows down copiously
from the brain and makes contact with all parts of the body,
each receives the supplied signal according to its capacity and
B in that way grows. Why, then, did Paul add in love? He added it
because there’s no other means by which that signal can descend.
Just as, if it happens that a hand has been amputated from the
body, when the signal from the brain looks for continuity and
doesn’t find it, it doesn’t leap out of the body after making a
221 hole in it, and go off looking for the hand - rather, if it doesn’t
find the hand lying there, it doesn’t make contact - so it is the
case in this situation, if we haven’t been bound together by love.
In fact, all of these points have been made by Paul with a view
c to humility. What does it matter, he asks, if someone has
received more? They have received the same spiritual signal,

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that’s been sent forth from the same head, that activates in the
same manner, that takes hold in the same way. Joined and fitted
together, namely benefiting from considerable care. Paul says
this because the body should not be set up haphazardly, but
should be set up in a very skilful way. For instance, if it leaves
its place, it’s no longer in order. As a result, not only should
you be united with the body, but you should also occupy your
own place, since, if you overstep it, you are not in unity, nor
D do you receive the Spirit. Rather, don’t you see how the entire
body is harmed and death often results when bones are trans-
posed as the result of some accident, when the one moves
beyond its proper location and occupies another’s space? In
some cases it is later found to be undeservedly occupying that
place. I use this example because it’s a common practice to cut
the bone out and render the space vacant. This is because redun-
dancy is harmful in every respect. In the case of the physical ele-
ments too, everything is harmed when they abandon their
appropriate symmetry and become overabundant. That is what
E Paul means by joined andfitted together. Think how important it is
for each thing to remain in its own place and not approach
territory that belongs to another and isn’t appropriate to it.
You fit the parts of the body together, Christ does the supplying
from above - just as there exist in the body organs that are recep-
tive in this manner, so also do they exist in the case of the spirit,
where the entire root extends from above. For example, the heart
is the root of the life force; the liver is the root of the blood, the
spleen is the root of the bile and others are the root of other
F things; yet they all take their cue from the brain. That is what
God does too. Since he holds humankind in very high esteem
and doesn’t want to keep away from them, on the one hand he
has made humankind dependent upon him for his cue, while
on the other hand he has set humans up as his assistants. He
has positioned the one person for this task, the other for that.
(86) For instance, an apostle is one of the most vital arteries of the
body, since they receive everything from God. As a result,
they make eternal life circulate to everybody as through veins
222 and arteries, namely through the Word. The prophet foretells the
future and provides the same benefit. And, while the one puts
the bones together, the other supplies them with life, fm the prep-
aration of the saints, for the task of serving. Love builds the body up
B and does the gluing and fastening and fitting of the parts to one
another.

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Therefore, if we wish to enjoy the spirit that proceeds from the

head, we must hold onto one another. I say this because there are
two ways of splitting away from the body of the church. The first
is when we let our love grow cold. The second is when we dare to
commit acts whereby we don’t deserve to mature in that body.
By either means we separate ourselves from the whole. What’s
more, if we’ve been put in office to build up others, what
would those experience who don’t work at building, but in
fact create division first? There’s nothing that is as capable of
c dividing a church as a love of wielding power. Nothing stirs up
God as much as seeing the church being divided. Even if we have
done innumerable good works, if we slice up the fullness of the
church we shall pay as severe a penalty as if we had cut God’s
own body in two. While the latter at least occurred for the
benefit of the world, even if that wasn’t the intent, the former
has nothing at all useful about it; rather, it inflicts a great deal
of damage.
I address these words not only to those who govern, but also to
those who are subject to their rule. A certain holy man made a
D comment which seems to be rash, yet he uttered it nonetheless.
What was the comment? He said that not even the blood of
martyrdom was capable of wiping out this sin. Tell me, for
what reason do you become a martyr? Isn’t it for the glory of
Christ? How, then, can you, who are giving up your life for
Christ, work at destroying the church for which Christ gave
his life? Hear the words of Paul, when he says: ‘I don’t deserve
to be called an apostle, becauseI persecuted the church of God, and
destroyed it’ (1 Cor. 159. The damage this causes is no less
than that inflicted by enemies; rather, it’s much greater. I say
E this because, while that damage renders the church even more
223 noteworthy, when war is declared against it by its own children
the resultant damage dishonours it in particular among its
enemies. For it is considered among them a major indication
of deceit when those who were born and raised in the church
and who have learnt its mysteries in detail suddenly turn around
and treat it like enemies.
My comments are addressed to those who give themselves
F indiscriminately to those who are splitting the church. I do this
because, on the one hand, if the latter in fact hold contrary teach-
ings, it is on that account inappropriate to mix with them; yet,
on the other hand, if they hold the same beliefs, it is much more
the case. Why? Because the sickness stems from a love of power.

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Don’t you know what those associated with Korah and Dathan
and Abiram experienced (cf. Num. 16)? Surely it wasn’t the
(87) three alone (who suffered), but also those who were with them?
What do you claim? ‘It’s the same faith. They’re orthodox too.’ If
that’s so, why then aren’t they with us? One Lord, one faith, one
baptism. If they’re in the right, then we’re in the wrong; but if
we’re in the right, it is they who are in the wrong. ‘Infants’,
Paul says, ‘tossed about and cawied around by every puff of air.’
Tell me, do you really think that it’s enough to say: ‘They’re
orthodox’, when the process of ordination has disappeared and
perished? Of what use is everything else, when this process has
not been followed precisely? I mean, just as one should fight
B for the faith, so should one fight for this point also. Since, if it’s
possible for anybody and everybody to fill their hands and
become priests (cf. Exod. 299 LXX), like those of old, then
let everyone come forward. It will be in vain that this altar
was built; it will be in vain that the fullness of the church
exists; it will be in vain that the number of priests exists. Let’s
take these things and destroy them.
‘Heaven forbid!’ someone says. You do the things that you do
and you exclaim: ‘Heaven forbid!‘? How can you say: ‘Heaven
forbid!’ while these very things are happening? I speak and I
give testimony, not with a view to my own position, but with a
c view to your salvation. If a person didn’t care either way, they
would know. Yet if a person cares nothing about these events,
it’s at least a matter of concern to me. Paul says: ‘I planted,
Apollo watered, but God induced growth’ (1 Cor. 3:6). How shall
we endure the laughter of the pagans? I mean, if they criticise
us over the heresies, what won’t they say about these events?
‘If the teachings are the same, if the mysteries are the same,
what reason could the one authority have to attack the other’s
church? You can see’, they will say, ‘that everything to do
224 with the Christians is Ii.111of conceit and that there exists among
them a love of power and deceit. Strip them of their numbers and
D they’re nothing. Cut out the disease - the corrupt part of the
crowd.’ Would you like me to recount what they are saying
about our city, how they accuse us of being complacent?
‘Anyone who likes can find people who believe them and there
would never be any doubt about it.’ How ludicrous! Yet how
much shame attends these claims. Rather, laughter is one thing,
shame is another. ‘If some among us are caught committing
utterly shameful deeds and are about to pay some penalty, there

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is much trembling, much fear in every quarter lest they leap

away’,
E someone says, ‘and align themselves with the others.’ All right!
Let such a person leap away any number of times and be with
them. I don’t mean with those who’ve sinned. Rather, if a
person happens to be blameless and wishes to change sides, let
them change. I say this because I suffer pain and grieve and
mourn and my insides are torn apart as if I were being deprived
of a part of my own body. No, I should say, I don’t feel pain as
strongly as I am compelled, through this fear, to do something
that is ill-suited to my position.
Beloved, we don’t exercise control over your faith nor are we
F issuing these instructions in a despotic way. It’s to the teaching
of the word that we’ve been appointed, not to leadership or
authority. We hold the position of a person offering advice,
giving encouragement. The person who advises speaks from
their own point of view, not forcing the listener, but allowing
(8s) them control over their choice of what’s said. In this respect
alone is the person accountable, if they don’t speak what’s on
their mind. That’s why we’re making these statements, why
we’re expressing these thoughts, so that on that day* it will be
impossible for you to say: ‘No-one told us. No-one explained
it. We didn’t know. We really didn’t think it was a sin.’
That’s why I state and protest that to divide the church is no
less an evil than to fall into heresy. Tell me, would a person
who was subject to a particular emperor, and who didn’t ally
themselves to a second emperor nor yield themselves to another,
be punished any the less than those who did ally themselves to a
second emperor, if, after they had received the purple robe of that
B very emperor, they kept it and released all of it from its fastening
225 and ripped it up into numerous shreds? And what if, after that,
they grabbed the emperor himself by the throat and killed him,
and tore apart his body limb from limb? What penalty could
they possibly pay that would compensate? If, then, the person
who has done this to an emperor, who is their fellow servant,
has committed a crime greater than any penalty, of what hell9
wouldn’t that person be worthy who’s killed Christ and has
torn him limb from limb?
Is this the punishment that’s threatening us? I certainly don’t
c think so, but rather others that are far worse. All of you women
who are present (after all, this failing is for the most part exhib-
ited by women) speak, convey this exemplum to those women

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who aren’t here, instil them with fear. If certain people think
that they can grieve us and avenge themselves in this way, let
them know for certain that what they’re doing is without
point. I mean that if you want to avenge yourself against us,
I’ll give you a method by which you’ll be able to get revenge
without doing yourself harm. I should say, it isn’t possible to
take revenge without causing oneself harm, although it’s possible
to lessen the damage. Beat me, spit upon me when you meet me
in public, and get in some good blows!
Do you shudder when you hear these words?” If I say: ‘Beat
D me!‘, you shudder with horror; and yet you don’t shudder when
you rip apart your Master? You tear apart the components of
your Master’s body and you don’t tremble? The church is our
Father’s house. It’s one body and one spirit. Yet, is it against me
that you want to be avenged? Then confine your attentions to
me. Why do you take revenge on Christ instead of me?
Rather, why do you kick at your own corns? After all, there’s
no circumstance in which vengeance is good. Yet, to do violence
E to one person, when it’s another who’s committing the wrong, is
far worse. Have you been wronged by us? Why do you hurt the
person who’s done no wrong? It’s completely insane. I’m not
trying to be ironic when I say what I’m about to say, nor do I
speak in generalities, but as I really think and feel. I would
prefer that each person who’s aggrieved along with you against
us, and who’s harming themselves as a result of that hurt and
taking themselves off elsewhere, punch us right in the face and
strip us naked and scourge us with whips, regardless of whether
F their accusations are just or unjust, and rather release their anger
against us than do the things that they’re now doing.
If this happened, it would be nothing for a worthless human
being of no account to suffer such abuse. In any case I, who’ve
226 been wronged and abused, would call upon God and he would
(89) forgive you your sins. (I would do this) not because I have the
licence to address him so freely but because, when the person
who’s been wronged pleads on behalf of the wrongdoer, they
acquire much licence of speech. ‘If someonesins against a pevson’,
it says, ‘they will pray for him’ (1 Sam. 2125). Had I been
unable to do it myself, I would have sought out and requested
it of other holy men and they would have done this. But as it
is, to whom shall we address our request, seeing that God has
been abused by us? Look at the anomaly. For, when they have

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attained maturity in this church, some never attend church again

or do so only once a year (and then, at random and
B when they feel like it); others, while they attend more frequently,
do so in a random and frivolous fashion too, talking and making
witty comments about nothing. Others again make a good show
of being zealous, yet they’re the very ones who are the agents of
this disaster. If, then, it’s for these reasons that you’re zealous, it
would be better for you too to be ranked with those who don’t
care. Rather, it would be better if neither they were indifferent
nor you such as you are. I’m not talking about you who are pre-
sent, but about those who have leapt away.
The matter is one of adultery. If you won’t put up with hear-
ing these comments about them, then you shouldn’t (put up with
hearing them) about ourselves. I say this because, of the two
c situations, one of them must have come about illegally. Conse-
quently, if you entertain these suspicions about us, I’m prepared
to give up my office to whomever you wish. Just let the church
be one. But if it’s we who’ve come about by legal process, con-
vince those who’ve ascended the throne illegally to put it aside.
I’ve said these things, not as a person giving orders, but as one
who’s securing your position and protecting you. Seeing that
each is of age and will pay the price for what they’ve done,
I ask that you don’t throw the lot at us and think that you your-
selves are free from liability, lest you deceive yourselves for
D nothing and come to grief. For, although we’ll have to give an
account for your souls, it will be for the moments when we
were deficient in our duties, when we didn’t exhort, when we
didn’t admonish, when we didn’t protest. After these points,
grant that I too may say: ‘I am dean of the blood of everyone’
227 (Acts 20:26), and: ‘God will rescuemy so&’ (2 Tim. 4:18). Say
what you want, in particular give just cause as to why you
stopped attending, and I’ll respond. But you can’t. For that
reason, I exhort you, strive earnestly both to stand firmly your-
selves from this point on and to bring back those who’ve changed
E sides, so that with one mind we may render thanks to God,
because his is the glory for ever and ever. Amen.

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INTRODUCTION

Preaching in Antioch (Allen and Mayer 1994: 30-5) some years after
the riot which occurred in 387, in this homily John provides useful
information about the composition and status of his audience at a
particular ordinary synaxis. Women as well as men are present and
certain of the women, at least, are wealthy. In addition we have an
opportunity to observe the preacher at his exegetical best - crisp,
direct speech; an abundant use of exempla; challenges to the values
most cherished by the audience (in this case power, fame and
wealth); threats to exclude persistent offenders from the church;
strong and unflinching exhortation. What the style and contents of
this homily tell us is that, whether he was a bishop or a presbyter,
John did not resile from tackling awkward subjects with his audience
or from using whatever means were available to him to encourage the
audience to change behaviour which he considered harmful to their
salvation.
Translated from Field (1855: 241-52).

TEXT

II (371) Therefore let no-one pass judgement on you in the matter of food w
drink, or in the caseof a festival or a new moon or sabbaths - these
are a shadow of what is to come- but the body of Christ. LRt no-one
disqualify you, insisting on humility and worship of angels, taking a
B stand on visions, puffed up without reason by their sensuousmind, and
not holding fast to the bead, from whom the whole body, nourished and
knit together through its joints and Ligaments, will grow with a growth
that is from God (Col. 2:16-19).

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First he speaks elliptically, saying: ‘Seeto it that no-one makes a

prey of you according to human tradition’ (Col. 2:8), and again
further back: ‘I say this in or& that no-one may deceiveyou with
c beguiling speech’(Col. 2:4). Having preoccupied their mind and
made it concerned, he subsequently inserted the benefits (brought
by Christ) and amplified his subject. Then he added the final
charge with the words: ‘Therefore let no-onepass judgement on you in
the matter of food or drink, or in the caseof a festival or a new moon or
sabbaths.’
Do you see how he compresses his points? ‘If you’ve attained
benefits of this kind’, he says, ‘why do you make yourselves
guilty on small counts?’ And he disparages them with the
words ‘or in the caseof a festival’, because they weren’t observing
all the previous injunctions. Or a new moon or sabbaths. He didn’t
say: ‘Therefore don’t observe them’, but ‘let no-one pass judgement
D on you’. He showed them up as having transgressed and relaxed
(the law), but he transferred the accusation onto others. ‘Don’t
put up with those who pass judgement’, he says. But it’s not
even that - he reasons with them, all but silencing them by
saying: ‘You shouldn’t enquire into it.’ He wouldn’t have fixed
on these points. He didn’t say: ‘On pure and impure occasions’;
nor did he say: ‘At the feasts of tabernacles and unleavened bread
and Pentecost’, but ‘in the case of a festival’, because they didn’t
dare to observe everything. And if they did observe (a feast), it
wasn’t in order to celebrate it. ‘In the caseof’, he says, showing
that more of it was relaxed. For even if they observed the
E sabbath, it wasn’t according to the letter of the law. These are
a shadow of what is to come, meaning the New Testament. But
the body of Christ. Now some punctuate in this way: ‘But the body
belongs to Christ’. But the truth is in Christ. Others interpret:
‘Let no-one disqualify you from the body of Christ’, that is,
242 (cause you to) make abusive comments. Disqualification occurs
when victory is won by one person, but the prize goes to another
F when the victor makes abusive comments.’ You stand above the
devil and sin. Why do you subject yourself to sin again? It’s on
this account that he says: ‘Becausebe is bound to fuIQi1 the whole law’
(Gal. 5:3), and again: ‘Is Christ bound to be an agent of sin?’ (Gal.
2:17), which he said in his letter to the Galatians. When he filled
(372) them with anger by saying ‘disqualify’, he began at that point to
say: ‘insisting on humility and worship of angels, taking a stand on
visions, puffed up without reason by their sensuous mind’. What does

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he mean by on humility, or by puffed up? He shows that every-

thing is vainglory.
But what does he mean in the whole verse? There are some
who say: ‘We shouldn’t be attracted by Christ, but by the
angels, because he is above our station.’ It’s on this account
that he turns over and again what has been done by Christ:
B Through the blood of his cross(Col. 1:20); it’s on this account that
he says: ‘he suflwed f OYus’ (1 Pet. 2:21), ‘be loved us’ (Eph. 2:4).
And on this very point their attention is fixed again. And he
doesn’t mean ‘attachment’ but ‘religious observance’. Taking a
stand on visions. He didn’t see angels, but is affected as if he
had. On this account Paul says: ‘puffed up without reason by their
sensuous mind’, not about any true fact. The person is puffed up
because of what they believe, and uses the pretext of humility.
This is the result of fleshly ideas, not spiritual ones. The reason-
ing is human. ‘And not holding fast to the bead’, he says, ‘from whom
the whole body’. It is to (the head) that the whole body owes its
c being and proper existence. Why, when you’ve dispensed with
the head, do you hold on to the limbs? If you’re deprived of
the head, you’re lost. From whom the whole body. Whoever it is
derives not their life but even their construction from that.
The entire church, as long as it has its head, will grow, because
243 it’s no longer a question of the experience of arrogance and vain-
glory, but of finding human intention. Look at the words ‘From
whom’, applied to the Son. ‘Nourished and knit together’, he says,
‘through its joints and Ligaments, it will grow with a growth that is
from God.’ It’s a growth from God, he says, and from leading a
life of virtue.
D If you died with Christ. H e puts this in the middle, and more
forceful comments on either side of it. ‘If you died with Christ to
the elemental spirits of the universe’, he says, ‘why do you consider that
you still live in the world?’ (COI. 2:20). He doesn’t spell out the
consequences, for he should say: ‘How is it that you’re still
living in subjection to the elements?’ But having left this
aside, what does he say? ‘Don’t handle, don’t taste, don’t touch -
these all perish as they are used, according to human precepts and
doctrines’ (Col. 2:21-2). ‘You’re not of this world’, he says, ‘and
how is it that you’re subject to its elements? How is it that
E you’re subject to the surveillance of the world?’ And see how he
makes fun of them: Don’t touch, don’t handle, don’t taste, as if they
were cowards and keeping clear of some great (taboos). These all
perish as they are used. He punctures the puffed-up state of many,

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and adds: According to hum.an precepts and doctrines. What do you

say to that? Do you talk about the law? Therefore it’s human
teaching according to the time; or it’s the case that they were
perverting it, or that he was alluding to pagan (taboos). ‘The pre-
F cept is totally human’, he says. These things have a semblance of
wisdom in terms of superstition and humility and severity to the
(373) body, (but) tbey have no value against the indulgence of the jesb (COI.
2:23). ‘Semblance’, he says, not ‘power’, not ‘truth’. The upshot is
that, even if you have the semblanceof wisdom, we’ll be opposed.
For someone may seem to be reverent and moderate and to
despise the body. They have no value against the indulgence of the
flesh. I mean that God gives honour, but they don’t use it with
honour. Thus when there is a precept he can call it honour.
They dishonour the body, he says, depriving it and removing
244 its power, not permitting it to rule of its own accord, but God
has honoured the flesh.
If; then, you’ve been raised with Christ. He includes them (in
what he says) because he had already established above that
B Christ had died. This is why he says: ‘If; then, you’ve been raised
with Christ, seekthe things that are above’ (COI. 3:l). This observa-
tion does not take place here. Seekthe things that are above, where
Christ is, seated at the right band of God. Goodness! Where has he
conveyed our mind? How has he filled them with great purpose?
It wasn’t enough for him to say the things above or where Christ is,
but what? Seated at the right band of God. With that he prepared
them so that they would no longer see the earth.2 Set your mind on
c things that are above, not on things that are on earth. For you have died
and your life is bidden with Christ in God. When Christ who is our
life appears, then you also will appear with him in ghy (COI. 3~2-4).
Your life, he means, isn’t this one; your life is a different one.
He’s already forcing them to change places, and is keen to show
that they are seated above, and even dead, as he prepares them
from both sides not to seek the things of this world. For if
you’re dead, you don’t have to seek; if you’re above, you don’t
have to seek. Christ isn’t appearing? Then nor is your life
D either. It’s above with God. Well, then? When shall we live?
When Christ who is your l+ appears, then seek glory, then seek
your life, then seek your delight. Such is the preliminary training
for leading them away from delight and repose. Such is Paul’s
custom - by preparing one aspect to jump to another. For
example, just while speaking about those who are anticipating a

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feast, he suddenly falls into the observation about the mysteries.

For the argument is weighty when it happens unexpectedly.
It ‘is bidden’, he says, from you. Then you also will appear with
E him. So that now you don’t appear. See how he transfers them to
heaven itself. For, as I said, he’s always keen to show that they
have the same things as Christ. And throughout all his letters
(there is) this same reasoning: to show that they have everything
in common with Christ. Therefore he speaks of the head, and the
body, and he does everything to describe this.
245 If, then, we shall appear on that occasion, let’s not grieve when
F we don’t attain honour. If this life is not life, but is hidden, we
should live this life as corpses. ‘Then you also’, he says, ‘will appear
with him in glory’. It’s not for nothing that he says ‘in ghy’, since
the pearl too is hidden while it’s in the oyster. If, then, we’re
(374) insulted, let’s not grieve, whatever we suffer, for this life isn’t
ours. We’re strangers and pilgrims. ‘For yoz~have died’, it says.
Who is so stupid as to buy servants for a dead and buried
body, or to build houses for it, or to prepare expensive clothing
for it? No-one. Therefore let us not either. Rather, just as we
have but a single objective - not to be naked - so too let us
have a single objective here. The first human being in us was
buried, buried not in earth but in water; it wasn’t death that
destroyed it but the one who destroyed death by burying it,
not according to the law of nature, but according to the com-
B mand of the Master, which is stronger than nature. For even if
somebody can destroy the things that are the products of
nature, they can’t at all (destroy) the things that are subject to
(the Master’s) command. Nothing is more blessed than that
grave over which all rejoice, both angels and human beings
and the Master of angels. For that grave there is no need of cloth-
ing, of a coffin or of anything else of that kind. Do you want to
see the sign of this? I’ll show you the baptismal font in which
one person was buried, but another rose up. In the Red Sea
the Egyptians were drowned, but the Israelites rose up. The
same event buries the one and gives birth to the other.
C Don’t be surprised if birth and destruction occur in baptism,
because - tell me - isn’t to melt the opposite of to make adhere?
It’s clear to everyone that it is. This is what fire does, in that it
melts and destroys wax, but makes metallic earth adhere and
produces gold. So it is too in the case of baptism: the power
of the fire destroys the wax statue, and produces gold in its
stead. For we’re indeed muddy before the bath, but golden

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after it. How is this evident? Listen to Paul saying: ‘The jkt
246D human being was from earth, dusty; the second human being is from
heaven, heavenly’ (1 Cor. 15:47). While I’ve spoken of how far
mud is from gold, I’ve found a greater difference between the
heavenly and the earthly: it’s not so much how far mud is
from gold, as much as earthly things are from heavenly things.
We were made of wax and muddy; indeed the flame of passion
melted us much more than fire does wax, and whatever tempta-
tion arrived broke us much more than stone does mud. And, if
you like, let’s describe our former life (to see) if everything
E wasn’t earth and water, and easily blown about, and dust both
unstable and readily dispersed.3
And, if you like, let’s examine not past events but present
events (to see) if we won’t find that everything that exists is
dust and water. What do you want to say? Public offices and
positions of power? For nothing seems to be more worthy of
emulation in the present life than that.* But a person would
find the dust standing in the air more (worthy of emulation)
F than these, particularly nowadays. For to whom aren’t they sub-
jected? To their lovers, to eunuchs, to those who do everything
for the sake of money, to the whim of the people, to the rages of
the more powerful. The man who yesterday was lofty on the tri-
bunal, who had heralds calling out at the top of their voices and
(375) many people running before him and clearing the way through
the market-place, is today shabby and lowly and bereft and
denuded of all that, scattered like dust, like a wave that has
passed on. Just as dust is raised by our feet, so too are public
offices born of those who are concerned with money, who play
the role of feet in every aspect of life. And just as dust, when
it’s raised, takes on a large part of air but is itself insignificant,
B so too is it with public office. And just as dust blinds the eyes, so
too does the humbug of public office disable the eyes of the
mind.
Well, do you want us to examine the more desirable object -
wealth? Come on, let’s examine it in its parts. It contains
delight, it contains honours, it contains power. First, if you
247 like, let’s examine delight - isn’t it dust? Rather, it passes over
quicker than dust. For the pleasure of (tasting) delights goes no
further than the tongue, but when the belly has been filled, it
doesn’t go even as far as the tongue. ‘But’, someone says, ‘hon-
ours themselves are a sweet affair.’ And what is less sweet than
c that honour when it comes about through using money? When

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it doesn’t come about through free choice, nor from some eager-
ness, it’s not you who enjoys the honour, but wealth. The result
is that this very fact makes the wealthy person the most dis-
honourable of all. For, tell me - if everyone honours you as a
friend, but they admit that you are of no worth, but that they’re
compelled to honour you because of your wealth, how could they
dishonour you (more) in another way? The result is that wealth
causes us dishonour, being more worth honour than those them-
selves who possess it, and a sign of weakness rather than power.
D How, then, isn’t it absurd that we don’t consider ourselves
worthy of earth and ash (that’s what gold is), but are honoured
on account of gold? We deserve it, but the person who despises
wealth doesn’t. For it’s better not to be paid honour than to be
paid honour in this way.
Tell me - if someone says to you: ‘I don’t think you’re worth
any honour at all, but I hold you in honour because of your
servants’, what could be worse than this dishonour? If it’s a
cause of shame to be honoured because of one’s servants, who
share the same soul and nature as ourselves, it’s much worse to
be honoured because of objects of a lower order - I mean walls
E of houses and courtyards and golden vessels and clothing. These
are truly ridiculous and shameful - better to die than to be paid
honour in this way. Tell me, if you were in danger from this
delusion and someone who was shabby and despicable wished
to get you out of the danger, what could be worse than that?
But what you say to each other about the city I want to say to
F you. Once our city offended the ruler and he ordered it to be
totally destroyed, with men and children and homes.5 (Such
are the whims of royalty. They indulge in power to the extent
(376) that they wish; power is such a great evil.) The city was thus in
the direst peril. The neighbouring city, the one on the coast,’
interceded with the emperor on our behalf, but those living in
our city said that this was worse than the destruction of the
city. Being paid honour in this way was thus worse than being
brought into dishonour. See where honour has its root. Chefs’
hands cause us to be honoured, such that we have to be grateful
248 to them, and swineherds who supply a rich table, and weavers
B and woollen-workers and metal-workers and pastry-cooks and
table-setters.
Isn’t it better, then, not to be honoured than to owe gratitude
to these people for the honour (they bring us)? And apart from
that fact, I’ll try to demonstrate clearly that being wealthy is

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full of dishonour. It produces a shameful soul - what’s more dis-

honourable than that? For, tell me, if the body were in the prime
of life, and surpassed all in beauty, but the advent of wealth pro-
mised to make it shameful, and sick instead of well, and inflamed
instead of working properly, and filling all its limbs with dropsy
c caused the face to swell up and made everything swollen, and
caused the feet to swell up and made them heavier than
beams, and caused the stomach to swell up and made it ‘larger
than any wine-jar, and after that ordered that not even those
who were willing to cure it should be permitted to do so (for
this is power), but that so much freedom should be given that
if anyone came forward to release it from its sufferings he
should be punished. Tell me, how could being rich be beautiful,
when it does that to the soul?
But power is more serious than that disease, for when a sick
D person doesn’t obey even the rules of doctors, it’s more serious
than being sick. What wealth has makes the soul inflamed every-
where, and forbids doctors to come. The result is that we don’t
call these people blessed on account of their power, but we pity
them. Nor would I call someone blessed on account of power if I
saw them afflicted with dropsy, and nobody stopping them being
filled with as many drinks as they wished and harmful meats. For
E power is not always a good thing, just as honours aren’t either,
for they fill one with great arrogance. If you don’t want your
body to get this illness along with wealth, how will you keep
watch on your soul to prevent it receiving’ not only this but
also other punishment. > Indeed it’s inflamed all over with
fevers and inflammations, and nobody is capable of extinguishing
that fever - wealth doesn’t allow it, in that it persuades us that
disadvantages are advantages, for example, putting up with
nobody and acting in all things through power. A person
249F wouldn’t find another soul full of such great, absurd desires as
the souls of those who want to be wealthy. How many trifles
don’t they design for themselves? More than those who dream
(377) up the hippocentaurs and the Chimaeras and the snake-footed,
and the Scyllas, and monsters, you will see them dreaming up
(monsters). And if a person wishes to dream up one of their
desires, nothing will materialise for that prodigy - neither
Scylla nor Chimaera nor hippocentaur, but you will find that
(their desire) contains all beasts at once.
Perhaps someone will think that I’ve been very wealthy since
I’m substantiating the course of events in this way. There’s a

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B story about someone - first I’ll confirm the story by means of the
pagan bards.* There’s a story that one of their kings abused
luxury to such an extent that he made a golden plane tree, and
heaven above, and so sat there, making war on human beings
who had learned to fight. Isn’t this the desire of the hippo-
centaurs? Of Scylla? Again, another one threw human beings
into a wooden bull. Isn’t this Scylla? During former times
(wealth) made the one who was formerly king from a man into
a woman. What shall I say about (it making) a soldier from a
woman? It’s an irrational animal, and even worse than this.
I mean that if wild animals are under a tree they are content
c with their nature and seek nothing more. But that king went
beyond even the nature of wild animals.
What, then, could be sillier than the rich? This happens
through the excess of their desires. But isn’t it the case that
many admire him (SC. that king)? That’s why they’re as ridicu-
lous as he is. This didn’t indicate wealth, but madness. How
much better is the plane tree on earth than that golden one?
This is so because what’s in accord with nature is more pleasing
than what goes beyond nature. What did you want with a golden
heaven, you silly man ? Do you see. how great wealth makes
D people mad? how it inflames them? I think that wealth doesn’t
even recognise the sea, and perhaps wishes to walk on it. Isn’t
this a Chimaera? Isn’t it a hippocentaur? But even today there
are people who don’t distance themselves from it, but are
250 much sillier. How, tell me, do those who make silver pots and
vessels and flasks differ in silliness from the golden plane tree?
How do the women differ (I am embarrassed, but have to say
E it) who make silver chamber-pots? Those of you who make them
should be ashamed. Christ is starving and you’re indulging like
that? I should say, are you being silly? What kind of punishment
won’t these women pay? Then do you persist in asking why there
are robbers, why there are murderers, why there are evils, when
the devil sweeps you off your feet in this way? Possessing silver
plates is not even in accord with a philosophical spirit, but is
total wantonness. Making unclean vessels from silver too, is
F that wantonness? I wouldn’t say wantonness, but silliness. And
not that either, but madness or worse than madness.
I know that many people will make fun of me on this point,
but I won’t pay any attention - just let there be a further com-
(378) ment. In truth wealth makes people silly and mad. If they had
such abundance, they would wish for the earth to be gold, and

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walls to be of gold, perhaps even heaven and air to be of gold.

What madness is this, what transgression of decency, what
fever? Another person, made in the image of God, is dying of
cold, while you’re equipping yourself with such things? What
arrogance! What more would a mad person do? Do you so
revere excrement that you would receive it in silver? I know
that you’re stunned as you listen to this, but it’s the women
who act like this who should be stunned and the husbands
B who pander to such illnesses. This is intemperance and cruelty
and inhumanity and brutality and insolence. What kind of Scylla
would do this, what kind of Chimaera, what kind of dragon -
or I should say, what kind of demon, what kind of devil?
What’s the use of Christ? What’s the use of the faith when one
has to put up with people being pagans, or rather, not pagans
but demons? If you shouldn’t adorn your head with gold and
pearls (cf. 1 Tim. 2:9), what kind of pardon will the person
encounter who uses silver for such an impure service? Other
objects won’t suffice, although they aren’t to be put up with
c either - solid silver chairs and footstools? These too are silly.
Everywhere there is excessive wantonness, everywhere vain-
glory. Nowhere is there use (for such objects) but everywhere
there are excesses. I’m afraid that proceeding from such madness
the female sex will take on the aspect of monsters, in that it’s
likely that they’ll desire and acquire gold hair. (In truth, you
251 must confess that you felt something at what I said and came to
attention, and were seized with longing, and if it weren’t that
D shame at least prevailed, you wouldn’t have made excuses.) For if
people dare to perform acts more absurd than even these, I think
that they’ll desire much more to have golden hair and lips and
eyebrows and thus to anoint themselves all over with liquid gold.
But if you don’t believe me and you think that I’m speaking
in fun, I’ll tell you what I heard - rather, it’s so today as well.
The Persian king has a gold beard; those who are skilled in
these matters, as with a thread, so braid the hairs with gold
leaf, and he lies there like a monster. Glory to you, Christ!
How many good things have you filled us with? How have
you prepared us to be healthy? How many monstrosities, how
many absurdities have you freed us from? Look, I’m making a
public statement, I’m no longer advising, but commanding and
E giving orders. Let the one who wants to, hear; let the one who
doesn’t, disobey. If you continue to do this, I won’t put up
with you, nor shall I accept you or allow you to cross this

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threshold. What use do I have for a crowd of sick people? What

use if in educating you I don’t stand in the way of excesses?
Indeed, Paul stood in the way of both gold and pearls. Let’s
become the laughing-stock of the pagans: our beliefs seem to
be myths. And to the men I give the following advice: if you
come for teaching to be instructed in spiritual knowledge, do
away with that excess.
F The following advice I give both to men and women, and even
if someone does otherwise, I won’t put up with (that excess) any
more. There were twelve disciples, and hear what Christ said to
(379) them: ‘Do you too wish to go away?’ (John 6:67). If we flatter all
the time, when shall we revive? When shall we make progress?
‘But if, it says, ‘there are other heresies, they too will be changed.”
This saying is chilling: ‘One person doing the will of the Lord is
better than a thouand transgressors’ (Sir. 16:3 LXX). And you,
what do you want, tell me? Do you want to have thousands of
runaway slaves and thieving servants, or one well-disposed
one? Look, I’m advising and enjoining you to smash facial adorn-
252 ments and containers such as these and to give to the poor and no
longer suffer this madness. Whoever wants may shy away, who-
ever wants may bring an accusation; I won’t put up with anyone.
B When I’m about to be judged before the tribunal of Christ you
will stand at a distance, and so will your charm” as I render my
account. The following words destroy everything: ‘lest you go’, it
says, ‘and change to another heresy’.” (Your case) is weak - submit.
For how long (will you carry on)? Until when? Once, and twice,
and a third time, not forever. Look, I enjoin you again, and
testify with blessed Paul: ‘that if I come again, I won’t spare them
(2 Cor. 13:2). When you behave properly, you’ll know the extent
of the gain, the extent of the usefulness. Yes, and I ask and I beg
c you, and I wouldn’t refuse to clasp your knees and to make
petition on this point.
What’s this softness? What’s this indulgence? What’s this
insolence? (This isn’t indulgence, but insolence.) What’s this
silliness? What’s this madness? There are so many beggars stand-
ing around the church, and the church has so many children so
rich, it can’t come to the aid of a single beggar. One is hungry,
the other is drunk; one relieves herself in silver, the other doesn’t
even have bread. What’s this madness? What’s this great
savagery? Let’s not enter into the temptation of proceeding
against those who disobey or enter into the indignation of not
encouraging them in these matters, but let’s readily and patiently

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D avoid all these defects, so that we may live for the glory of God,
and be freed from punishment in the hereafter, and may attain
the blessings promised to those who love him, through the
grace and love for humankind of our Lord Jesus Christ, with
whom to the Father, together with the Holy Spirit, be glory,
power, honour for ever and ever. Amen.

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 HOMILY DELIVERED AFTER THE
REMAINS OF MARTYRS ETC.
(NEW HOMILY NO. 1)

INTRODUCTION

That this homily was delivered in a suburban martyrium in the

vicinity of the city of Constantinople is clear not just from the
title, but also from the presence of the empress and the expected
attendance of the emperor at the synaxis to be held on the
morrow. From the opening to the homily we learn that such spec-
tacular occasions draw a large crowd, presenting the preacher with
a diverse audience. In this particular instance a variety of language
groups are also represented. The piety displayed by the empress
throughout the lengthy procession and accompanying ceremonies
occasions an opportunity for John to launch into an example of
imperial panegyric, such that the majority of the homily is taken
up by exaggerated praise of the young woman and her virtues.
The destination of the procession and location of the martyrium at
which the homily was delivered, Drypia, has yet to be securely iden-
tified, but is thought to have lain to the south-west of the city along
the Via Egnatia (Janin 1969: 252). This identification has been made
on the basis of John’s comment that the procession at night
resembled a ‘sea’ that ‘stretched from the city right up to the present
location’. However, John uses the sea and associated images fre-
quently as a topos in his preaching and his subsequent assertion
that the procession could likewise be called a ‘river of fire’ discourages
one from placing too great a weight upon the statement. Regarding
the date of the homily, as Kenneth Holum argues the imperial rega-
lia that Eudoxia sets aside for the duration of the festivities indicate
that she had been elevated to the status of Augusta (Holum 1982:
56). Since that ceremony took place on 9 January 400 the homily
can only have been delivered after that date. Holum further argues
that it must date before 10 January 402, since there is no mention

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of the imperial heir Theodosius II, who must otherwise have been
somehow involved in the proceedings (Holum 1982: 56 n. 35).
Whether this latter supposition is correct or not, the overblown
praise of the empress may indicate that relations between John and
Eudoxia were at this point relatively cordial, which would suggest
an only slightly later terminus ante quem. Regarding the status of
the trade in martyrs’ remains in the late fourth century with special
reference to Constantinople and this homily see the Introduction,
Chapter 2.
Translated from PG 63,467-72.

TEXT

467 The addressdelivered in the martyrium in the presenceof the empressand

the entire city and the magistrates, after the empressbad gone to the
Great Church in the middle of the night and taken from there the
remains of the martyrs and escorted them tbrougb the extent of the
market-place as far as Drypia. The murtyrium there is nine miles out-
side the city.

8 a.i. What can I say? What shall I speak? I’m jumping with excite-
ment and aflame with a frenzy that is better than common
sense. I’m flying and dancing and floating on air and, for the
rest, drunk under the influence of this spiritual pleasure. What
can I say? What shall I speak? (Shall I speak) about the power of
the martyrs? the enthusiasm of the city? the zeal of the empress?
the assembly of the magistrates? the disgrace of the devil? the
defeat of the demons? the noble lineage of the church? the power
468 of the cross? the miracles of the Crucified? the glory of the Father?
the grace of the Spirit? the pleasure of all the people? the excited
jumping of the city? the groups of monks? the bands’ of virgins?
10 a.i. the ranks of priests? the effort of the laymen, the slaves, the free,
those in authority, those subject to it, the poor, the wealthy, the
strangers, the citizens? It would be fitting to say of it all: ‘Who
will speak of your powers, Lord? Who will make beard all your
praises?’ (Ps. 106:2).
Women, who keep to their chambers and are softer than wax,
left their covered dwellings and rivalled in enthusiasm the
strongest of the men by completing the lengthy journey on foot -
469 not only young women, but old ones too. Neither the weakness of
their nature nor the delicacy of their lifestyle nor vanity over their

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public image impeded their enthusiasm. Again, even magistrates

left behind their carriages and staff-bearers and body-guards and
rubbed shoulders with the common people. Yet why should I
speak of women or magistrates, when she who wears the imperial
crown* and is dressed in purple could bear to be separated not even
a little from the remains for the entire extent of the journey?
Rather, like a maidservant she walked one step behind the holy
10 relics, touching the casket and the veil which covered it.
Suppressing all human vanity, she allowed herself to be seen
by the crowd at the midst of the vast spectacle - she upon
whom it’s forbidden for even all the eunuchs who serve in the
imperial palace to gaze. Instead, her desire for the martyrs, the
tyranny and flame of love persuaded her to cast off all her masks
and to display with naked enthusiasm her zeal for the holy
martyrs.
Indeed, I’m reminded of blessed David who was likewise clad in
a purple robe and wore a royal crown3 and held the sceptre of
20 the Hebrew people. When he brought back the ark, he put aside
all those props and jumped with excitement and danced and
leapt about, playing the complete idiot and prancing around
(cf. 1 Chron. 15: 27-9). Through his leaps, he indicated the
pleasure which he felt at the celebrations. If he was obliged to
display such great warmth in the shadow and the type, it should
be much more the case in respect of the grace and the truth,
since she (SC.the empress) has led back a casket of much greater
value than that of David. For it doesn’t contain stone tablets,
but spiritual ones - a blossoming grace, a radiant gift, bones
30 that reflect the very rays of the sun. No, rather they release flashes
of light that are more brilliant. After all, demons experience no
adverse effects when they look at the rays of the sun. But, unable
to bear the brilliance that bursts forth from here, they’re blinded
and flee and take refuge at a considerable distance. So great even
is the power of the ashes of the saints that it doesn’t just sit
inside the remains, but extends beyond them and repels the unclean
powers and abundantly sanctifies those who approach with faith.
That’s precisely why this woman who loves Christ kept
40 following along beside, constantly reaching out and touching the
remains, absorbing their blessing and teaching everyone else
4 instructing
.
about this beautiful and spiritual merchandise;
everyone to draw from this fount that’s constantly drained but
is never emptied. After all, just as the waters that bubble forth
from the springs aren’t contained within their own hollows

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but well over and flow beyond, so too the grace of the Spirit that
accompanies these bones and dwells with the saints both extends
50 towards others who follow it with faith and flows from mind into
body, and from body into clothing, and from clothing into shoes,
and from shoes into a person’s shadow. That’s precisely why it
infused not just the bodies of the holy apostles, but also their
kerchiefs and aprons (cf. Acts 19:12). Indeed, it wasn’t only
their kerchiefs and aprons but Peter’s shadows also that per-
formed deeds more powerful than those of any living things
(cf. Acts 5:15). Even before then, it seems, a sheepskin placed
over Elisha’s body brought upon him a twofold blessing. It
wasn’t just Elisha’s body, but the piece of clothing too that
became filled with grace (cf. 1 Kgs 19:19; 2 Kgs 2:13-14).
60 Precisely the same phenomenon occurred with the three boys. It
wasn’t only their bodies that the character of the flame respected,
470 but even their shoes (cf. Dan. 3:27). And in the case of Elisha
(the grace) didn’t even (diminish) when he was dead. Death
was released when another corpse was thrown into the prophet’s
grave (cf. 2 Kgs 13:21). So too has it turned out to be the case
today: while the remains were being conveyed, demons were
bursting into flame. Cries of grief and shrieks went up every-
where, as the ray of light leapt forth from the bones and pro-
ceeded to burn to a crisp the opposing powers in their phalanx.
That’s why I’m jumping with excitement and flying under the
10 influence of pleasure - because by emptying the city you’ve made
the wilderness a city; because today you have demonstrated to us
the wealth of the church. See how many sheep are here and not a
wolf in sight; how many grape vines, and no thistles anywhere;
how many ears of grain and no weeds about! A sea stretched from
the city right up to the present location - a sea devoid of waves,
that brings no shipwreck, and is free from rocks; a sea sweeter
than any honey, more pleasurable to drink than pure drinking
water. One wouldn’t be wrong in calling this sea also a river
20 of fire. So throughout the night the lamps packed tightly
together in a continuous line stretching as far as this martyrium
supplied a vision of a fiery river to those watching.
And that was in the night! When the day appeared other
lamps were in turn revealed. For as the sun rose, on the one
hand it obscured those lamps and rendered them fainter, while
on the other it showed up more brightly those in the mind of
each participant. I mean that the flame of your enthusiasm was

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hotter than that flame which could be seen. Each carried a double
lamp - the lamp of flame in the night; the lamp of
30 enthusiasm in both the night and the day. Rather, I would no
longer even call it night. For it rivalled the day as it wheeled
you, the sons of Iigbt,5 around and revealed you brighter than
the countless stars and Bringer of Morn.’ Just as those who are
drunk make the day night, so too those who stay awake and
observe night-long vigils render the night day. It’s for exactly
that reason that all night long they chanted that prophetic
song: ‘In my wantonness let light be as night. Darkness won’t be
made dark by you, and night will becomeas bright as duy. Its darkness
40 will be like its light’ (Ps. 139:11-12). Didn’t this night become
brighter than any day with everyone jumping around in so
great an excess of joy - in possession of a spiritual joy - as the
result of so large a crowd of people pouring out and flooding
both the street and the market-place? I mean that there wasn’t
a bare piece of pavement to be seen. Rather, the entire street
was covered by human bodies. For the entire journey you dis-
played a single golden and continuous chain, a single river car-
ried along with considerable impetus.
When we gazed up at the heavens, we saw the moon and stars
in its midst. When we looked down, (we saw) the crowd of the
so faithful and, carried along in the middle, more radiant than the
moon, the empress. I mean that, just as the stars below are better
than those above, so too is this moon brighter than that one.
Why? Is the moon as great as a person in so elevated a position
of authority who is adorned with so profound a faith? What
quality of hers would one marvel at first? Her zeal, hotter than
a flame? Her faith, stronger than adamant?’ Her contrite mind
and her humility, which caused her to hide all her (insignia)?
On the one hand, she cast off imperium’ and crowns and all of
the vanity that arises from these in considerable abundance; on
60 the other, instead of the stole of purple she donned the stole of
humility and, because of it, became all the more radiant. For,
although there have been many, many empresses who have just
471 shared the stole itself and the crowns and the imperial glory, the
adornment of this woman alone has stood out as exceptional and
this trophy belongs to her alone. I mean that she alone among
empresses has escorted martyrs with such great honour, with
such great zeal and piety, mingling with the crowd, dispensing
with her entire retinue, and banishing virtually the entire
inequality of her lifestyle to a high degree. That’s precisely

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why she has benefited the populace no less than the martyrs. Just
as everyone was looking in the direction of the remains, so
10 too did they gape at this woman’s attentiveness - both rich and
poor - as they watched her hold tightly onto the bones for so
long a journey, neither growing weary nor moving back, but
hanging onto the chest. Because of these actions we won’t
cease calling you blessed - not just we, but all the future genera-
tions also.
I say this because the ends of the earth and all the land which
the sun covers will hear about what took place here. The people
of our time will hear, as will those who come after them and no
age will consign the event to forgetfulness, since God is spread-
20 ing its fame with much publicity everywhere throughout the
world and throughout all future generations. If he caused the
action of a female prostitute to reach the ends of the earth and
rendered her immortal in people’s memory (cf. Matt. 26:13),
even more so won’t he allow to be forgotten the work of a
decorous, grave and prudent woman who has displayed such
great piety in imperium. Rather, everyone will call you blessed -
as the woman who showed hospitality to the saints, the patron’
of the churches, the woman equal to the apostles in zeal. For, if
you did receive a feminine nature, nonetheless it’s possible for
30 you to rival the apostles in good works too. After all, that
Phoebe, who at that time welcomed into her house the teacher
of the world and became his patron, was a woman and shared
the same nature as yourself. Yet, even so, her status became
such that the holy apostle who was worthy of the heavens and
greater than all the rest acclaimed her and said: ‘She bus become
patron of many and of myself’ (Rom. 16:2). Priscilla too had
received a feminine nature. Yet it was no impediment to her
when it came to being acclaimed and her memory becoming
40 immortal (cf. Acts 18; Rom. 16:3). And there was another large
band of women at that time who shared in the apostolic life.
We wouldn’t be wrong therefore if we now numbered you
with them, seeing that you’re a harbour for all the churches
and have used to the full the present kingdom for the purpose
of possessing the kingdom that is to come. You’ve corrected
churches, honoured priests and put an end to heretical error.
You’ve showed hospitality to martyrs, not with your table but
with your heart, not with your tent but with your character.”
472 Rather, it was with both tent and character. Miriam too once led
forth the people, while following the bones of Joseph (cf. Exod.

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15:20), and sang a song. She did this after the Egyptians had
been drowned; you’ve done it while demons were being
throttled. She did this after Pharaoh had been drowned; you’ve
done it following the humiliation of the devil. She did this
wielding cymbals; you’ve done it with your mind and soul
resounding louder than a trumpet. She did this because the
Jews had been set free; you’ve done it because the church is
being crowned. She did this leading forth a single nation of
like tongue; you’ve done it leading forth countless nations of
10 different tongues. I say this because you’ve led forth for us count-
less choruses, who struck up the psalms of David, some in the
Roman language, some in Syriac, some in the language of the
barbarian,” some in Greek. One could see diverse ethnic
groups and diverse choruses all holding a single lyre - that of
David - and crowning you with their prayers.
Missing from the exuberance of this festival was the emperor,
who is very much loved by God and who pulls the plough of
piety at your side. But this too stems from your good sense,
that you have kept him at home today and promised that he’ll be
20 present tomorrow. For, acting in a manner indicative of your
intelligence, you divided up the celebration, so that the mass
of horses and the din of armed soldiers wouldn’t cause grief to
virgins, elderly women and older men and throw the festival
into chaos. Had they both been present today, the events of the
festival would have come to an end today. But, so that she might
effect peace and quiet on the present day and cause exuberance to
abound through the addition of tomorrow, she has divided the
obligation with him and, while she herself is present today,
30 has promised us that he’ll be present tomorrow. Just as she shares
the imperium with him, so too does she share her piety and
doesn’t allow him to be without a role in her good works, but
in every instance takes him on as a partner.
So, since this spiritual celebration is going to be extended for
us into tomorrow, let’s again demonstrate the same zeal so that,
just as today we saw this woman who loves Christ with the city,
so tomorrow we may behold the emperor who is beloved of God
present with the army, offering to God the same sacrifice, namely
40 that which stems from piety, from zeal, from faith. Taking the
holy martyrs as partners in our prayers, let’s pray that they
may have a long life, a ripe old age, children and grandchildren.
And (let’s pray that), beyond all these blessings, this zeal is
added to, their piety increased, and that in this way they end

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the present life, so that throughout the incorruptible ages too

they reign together with the only-begotten Son of God. ‘For if
we endure’, it says, ‘we shall reign together with him also’ (2 Tim.
2:12). May we attain too (may we all deserve them!) the eternal
blessings through the grace and love for humankind of our Lord
50 Jesus Christ, with whom to the Father, together with the Holy
Spirit, be glory now and always, for ever and ever. Amen.

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 A HOMILY ON MARTYRS

INTRODUCTION

This festival homily, delivered most probably in a suburban martyr-

ium in the vicinity of Antioch (Mayer 1996: 33%6), is one of the
few in this category to appear without a title in the edition of
Montfaucon. The circumstances of the procession to the site at
which the sermon is preached differ little from those of the preceding
homily. In place of the empress is the local governor; in diversity and
size the crowds are not dissimilar. The participation of the governor
suggests that, in the same way that at Constantinople the imperial
couple would involve themselves in the processions associated with
major liturgical occasions, so at Antioch one of the resident magis-
trates (the comes Orientis or the consularis Syriae), if a Christian,
might seek to participate in such processions for political or other
purposes.
Just as the previous homily highlighted the attractiveness of such
occasions, in this homily John makes it clear that those festivals
which had settled into the local calendar suffered from an accretion
of behaviours associated with annual non-Christian festivals, such
as the Kalends.’ The habit of calling in at the pub on the way
home in order to celebrate, coupled with a few rounds of dice and
some socialising, was evidently well entrenched in the lives of
John’s audience.
It should be noted that, contrary to the practice of employing
inclusive language which we follow elsewhere in our translations,
we here refer to the generic martyr in the masculine in order to
remain faithful to the character of the text, and in order to allow
the moment later in the homily when John refers to the martyrs
involved as both male and female to be reflected clearly in the trans-
lation. The date of the homily is at present unknown.
Translated from PG 50,661-6.

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TEXT

661 2a.i. The festivals of the martyrs are assessed not just by the cycle of
662 2 a.;. days, but also by the disposition of those who celebrate them. For
example: have you imitated a martyr? have you emulated his
663 virtue? have you run in the steps of his philosophy? Even when
it hasn’t been a martyr’s day, have you celebrated a martyr’s
festival?2 I mean that to honour a martyr is to imitate a
martyr. For as those who commit worthless acts don’t participate
in the festivities on actual festivals, similarly too those who
pursue virtue celebrate a festival even when no feast day exists.
For the festival is characterised in the purity of the conscience.
Paul too made this clear when he said: ‘As a result let’s feast
not on the old yeast of evil and wickedness, but on the unleavened
IO bread of sincerity and truth’ (1 Cor. 523). Mind you, unleavened
bread exists among the Jews, as it does too among us. But in
their case the unleavened bread is made of flour, in ours it is
purity of life and a way of life free of all evil. Thus the person
who keeps their life free of filth and blemish celebrates a festival
every day, is constantly observing a holy day, even if it isn’t on
the day or they aren’t at the shrines of martyrs, but are actually
sitting at home. I mean that it’s possible to celebrate the festival
of martyrs by oneself too. I also say these things not so that we
20 avoid being present at the tombs of the martyrs, but so that,
when we are present, we approach with the appropriate zeal
and show the same reverence not just on their days, but also
apart from these.
For who wouldn’t wonder today at our assembly, at the mag-
nificent spectacle, the fervent love, the warm disposition, the
unrestrained desire? Virtually the entire city has transferred
itself here, and neither has fear of one’s master kept away a
slave, nor the necessity of begging a poor person, nor the
infirmity of age an elderly male, nor the softness of nature a
30 woman, nor the vanity of wealth a rich person, nor the madness
of power the governor.3 Rather, the yearning for the martyrs has
disposed of all of this inequality and physical infirmity and
poverty-driven need and dragged this large crowd here with a
single chain. It has given wings too to the yearning for the
martyrs, as if they were dallying as citizens in heaven. I say
this because you have trodden on any partiality for excess and
licentiousness and are consumed with longing for the martyrs.
40 For just as wild animals flee with the sun’s first rays and sink into

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their holes, when the light of the martyrs irradiates your minds
every sickly thought is buried and the bright flame of philosophy
is lit. But, in order that we may preserve this flame not just at
this moment, but always, let’s go home with the same reverence
when this spiritual spectacle is finished, and not discharge our-
selves into pubs and brothels and drinking and revels. You
50 made the night day through the holy vigils. Don’t make the day
in turn night through drinking and drunken debauchery and
dirty ditties. You honoured the martyrs with your presence,
your attention, your zeal. Honour them too with your orderly
departure, lest someone see you behaving shamelessly in a pub
and say that you didn’t come because of the martyrs, but in
order to increase your passion, to gratify your wicked desire. I
say this not to prevent you from indulging, but to prevent
you from falling into sin; not to prevent you from drinking,
but to prevent you from getting drunk. It’s not the wine
60 that’s disgusting, but the lack of restraint that’s wicked. For
wine is a gift of God, but lack of restraint is an invention of
664 the devil. Therefore serve the Lord in fear and ex.& in him in trembling
(Ps. 2:ll).
Do you want to enjoy indulgence? Enjoy it at home where there
are many people to care for you, should you become drunk. Don’t
do it in a pub, so that you avoid being a public spectacle for those
present and an offence to others. And in saying this I’m not order-
ing you to get drunk at home, but not to spend time in a bar.
Think how ridiculous it is for a man or woman after a gathering
10 of this kind, after vigils, after hearing the holy scriptures, after
sharing in the divine mysteries and after spiritual fortification
to be seen to spend the whole day in a pub! Don’t you know
what kind of punishment awaits those who get drunk? For
they’re thrown out of the kingdom of God and fall away from
the inexpressible blessings and are sent off into the eternal fire.
Who says this? Blessed Paul. ‘The greedy’, he says, ‘drunkards,
the verbally abusive, robbers - not one will inherit the kingdom of
God’ (1 Cor. 6:lO).
What could be more wretched than the individual who’s
20 drunk, when for the sake of a little pleasure they lose the enjoy-
ment of such a kingdom? Rather, the person who’s drunk can’t
even enjoy pleasure. For pleasure is an outcome of moderation;
(the outcome) of immoderation (is) insensibility. How can a
person perceive the pleasure of the beverage, when they can’t tell
where they’re sitting or lying? How could they enjoy festivity,

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when they can’t see the sun itself because of the thick cloud of
alcohol? For such is the extent of the darkness they encounter
that the sun’s rays are insufficient to dissolve that gloom.
Beloved, heavy drinking is always bad, but especially on a day
30 that belongs to martyrs. For along with the sin there’s also con-
siderable violence and delirium and contempt for divine utter-
ances - which is why the punishment too would be doubled.
if, then, you’re going to attend martyrs and drink after your
departure from here, it’s better that you remain at home and
neither act shamefully, nor do violence to the martyrs’ festival,
nor cause offence to your neighbour, nor besiege your mind,
40 nor add to your sins. You’ve come to see people lacerated,
covered in blood, decorated with a row of wounds; people who
have shed the present life and are clinging to life in the
future. Be worthy of the competitors. They despised life. Despise
indulgence! They shed the present life. Shed the desire for heavy
drinking!
Do you still want to indulge? Stay beside the tomb of the
martyr; there pour out fountains of tears. Have a contrite
mind; raise a blessing from the tomb. Take her as an advocate
in your prayers and immerse yourself perpetually in the stories
50 of his struggles. Embrace the coffin, nail yourself to the chest.
Not just the martyrs’ bones, but even their tombs and chests
brim with a great deal of blessing. Take holy oil and anoint
your whole body - your tongue, your lips, your neck, your
eyes - and you’ll never fall into the shipwreck of drunkenness.
For through its pleasant smell the oil reminds you of the martyrs’
contests, and bridles and restrains all wantonness in considerable
665 patience, and overcomes the diseases of the soul.
Do you wish rather to spend time in orchards and meadows
and gardens? Don’t do it now, while there’s so large a crowd,
but on another day. For today is a time for struggles; today is
for the viewing of clashes, not for indulgence or leisure. You
didn’t come today to give yourself up to recreation, but to
learn how to compete, how to excel as an all-rounder* and,
though human, how to thrash the power of the invisible
demons. No-one indulges themselves when they enter the
10 wrestling ring, nor worries about their appearance when the time
for the wrestling bout arrives. Neither do they ask for lunch at
the moment when battle-lines are drawn. So, then, seeing that
you’ve come to view courage of soul, and strength of mind,
and a new and wonderful trophy, and an unusual fight, and

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wounds and battles, and an all-round contest involving a human

being, don’t introduce demonic actions and give yourself up
to drinking and indulgence after this strange and terrifying
spectacle. Rather, gather together the rewards of the soul and
in this way go home, indicating to all by the way you look
that you are returning from viewing martyrs.
20 My point is that in the same way that those who descend from
666 the theatres reveal to all that they’ve been thrown into turmoil,
confused, enervated through the images they bear of everything
that took place there, the person returning from viewing martyrs
should be recognisable to all - through their gaze, their appear-
ance, their gait, their compunction, their composed thoughts.
(They should be) breathing fire, restrained, contrite, sober,
vigilant - announcing the spiritual life’ within through the
movements of their body. In this way, then, let’s return to the
10 city - with the appropriate discipline, with orderly walking,
with intelligence and common sense, with a mild and calm
gaze. For a man’s clothing, and the laugher of his teeth, and the
step of his foot give out information about him (Sir. 1927 LXX).
Let’s always return from martyrs, from spiritual incense, from
heavenly meadows, from new and wonderful spectacles in this
way, so that we ourselves may enjoy much contentedness and
become envoys of freedom for others, and attain the blessings
that are to come, through the grace and love for humankind of
20 our Lord Jesus Christ, with whom to the Father, together with
the Holy Spirit, be glory, power, honour now and always, for
ever and ever. Amen.

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 ON HIS RETURN

INTRODUCTION

Delivered in Constantinople shortly after Easter 402, if we accept the

chronology of Kelly (1995: 165-73), this homily demonstrates the
tension between episcopal duties and their demands and the desires
of John’s regular audience. Many in the audience expected that, as
bishop, John personally would perform the baptisms that took
place at Easter every year and considered that without his participa-
tion the rite was somehow less efficacious. Despite his lengthy
absence in Asia Minor, however, the goodwill of the general Chris-
tian population of Constantinople towards him was at this point
still apparently intact. The heights of rhetorical exaggeration, the
flattery of the audience and the expressions of false humility uttered
in the opening paragraphs and throughout the homily show that
John recognises that on this occasion he has his listeners in the
palm of his hand.
When Wenger published the Greek text of the homily in 1961,
the sermon had previously been known only from the Latin versions
available in a number of manuscripts. The Latin texts probably derive
from a fifth-century translation from the Greek (Wenger 1961: 110).
Important as the Greek text is, it differs in some respects from the
Latin and on occasion makes sense only if a phrase or word is
imported from the latter. In order to present as clear a translation
as possible our translation is based on the Greek text with insertions
from the Latin supplied in square brackets as necessary. In addition,
divergences in the Latin text from the style and contents of the Greek
are noted and the alternate reading in the Latin is provided in the
accompanying footnote.
Translated from Wenger (1961: 114-23). Wenger supplies the
Greek text found in cod. Mosqtlensis 159 and the most ancient of
the Latin texts, Vaticanw lat. 3836.

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 ON HIS RETURN

TEXT

114 The same, uobn Chysostom). When he returned from Asia. l

1. Moses was a great man. He was the servant of God, the chief of
the prophets, the one who crossed the sea, the charioteer of the
air, the one who set manna on the table. He was thrown away
by the woman who bore him and saved by her enemy (his
mother put him out to die, but the Egyptian princess picked
him up and raised him). He was raised in Egypt and was a citizen
of heaven; he set an outstanding* trophy3 over the Egyptians; he
froze a sea and split a rock in two and talked with God as a
friend.
2. When that outstanding4 man left his people for just forty
days, he found them in a state of rebellion and lawlessness.5
Yet I, after not forty days, but fifty or a hundred or more,
have found you disciplined and displaying both wisdom6 and
piety to a greater degree. [Not because I’m greater than Moses
- far from it! (to say that is the height of madness)]’ - but
because the people here are more sensible than those.
3. That’s exactly why, when he descended the mountain, (Moses)
twisted accusations against Aaron;’ but in your presence I weave
hymns of praise’ and plait victor’s crowns.1o For where there’s
transgression accusations (follow), but, where there’s righteous
living, (there follow) praises and crowns. That’s why, even if I
did spend a great deal of time out of town, nonetheless I was con-
fident of your good intent, your love, your trustworthiness, your
goodwill, because I knew that my wife is a woman who strives to
be sensible.
4. That’s the way it happens too in worldly affairs. I mean that
when a man has an incorrigible wife, he doesn’t let her set
even a foot outside the house. And if ever he’s forced to make
a trip away, he works hard at getting back quickly, goaded on
by suspicion as if by some spur. But the man who has a sensible
wife takes his time while he’s out of town, leaving his wife’s
character as an adequate guardian of her safety.
5. It’s this situation that I and Moses experienced. For in his case,
since he left behind an incorrigible wife - the synagogue - God
116 urged him, saying: ‘Get up, go down, fm your people have trangressed
the law!’ (Exod. 32:7). I, on the other hand, received no such
command but kept on tending the sick” without concern.‘*
For it’s not the healthy who have need of a doctor, but those who are
in a bad way (Matt. 9:12).

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6. But, if I deserted you, it wasn’t out of contempt for you, but

to enhance your wealth. For the faults which have been corrected
through me - rather, through grace13 - are your crown. And
that’s why I’m filled with joy and jumping with excitement
and I’m flying under the influence of pleasure. I’m filled with
joy. Yet, when it comes to explaining the extent of my joy,
I cannot. What, then, (can I do) to make it happen? How (can
I help) you to learn the extent of my joy? I call your consciences
as a witness, for, from your own experience on catching sight of
me, you know how it was with us, convinced through seeing the
sight (for yourselves). ‘*
7. If, in my case, the arrival of just one man filled so many people
with so much pleasure, how much pleasure wouldn’t the sight of
so many men, whom I’ve missed dearly, work up in my heart?
When he saw just one son, Joseph, Jacob too was filled with
joy and the old fellow was rekindled with life (cf. Gen. 46:29-
30). But for my part, it has been on seeing not one son, but
tens of thousands one after the other - indeed, the people in
15
their entirety.
8. That’s why I’m filled with joy, because I’ve received my own
garden,” a garden better than that garden (of old). For there,
there was a serpent setting snares, here, Christ is instructing
us in the mysteries; there, Eve was working her deception,
here, the church is being crowned; there, Adam was being
deceived, here, a people is being publicly acclaimed; there,
there existed trees of different kinds, here, there are gifts that
are diverse and spiritual. In the garden there were trees that
withered, in the church there are trees that never shed their
fruit; and, what’s astonishing, this garden doesn’t just protect
its plants, but also transforms them.” If I find a thistle, I
work it into a grapevine; if I find a fruitless olive, I turn it
back into one that bears fruit. Such is the nature of this soil.
9. That’s why I’m filled with joy and jumping with excitement.
Not, mind you, that, because I’m filled with joy, I pass over my
justification. For, beloved, seeing that it was so great an interval
of time that kept us away, receive my justification. If you’d sent a
slave off somewhere, wouldn’t you demand an account on his
return? ‘Where did you drag your heels? Where did you waste
so much time?’ I too am a slave - of your love for me. You pur-
chased me, not by throwing down silver, but by demonstrating
your love. I rejoice in this slavery and would wish that I never be
released. For this slavery is better than an (emperor’s) crown;”

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11s this slavery procures the kingdom of heaven;” this slavery is

better than freedom; this slavery prepares a throne for me on
that tribunal;*’ this slavery isn’t one of compulsion, but is a
matter of free choice.
10. Since you’re such crazy lovers, who wouldn’t gladly serve you
as a slave? Even if I had a heart of stone, you would have made it
softer than wax. What can I say about the burning desire which
you displayed, the mania of yesterday, the frenzy, the shouting in
the market-place.*l You sanctified the air. You made the city a
church. I was held in honour and it was God who was welcomed.
Heretics were put to shame, the church was crowned, you were
publicly acclaimed. For it’s plain sailing for a church when the
root is bound firmly to the branches, when the shepherd sleeps
in the fold with the sheep.**
11. I arrived and I received good news. What sort? That you had
run riot over heretics; you had argued into receiving baptism
those who were acting lawlessly. It wasn’t without point that I
said that, while her husband was away, the sensible wife con-
founded her would-be adulterers; that, in the shepherd’s absence,
(the flock) chased away the wolves; that, without their captain,
the sailors got the ship home safe; that, without their ,general,
the soldiers raised the trophy; that, without their teacher, the
students {advanced]; that, without their father, the children
[grew up big and strong]. Rather, it wasn’t without [their
father}. 23 For your virtuous actions are my crown, my proud
boast.**
12. ‘But’, you say, ‘we had out hearts set on observing Easter with
you.’ If it was the bulk of your anger that you released on catch-
ing sight (of me), I offer that as my justification. For, if a father
on welcoming his worthless son became reconciled and didn’t
demand of him an account, but at once enfolded him in his
embrace (cf. Luke 15:20), it’s far more the case with children
when they welcome their father.
13. ‘But’, you say, ‘we wanted to observe Easter with YOU.‘*~Well,
all right, I’ll justify myself on that account too. You wanted to
observe Easter with me? There’s nothing stopping you. Observe
Easter with me today.26 ‘Are we then to observe two Easters?’
No, rather the one and the same Easter over and over. My
point is that just as the sun is constantly rising and we don’t
see numerous suns - just the one rising day after day - so the
Paschal feast too is constantly being celebrated, and yet all the
time it’s the one Pasch that’s being observed.

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14. The Jews’ observances and ours are not alike. I’m not a slave to
location. I’m not subject to the necessity of particular moments
in time. For as often as you eat this bread and drink of this cup, you
proclaim the death of the Lord (1 Cor. 11:26). On this day too let’s
proclaim the death of Christ. While then it was a feast day,27
today too is a festival. For where there’s love there’s a festival.
Where you’ve lost your father in death, children, there is a
120 festival. For even that occasion is a festival of love. For God so
loved the world that be gave his only-begotten son for tis (John 3: 16).
15. ‘But a large number were in fact baptised without your being
present.’ And so what? The grace is no less effective. The gift is
not defective. They weren’t baptised in my presence, but they
were baptised in the presence of Christ. Surely it’s not a human
being who does the baptising? A human being lends their
right hand; it’s God who moves it. Beloved, don’t be hesitant
about the grace. On what grounds? Let me tell you. Baptism
is a gift.28
16. Pay careful attention to what I say! Just as, if you submit a
petitition and get it back with the emperor’s signature, you
don’t trouble yourself over with what sort of pen the emperor
wrote, nor on what sort of paper, nor in what sort of ink, but
look for just one thing - whether the emperor put his signature
at the bottom - so too in the case of baptism is a piece of paper
the conscience, a pen the priest’s29 tongue, a hand the grace of
the Spirit. Whether, then, it’s (conferred) through me, whether
through that priest, it’s the same hand that writes.
17. We’re public servants, not the people in power. Even Paul is a
public servant. ‘Thus’, he says, ‘let a person consider us as public
servants of Christ and as managers of God’s mysteries’ (1 Cor. 4~1).
‘For what do you have that you didn’t receive?’ (1 Cor. 4:7). If I
have something, I’ve received it. Indeed if I’ve received it, it
isn’t mine, but the gift of the person who gave it. Beloved,
don’t then be in any doubt. When grace was perfected, the loca-
tion wasn’t a hindrance, not even if they were on a ship. Philip
baptised on the road, Paul in a prison; Christ led the thief into
paradise.30
18. That’s why I’m filled with joy and delight and I ask for your
prayers -with which I set out, with which I also returned. I took
part in a sea voyage; yet at sea your love made the waters calm. I
didn’t board a boat without you, I didn’t disembark for over-
night lodgings without you, I didn’t enter a city or a church

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without you. Instead, even though I was separated from you in

body, I was bound close to you in love.
19. Even at sea I would view the church as tranquil. For our love is
of a kind that knows no restrictions. I would enter a church, I
would stand beside the altar and all the while I would be think-
ing of your church and, lifting up my prayers, I would say too:
‘Lord, hold in trust the church you entrusted to me. I’m not
present, but you are present - you who led me there and by
God’s grace have brought to pass more than I asked.‘31 I asked
that he might keep an eye on you, and he fulfilled it. The
122 large crowd that’s here is a witness - so many luxuriant vines and
nowhere any thistles, so many sheep and not a wolf in sight.
Should there somehow be a wolf, it’s transformed and becomes
a sheep.32 God himself kept an eye on you, God himself brought
me back home. Your prayers cured my ill-health. This I keep on
saying every day.
20. My travels crowned your city. That you loved me was clear
even before this point, but not obvious to everyone. Only the
person in love had knowledge of it, but the separation provided
proof of that love. Constantly people arriving in Asia would
report to me: 33 ‘You’ve set the city on fire!’ And yet love withers
with time, while your love increased. It didn’t succumb to
forgetfulness, but was inflamed all the more. But I ask that
you love me in the same way now that I’m actually here. This
is my treasure. This is my wealth. That’s why I seek your prayers.
Your prayers (build) a wall around me and (provide) security.
21. Don’t say to me: ‘I’m a lay person. How am I to pray for a
priest?’ Listen to scripture, when it says: ‘There was mceasing
prayer offered zip by the chzlrcb’ (Acts 12:5) and Peter’s chains
were released. It was prayer that freed Paul from silence (cf.
Acts 13: 1-3),34 prayer that tamed the lions (cf. Dan. 6:19-
22), prayer that muzzled the whale (Jonah 2), prayer which
opened up paradise. Prayer opened wide the vaults of heaven.35
The prayer of Cornelius penetrated to the depths of heaven (cf.
Acts lO:l-8). Prayer turned the tax collector into a righteous
man (cf. Luke l&10-14).
22. I ask for this security from you on my own behalf. There’s a
further favour that I ask: that God on receiving your prayers
bestow upon you an abundance of blessings, both now and in
the time to come, in Christ Jesus, to whom be the glory for
ever.36 Amen.

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INTRODUCTION

Delivered at Antioch on Saturday, 27 March 387 (van de Paverd

1991: 352-7), the homily is one in a series preached by John in
the course of the Lent that followed the riots during which the
statues of the emperor were overturned. In it he details the events
that occurred at Antioch on the day of the second trial, at which
there presided the imperial delegates Caesarius and Ellebichus.
Caesarius was the brother of Aurelianus, whom John was to antago-
nise as a result of his participation in the negotations with Gainas
which took place in the vicinity of Constantinople in 400. In 387
Caesarius held the office of magister ojjiciorzm at Constantinople.
Ellebichus, his fellow judge, was at that time magister militwn per
Orientem and therefore resided at Antioch, where his headquarters
were situated. As the title states, they had been authorised by the
emperor to convene a second trial in order to assessthe guilt of the
decurions of Antioch. Despite the focus on the events associated
with this trial, the homily was not delivered until nine days later.
On the evening of the trial itself it was reported by Ellebichus
that, despite the heavy penalties involved in the sentence that was
passed, none of the arrested would be executed and that the city
would not be razed to the ground, as had been feared.
What is of particular interest in this homily is the picture that
John supplies of the monks that lived in the mountains surrounding
Antioch. Despite their proximity to the city John suggests that they
have little or no participation in its worship life. Yet they exhibit a
profound pastoral concern for the well-being of Antioch’s inhabi-
tants. They are prepared to take action in a time of crisis and place
their own lives at risk by speaking with boldness to the emperor’s
representatives, rather than rely solely upon their more usual suppli-

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cation of God in prayer. To a large extent this emphasis on their

pawhria is a rhetorical fiction designed to highlight the contrast
between the actions of the pagan philosophers and these true philo-
sophers.’ Even so, the appearance of virtuoso ascetic individuals in
the city of Antioch at a time of crisis is not unprecedented
(Theod., HR 8.7-8) and in this respect John’s account undoubtedly
reflects some degree of truth, even if it is difficult after the event to
separate fact from fiction.2
Two other aspects of the homily are worthy of note. The equally
bold and equally pastoral actions of presbyters from the local
Antiochene church at the time of the trial are alluded to, but largely
overshadowed by the emphasis on the monks’ novel presence and
behaviour. In the opening to the homily the allusion to the antiphon
for the day provides some insight into the status of the liturgical
calendar at Antioch, as well as providing a convenient jumping off
point for the topic on which John wishes to embark. If the text as
transmitted to us faithfully reflects what John preached, then his
opening remark may represent a case of ad-libbing, before he
moves onto his preprepared sermon.
Translated from PG 49,17 l-80.

TEXT

171 On the ofiet-.~,~ the general Ellebichus and Caesarius the magistrate,
who were sent by the Emperor Theodosius to examine the offenders on
acount of the overturning of the statues.

It’s opportune that we’ve all sung together today (the antiphon):
‘Blessed be the Lm-d God of Israel who alone works wonders’
(Ps. 72:18), because indeed wonderful and surprising events have
30 a.i. taken place. An entire city and a great many people who were
about to sink and become submerged and be suddenly destroyed
completely, he rescued from total shipwreck in one critical
moment. Let’s give thanks, therefore, not only becase he’s put
an end to the storm, but because he also permitted it to
happen; not only because he’s saved us from shipwreck, but
because he also allowed us to fall into such great anguish and
allowed the extreme danger to hang over us. So Paul too orders
us to give thanks in all things. When he says: ‘In all things give
thanks’ (1 Thess. 5:18), this means not only at delivery from
20 a.i. adversities but also at the actual time of adversities. For those who

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love God all things work together fm good (Rom. 8:28). Let’s give
thanks to him for the delivery from trials, and never forget them.
Let’s be intent on prayer, frequent petitions, great reverence.
When at the outset the grievous fire of these ills was kindled, I
said that it wasn’t a time for instruction but a time for prayers.
I say that now, too, when the fire has been extinguished, because
it’s now especially a time for prayers, more than before; now it’s
especially a time for tears and compunction, and for a prepared
soul and much zeal and much firmness of purpose.* I say this
10 a.;. because on the previous occasion the very nature of the afflictions
restricted us, however unwillingly, and prepared us to be sensible
and induced us to greater reverence. Now, on the other hand,
when the bridle has been removed and the cloud has passed
on, I’m afraid in case we’re inclined to take things easily, in
case we become relaxed again because of the remission, in case
someone says about us as well: ‘When he slew them, they began to
look for him, and they repented and rose early to pray to God’
(Ps. 78:34). That’s why Moses exhorted the Jews with the
words: ‘When you have eaten and drunk and are full, remember
172 the Lord your God’ (Deut. 6: 11-12). Now your rightmindedness
will be obvious if you persevere in the same reverence. On the
previous occasion many attributed your zeal to fear and the
onslaught of adversities. Now, on the other hand, your achieve-
ment will be pure, if you persevere in maintaining the same zeal.
A boy, too, as long as he’s guided by a pedagogue he fears, and
30 a.i. lives with common sense and forebearance, is nothing wonderful,
but everyone attributes the young fellow’s common sense to his
fear of the pedagogue. But when he perseveres in the same pro-
priety after he’s divested himself of the necessity (of obeying the
pedagogue), then too everyone attributes to him the common
sense he showed when he was younger. Let’s do this too. Let’s
persevere with the same reverence so that for our former zeal
too we may enjoy great praise from God.
We were expecting innumerable adversities: that everyone’s
property would be plundered, that dwellings would be set
20 a.i. alight with their inhabitants, that the city would be plucked
from the middle of the world, and all that remained of it
would be destroyed, that its foundation would receive the
plough. But all of a sudden all of this existed only in our expec-
tation and didn’t become reality. And the amazing thing is that
God not only did put an end to such great danger, but that he
granted us the greatest benefits, and adorned our city, and

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through that tribulation and disaster made us more esteemed. I’ll

tell you how this happened.
When the representatives were sent from the emperor to
10 a.i. examine what had happened, and organised that frightening law-
court, and summoned everyone to account for what had been
perpetrated, and everyone expected that various people would
die, the monks who inhabit the mountain tops demonstrated
their particular kind of philosophy. Although they had been
shut up for so many years in their own cells, when they saw
such a great cloud encompassing the city, at nobody’s behest
and on nobody’s advice, they left their tents and their caves
and flowed together from every direction, just like angels
173 arriving from heaven. Then it was possible to look on the city as
similar to heaven, when those holy people appeared everywhere,
their mere appearance consoling those in grief and leading them
to disregard the disaster completely. On seeing them who
wouldn’t have laughed at death? Who wouldn’t have disdained
life? This wasn’t the only amazing thing, but also the fact
that, on approaching the magistrates, they frankly engaged in
discussion on behalf of the accused and were all prepared to
10 shed their blood, and lay down their live? so that they might
snatch the captured from the expected adversities. They stated
that they wouldn’t leave until either the judges spared the
people of the city or sent themselves together with the accused
to the emperor. ‘The one who rules over our part of the
world’, they said, ‘is a friend of God, a believer who lives a
pious life. We shall therefore win him over completely. We
won’t permit you, or agree, to bloody the sword, or to cut off
a head. But if you don’t stop, we’ll certainly go to our death
20 with them. We too confess that the deeds that were perpetrated
were heinous, but the illegality of what’s happened doesn’t sur-
pass the generosity6 of the emperor.’
One of them is said to have made another statement, full of
wisdom:’ ‘The statues which were thrown down have been
erected again, and have resumed their proper appearance, and
the crime has been rectified with the utmost speed. But if you
were to kill the image of God, how would you be able to
make good your mistake? How would you raise from the dead
those you had killed, and restore their souls to their bodies?’
30 They spoke to them at length, too, on the subject of the Last
Judgement.

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Who is there who wouldn’t be astonished? Who is there who

wouldn’t admire the men’s wisdom? The mother of one of the
accused, with bare head and showing her grey hair, took hold
by the bridle the judge-designate’s horse and, running through
the market-place alongside him, entered the lawcourt in this
manner. We were all astonished; we all admired her love for
her son, her generous spirit. How wouldn’t we be more struck
with admiration for those men? I say this because even if she’d
died for the sake of her son, this would have been nothing
40 wonderful, because the tyranny of nature is great, and the com-
pulsion caused by giving birth is irresistible. But those men
hadn’t given birth (to the accused) nor even brought them up
- I should say they hadn’t laid eyes on them, or listened to
them, or ever met them. They knew them only from the calamity
they were in. But they loved them to the extent that, even if
they’d had a thousand lives, they would’ve chosen to surrender
all of them for the safety of the accused. Don’t tell me that
they weren’t killed or even spilled their blood, but that they
availed themselves of much frank talk with the judges as is
proper only for those who have given up their own lives, and
50 that with this resolve they had run down from the mountains to
the lawcourt. If they hadn’t previously prepared themselves for
every kind of killing, they wouldn’t have been able to speak so
freely to the judges on that occasion, or to have displayed such
generosity of spirit. Indeed, they spent the whole day sitting out-
side the doors of the courtroom, prepared to snatch from the
executioners those who were about to be taken to prison.
Now where are those wearing threadbare cloaks, sporting a
long beard and carrying a staff in their right hands - the
pagan philosophers, canine outcasts who are more miserable
than dogs under the table and do everything for the sake of their
174 stomachs?8 At that time they all left the city, they all leapt away
and hid in caves. It was only the ones who by their actions had
truly demonstrated wisdom who appeared so fearlessly in the
market-place, as if no adversity had overtaken the city. While
the inhabitants of the cities fled to the mountains and the
deserts, the citizens of the desert rushed to the city, showing
by their actions what on previous days I haven’t stopped talking
about, namely that not even a furnace will be able to harm in any
10 way the person who lives a virtuous life. Wisdom of soul is a
thing of such magnitude, being superior to everything, and to
all auspicious and sorrowful events. For neither does it become

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puffed up by the former, nor cast down and humiliated by the

latter, but retains its equilibrium through all events, demon-
strating its peculiar strength and power. Who wasn’t put to
shame by the difficulty of the present crisis? Those who hold
the highest offices in our city, those in power, those invested
with untold wealth, those who had easy access’ to the emperor,
all left their houses deserted and took counsel for their own
20 safety. Every friendship and family connection was treated with
contempt, and the people whom they had once known in the
time of calamity they didn’t want to know, and prayed not to
be known by them. The monks, on the other hand, were poor
people who had nothing more than a shabby cloak and had
lived a rough existence,” who seemed before that to be nobodies,
being used to mountains and gullies like lions. With great and
lofty purpose, while everyone was fearful and cowering, they
came publicly and put an end to the adversity, not over many
30 days but in a brief critical moment. They were like- noble
warriors who don’t come into close conflict with their opponents,
but simply by appearing in the ranks and shouting cause the
enemy to rout. So too, in one day, these men came down from
the mountains, and made their point, and put an end to the
calamity, and returned to their own abodes. So great is the
philosophy that was brought by Christ to human beings.
Why do I speak of the rich and of those in power? When those
very men who had the authority to act as judges, those who hold
40 the highest offices, were appealed to by these same monks to
grant a sentence of pardon, they claimed they had no power
over the outcome. They said that it was unsafe and dangerous
not only to insult the emperor, but also to release without
penalty those who had insulted him and had been arrested.
But the monks were more powerful than everyone, and by
taking their seat with generosity of spirit and patience petitioned
(the judges) to exercise a power which they hadn’t received from
the emperor.
When the men were clearly convicted, the monks were able to
persuade the judges not to pass a sentence of condemnation but
50 to delay the outcome until the emperor had come to a decision.
They promised to win him over completely to grant a pardon to
those who had offended against him; and they were about to
leave to see him. The judges, out of reverence for the monks’
wisdom and being struck by their lofty spirit, didn’t allow
them to undertake this long journey, but (said that) if they

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could only have what they said in written form, they would
depart and petition the emperor to cease from anger entirely
(which, indeed, we are expecting to happen). When the verdict
was to be pronounced (the monks) went into the court and
175 made pronouncements of great wisdom, and appealed to the
emperor in writing. They reminded him of the judgement and
said they would lay down their own lives if their request
wasn’t granted. When the judges had taken down these words
in writing, they left. This will ornament our city more gloriously
than any crown. Now what has taken place here the emperor will
hear, indeed the great city” will hear, and the whole world will
hear that the monks who inhabit the city of Antioch have dis-
10 played the boldness of the apostles. When their letters are read
12
out at court everyone will admire their generosity of spirit,
everyone will call our city blessed, and we’ll get rid of our bad
reputation. Everyone will know that what happened wasn’t the
work of the inhabitants of the city, but of strange and corrupt
people, and that the testimony of the monks will be a sufficient
indication of the character of the city.
Well, then, beloved, let’s not be distraught, but look to the
future with high hopes. If the frankness of the monks towards
human beings was able to avert such calamity, what will their
20 frankness l3 towards God not achieve? Let’s say this to the pagans
when they dare to talk to us about philosophers. From present
events it’s patent that what they claimed in former times is
also false. From present events it’s clear that what we claimed
in former times is also true, namely the reports about John
and Paul and Peter and all the rest.
Because of the fact that they’ve become successors of the
apostles as far as their piety is concerned, they have consequently
received the apostles’ frankness of speech as well. Because of the
fact that they were brought up in the same laws, they’ve conse-
quently emulated the apostles’ virtue. The result is that we’ve no
need of writings to demonstrate apostolic virtue, when the
30 facts themselves are crying out and the pupils are pointing to
their teachers. We’ve no need of words to demonstrate the non-
sense of the pagans, and pusillanimity of their philosophers,
while facts present and past are crying out that everything of
theirs is a fable, a theatrical trick, and play-acting.
It wasn’t only the monks who manifested the same generosity
of spirit, but also the priests, and they shared the responsibility

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for our safety. One of them went to the court,‘* giving his love
for you precedence over all else, and he was prepared to die him-
40 self if he couldn’t win over the emperor. The other priests, who
stayed here, demonstrated the same qualities as the monks: hold-
ing back the judges with their own hands, they prevented them
from entering the court before they had made a promise about
the outcome of the trial. And when they saw them making
signs of dissent, they again spoke very frankly. But when they
saw that the judges were making signs of assent, clasping their
feet and knees and kissing their hands, they gave a pre-eminent
demonstration of both virtues, freedom of spirit and gentleness.
That theirs was not the boldness of presumption they showed to
50 the greatest degree by kissing the judges’ knees and clasping
their feet. By the same token, that these acts were not flattery,
nor some kind of servility, nor the product of a slavish mind
was attested to by their former acts of boldness. We harvested
not only such advantages from our ordeal, but also great
restraint, l5 great gentleness. Our city suddenly became a monas-
tery. One couldn’t have adorned it to such an extent by erecting
golden statues in the market-place, as it’s now brilliant and dis-
tinguished through having produced beautiful statues of virtue
and having proven its own wealth.
Yes, the decisions of the emperor are painful. Yet these are not
176 intolerable, but have themselves brought great benefit. Tell me,
what’s burdensome in what has happened? Is it that the emperor
has shut the theatre?16 that he’s made the hippodrome out of
bounds, that he’s closed and buried the springs of iniquity?
May they never again be opened! From them grew the roots of
iniquity in the city. From them came those who give its charac-
ter a bad name, who sell their voices to dancers and for three
lo cents ” make a present of their own salvation to them, turning
everything upside down. It’s for these reasons you’re distressed,
beloved? For these reasons in fact you should be glad and rejoice,
and express your gratitude to the emperor, because his punish-
ment has become a correction, and his penalty training, and
his anger an instruction. Or is it that the baths are closed to
us? But that’s not unbearable either, if it brings those who are
living a soft, empty and dissolute life back to wisdom against
their will. Or is it because the emperor has taken away the
city’s status and hasn’t permitted it to be called a metropolis
any more. 218 But what should he have done? Praised what had
20 happened and expressed his gratitude? Who wouldn’t have

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blamed him for not making even a show of indignation? Don’t

you see that fathers do many similar things to their own sons?
They turn away from them and keep them away from the
table. This is what the emperor did too in inflicting punishments
like these, which in themselves contain no harm but bring great
correction. Think what we expected and what happened, and
then especially we shall know the grace of God.
Are you pained because the city’s status has been removed?
30 Learn what the status of the city is and then you’ll know clearly
that if the inhabitants don’t betray it, no-one else will be able to
remove the status of the city. It’s not that it has the rank of
metropolis, nor that it contains large and beautiful buildings,
nor many columns, and wide porticos and covered walks, nor
that it’s proclaimed publicly before other cities. Rather it’s the
virtue and piety of its inhabitants that’s both the status and orna-
ment and defence of a city, such that, if these aren’t present, it’s
the most paltry of all, even if it were to enjoy untold honour
from emperors. Do you want to know the status of your city?
40 Do you want to know its ancestry? I’ll tell you exactly what they
are, not only so you may learn, but so that you may emulate too.
What, then, is the status of this city of ours? It was in Antioch
that the disciples were jht called Christians (Acts 11:26). None of
the cities in the world has this claim, not even the city of
Romulus itself. That’s why it’s able to look the whole world
in the face, because of its love for Christ, because of that bold-
nessl9 and courage.
Do you want also to hear of yet another status which the city
50 has, and of a reason to praise it? Once a very severe famine was
imminent, and the inhabitants of Antioch decided, as far as each
one had the means, to send relief to the holy people who lived in
Jerusalem (Acts 11:27-SO).*’ See, this was a second (proof of)
status, kindness in a time of famine. The circumstances didn’t
constrain them in their giving nor did the expectation of the
calamity make them reluctant. Rather, when everyone was
collecting what belonged to others, they gave freely of what
177 was theirs, not only to those close by, but also to those who were
at a distance. Have you seen their faith in God and their love
towards their neighbour? Do you want to know of another
status which this city has? Certain people came from Judaea to
Antioch, defiling the Christian proclamation and introducing
Jewish observances. Our people couldn’t endure this innovation

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in silence, nor could they refrain from speaking out. Coming

together and having an assembly, they sent Paul and Barnabas
10 to Jerusalem, and had the apostles send everywhere in the world
pure doctrines, removed from every Jewish sickness (cf. Acts 15).
This is the status of the city. This is its privileged position. This
made it a metropolis, not on earth but in heaven. All other
honours are corruptible and perishable, and dissolve with the
present life, and often even come to an end before the present
life does, as indeed they have done in the present circumstances.
To me, a city that doesn’t have citizens who love God is worth
less than any village, and less honourable than any cave.
Why do I speak of a city? So that you may learn exactly that
20 it’s only virtue that adorns its inhabitants, I’ll say nothing to you
about the city, but I’ll try to demonstrate my point by adducing
the temple of God in Jerusalem, which is more hallowed than
any city. For this was the temple in which sacrifices and prayers
and worship took place, where the Holy of Holies was, and the
Cherubim, and the Tabernacle, and the golden urn, the greatest
symbols of God’s providence towards that people; where oracles
were constantly delivered from heaven, where prophets were
30 inspired, where the construction was a work not of human craft
but of the wisdom of God, where the walls on every side shone
with copious gold, and, in surpassing excellence and the combi-
nation of expensive material and precision of craft, showed that
there was only one temple like this on earth at that time.
Rather it was not only the precision of craft but also the
wisdom of God which assisted in its construction. For Solomon
had learned everything not from his own intellect or by himself,
but from God, and once he had received the plan (of the temple)
from heaven, he marked it out and erected it. Still, when those
who used it were corrupted, that beautiful, marvellous, holy
40 temple was dishonoured and despised to such a degree, and pro-
faned, that even before the captivity it was called ‘a cave ofr&ers
(Jer. 7:l l), ‘a cave of hyeaa.r’ (Jer. 1229 LXX), and afterwards it
was given into hands that were barbarous, foul and profane.
Do you want to learn the same lesson about cities too? What
was more splendid than the cities of Sodom? For the homes and
buildings were splendid, and so were their walls, and the land
was rich and fertile, and similar to the paradise of God (Gen.
13: 10). But Abraham’s hut was shabby and small, and had no
defences. Yet when a war broke out with the barbarians, the
so barbarians destroyed the walled cities utterly and captured them,

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and went away after enslaving their inhabitants, whereas when

Abraham, the citizen of the desert, attacked them, they couldn’t
withstand him. And rightly so, because he had a power much
stronger than numbers and the defence of walls, namely piety.
If you’re a Christian, you don’t have a city on earth. It’s God
who’s the buil& and maker (Heb. 11:lO) of our city. Even were
we to gain possession of the whole world, we are strangers and
178 pilgrims21 in it all. We’re enrolled in heaven; it’s there that we’re
citizens. Let’s not, like little children, neglect things that are
great and admire those that are little.
It’s not a city’s greatness, but a soul’s virtue that counts as its
adornment and security. If you suppose that a city has status,
think to yourself how many pimps, how many degenerate and
corrupt people, and people full of countless vices, share in that
dignity, and finally despise that honour. But (the city in
heaven) isn’t like that, because it’s impossible for anyone to
10 share in it who hasn’t displayed every virtue.
Well then, let’s not be silly, but grieve when someone
deprives us of the status of our soul, when we commit sin,
when we have offended the common Master of all. Regarding
what’s happened recently, not only won’t the events harm the
city in any way, but if we’re vigilant, they will in fact benefit
us in the greatest degree. Indeed, now our city seems to us
like a graceful, free-born and sensible woman. Fear has made
her gentler and more dignified, and has rescued her from those
foul people who were involved in the shameless deeds which have
20 taken place. So let’s not lament like women. I’ve heard many
people in the market-place say: ‘Poor Antioch! What’s happened
to you? How is it that you’ve been dishonoured?’ When I heard
this I smiled at the childish mind that could utter such words.
One shouldn’t make those comments in the present circum-
stances. But when you see people dancing, drunk, singing, blas-
pheming, swearing, perjuring themselves, lying, then you must
say this to them: ‘Poor city! What’s happened to you?’ But if you
see that the market-place contains a few men who are gentle and
sensible and moderate, you must call that city blessed.
30 I mean that the fact that they’re few will never be able to harm
it in any way, if virtue is at hand as well, just as numbers will
never be of any avail whatsoever, if iniquity is present. ‘If’, it
says, ‘the number of the sons of Zsrael is like sea sand, the remnant
will be saved’ (Isa. 10:22; Rom. 927). It means: ‘Numbers

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won’t be able to prevail with me at all.’ Christ spoke like this

too. He called cities wretched not because of their paucity of
numbers and not because they weren’t of metropolitan status.
And, again, he called Jerusalem itself wretched for the same
reason when he said: Jerusalem, Jerusalem, you have killed your
40 prophets and stoned those who were sent to you’ (Matt. 23:37). Tell
me, what benefit do numbers bring if their lifestyle is evil?
On the contrary, even injury results from it. Indeed, what else
has lately caused the evils which have occurred? Wasn’t it lazi-
ness, and neglect, and the depravity of the inhabitants? Surely
its status didn’t avail the city in any way? Surely it wasn’t the
size of its buildings? Surely not the fact that it was a metropolis?
If, as far as the emperor on earth was concerned, nothing could
protect it when it had erred on this point, but all those privileges
were removed, how much more with regard to the Lord of angels
50 will its status fail to protect it at all. On that day it can’t avail us
at all that we live in a metropolis which has wide porticos and
the other status symbols of that kind. Why do I mention that
day? As far as present life is concerned, what will it avail you
that your city is a metropolis? Indeed, has anyone put right
the miseries of a household by this means? Or had any
income? Or got rid of depression by means of its rank? Or put
an end to bodily infirmity. ? Or laid aside evil of the soul?
179 Beloved, let’s not play games, nor consider the assumptions of
the majority, but learn what indeed the status of a city is,
what indeed it is that makes it a metropolis.
I say this in the expectation that the city will recover its
former dignity and will reappear in its own place of precedence,
in that the emperor is both generous** and a friend of God. But
if it is restored, I don’t want you to entertain great ideas on this
score, or boast of it, or hold the city in reverence because of it.
When you wish to praise the city, don’t tell me about its
10 suburb, Daphne, nor about the number and height of its cypress
trees, nor its springs of water, nor the numerous people who live
in the city, nor that its market-place is frequented with great
freedom right until very late in the evening, nor of the abun-
dance of market goods. All these things belong to the senses,
and last for the duration of this present life. But if you can
call on virtue, gentleness, almsgiving, vigils, prayers, common
sense and wisdom of spirit - adorn the city with these qualities.
To those who live in the desert, the presence of these qualities

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makes Antioch more splendid than any city; and, on the other
hand, the shabbiest of any if these qualities aren’t present
20 among its citizens.
Let’s make this statement not only of cities, but also of people.
If you see a person who’s plump, who’s in very good condition,
who’s tall and towers over others because of body length, don’t
admire them until you’ve thoroughly ascertained the state of
their soul. It’s not from external shapeliness but from the
beauty which adorns the mind that we should call anyone
blessed. David was small and short of stature, but nonetheless
a man who was short and small and bereft of any weapons
30 with one blow brought down a large camp and that tower of
flesh. It wasn’t by throwing a spear, or shooting an arrow, or
unsheathing a sword, that he achieved all this, but by throwing
a small stone (cf. 1 Sam. 17). It’s on this account that someone
exhorts us in these words: ‘Don’t praise a person for his beauty, do
not loathe a nzan fw his external appearance. The bee is small among
winged creatures, and yet her fruit is the source of sweet things’ (Sir.
11:2, 3 LXX).
180 Let’s say this about cities and men too, and make these wise
comments to each other, and be continually thankful to God
both for present and for past events. Let’s appeal to him together
with all our fervour, so that both those who are in prison may be
set free, and those who are going to go into exile may come back.
They too are our members; with us they have been tossed by the
waves; with us they have withstood the storm. Let’s, then,
10 request our generous23 God that they may enjoy the calm with
us. Don’t let someone say: ‘What concern have I with the rest?
I’ve escaped the danger. Let that person perish, let the other
one be destroyed.’ Let’s not provoke God by this disdain, but
feel pain as if we ourselves were in such trouble, so that we
may appeal to God with fervour, fulfilling that saying of Paul:
‘Be with those in prison as if you were in prison with them, be with
those who are ill-treated as if you yourselves were also in their bodies’
(Heb. 13:3), ‘and weep with those who weep, associate with the l&y
(Rom. 12: 15, 16). This will also be of the greatest advantage to
20 ourselves, because nothing usually delights God so much as our
extreme readiness to feel pain on behalf of our members. Let’s
appeal together to him, then, both for present and future
events, so that he may snatch us from that punishment. What-
ever the nature of present events, they can be tolerated and they

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come to an end. But the torments in the future life are eternal
and inescapable.
With this consolation let’s make an effort ourselves not to fall
into these kinds of sin any more, since we know that hereafter we
shall be able to enjoy pardon. Together, then, let’s all fall down
30 before God, and both when we’re here and when we’re at home
let’s say: ‘You are just, Lord, in all your dealings with us, because
whatever you’ve brought upon us you’ve brought upon us with a just
judgment (Neh. 9:33). If our sins rise up against us, deal with us
for your name’s sake (Jer. 14:7), and don’t allow us to experience
such adversities any longer. Lead us not into temptation, but deliver
us from evil (Matt. 6:13), because yours is the kingdom and the
power and the glory for ever and ever. Amen.’

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 AGAINST THE GAMES AND
THEATRES (NEW HOMILY NO. 7)

INTRODUCTION

That this homily was delivered at Constantinople is evident from

John’s comment that one year has elapsed since he arrived and
from the transmarine procession to the Church of Sts Peter and
Paul that took place on the preceding Wednesday. The date can
also be determined with relative precision. It was delivered in early
July 399l only a few weeks before the spectacular and abrupt down-
fall of Eutropius (Kelly 1995: 147). The arguments which support
this date are reliable and make it impossible to interpret as Good
Friday the day on which the offending horse-races occurred, as
might otherwise seem to be indicated by John’s comments in the
second paragraph of the homily. It seems that, just as in On his
return he indicated that every Sunday is to be viewed as a celebration
of the resurrection (or Pascha), so every Friday is to be considered a
commemoration of Christ’s crucifixion.
In this homily the effect of the proximity between the palace-
hippodrome complex and the Great Church and episkopeionupon the
audience is highlighted. Competing secular attractions constantly
lure away John’s male parishioners. Of interest too is the reference
to the liturgical activity occasioned by the festival of Sts Peter and
Paul on the preceding Wednesday and the procession which takes
place by boat to the Church of Sts Peter and Paul at Rufinianae.
As at Antioch, too, we see John threatening to ban offenders from
church and bar them from the eucharist. Because a large part of
the homily addresses a failing that is restricted to men, we retain
the masculine wherever it is clear that John is addressing the male
members of his audience exclusively.
Translated from PG 56,263-70.

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TEXT

263-i Our ho/y father John Chysostom, archbishop of Constantinople. A

homily against those who leave the church and desert it for the bippo-
dromes and the theatres.

263 Is this bearable? Is this to be tolerated? I want to appeal to you

against yourselves. This is what God did with the Hebrews.
Appealing to them against themselves, he said: ‘My people,
what have I done to you, and in what have I grieved you, or in
what have I annoyed you ? Answer me’ (Mic. 6:s). Again: ‘What
fault did y our f a tb ers f; n d in me?’ (Jer. 2:5). I’m going to copy
this and ask you again: Is this bearable? Is this to be tolerated?
After long courses of sermons and so much teaching, some left us
10 and went off to watch the horse-races, and became so frenzied
that they filled the entire city with cries and disorderly shouting,
which involved loud laughing rather than lament. When I was
sitting at home and heard the sound erupt, I suffered worse
than those buffeted by heavy seas: just as they fear the end
because of the danger when the waves have broken against the
sides of the ship, so too those shouts broke worse on me, and I
hung my head in shame and hid my face. Those who were up
high disgraced themselves by such actions, while those down
in the middle of the general audience clapped the charioteers
and shouted worse than they did.2
264 What shall we say? How shall we justify ourselves if some
stranger or other who is standing by says accusingly: ‘Does the
city of the apostles allow this? Does the city that received such
a prophet3 allow this? Does the populace who loves Christ, the
simple spiritual theatre,* allow this? You don’t even revere
that day on which the symbols of the salvation of our race
were being celebrated. On a Friday, when your Master was
being crucified on behalf of the world and such a sacrifice was
being offered, and paradise was being opened, and the robber
was being led back to his old native land, the curse was being
10 undone, and sin was disappearing, and temporal war was
being destroyed, and God was being reconciled to human
beings, and everything was being changed - on that day you
should have been fasting and giving praise and sending up
prayers of thanksgiving for all the blessings in the world to
the one who made them. Then did you leave the church and
the spiritual sacrifice, and the gathering of brothers and sisters

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and the sobriety of fasting? Were you carried off to that spectacle
as the devil’s captive?’
Is this bearable? Is this to be tolerated? I won’t stop saying
20 that unremittingly, assuaging my own pain with it, nor oppress-
265 ing it by silence but bringing it into the open and putting it in
front of your eyes. How shall we be able to make supplication to
God in the future? How shall we placate his wrath? Three days
ago rain and heavy showers broke, and swept away everything,
snatching the table from the very mouth, as it were, of the agri-
cultural labourers, flattening the long ears of corn, making every-
thing else rot because of the excess of humid matter. There were
litanies and prayers of intercession, and our entire city went like
10 a torrent to the places of the apostles, and took as their advocates
Saint Peter and blessed Andrew, the pair of apostles, Paul and
Timothy. After that, when God’s anger was placated, crossing
the sea, daring the waves, we went to the chief apostles, Peter
the fundament of the faith, Paul the vesselof choice (Acts 9:15),
and celebrated a spiritual festival, proclaiming their struggles,
their trophies and their victories over the demons. And you,
20 who are neither struck by fear at what happened nor instructed
by the magnitude of the apostles’ achievements, suddenly after
an interval of one day do you jump with excitement and
shout, as you observe your own soul being swept away, a prisoner
to passions? If you wanted to see animals race, why didn’t you
yoke together the animal passions in yourself, anger and lust,
and put on them the yoke of philosophy, which is good and
light, and set over them correct thinking, and drive them to
the prize of a vocation above, not running from defilement to
defilement but from earth to heaven? This kind of hippodrome
30 provides benefits with great pleasure. But you thoughtlessly left
your own affairs to turn out as luck would have it, and sat in
judgement on the victory of others, spending such an important
day without purpose, idly and in evil.
Don’t you know that, just as when we entrust silver to our
household slaves, we demand an account of them to the last
cent,s so too does God demand reckoning of the days of our
life, of how we have spent each day? What, then, shall we say?
What excuse shall we make when we’re demanded to account
40 for that day? The sun rose on your account, and the moon illum-
inated the night, and a variegated band of stars shone down. The
winds blew on your account, the rivers ran. Seeds grew on your
account and plants were yielded, and the course of nature kept its

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266 own order, and day appeared and night was gone. All of these
phenomena happened on your account. But, while created things
are serving you, do you fulfil the devil’s desire? Although you have
rented such a great house - I mean this world - from God, you
don’t pay the rent.
And it wasn’t enough for you (to behave this way) on the first
day, but also on the second, when you should have ceased for a
little from the evil in between, you went back again to the
theatres, running from smoke into fire, lowering yourself into
another more unpleasant pit. Old men brought shame on their
10 grey hair, and young men threw their youth down a precipice,
and fathers took their sons there, from the beginning leading
youth without experience of evil into the pits of wickedness,
such that one wouldn’t be wrong in calling such men child-
killers instead of fathers, who destroy their offspring’s soul by
evil. ‘What evil?’ someone asks. I feel pain at this because,
although you’re sick, you don’t know it, so that you could look
for a doctor. You’ve become filled with adultery, and you ask:
‘What evil?’ Didn’t you hear Christ warning: ‘The one who looks
20 at a woman to desire her has already committed adultery with her’
(Matt. 5:28)? ‘What, then’, you say, ‘if I don’t look at her to
desire her?’ And how could you convince me? The man who
isn’t strong enough to stay away from spectacles but makes
such an effort in a matter like this - how will he be able to
remain spotless after watching ? Surely your body isn’t stone?
Surely it isn’t iron? You are encased in flesh, human flesh,
which is ignited by desire more quickly than hay is.
And what shall I say about the theatre? For the most part, if
we meet a woman in the market-place, we’re disturbed. But you,
30 sitting up there where there’s such a great demand to behave
disgracefully, if you see a woman who’s a prostitute coming on
stage with bare head and great shamelessness, dressed in
golden garments, weak and corrupt, singing dirty ditties,
degenerate tunes, mouthing shameful words, conducting herself
so disgracefully (sights which, after you have watched, you take
into your mind) - do you hang your head in shame? Do you dare
to say that you feel no human emotion? Surely your body isn’t
stone? Surely it isn’t iron? I won’t be able to avoid saying the
same things again. Surely you aren’t more of a philosopher
40 than those great and noble men who were brought down by a
mere look? Haven’t you heard what Solomon said: ‘If someone
walks on burning coals, won’t be burn his feet? If someone puts coals

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in his lap, won’t be bum his clothes? The same is true of the man who
approaches the wife of another’ (Prov. 628, 27, 29)?
The point is that, even if you aren’t intimate with the prosti-
267 tute, you’ve copulated with her by desire and have committed
the sin in your thoughts. This doesn’t happen either on that
one occasion, but when the theatre is finished and she has
gone, the image of her is stored up in your soul - her words,
her appearance, her glances, her walk, her rhythm, her enuncia-
tion, her lewd tunes, and you go away, taking with you countless
wounds. Aren’t homes overturned as a result of that? Doesn’t loss
of common sense occur as a result of that? Doesn’t the break-up
of marriages result from that? Don’t wars and battles result fom
10 that? Don’t irrational dislikes result from that? I mean that,
when you return home as a captive, full of this woman, both
your wife seems rather distasteful, and your children seem
rather tiresome, and your servants a nuisance, and your house
too much, and the usual cares associated with running the neces-
sary affairs of the household appear troublesome, and everyone
who belongs to it is tiresome and a nuisance.
The cause of this is that you didn’t return home alone but had
the prostitute with you, although she didn’t return in a clear and
visible way. That would have been easier, because your wife
would have got rid of her straight away. But the prostitute
was lying in wait in your thoughts and in your consciousness,
20 igniting the Babylonian furnace inside you - I should say, a
much worse one. There was namely no hemp and naphtha and
pitch, but the things I’ve mentioned became fuel for the fire
and everything was turned upside down. It’s like those who
have a fever. Even if they have no cause for complaint against
those who are caring for them, because of the consequences of
the illness they become annoyed with everyone, refusing their
food, abusing the doctors, being angry with their relatives and
furious with those caring for them. So too those who are ill
with that severe illness change, are disagreeable, because they
30 see that woman everywhere. 0 what difficult circumstances these
are! The wolf and the lion and all the other wild animals flee the
hunter when they’re shot; but when the completely rational
human being is wounded he pursues the woman who’s wounded
him, so that he receives a much more serious barb and rejoices in
the wound. This is the sharpest thing of all, and renders the ill-
ness incurable. How would the man who doesn’t hate his wound
or wish to be free of it look for the doctor?

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It’s because of this that I feel pain and am cut in two, because
when you’ve suffered such great corruption you leave the theatre,
and for the sake of a small pleasure sustain a pain that’s con-
40 tinuous. Moreover, even before hell6 and punishment, in this
situation you’re demanding the extreme penalty for yourselves.
Tell me, isn’t it in the nature of extreme vengeance to nourish
such desire and continually to be on fire, and to carry around
everywhere a furnace of absurd love and the accusation of your
conscience? How will you come in those holy doors? How will
you touch the heavenly table? How will you hear the sermon
on common sense when you’re full of ulcers and so many
268 wounds, and have a mind enslaved to passion? What need is
there to say anything else? From those now present with us
it’s possible to see the pain of the mind. Yes, now I see those
beating their foreheads while I’m saying this, and I’m very grate-
ful to you because you’re such a compassionate people. I think
perhaps that many who haven’t sinned at all are doing that,
because they’re pained by their brothers’ wounds.
It’s because of this that I feel pain and am cut in two, because
10 the devil is ruining a flock like this one. If you were willing, we
could block his way immediately. How and in what manner? If
we could see the ill restored to health; if we were to go around
unfolding the nets of teaching, looking for those who’ve been
caught by wild beasts, and snatch them from the very jaws of
the lion. Don’t say to me: ‘The deserters are few in number.’
Even if there were only ten of them, the loss wouldn’t be trifling,
or even if there were five, or two or one. Since that shepherd left
the ninety-nine sheep on that score and went after the one sheep,
and didn’t return until he’d brought it back again, and by the
20 restoration of that stray he made whole the number one hundred,
which was incomplete (cf. Matt. l&12-13). Don’t say: ‘It’s just
one.’ Think that it’s a soul, on account of which all things visible
were made; on account of which there are laws and penalties and
punishments, and countless wonders, and the various affairs of
God; on account of which he didn’t spare even the only-begotten
One. Think what a high price was set even for one soul, and
don’t think little of its salvation: go and bring it back to us
and persuade it not to fall into the same evils any more, and
we’ll have sufficient excuse. But if it doesn’t desist, not even
30 when either we’re giving advice or you’re encouraging it, I’ll
then use the power which God gave us, not in order to destroy
but to build up.

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This is why I’m telling you in advance and shouting loudly

that if anyone deserts to the lawless corruption of the theatres
after this exhortation and teaching, I won’t receive him within
these precincts, I won’t administer the mysteries to him, I
won’t permit him to touch the holy table. Just as shepherds
ward off the mangy sheep from the healthy ones so as not to
40 give the disease to the rest, so I’ll do too. If in the olden days the
leper was ordered to sit outside the camp, and even if he was a
king was thrown out with his crown (cf. 2 Chron. 26:20), how
much more shall we throw out of this sacred camp the man
who has leprosy of the soul. Just as, to begin with, I used exhor-
tation and advice, so too now, after so much exhortation and
teaching, it’s necessary finally to begin separating. One year
has elapsed since I came to your city, and I haven’t ceased
frequently and unremittingly to exhort you on these matters.
269 Since, therefore, some have remained in this decay, quick, then,
let’s give them the chop. Even if I don’t have a sword, I have a
word that’s sharper than a sword. Even if I’m not carrying fire, I
have a teaching that’s hotter than fire, which is able to burn more
fiercely.’
Don’t, then, think little of our sentence. Even if we’re lowly
and exceedingly pitiful, we have nevertheless been entrusted by
the grace of God with an office which is capable of effecting
this. Let such people, then, be thrown out, so that both the
10 healthy may become more healthy and the ill may recover from
their serious ailment. If you were terrified on hearing this sen-
tence (I see that many are looking gloomy and depressed), let
them change their ways and the sentence is undone. Just as
we’ve received the power to bind, so too have we the power of
undoing, and of restoring the sentence again. We have no wish
to cut off our brothers, but to beat off disgrace from the
church. As it is, both the pagans will laugh at us and the Jews
will ridicule us when we allow ourselves to sin in this way. In
20 the other case they will commend us exceedingly and reverence
the church because its laws are respected by us. Let none of
those who remain in this adultery set foot in the church, but
let him be censured by you too and become a common enemy.
It says: ‘If anyone refuses to obey what we say in this letter, note
that person, and have nothing to do with them’ (2 Thess. 3:14). Do
this: neither speak with him, nor receive him into your house,
nor share a meal with him, neither at the entrance, nor at the
exit nor in the market-place. And so we’ll easily recover them.

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30 Just as hunters chase wild animals which are difficult to capture

not from one direction but from everywhere, and cast them into
the net, so too together let’s chase those who’ve become wild
animals and cast them immediately into the net of salvation,
we from this side, you from that.
In order, now, for that to happen, you’ll also be vexed along
270 with me, rather, you’ll grieve on account of God’s laws, and keep
those who suffer from such illnesses and act unlawfully away
from the brethren for a little while, so that you may have
them forever. For the charge to which you’re subject is not a
trifling one if you neglect such a great loss, but you’ll receive
the severest penalty. If in the houses of human beings one of
the household slaves surreptitiously takes silver or gold, and
not only is the thief, when caught, punished but also those
who knew of it and didn’t report it, how much more so is it in
10 the case of the church. God will say to you on that occasion:
‘When you saw not silver nor a golden vessel being stolen
from my house, but common sense being carried off, and the
one who received the precious body and partook of a sacrifice
like this departing for the devil’s spot, and transgressing like
that, how could you keep silent? How could you bear it? How
didn’t you report it to the priest? You wouldn’t have had
demanded of you accounts that aren’t trifling.’
This is precisely why I, too, even if it will cause me pain, will
spare nobody from the most grievous penalties. It’s much better
for us to be pained here and snatch (you) away from future
20 judgement, than for me8 to gratify (you) by my words and be
punished with you at a later date. Nor is it safe and without
danger for us to tolerate such conduct in silence. Each of you
will give account of yourself; but I’m answerable for the salvation
of all. This is exactly why I won’t cease from doing and saying
all I can, even if I have to pain you, even if I have to seem a
nuisance, a burden, so that I can stand on that awe-inspiring
tribunal having no blemish or wrinkle (Eph. 5:27) or any such
fault. I pray, through the prayers of the saints, both that those
who are corrupted will now swiftly return and that those who
30 remain unharmed will progress to greater decorum and common
sense, so that both you may be saved and we may rejoice, and
God may be glorified now and always, for ever and ever without
end. Amen.

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 BAPTISMAL INSTRUCTION 8

INTRODUCTION

Despite the title, what follows is not a typical baptismal instruction

but more in the character of a homily delivered at a regular synaxis,
as suggested by the presence of the rural monk-priests, the general
character of the contents and the specific address to the newly
baptised only at its conclusion. In this respect it is not dissimilar
to Ad illtiminandos cat. 2 (CPG 4464), which van de Paverd con-
vincingly demonstrates is in fact an ordinary homily (van de
Paverd 1991: 216-27). While Wenger identifies it as having been
delivered at Antioch on the Saturday following Easter (Wenger
1970: 42), van de Paverd further refines the date, arguing that the
presence of the visiting clergy and the recent martyrs’ festivals
locate it on 12 April 391 (van de Paverd 1991: 290-l).
The instruction is of interest for a number of reasons. It highlights
the changing character of a preacher’s audience as it is swelled
temporarily due to the presence of visitors - in this case relatively
poor rural Syrian priests who are also monks and who have difficulty
communicating with the Antiochenes because of their language.
How John resolved the difficulty of preaching to an audience con-
taining non-Greek speakers can only be imagined. Present in the
audience too are the newly baptised, probably as readily to be distin-
guished by their dress from the rest of the audience as the strange-
looking visitors. The reference to the numerous martyrs’ festivals
of the immediately preceding days and to the cessation of such
festivals subsequently also provides a glimpse of the changes in
rhythm of the local liturgical calendar and the frequency with
which the members of the audience might hear a sermon.
Translated from Wenger (1970: 247-60).

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 BAPTISMAL INSTRUCTION 8

TEXT

247 The same. Welcome and praise for those who have come from the SW-
rounding countryside. On the theme: while all the just who have received
perceptible promises set their eyes upon the imaginable instead of what
they could perceive, we, on the contrary, who have received a promise
of the imaginable, lust after what we can perceive; and: one should
hurry to the church both just before dawn and in the evening to offer
prayers and make confessions; and on the newly baptised.

1. Your excellent teachers have feasted you sufficiently in the

preceding days and you’ve constantly enjoyed their spiritual
encouragement, sharing richly in the blessing that comes from
the remains of the holy martyrs. Come, then, seeing that those
who’ve flowed in to us from the country have rendered our
248 theatre more splendid, let’s furnish for them today an even richer
spiritual table, one that’s brimming with the generous love that
they’ve displayed towards us. After we’ve provided them with
this repayment, then, and have received in turn their good-
will’ towards us, let’s make an effort to show them abundant
hospitality. For if they didn’t hesitate to undertake such a long
journey so as to bring us much joy through their presence, it’s
even more right that today we serve them a more generous help-
ing of this spiritual food, so that they might return home from
here having received adequate provisions for their journey.
2. I say this because they’re our brothers and members of the
body of the church. So, then, let’s show genuine love towards
them as if embracing our own members. Let’s overlook the
fact that they have a way of speaking distinct from our own
and instead let’s learn in detail the wisdom of their life. Let’s
overlook the fact that they have a barbarous tongue; instead
let’s get to know their inner thoughts, and (recognise) that
these men demonstrate in practice the philosophy that we make
249 an effort to learn through discourse, and fulfil through their
physical labours* the law of the apostles which bids that our
daily food be supplied by the work of our hands.
3. I mean that they’ve listened to blessed Paul, when he says:
‘Let’s grow weary from working with our own bands’ (1 Cor. 4:12),
and again: ‘That these bands have served my needs and those who
are with me’ (Acts 20:34). And, by making an effort to fulfil
these precepts through their own labours, they speak a language
more splendid than words, and show through their actions that

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they too are worthy of the blessing proclaimed by Christ. ‘For’,

he says, ‘blessedis the person who’s practised and taught’ (cf. Matt.
5:19). The point is that, when teaching through deeds is given
precedence, there’s no longer any need for instruction through
words. Indeed you could see each one of these men, at one
moment standing next to the sacred bema and reading out
God’s laws and teaching the people under their authority; at
another busying themselves with tending the earth; at one
time pulling the plough and carving furrows in the earth and
sowing the seed and closing it over in the depths of the soil;
while at another, with the plough of instruction in their
hands, putting the germ of God’s lessons into the hearts of
their pupils.
4. So, then, let’s not simply look at their outward appearance and
their mode of speech and so overlook their virtue, but rather
come to know in detail their angelic way of life, their ascetic*
conduct. For not only has all extravagance and gluttony been
banished among them, but so too has every other lazy habit
that’s rife in the cities. They take only as much food as they
need to stay alive and for the rest of the time they exercise
250 their mind in hymns and in constant prayers, and in this way
imitate the angels’ way of life.
5. I mean that, just as those incorporeal powers have just one task
- to praise constantly the Creator of all - in the very same way
these remarkable men too satisfy the needs of their body, because
they’re wrapped in flesh. They then persist for the rest of the
time in hymns and prayers, renouncing worldly appearances,
and make an effort through their excellent way of life to draw
the people under their authority into imitating them. Therefore
who wouldn’t rightly call these men blessed, because, although
they’ve no experience of secular education, they’ve been educated
in the true wisdom and demonstrate that they’ve fulfilled
through their labours that saying of the apostle: ‘That God’s
foolishness is wiser than human beings’ (1 Cor. 1:25).
6. For how won’t you receive a clear demonstration of God’s
power, when you see this common person, who’s of a rural back-
ground and knows no more than the details of farming and how
to care for the land, taking no account of the present, but lifting
his thoughts towards the blessings stored up in heaven, and
understanding how to be wise about those inexpressible bless-
ings, and knowing precisely those truths which the philosophers

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who base their reputation on their beard and staff5 couldn’t ever
251 begin to imagine? Tell me, from what other source could they
obtain such great wisdom about virtue and their ability to pay
no attention to what they see, and to give precedence over
what is manifest and at hand to what isn’t clear and can’t be
seen and is only to be hoped for? I mean that it’s faith when a
person considers the blessings promised by God, even if they’re
not visible to the eyes of this body, more reliable than those that
are visible and lie before our very eyes.

. . . (nine paragraphs follow, in which he develops this

theme, adducing examples from scripture) . . .

256
16. Please, for this reason let’s seek those promises which last for-
ever and aren’t susceptible to change. Indeed it’s to this end that
I deliberately introduced this topic before you, so that I might
make my encouragement relevant to all - both to those who
were initiated some time ago and to those recently deemed
worthy of the gift of baptism. Seeing, therefore, that in the
days that have just passed, we’ve harvested considerable blessing
through our constant attendance at the tombs of the holy martyrs
and have benefited from the abundant instruction, while from
this point on the constant succession of services is about to be
cut off, I’m constrained to call upon your love in asking that
you keep fresh in your memory such important instruction and
hold the matters of the spirit in greater esteem than those of
this world.
17. (I ask) too that you come here just before dawn with great zeal
and render your prayers and confessions to the God of all (cf.
Eph. 4:6), and that you give thanks for the blessings already
received and ask to be considered worthy of assistance in keeping
safe what is to come. And so, after you leave here, each of you
(should) take up the appropriate matters with all caution. Let
the one person apply themselves to the work of their hands,
257 let another hasten to their military duties, while another busies
themselves about public affairs. Let each really apply themselves
to their affairs with fear and anguish and let them complete the
course of the day in the knowledge that they’re due to attend
here again in the evening to render an account of their entire
day to the Master and to ask pardon for their deficiencies. For,

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even if we secure ourselves many times over, it’s impossible not

to render ourselves accountable for many and disparate failings.
I mean that either we’ve made an inappropriate comment, or
listened to a foolish tale, or considered an unseemly idea in
our thoughts, or stared too keenly, or spent time pointlessly
and idly and to no good purpose.
18. That’s why it’s appropriate that each evening we ask forgive-
ness of the Master for all these failings and flee for refuge to
God’s generosity’ and make our request. And so, after spending
the whole night in sobriety, we arrive again at the confession just
before dawn, so that through managing our own life each of us
will be empowered to both traverse the sea of this present life
unharmed and merit the Master’s generosity. Whenever a time
for worship’ calls, let spiritual affairs and the assembly here be
given priority over everything, so that we may manage the
matters in hand too with security.
19. I mean that, if those affairs are given priority by us, then these
will cause us no effort, since God who loves humankind will
make them very easy for us. But if we’re careless about spiritual
affairs and are zealous about these alone, and if we take no
account of our soul but concern ourselves incessantly with
worldly affairs, we should expect the loss of the former, while
258 in regard to the latter we’ll have nothing more. Please, therefore
let’s not turn the established order upside down; rather, knowing
the goodness of our Master, let’s hand everything over to him
and not stress ourselves with the worries of this world. For,
the one who brought us from non-existence into existence (cf.
2 Mace. 7:28; Rom. 4: 17) through his innate love for humankind
will to a greater degree pay every attention in the future to our
needs. ‘For’, it says, ‘your heavenly Father knows that you need all
these things before you ask him’ (cf. Matt. 6:32).
20. That’s precisely why he wants us to be free from all such worry
and to spend every spare moment on spiritual affairs. ‘If you seek
spiritual affairs’, he says, ‘I’ll provide in abundance everything
that your body needs.’ It’s on this too that the reputation of
all the just is based. I mention this because it was from (the
topic of) their virtue that our sermon developed. For we said
that, although they received a promise of what they could per-
ceive, they sought out what they could imagine. We, on the
other hand, practise the opposite to them and, although we
have a promise of what we can imagine, we lust after what we
can perceive.

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. . . (there follow four paragraphs, in which he urges the

audience to imitate the just and not to worry about their
physical needs, but to pay attention to their spiritual
ones) . . .

260
25. And, please, above all, you, who’ve recently put on Christ and
received the descent of the Spirit, take care every day that the
brightness of your clothing receive no blemish or wrinkle (Eph.
5:27) on any part; neither through inappropriate comments
nor through listening to frivolity, nor through wicked thoughts,
nor through your eyes darting carelessly and at random over
whatever they chance upon. Therefore, let’s wall ourselves in
on every side with the constant memory of that fearful day, so
that, through persevering in radiance and preserving the clothing
of incorruptibility spotless and unsoiled, we may be rewarded
with those inexpressible gifts. May we all obtain them through
the grace and love for humankind of our Lord Jesus Christ,
with whom to the Father, together with the Holy Spirit, be
glory, power, honour, now and always, for ever and ever. Amen.

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INTRODUCTION

Delivered at Constantinople on a Saturday or Sunday in either late

July or early August 399, the homily represents both a rhetorical
tozlr de face and an example of opportunistic preaching. With a
markedly increased attendance for the time of year due to the
presence of the deposed consul-eunuch Eutropius cowering behind
the veil which hid the altar, John is unable to let the opportunity
to draw a moral example from the fate of this much-despised man
pass him by, The irony of the man who sought to weaken the laws
governing the right of churches to grant asylum himself fleeing to
the Great Church in fear for his life on the preceding day was clearly
not lost on either John and his clergy or the audience. John’s
generosity in providing the asylum that is sought and in turning
Eutropius’ shocking plight into a lesson in humility and mercy
demonstrates the depth of his pastoral concern, both for a former
adversary and for his audience.
Translated from PG 52,391-6.

TEXT

WI A homily on Eutropius - eunuch, patrician and consul.

It is always opportune -butparticularly at this moment - to say:

‘Vanity of vanities, andall (Eccl. 1:2). Where now are the
is vanity’
splendid trappings of the consulship? Where are the gleaming
torches? Where are the outbursts of applause and the choruses
and the festivities and the public holidays? Where are the
crowns and banners? Where are the uproar of the city and the

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acclamations during the chariot-races and the flattering com-

ments of the spectators? They’ve all gone. A blast of wind has
lo blown away the leaves and revealed the tree to us - naked and
shaken to its very root at this moment. For such has been the
impact of the wind that it’s even threatening to pull the tree
up by the roots and to shake its fibres violently.
Where now are those who posed as friends? Where are the
drinking parties’ and the dinners? Where’s the swarm of
hangers-on, and the undiluted wine* that filled glasses all day
long, and the varied arts of the chefs, and the cultivators of
power who would do and say anything to please him? They
were all night and a dream and, when day came, they vanished.
20 They were all spring flowers and, when spring passed, they all
withered. They were a shadow and melted away. They were
smoke3 and dispersed. They were bubbles and burst. They
were a spider’s web and have been torn to shreds. That’s why
we’re chanting this spiritual maxim, saying over and over:
‘Vanity of vanities, and all is vanity’. For this maxim should be
inscribed permanently on walls and on clothing and in the
market-place and in the home and in streets and on doors and
in foyers and, above all, in each person’s conscience; and it should
30 be studied constantly. Since fraudulent matters and masks and
acting are thought to be true by the majority, each of you
should address this to your neighbour and in turn hear it from
your neighbour at dinner, at lunch and in assemblies every
day: ‘Vanity of vanities; all is vanity’.
392 Haven’t I said to you constantly that wealth is a runaway
slave? But you wouldn’t put up with us. Didn’t I say that it’s
an ungrateful servant ? But you didn’t want to be convinced.
Look! Concrete experience has shown that wealth isn’t just a run-
away slave or an ingrate, but even a murderer - it’s responsible
for your current trembling and terror. When you objected every
time that I spoke the truth, didn’t I say to you: ‘I love you more
than those who flatter you. When I criticise, I care more for you
10 than those who aim to please’? Didn’t I say in addition to these
words that ‘wounds injlicted by friends are more trustworthy than the
willing kisses of enemies’ (Prov. 27:6)? If you had put up with my
wounds, their kisses wouldn’t have spawned for you this death;
for my wounds result in good health. Their kisses, on the
other hand, laid the foundation for an incurable disease.
Where now are the wine-pourers? Where are the people
who cleared a path in the market-place and sang your praises

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countless times in front of everybody?* Because of your struggle

they’ve fled; they’ve denied their friendship; they’re contriving
20 safety for themselves. But we’re not like them. On the contrary,
while you vented your displeasure we didn’t leap away; and now
that you’ve fallen we’re protecting you and taking care of your
needs. Indeed, the church that you made war against has
opened its arms and taken you in, while the theatres on which
you lavished care and on whose behalf you were often angry
with us have betrayed and destroyed you. Yet even so we
didn’t stop saying over and over: ‘Why do you do these
things? You make frenzied attacks on the church, and yet
you’re carrying yourself over a cliff.’ But you ignored everything.
The chariot-races, too, once they had exhausted your wealth,
30 sharpened their sword; while the church, despite enjoying your
untimely rage, runs around in every direction in a desire to
snatch you out of their nets.
393 I’m saying these things at this point, not in order to trample
upon someone who’s lying down, but out of a desire to make
safer those who are standing; not in order to rip open again
the sores of the wounded, but with the intention of preserving
in secure health those who haven’t yet been wounded; not in
order to drown someone who is being tossed about by the waves,
but to teach those sailing with a fair wind how not to end up at
the bottom of the deep. How might this come about? - if we
bear in mind the changeability of human affairs. I mean that, if
this person had been afraid of change, he wouldn’t have experi-
10 enced change. Instead, since he didn’t improve either of his own
accord or on the advice of others, you, who pride yourselves on
your wealth, are at any rate profiting from this man’s disaster.
For nothing is more trifling than human affairs. For that
reason, whatever label one might attach to their inconsequen-
tiality - whether one calls them ‘smoke’ or ‘chaff’ or ‘a dream’
or ‘spring flowers’ or anything at all - it would express less
than the truth. They’re so perishable and are more worthless
than things that have no value at all. It’s clear from this that
they have much of the precipitous about them in addition to
being worthless.
20 After all, who was loftier than this man? Didn’t he surpass all
the world in wealth? Didn’t he ascend to the pinnacles of the
honours? Didn’t everyone tremble before him and fear him?
Yet, see! He has become more wretched even than prisoners,
more miserable even than servants, more needy even than

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beggars who are wasting away with hunger. Each day he’s gazing
at sharpened swords and the pit and executioners and being led
away to his death. Nor does he enjoy the memory of past
pleasure, nor even perceive sunlight itself. On the contrary, in
30 his enclosed space he’s deprived of sight in the very middle of the
day, as if he were in the densest night. Rather, however hard we
try, we couldn’t present in words the suffering which he’s likely
to be enduring as he expects with each hour that passes to be
executed. But then, what need is there of words from us when
his own affairs are clearly sketched out for us as on an icon?
For when on the previous day they came after him from the
emperor’s palace’ with the intention of dragging him away by
force and he fled towards the sacred vessels, his countenance -
40 as even now - was for once no better than that of a corpse.
His teeth were chattering, and his whole body was rattling
and trembling, and his voice kept faltering, and his tongue
was slack, and his appearance suggested that his heart had turned
to stone.
I’m saying these things, not in order to reproach him nor
trample upon his disaster, but out of a desire to soften your
minds and induce them to pity and persuade them that what
has happened is sufficient punishment. For there are many
50 among us who are so inhuman that they nevertheless criticised us
too because we received him in the sanctuary.6 I parade forth this
man’s suffering from a desire to soften their lack of compassion
with my comments.
Tell me, beloved! Why are you annoyed? ‘Because’, you say,
‘the man who fled to the church is a person who constantly
warred against it.’ So, then, we should glorify God on that
account most of all - that God let him fall into such depths
of necessity that he’s come to know both the power and the
3% generosity’ of the church. (He’s learnt) its power from the enor-
mous change in circumstance that he’s undergone from his
battles against it. (He’s come to know) its generosity from the
fact that the church he warred against is now putting forth its
shield, and has taken him under its wings, and has set him in
complete security. Nor has it borne any grudge for past injuries,
but has opened its arms to him with much compassion. For this
is more magnificent than any trophy; this is a manifest victory;
IO this undermines pagans, this shames Jews too; this shows the
church with a radiant face - that it spared its enemy when it
took him captive and that, when everyone else overlooked him

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in his isolation, it alone hid him beneath its veils’ like a com-
passionate mother, and stood up to the emperor’s anger and
popular rage and unbearable hatred. This is an adornment for
its altar. ‘What kind of an adornment is it’, someone says, ‘to
have that accursed, greedy robber clinging to the altar?’ Don’t
say that, since even the prostitute, who was exceedingly abomin-
20 able and impure, touched the feet of Christ (cf. John 12:s); and
what happened wasn’t accounted to Jesus as a fault, but as a
miracle and great anthem of praise.’ The point is that she who
was unclean didn’t harm him who is pure. Instead he who is
pure and faultless rendered the accursed prostitute pure through
the contact.
Don’t bear a grudge, fellow! lo We’re servants of him who was
crucified and who says: ‘Forgive them, for they don’t know what
they’re doing’ (Luke 23:34). ‘But’, someone says, ‘he blocked
flight here through documents and various laws.’ But look,
through experience he’s learnt what he did and, through what
30 he’s done, is the very first to break the law. He has become a
spectacle for the world and, though silent, from this experience
utters words of advice to all: ‘Don’t do this kind of thing, in
case you experience the same fate!’ Through the disaster he’s
shown himself to be a teacher and the altar emits a great radiance
- particularly fearsome at this moment - and shows by this that
it holds the lion tied up. After all, in the case of an imperial icon
too, considerable ornament occurs not just when the emperor is
seated on the throne dressed in purple and wearing a diadem, but
also when barbarians with their hands bound behind their backs
are lying beneath the emperor’s foot with their heads bowed.
40 Through your zeal and racing here together you are witnesses
that no persuasive speeches were used. For today our theatre is
magnificent and the assembly radiant and I see as great a
crowd assembled here now as I saw at holy Easter. Though
silent, he has summoned you all in this fashion, through his
experiences uttering a voice louder than a trumpet. And you
virgins deserted your chambers, and you women your women’s
quarters, and you men the market-place and all raced together to
50 this spot to see human nature put on trial and the feebleness of
worldly affairs exposed and that whorish face (the state of well-
being that derives from acts of greed is such that it comes across
as more deformed than any old crone with wrinkles) as if by a
sponge wiped clean of its rouge and makeup by a change in

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circumstance - (a face) which yesterday or a few days ago beamed

radiantly.
I say this because such is the strength of this misfortune: it has
made him who was bright and illustrious above all appear rather
60 paltry now. Were a rich person to enter, they would derive con-
siderable benefit. For, when they saw the man who used to shake
the entire world brought down from such a height and in
395 straitened circumstances, and become more timid than a hare or a
frog, and nailed to this column without bonds, and squeezed
tight by fear instead of a chain, and filled with fear and
trembling, they would check their arrogance, expunge their con-
ceit, and depart, after reflecting upon human affairs in the philo-
sophical way that they should. The scriptures express these
thoughts through sayings and teach through experience that:
All Jesb is grass, and all human glory is like a grass-flower. The
10 grass withers and the flower fah off (Isa. 40: 6, 7). For example:
They will quickly wither away like grass and will swiftly fall
away like green herbs (Ps. 3712); or His days are like smoke
(Ps. 102:3); and similar sayings. In turn, were a poor person to
enter and look at this vision, they wouldn’t utterly despise them-
selves nor feel distress at their beggarly state. Instead, they would
feel grateful that their poverty affords them a protected place, a
wave-free harbour, a secure wall; and, on viewing these things,
would choose over and over to remain where they are, rather
than to have everything for a brief period and later be at risk
of shedding their own blood.
20 Do you see how this man’s flight here affords no small benefit
for both rich and poor, both lowly and lofty, both slaves and
free? Do you see how each person receives medicine and departs
from here after being treated by this sight alone? Have I softened
your passion and cast out your anger? Have I quenched your
inhumanity? Have I drawn you into sympathy? I very much
think so - the faces indicate it and the fountains of tears.
Come, then, let’s now prostrate ourselves before the emperor,
seeing that for you the rock has become deep soil and the land
30 fertile (cf. Matt. 13:1--S), and we have also sprouted the fruit of
charity l1 and shown that the stalks of sympathy are ripe. Rather,
let’s ask God, who loves humankind, to soften the rage of the
emperor and make his heart gentle so that he’ll grant our
favour in its entirety. Already there has been no small change
since the day on which this person fled here. For,

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once he knew that he had run to this inviolate place, in the

40 army’s presence, while it was growing inflamed at this person’s
misdeeds and was demanding him for slaughter, the emperor
made a long speech and quashed the soldiers’ rage. He invited
them to consider not just this person’s failings’* but, if he had
any virtue, to take this into consideration too; and he professed
himself thankful for the latter, while he pardoned the character-
istics that were of contrary character as failings that were human.
But when they were inclined again towards revenge for the insult
to the emperor and were shouting, jumping, baying for death,
and shaking their spears, from that point on he let fountains of
50 tears fall from his most gentle eyes and reminded them of the
holy table to which he’d fled, and in this way put an end to
their anger.
396 Even so, let’s also add our own advice. For what pardon would
you deserve if you, who’ve experienced nothing of the kind, were
to display such vehement anger, when the emperor who’s been
insulted bears no grudge? How will you touch the mysteries,
when this spectacle is finished, and say that prayer through
which we’re commanded to say: ‘Forgive us, just as we too forgive
those who are in debt to us’ (Luke 11:4), when you’re demanding
a penalty from the one who’s in debt to you? Did he wrong
IO you greatly and insult you? There’s nothing we can say in reply.
No, at the moment it isn’t the time for a lawcourt, but for
mercy. It isn’t the time for demanding an account, but for
generosity, not for interrogation but for concession, not for a
ballot and penalty, but for pity and grace. So then, let no-one
get heated or become upset, but rather let’s ask God, who
loves humankind, to grant this person an extension of life and
snatch away the threatened slaughter so that he might shed his
misdeeds. Let’s also approach the generous emperor and plead
that, for the sake of the church, for the sake of the altar, he
20 favour the sacred table in respect of this one man. If we do this,
both the emperor himself will approve and God, before the
emperor even, will applaud and will give us in return a consider-
able reward for our generosity. I mean that in the same way as
God hates and turns away a person who’s cruel and inhumane,
he admits and loves a person who’s merciful and generous.
Whether such a person is righteous, he weaves them crowns
that are more radiant; whether a sinner, he bypasses their sins
and gives them in return this reward for their sympathy towards
30 their fellow slave. ‘For I want pity’, it says, ‘and not sacrifice’

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(Hos. 6:6); and everywhere in the scriptures you see him con-
stantly seeking this and saying that this deliverance from sins
exists.
By this means, then, shall we too render him merciful, in this
way shall we discharge our misdeeds, in this way shall we adorn
the church. In this way too the generous emperor will approve, as
I said a moment ago, and the entire populace will applaud, and
the ends of the earth will marvel at the humanity and gentleness
of the city and, when they learn what’s happened, people all
40 over the world will cry out our name. So that we may enjoy such
blessings, then, let’s prostrate ourselves, let’s plead, let’s request,
let’s snatch from danger the captive, the fugitive, the suppliant,
so that we too may attain the blessings that are to come, through
the grace and love for humankind of our Lord Jesus Christ, to
whom be the glory and the power now and always, for ever
and ever. Amen.

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 ON: ‘I OPPOSED HIM TO HIS FACE’
(GAL. 2: 11)

INTRODUCTION

In the brief extract from this homily we observe the tension which
existed at one point in John’s life at Antioch between the need to
serve his own congregation in the Old Church as preacher and the
demands of his bishop. As we learn from the title and John’s opening
comments, Flavian had recently required John’s presence at another
church at the same time that he would ordinarily have been preach-
ing before his regular audience. Being replaced by a locum in such a
situation was always risky in case a preacher was outshone and the
audience transferred its attention and loyalties.’ In the opening to
the homily John gives rein to two of his favourite metaphors - the
language of hospitality and of providing a lavish feast in the
sermon that is dished up, and the language of navigation. The
simile of the relationship between mother and infant is also typical.
The New Church of the title is most probably the Great Church,
called more familiarly ‘new’ because of its location in the new quarter
of the city, the area which contained the palace and hippodrome and
which occupied the island in the Orontes. The date of the homily
cannot be determined.
Translated from PG 5 1,37 l-88.

TEXT

37 1-2 At the previous service he celebrated with the bishop in the New Church.
He delivered this homily in the Old Church on the pericope of the apostle:
‘When Peter came to Antioch, 1 opposed him to his face’ (Gal. 2:l I),
and showed that the event was not an opposition, but happened according
to the divine plan.

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371 I was away from you for just one day, and I ended up so
distressed and beside myself that it was like being separated
10 a.i. from you for a whole year. And you know from what you felt
that this is true. When a child at the breast is torn away from
the mother’s nipple, it keeps turning around, looking around
for its mother no matter where it’s taken off to. So too when I
was taken quite far away from my mother’s lap, I kept looking
around me, searching everywhere for your holy assembly. How-
ever, I took sufficient consolation from the facts that I was suffer-
ing this pain through being obedient to a very loving father,2
and that the reward for obedience was keeping at bay the anguish
which had resulted from the separation. This to me was more
372 splendid than any diadem, loftier than any crown - being led
around everywhere with my father. This to me was honour and
security. It was honour, because I’d won him over and drawn
10 a.i. him to love me to such an extent that he couldn’t bear to appear
anywhere on any occasion without his child. It was security,
because he personally watched our struggle and offered us his
complete support and prayers. The hands of helmsmen, oars
and puffs of wind send a boat safely into harbour. So too will
his goodwill, his love and the help of his prayers, which are
better than a wind, a helmsman and the oars, guide our sermon.
In addition to these benefits he consoled me on this point too -
373 the fact that at that time you were enjoying a brilliant table, and
that you had secured a distinguished and lavish host. We knew
this not merely from hearsay but also from experience itself, for
there were people who conveyed to us what had been said, and
from the leftovers we were able to make a conjecture about the
banquet itself. Indeed, I praised the host and admired his lavish-
ness and wealth, but I also congratulated you on your goodwill
and your scrupulosity, because you’d retained what was said
IO with such care that you could even convey it to another person.
That’s why we’ll also gladly discuss the question of your love.
For the person who sows seeds in this place doesn’t throw
them beside the road (Matt. 13:4), or pour them into the thistles,
or strew them on rocky ground. So fruitful and fertile is your
field, and all the seeds which it receives into its furrows it multi-
plies (cf. Matt. 13:1-S).
If ever you offered me an enthusiasm and great zeal for listen-
20 ing - as, indeed, you have always offered - I beg you to grant me
this favour today as well. Our sermon isn’t about incidentals but
about important affairs. That’s why I need your eyes to be

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sharply focused, your attention aroused, your mind alert, your

thoughts ordered and your soul awake and vigilant. I say this
because you’ve all heard the reading from the apostle, and if
someone has paid close attention to what was read out, they
know that great struggles and labours lie before us today.
30 ‘When Peter came to Antioch’, it says, ‘I opposedhim to his face’ (Gal.
2:ll).

. . . (the sermon continues for a further 21 paragraphs, in

which John treats at length the dispute between Peter
and Paul, the character of each of the antagonists and
the motivations of each character) . . .

388 In future let’s ask the God of Paul and Peter, who bound them
fast to each other with the bonds of mutuality of purpose, to
40 bind us tightly too into a more burning love for each other, so
that, in possession of that mutuality of purpose which is in
accord with God, we may be deemed worthy of seeing those
holy men and of finding ourselves among their eternal tents,
by the grace and love for humankind of our Lord Jesus Christ,
through whom and with whom to the Father and to the Holy
Spirit be glory, power, honour and adoration, now and always,
for ever and ever. Amen.

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 ON: ‘MY FATHER’S WORKING
STILL’ (JOHN 537)
(NEW HOMILY NO. 10)

INTRODUCTION

In this homily, delivered at Constantinople, we are afforded a

glimpse of the loyalty of the audience to John and his preaching,
regardless of the strength of his criticism of their behaviour. Even
allowing for rhetorical exaggeration, it is clear that John is at this
point confident of his power over the audience and, despite his
avowed embarrassment at their rejection of his venerable colleague
at the preceding synaxis, evidently delights in their attachment to
his own person. The rare information regarding the protocol to be
observed when a bishop visits the see of another bishop and is present
at synaxis is significant for understanding the challenges which John
faced as a preacher at Constantinople. As in On Eutropius, here the
allusion to the recent tragic death in the hippodrome demonstrates
John’s ability to exploit the shock value of local events for pastoral
purposes. While it has long been thought that the homily was
delivered two Sundays after Against the games and theatres on 17 July
399 (Pargoire 1899-1900: 157-p), this is not necessarily the case. In
fact, as argued elsewhere (Mayer forthcoming (c)), it is unlikely that
the two homilies are connected. In the light of this difficulty it is
better to assign the homily generally to the first three or four years
at Constantinople.
Translated from PG 63,5 1 l-16.

TEXT

511 The same. About the fact that one should not go to hippodromes or
theatres. And because he hurt them, at the service on the Sun&y after

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that he allowed a bishop to speak who bad arrived from Galatia, and
did not preach (himself). And because he hurt them by doing this too, he
delivered this homily in the Great Church on the text: ‘My Father’s
working still, and I’m working’ (John 5:17).

Recently I severely upbraided you when speaking about theatres

and hippodromes. That’s why I’m happy and joyful, according to
10 the utterance of the apostle which runs: ‘Who is there to make me
joyful but the one who was hurt by me?’ (2 Cor. 259, because I see
much fruit growing out of this hurt. I mean that drugs too,
which heal sores, bite into the wounds at first and then stop
the putrefaction. So too a sermon which touches the audience
provides a beginning for healing. In the case of our bodies,
once the flesh is dead it doesn’t feel incision, or drugs, or cautery.
20 Thus innumerable remedies couldn’t restore it to health, because
it’s lost the first-principle and starting-point of the cure. But the
flesh which feels both knife and burning and drugs would be
quickly restored to health. So too, then, in the case of souls:
some which are disposed to be unfeeling wouldn’t easily be
changed; others which know how to feel shame and embarrass-
ment and pain and suffering at being censured offer us the
greatest proof of quickly recoiling from evil. This is why blessed
Paul, too, who knew this, gladly accepted those who’d been hurt
and was happy in their regard, while those who weren’t in that
30 situation he rejected with the words: ‘They’ve become callous and
given themselves up to licentiousness, greedy to practise every kind of
uncleanness’ (Eph. 419). For how would the one who doesn’t
know pain ever be healed unless they learnt this very lesson
first? Since, then, you’ve been healed of this sickness, we have
the greatest confidence in the matter of your love: if one address
bit you in this way and made you so anxious that you were
depressed and confused and shaken, it’s obvious that, if a
second and a third are added, it will free you from every
weakness.
And in order for you to know that I’m not saying this to
40 flatter you, you have testified to the truth of what we said by the
proof you gave on the previous occasion. I mean that you who
were so bitten, so suffering, so pained and depressed, on the
Sunday following that one made the theatre more splendid for
us, and the assembly more numerous, and the desire greater,
and you were all raised from the ground like swallows’ chicks

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hanging from the nest, and with your mouth open for our
tongue. Then, since in showing respect for our brother who had
50 come from Galatia, both because of that ecclesiastical rule that
orders us to receive strangers in this way and because of his illus-
trious age, we allowed him to speak, you drew back with shouts,
complaining loudly of your suffering, as if you had endured
512 famine for a long time, and longed for our tongue which cuts,
censures, strikes, makes suffer. You behaved in the same way
as a child who’s been hit (and) censured won’t even in these cir-
cumstances be parted from its mother, but follows her, weeping,
clutching firmly the sides of the mother’s clothes, and trails after
her wailing. It’s on this account that I’m jumping with excite-
ment and flying under the influence of pleasure and call myself
blessed as I struggle (to preach) among so many people who
10 love me, having you hanging like this from my tongue. This is
sweeter to me than this sunlight, this is more pleasurable than
light, this is life - to have favourable listeners like this who don’t
simply applaud but wish to be corrected, who are censured and
don’t recoil, but take refuge in the one who censured them.
That’s exactly why I too broach my address to you with
greater enthusiasm, and today I wish to give you the leftovers
of what I said to you recently, leaving aside now the censure,
lest by accusing once more those who don’t care we punish the
20 zealous, in that we expend the entire address on refuting the
former. For even if nothing is learned from us, what happened
yesterday is enough to keep those who are exceedingly crazy
and fanatical about the hippodrome from this inappropriate
desire. Indeed the murder which occurred yesterday in the hippo-
drome filled our city with tragedy, attracted bands of women,
filled the market-place with much wailing, while the man who
had been so pitifully mutilated by the chariots was carried
through the middle of the crowd. This man, as I know, was
30 going to light the matrimonial candles the next day, when the
bridal chambers were organised and everything was prepared
for the wedding.’ In his role as an official in the bureau of the
eparch* he was running across down below in the stadium,
when the charioteers came upon him and vied with one another;
he was cut off in the middle and underwent this violent and
pitiful death when his head and limbs were cut off.
Did you see the fruit of the hippodrome? ‘And what’s that got
to do with us who sit up high?’ someone asks. It’s got to do

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with YOUmost of all: if YOUweren’t keen to join the throng,

40 what came to pass down (in the stadium) wouldn’t have
happened. But so that I don’t make the homily too tiresome
once more and lacerate the wound, I’ll leave these subjects to
your conscience and try to give you the remainder of what I
said to you recently.
So what was it that I said to you recently? I was saying that
Christ was called the foundation-stone (cf. 1 Cor 3:ll) because
he bears everything and holds it together and props it up. I
wish to demonstrate this now on the basis of another quotation
from the apostle: he it is who said this, in interpreting that
saying, with the words: ‘he reficts the glory and character of his
50 nature and bears euerything by the word of his power; when he bad
puri$cation of sin through himself; be sat at the right band of the
majesty on high’ (Heb. 1:3). What does bears mean? Guiding,
513 governing, managing, controlling, holding together, propping
up. For he hasn’t only brought everything into existence from
non-existence (cf. 2 Mace. 7:28; Rom. 4:17), but also provided
for what came about, just as the Father who begot him did.
Thus he made this clear too, when he said: ‘My Father’s working
still, and I’m working’ (John 5 : 17). As a result, the Jews tried even
more to kill him, not only because he broke the sabbath, but also
because he called his Father God, making himself equal to God.
Where are the children of the heretics now, who act crazily
10 against their own salvation and cut him off from equality with
the Father? Let them hear the evangelist’s words (when I say
the evangelist, I mean Christ, who moves his spirit) - let
them hear and be ashamed, and put a stop to such crazy acts.
I say this because the Jews used to persecute him on this
matter, namely that he called himself equal. And they strangle
themselves in this matter, namely that being taught by him
we refer this excellent saying to him. But, they say, this sentence
doesn’t belong to him, nor to the evangelist, but to the Jews.
Certainly, if it did belong to the Jews, this is a huge charge
20 and an extreme accusation against you, because what the
ungrateful Jews realised was proven from the words, you yourself
in your pretended deafness don’t see: they didn’t deduce these
facts by themselves, but from what Christ said in debating
with them. And so that you may learn that this saying doesn’t
belong to the Jews either, but is both the sentence and utterance
of the evangelist (when I say the evangelist, I mean Christ who

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moves his mind), examine the words themselves: ‘My Father’.

Isn’t it clear to everyone, even to one who is exceedingly silly,
30 that that’s why he said ‘My Father’ in order to show that it
belonged to him? Isn’t the subsequent addition is working, and
I’m working of one who is maintaining equality? For he didn’t
even say ‘he’s working and I’m assisting’, ‘he’s working but
I’m serving’, but ‘he’s waking, and I’m working’. Do you see
how this sentence isn’t a declaration by the Jews, but the
proof of his words? For if making him equal to God was some
erroneous Jewish suspicion and sentence, and he didn’t want to
be suspect on that account, the Jews would have suspected
40 him of not wanting that, and devised other things than what he
wanted to prove. The evangelist couldn’t have allowed this to
stand uncorrected like that, but would’ve remarked on it and
said it clearly. I say this because it was their custom to do
this, both theirs and Jesus’.
I’ll try to make it clear to you from one or two examples, that
when Christ said something, and said it (again) himself in differ-
ent words, and the Jews suspected a different meaning, the evan-
gelist sets it right.

. . . (there follow six paragraphs in which the point is

highlighted and argued from numerous scriptural
citations) . . .

516 But the refutation of the heretics has a fitting ending: if you
wish to know what the work was in which the Father was
engaged, and what that of the Son was, I’d say that it was pro-
vidence with regard to creation3 preservation, care. I mean that
everything which came into being was created within six days.
And God rested on the seventh day (Gen. 2:2). But the providence
with regard to creation didn’t cease. It was this providence,
40 then, that Christ called work, when he said: ‘My Father’s working,
and I’m working’, being provident, caring, preserving, I mean
sustaining, allowing nothing to flow away.
So having received the proof of correct teaching from these
words too, let’s add a scrupulous lifestyle and one that’s congru-
ent with the teachings, in as much as the knowledge of correct
teachings alone doesn’t suffice for our salvation, but an excellent
lifestyle is necessary too, so that when we have sent up glory to
God in all matters, we may attain the promised blessings. To
50 him be the glory and the power for ever and ever. Amen.

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 AGAINST THE JEWS ORATION 1

INTRODUCTION

Delivered at Antioch, as is evident from the references to the cave of

Matrona and other local features, the homily can be assigned with
reasonable certainty to the later months of 386, John’s first year as
presbyter. This date is derived from the clear reference in the opening
lines of the homily to the first in the series of sermons which John
preached on the topic of the incomprehensible nature of God
(CPG 4318). The homily is noteworthy for a number of reasons.
In the opening comments regarding the sermon of the previous
Sunday John describes the effect of a well-structured and rhetorically
polished argument upon the audience - they burst into thunderous
applause. As the sermon moves into its topic - the imminent festivals
of the Jewish year - the problems posed for the Christian clergy by
a prominent local Jewish community of long-standing become
apparent.’ In particular, we gain a rare glimpse of a pastoral engage-
ment between John and two members of the local Christian com-
munity as a result of a chance meeting on the street in the Jewish
quarter of Antioch. In general, the festivals and sacred sites of the
Jewish community compete with those of the Christian community
for audience loyalty.
A prominent feature of the homily is persistent exploitation of the
rhetoric of abuse. Psogos (invective) was as important a form of speech
for the accomplished orator as encomium (praise). Where the purpose
of the latter is to ‘glorify and honor’, as exemplified by Horn. de&red
after the remains of mafytrs etc., the aim of the former is to ‘vilify
and defame’ (Wilken 1983: 112).’ As in the case of encomia, the
exaggerated contents of such speeches should not be taken at face
value or thought to reflect the opinions of the orator, but rather
assessed for their intended effect in relation to the target audience.

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John employs the techniques of thepsogos indiscriminately as long as

they help him to achieve his aim. As we have seen, rich women
become the target of such invective in On Colossians horn. 7, whereas
it is the men who are guilty of attending the hippodrome who come
under the spotlight in Against the gamesand theatres. The hostile state-
ments against the Jews which recur throughout this homily and
John’s exploitation of medical and animal imagery in aid of his
vilification of the Jews should be read with this point firmly in mind.
Translated from PG 48,843-56.

TEXT

843 Today I was wanting with the leftovers of the topic on which I
spoke to you recently to complete the payment and to demon-
strate more clearly how incomprehensible3 God is. For last
Sunday we spoke on this subject copiously and at great length,
when I brought Isaiah and David and Paul as my witnesses.
Remember, it was Isaiah who cried out: ‘Who’ll Cteclare his
generation?’ (Isa. 53:8); it was David who gave thanks to him
IO for his incomprehensibility with the words: ‘1’11 praise you becazrse
you’re fearful/y admired. Admirable are your works’ (Ps. 139: 14), and
again: ‘Knowledge of you is admired by me; it’s superior, I can’t attain
it’ (Ps. 139:6); it was Paul who didn’t investigate and pry into
the very essence of God, but only into his providence - or
rather, he considered a small aspect of that very providence
which God showed in calling the Gentiles. Regarding (this
small part) as an immense and incomprehensible sea, Paul
cried out as follows: ‘0 the depth of the richness and wisdom and
20 knowledge of God! How unsearchable are his judgements, and bow
inscrutable his ways’ (Rom. 11:33).
And the proof furnished by these witnesses was sufficient, but
I wasn’t satisfied with the prophets, nor did I stop at the apostles,
but I went up to heaven; I showed you the choir4 of angels
saying: ‘Glory to God in the highest, and peace on earth to people of
goodwill’ (Luke 2:14). Ag ain, did you hear the Seraphim in
their amazement and fear shouting: ‘Holy, holy, holy Lord Sabaotb.
All earth is full of his glory’ (Isa. 6:3). I added the cry of the
Cherubim: ‘Blessed be his gloyr from its place’ (Ezek. 3~12 LXX).
a44 Below were three witnesses, above were three witnesses, who
showed that God’s glory couldn’t be approached. From there
on, the proof was beyond dispute; great applause ensued, the

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theatre became fervent, the assembly was inflamed. As for myself,

I was delighted, not because I was the one being praised, but
because my Master was being glorified: that applause and the
praise showed the love which you have in your hearts for God.
10 Just as devoted servants, on hearing someone praise their master,
become fired with longing for the one who speaks because of the
affection they bear for their master, so too did you behave on that
occasion: by your lavish applause you demonstrated your con-
siderable goodwill towards your Master.
Therefore today, too, I was wanting to engage in those
contests.5 My reason was that, if the enemies of truth can’t
have their fill of blaspheming our Benefactor, so much the
more is it encumbent on us to be insatiable in praising the
God of all (cf. Eph. 4:6). But what am I to do? Another very
20 serious illness bids me to speak in order to cure it, an illness
which has sprung up in the body of the church. First we must
root it out, then take thought for matters outside; first we
must cure our own people, and then concern ourselves with
those who aren’t our own people.
What’s this disease? The festivals of the wretched and miser-
able Jews are about to ap roach thick and fast: the Trumpets,
the Tabernacles, the Fasts.fr Of the many in our ranks who go to
30 watch the festivals, who say they think as we do, some will both
join in the festivities and take part in the Fasts. This bad habit I
want to drive out of the church right now. I mean that my
845 sermons against the Anomoeans can be put off for another
occasion, and no harm would result from the postponement.
But if we weren’t to cure those suffering the Jewish illness
now when the festivals of the Jews are imminent and at the
door, I’m afraid that through inappropriate habit and great
ignorance some will participate in their lawless activities,’ and
consequently what we say about those activities will be a waste
of time - if they hear nothing (from me) today, they’ll fast
10 with the Jews. So after the sin has been committed, there will be
therefore no point in our applying the remedy. That’s why I’m in
a hurry to stop them beforehand. This is also what doctors do:
the diseases that are urgent and acute they check first.
But this fight is intimately related to the former, in that the
Anomoeans’ impiety is related to the Jews’, and our present con-
flicts are related to our previous one. I mean that the accusation
which the Jews make is made by the Anomoeans as well. And

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what accusation do the Jews make? That he (SC. Christ) called

God his own father, making himself equal to God (cf. John
20 5: 18). The Anomoeans make this accusation too - I should say
that they don’t make the accusation, but they even wipe out
the phrase (SC. equal to God) with its meaning, even if they do
this not with their hand but in their mind.
Don’t be surprised if I’ve called the Jews wretched, for truly
they are wretched and miserable since they spurned the numer-
ous blessings which came into their hands from heaven, and
they took great pains to throw them away. The sun of justice
(Mal. 4:2) rose for them in the morning, but they spurned its
rays and remain sitting in darkness. We, who were nurtured in
30 darkness, drew the light to ourselves and were freed from the
gloom of error. They were the shoots of the holy root, but
they were broken off. We had no share in the root, and we
picked the fruit of piety. They read the prophets from an early
age, and they crucified the one whom the prophets foretold.
We didn’t hear divine prophecies, and we worshipped the one
whom the prophets foretold. On this account they’re wretched,
because they drove away the blessings that were sent to them,
while others seized them and drew them to themselves.
40 Although the Jews were called to adoption as sons, they degen-
erated into a relationship with dogs; we who were dogs received
strength through God’s grace to lay aside our former irrational
nature and to rise to the honour of being sons. What’s the
proof of this? ‘It’s not fair’, it says, ‘to take the children’s bread
and throw it to pet dogs’ (Matt. 15:26). It was to the Canaanite
woman that Christ was speaking when he called the Jews
children and the Gentiles dogs.
But see how after that the order was reversed: the Jews became
dogs, and we became children. ‘Look out for the dogs’, Paul says of
50 the Jews, ‘look out for the evil-workers, look out fw mutilation. For we
are the circumcision’ (Phil: 3.2-S). Did you see how those who
were formerly children became dogs? Do you want to find out
how we, who were formerly dogs, became children? ‘But to all
who received him’, it says, ‘who believed in his name, he gave power
to become children of God’ (John 1: 12).
Nothing is more wretched than those who in every case run
counter to their own salvation. I mean that when they should
have observed the law, they trampled it under foot, and now,
60 when the law has ceased, they’re eager to observe it. What could

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be more piteous than those who provoke God not only by

transgressing the law but also by keeping it? That’s why it says:
846 ‘You stiff-necked people, uncircumcised in heart, you always resist the
Holy Spirit’ (Acts 7:51), not only by transgressing the law but
also by wanting to observe it at the wrong time.
Stiff-necked. And he (SC. Stephen) was right in calling them
‘stiff-necked’, in that they didn’t take up the yoke of Christ,
although it was agreeable and had nothing about it that was
burdensome or oppressive. For he said: ‘Learn from me, because I
am gentle and bumble of heart’, and ‘Take my yoke upon you, because
my yoke is agreeable and my burden light’ (Matt. 11129, 30). But in
10 spite of this, they didn’t take it up because of the stiffness of
their necks. Not only didn’t they take it up, but they broke and
destroyed it. ‘For long ago’, it says, ‘You broke your yoke, destroyed
your bonds’ (Jer. 2:20). It wasn’t Paul who said this but the prophet
crying out, speaking of the yoke and the bonds as the symbols of
rule, because the Jews rejected the dominion of Christ when they
said: ‘We have no king but Caesar’ (John 19:15). You broke the
yoke, you shattered the bonds, you cast yourself out of the
20 kingdom of heaven and subjected yourself to human rule. Please
consider how accurately the prophet hinted at their refractory
nature: he didn’t say ‘You put aside the yoke’, but ‘Yog broke the
yoke’, which is the shortcoming of skittish’ animals that refuse
to obey the reins and reject being ruled.
But where does this stiffness come from? From gluttony and
drunkenness. Who says so? Moses himself. ‘Israel ate, and was
filed and grew fat, and the darling grew frisky’ (Deut. 32115). He
means that just as when animals feed from a full trough they
30 become corpulent and more obstinate and hard to hold in, and
tolerate neither the yoke nor the reins nor the hand of the
driver, so too the Jewish people were driven by drunkenness
and corpulence to the ultimate evil; they became skittish and
didn’t accept the yoke of Christ, nor did they pull the plough
of his teaching. It was this, then, that another prophet hinted
at when he said: ‘Like a stubborn heifer, Israel is stubborn’ (Hos.
4:16). Yet another called Israel an ‘untamed calf’ (Jer. 38:18
LXX).
40 Such animals, when they’re unfit for work, become fit for the
slaughter. It was this fate, then, that the Jews suffered: in
making themselves useless for work, they became fit for the
slaughter. This is why Christ said: ‘But as for those enemies of
mine, who didn’t want me to reign over them, bring them here and

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slay them’ (Luke 19:27). You should have fasted then, Jew, when
drunkenness was doing those terrible things to you, when glut-
tony had brought forth impiety - not now. I mean that, as it is,
your fasting occurs at the wrong time and is disgusting. Who
said so? Isaiah himself when he cried out in a loud voice:
50 ‘I didn’t choose this fast, says the Lord’ (Isa. 58:6). Why? Because you
fast only to quarrel and fight, and you hit those subordinate to you with
your fists (Isa. 58:4).
But if your fasting was disgusting when you were hitting your
fellow servants, does it become acceptable when you’ve slain the
Master? How could that be right? The person who fasts should
be restrained, contrite, humbled, not drunk with rage. Do you
hit your fellow servants ? In the time of Isaiah they fasted only
60 to quarrel and fight, but now they do it for licentiousness and
extreme intemperance, dancing with bare feet in the market-
place.’ While their pretext is that they’re fasting, their appear-
ance is that of drunks. Listen to how the prophet commands
them to fast: ‘Sanctify a fast’, he says. He didn’t say: ‘Show off
your fasting’ (but) ‘call the assembly, gather the elders’ (Joel
847 1:14). But the Jews gather bands of effeminate men and a great
mob of female prostitutes; they drag the whole theatre and the
actors into the synagogue: there’s no difference between theatre
and synagogue. I know that some charge me with audacious
speech because I said: ‘There’s no difference between theatre
and synagogue’, but I charge them (with audacity) if they
don’t think like this. The point is that, if my declaration is
made on my own initiative, charge me (with audacity), but if
I’m repeating the words of the prophet, accept his assertion.
I know that many people respect the Jews and think that their
10 present way of life is honourable. That’s why it’s urgent for me to
tear out this deadly notion by the root. I said that the synagogue
is no better than the theatre, and I adduce my evidence from
the prophet - the Jews aren’t more worthy of belief than the
prophets. What, then, does the prophet say? ‘You bad a prostitute’s
face; you became shameless before ail’ (Jer. 3:3 LXX). Where a pros-
titute has established herself, that place is a brothel. I should say
that the synagogue isn’t only a brothel and a theatre, but also a
20 cave of robbers and a resting-place for wild beasts. ‘For’, it says,
‘your house has become for me a hyena’s caue’ (cf. Jer. 7: 11; 12:9
LXX). He doesn’t just mean ‘of a wild beast’, but ‘of a filthy
wild beast’. And again: I’ve abandoned my house; I’ve forsaken my
inheritance (Jer. 12:7). When God abandons (a people), what

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hope of salvation is left? When God abandons (a place), that

place becomes the dwelling of demons.
But the Jews will no doubt say that they too worship God.
Heaven forbid them to say that! No Jew worships God. Who
says so? The Son of God. ‘If you knew my Father’, he says, ‘~02~
30 would know me too. But you neither know me nor do you know my
Father’ (John 8:19). What sort of evidence can I produce that’s
more trustworthy than that?
If, then, the Jews don’t recognise the Father, if they crucified
the Son, if they repulsed the help of the Spirit, who wouldn’t be
bold enough to declare that (the synagogue) is the resting-place
of demons? God isn’t worshipped there. Heaven forbid! There-
fore it’s the place of idolatry. Nonetheless some people are
intent on these places, as if they were hallowed.
I’m not making these statements from guesswork, but because
40 I’ve learned from experience itself. Indeed three days ago (believe
me, I’m not lying) I saw an elegant freewoman, well-behaved and
a believer. She was being forced by some brutal and unfeeling
man, supposedly a Christian (I wouldn’t call a person who had
rhe effrontery to do this a sincere Christian) to go into the
place of the Hebrews (SC. synagogue) and to swear an oath
there about business under dispute with him. Approaching
me, the woman called on me for help, and asked me to prevent
50 this lawless violence (she was forbidden to go into that place
because she had partaken of the holy mysteries). I was inflamed
with indignation and enraged; I was galvanised into action and
refused to allow her to be dragged any further into that trans-
gression,” and I snatched her away from that unlawful abduc-
tion. When I asked the abductor if he were a Christian, and
he confessed he was, I stood over him insistently, accusing
him of being unfeeling and extremely stupid. I said he was no
better than a mule if, while claiming to worship Christ, he
60 dragged off someone to the caves of the Jews, who had crucified
him. I spoke to him at length, saying firstly that swearing oaths
was absolutely forbidden, and so was forcing someone to swear
848 them. I drew my lesson from the holy Gospels. Then I told him
that he was forbidden to subject not only a baptised believer to
this compulsion, but also an unbaptised person.
After I’d talked to him at great length and driven out the
mistaken notion from his mind, I asked him his reason for dis-
missing the church and dragging (the woman) to the assembly of
the Hebrews. He said that many people had told him that oaths

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sworn there were more awe-inspiring.” I groaned at these words,

and I was inflamed with rage, and after that I began to smile
10 again: on seeing the devil’s mischief, I groaned because he had
the power to mislead human beings; on considering the careless-
ness of those who were taken in, I was inflamed with rage; on
looking again at the degree and extent of the stupidity of
those taken in, I began to smile.
I have related and explained these events to you because you
are inhuman and hard-hearted towards those who perpetrate
and suffer such actions. Even if you see one of your brothers or
sisters falling into a trangression like this, you deem it someone
else’s misfortune, not your own; and you think you have
20 defended’* yourself against your accusers when you say: ‘What’s
it got to do with me? What have I got in common with that
person?’ In these words you express extreme hatred for humanity
and a cruelty that comes from Satan. What are you saying?
You’re a human being and you share the same nature. Rather,
if I’m to speak of a common nature, I should say that you
have one head, Christ. How can you have the effrontery to say
that you have nothing in common with your own members?
How can you then confess that Christ is the head of the
church? It’s indeed the nature of the head to join together all the
30 members, to arrange and connect them exactly to each other. But
if you have nothing in common with your member, neither do
you have anything in common even with your brother or
sister, nor do you have Christ as your head.
The Jews frighten you as if you were small children, and you
don’t realise it. It’s like when many nasty slaves show frightening
and ridiculous masks to children (they’re not frightening in
themselves, but appear so because of the simple minds13 of the
children), and arouse a great deal of laughter. In exactly the
40 same way the Jews scare the more simple-minded Christians, for
how could (their synagogues) be frightening, when they’re full of
great shame and ridicule - (the synagogues) of people who have
rebelled, been dishonoured and condemned?
Our (churches) aren’t like that, but are truly frightening’* and
filled with awe. For the place where God is present, possessing
power over life and death, is a frightening place - where homilies
are delivered on everlasting punishments, on rivers of fire, the
50 poisonous worm, chains that can’t be broken, external darkness.
But the Jews know none of this, not even in a dream, because
they live for the belly, they have their mouths open for the

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things of this world, being no better than pigs or goats by reason

of their licentiousness and their excessive gluttony. They only
know one thing - how to gorge themselves and get drunk, to
be made mince-meat of because of pantomime dancers, to be
wounded because of charioteers.15
Tell me, then, are (their synagogues) venerable and awe-
inspiring?” Who would say so? Where’s your evidence for think-
ing that they’re awe-inspiring, unless someone were to say that
servants who’ve been dishonoured and have no right of speech
60 and have been deprived of their master’s house are awe-inspiring
to those who have influence and the freedom to speak? No, this
isn’t the case - it isn’t, because inns are not more hallowed than
the emperor’s palace. I should say that the spot where the syna-
849 gogue is, is less worthy of honour than any inn. For it’s not only
a resting-place for robbers and cheats, but also for demons, which
holds not only for the synagogues but also for the very souls of
the Jews. I’ll try to prove this at the end of the homily.
Please, then, remember in a special way what I’ve said. We
aren’t speaking now with an eye to show or applause, but to the
cure of your souls. I mean - what’s left for me to say to you when
10 some of you are sick, although there are so many doctors.
The apostles were twelve in number, and they won over the
whole world. The majority of the city is Christian, and still
some suffer the Judaising disease. How would those of us who
are healthy defend ourselves on this point? Surely those who are
ill themselves deserve to be accused. But we aren’t free of blame
either, because we’ve neglected them in their ill-health. In other
words, it would be impossible for them still to be sick if they’d
enjoyed constant care from us.
This is why I’m pre-empting you now in what I say, so that
20 each of you may win over your brother or sister, even if you have
to subject them to duress, even if you have to force them and
treat them badly and obstinately, do everything to have them
escape the devil’s snare and to be free of fellowship with those
who killed Christ.
Tell me, if you saw someone who’d been justly condemned
being led through the market-place and if you had the power
to snatch them from the hands of the executioner, wouldn’t
you do everything to save them from being dragged off? Now
it’s your own brother or sister whom you see, who’s being
dragged off not by the executioner, but in an unjust and
30 unholy manner by the devil to the pit of destruction. Aren’t you

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even prepared to do your part so that he or she escapes from his

transgression? What excuse could you find? But (you will say),
your brother or sister is stronger and more powerful than you
are. Show the person to me. I’ll choose to lay down my life”
rather than let them enter the holy doors, should they remain
obstinate in their intentions.
(I’11 say to them): ‘What have you got in common with the
free Jerusalem, with the Jerusalem above? You’ve chosen the
one below - remain in slavery with her: indeed, according to
40 the words of the apostle, she’ll “remain in slavery with her children”
(Gal. 4:25). Are you fasting with the Jews? Well, take off your
shoes with the Jews too, and walk in the market-place with bare
feet, and join in their indecent behaviour and their laughter. But
you wouldn’t choose to do this, because you’d be ashamed and
would blush. Then is it the case that you’d be ashamed to join
in with them in the way they dress, but you wouldn’t be
ashamed to join in with their impiety? What excuse will you
have, you who are half-Christian?’
Believe me, I would sooner lay down my life than neglect one
50 of those who suffer from this disease - if I see them. But if I
don’t recognise them, surely God will forgive me. Let each of
you, too, take these matters into consideration, and not think
that the issue is of secondary importance. Don’t you pay atten-
tion to what the deacon calls out continuously at the mysteries?
‘Recognise one another’.18 Don’t you see how he entrusts you with
the careful scrutiny of your brothers and sisters? Practise this
scrutiny in the case of the Judaisers as well. When you recognise
a Judaiser, take hold of them, make the situation plain to them,
so that you too don’t become party to the danger. I say this
because also in the case of army camps outside the country, if
someone from the ranks of the soldiers is caught favouring
60 barbarians, that is, being well-disposed towards Persians, not
only is he in danger, but so also is everyone who knew his
inclinations and failed to point him out to the general. Since,
then, you are Christ’s army, you must make it your business
850 to investigate scrupulously whether a foreigner has infiltrated
your ranks, and you must point them out - not so that we
may execute them, as they do in the army, nor so that we may
punish them or avenge ourselves on them, but so that we may
free them from error and impiety and make them entirely
ours. If you’re unwilling to do this and knowingly conceal (the
person), be assured that you’ll be subject to the same penalty

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10 as they are. For Paul, too, subjects to punishment and penalty

not only criminals but also those who connive with them
(cf. Rom. 1:32). And the prophet for his part brings not only
thieves but also their accomplices to the same judgement (cf.
Ps. 49:lS). And this is fair. For the person who’s aware of the
criminal’s actions and covers for them and conceals them, pro-
vides them with more excuse for carelessness and makes them
less afraid in their pursuit of crime.
But we must return again to the sick. Well, then, consider
who it is they’ve joined with in fasting. It’s with the people
20 who shouted: ‘Crucify him, crucify him’ (Luke 23:21), with those
who said: ‘His blood be upon us and upon our children’ (Matt.
27:25). If some people had been caught rebelling against their
leader and had been condemned, surely you wouldn’t dare to
approach them and converse with them? I don’t think so. Isn’t
it absurd, then, to be assiduous in avoiding contact with
people who’ve committed a crime against a human being, but
to join up with people who’ve insulted God himself? (Isn’t it
absurd that) those who worship the crucified one join in celebrat-
ing with those who crucified him? Isn’t this a sign not just of
stupidity but also of extreme craziness?
30 Because there are some people who consider that the syna-
gogue is a holy place, it’s imperative to say a few words to
them too. What’s the reason for revering that place when you
should despise it, abominate it and leap away from it? ‘The
law and the books of the prophets’, you say, ‘are kept there.’
So what? Surely it’s not the case that every place where such
books are found will be holy? Certainly not. For my part this
is the reason above all others that I hate the synagogue and
have an aversion to it: although they have the prophets, they
don’t believe in them; although they read out the sacred
writings, they don’t accept their evidence - and this is a sign
of people whose ways are quite outrageous.
40 Tell me, if you saw someone venerable, distinguished and
notable being dragged off into a bar or resting-place for robbers,
then outraged there, beaten and subjected to extreme violence,
would you have held the bar or the cave in high esteem because
that great man had been inside it while being subjected to
violence? I don’t think so, but for this very reason you would’ve
had a special hatred for and aversion to the place.
That should be your judgement in the case of the synagogue as
50 well: they brought the prophets and Moses in with them there,

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not to honour them but to outrage and dishonour them. For

when they say that the prophets and Moses didn’t know Christ
or said nothing about his coming, what greater outrage could
they inflict on those holy men than when they accuse them of
not recognising their Master, and call them partners in their
own impiety? Consequently we must hate both them and the
synagogue all the more because they behave offensively with
regard to those holy men.
But why am I talking about books and synagogues? In time of
60 persecution the executioners handled the bodies of the martyrs
and scourged and beat them. Are their hands then holy because
they handled the bodies of saints? Heaven forbid! The hands
which handled the bodies of the saints remain unhallowed for
the very reason that their handling of them was wicked. And
will those who handle the writings of holy men and commit
851 outrage against them, no less than the executioners did the
bodies of the martyrs, be venerable on that account? Wouldn’t
that be the ultimate stupidity? I mean that, if the wicked hand-
ling of the bodies not only failed to hallow those who handled
them, but even made them more polluted, even more so is it
the case that reading out the scriptures without believing in
them could never bring benefit to those who read them out.
It’s precisely because they keep these books on purpose that
10 demonstrates their greater impiety, because they wouldn’t have
deserved an accusation of such seriousness if they hadn’t the
prophets in their possession. They wouldn’t have been so
impure and unhallowed if they hadn’t read the books. But as
it is, they’ve been robbed of all pardon because of the fact
that, although they have the heralds of truth, they resist with
hostility both the prophets and the truth. So on this account
they would be all the more unhallowed and impious, in that,
while they have the prophets in their possession, they treat
them with hostile intent.
So, please, avoid and leap away from their gatherings. The
20 harm they do to your weaker brothers and sisters isn’t to be taken
lightly; the excuse they give the Jews to act without sense is not
to be taken lightly. For when they see that you, who worship the
Christ they crucified, are reverently following their ritual, why
wouldn’t they believe that all the rituals they perform are the
best and that ours are worthless, when after worshipping and
paying honour at our mysteries you run to the people who

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destroy them? ‘If someoneseesyou’, it says, ‘a person of know/edge,

reclining at table in an idol’s temple, wouldn’t they be encouraged, if
30 their conscienceis weak, to eat food offfled to idols?’ (1 Cor. &IO).
I say: ‘If someone sees you, a person of knowledge, walking off
towards the synagogue and being a spectator at the Festival of
Trumpets, wouldn’t they be encouraged, if their conscience is
weak, to admire what the Jews do?’ The one who falls not
only pays the penalty for their own fall, but is punished for trip-
ping others as well. Similarly the person who has stood firm not
only is crowned for their own virtue, but is admired for leading
others on as well to the same fervour.
Therefore avoid both their gatherings and their places, and let
40 nobody venerate the synagogue because of its books, but let them
hate and turn their back on it because the Jews maltreat the holy
ones, because they refuse to believe their own words, because
they accuse them of the ultimate impiety.‘”
So that you may know that the books don’t make a place holy,
but that it’s the intention of those who come together (in a place)
that makes it impure, I’ll tell you an old story. Ptolemy
Philadelphus*’ collected books from everywhere. When he
learned that the Jews had writings which studied God and the
50 ideal state, he sent for men from Judaea and had the books trans-
lated by them, and deposited them in the Temple of Serapis (he
was a pagan). Up to the present the translations of the books of
the prophets remain in the temple. Well, then, will the temple
of Serapis be holy because of the books? Heaven forbid! While
the books possess their own holiness, they don’t communicate
it to the place, because those who come together there are defiled.
You must, therefore, apply the same argument to the synagogue
852 as well. Even if there isn’t an idol installed there, still demons
inhabit the place. I’m not saying that only about the synagogue
here in town, but about the one in Daphne as well, for there you
have a place of perdition that’s more wicked, which they call
Matrona’s. I have heard that many of the faithful go up there
and sleep beside the place.
But heaven forbid that I should ever call these people the
faithful! To me both the shrine of Matrona and the temple of
Apollo* ’ are equally impure. If anyone charges me with rashness,
10 I charge them in turn with utter madness.22 I mean, tell me -
isn’t the place where demons live a place of impiety even if
there’s no statue 23 standing there ? This is where the Christ-
slayers assemble, where the cross is driven out, where God is

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blasphemed, where the Father is ignored, where the Son is

insulted, where the grace of the Spirit is repulsed. I shouldn’t
say that, since the Jews themselves are demons, a greater harm
comes from the place? I mean that in the pagan temple the
impiety is naked and obvious, and it wouldn’t be easy to deceive
someone and allure them there if they had a brain and were
20 sensible. But in the synagogue, by claiming to worship God, to
abhor idols and to possess and honour the prophets, the Jews are
preparing a lot of bait by these words, and they catch in their
snares the rather simple-minded and the silly when they’re off
their guard.
So the impiety of the Jews and the pagans is equal, but the
deceit practised by the Jews is more difficult to deal with:
indeed, in their synagogue there stands an invisible altar of
deceit, on which they sacrifice not sheep and calves but the
souls of human beings. In short, if you admire their rituals,
what have you got in common with us? The point is that, if
30 their rituals are venerable and great, ours are false. But if ours are
true, as indeed they are true, theirs are full of deceit. I’m not
talking about the scriptures - heaven forbid! - for it was the
scriptures that led me by the hand to Christ, but I’m talking
about the impiety and the present madness of the Jews.
Now, then, it’s time to show that demons live in the syna-
gogue, not only in the place itself but also in the very souls of
the Jews. ‘When the unclean spirit has left’, it says, ‘it passesthrough
40 waterless places seeking rest. When it doesn’t find it, it says ‘7 will
return to my house.” And when it comes it jinds it empty, swept and
put in order. And it goes on and brings with it seven other spirits
more evil than itself; and they go in to it and the last state of that
person will be worse than the jirst. So shall it be with this generation’
(Matt. 12:43-5).
Do you see that the demons dwell in their souls, and that the
Jews nowadays are more difficult to deal with than the ones
before them? And this is a very fair statement: in the olden
50 days they acted impiously towards the prophets, whereas now
they insult the Master of the prophets himself. Tell me, don’t
you shudder when you come into the same place as people
who are possessed, who have so many unclean spirits, who’ve
been brought up among slaughter and murder? Do you have
to join in greeting them, and exchange a scant word? Shouldn’t
you turn away from them because they are the common corrup-
tion and disease of the whole world? Haven’t they come to every

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kind of wickedness? Haven’t all the prophets wasted many long

speeches of accusation on them? What tragedy, what manner of
60 transgression haven’t they eclipsed by their bloodthirstiness?
They sacrificed their own sons and daughters to demons. They
ignored nature, forgot the pangs of birth, trampled on child-
rearing, overturned from their foundations the laws of kinship;
they became more savage than any wild beasts.
853 Indeed, wild beasts often lay down their lives and hold their
own safety of no account in order to protect their young. But
there was no necessity for the Jews to kill their own children
with their own hands in order to pay honour to the avenging
demons, which are the enemies of our life. What attribute of
theirs would be the first to strike us with astonishment - their
impiety or their cruelty or their inhumanity? The fact that
they sacrificed their sons, or that they sacrificed them to
demons (cf. Ps. 106:37)? Through their licentiousness didn’t
10 they eclipse even the most extreme lust of animals? Listen to
what the prophet says about their excesses: ‘They were Lusty
stallions. Each one neighed after his neighbour’s wife’ (Jer. 553). He
didn’t say: ‘Each one lusted after his neighbour’s wife’, but he
expressed the madness which was generated by their licentious-
ness most vividly by speaking of it as the neighing of animals.
What else do you want me to tell you? (Shall I tell you about)
their acts of plunder, greed, their betrayal of the poor, their theft
20 and cheating? Not even a whole day would be long enough to
describe these to you. But do their festivals have something
solemn and great about them? They’ve demonstrated that
these, too, are impure. Listen to the prophets - or I should
say, listen to God and how vehemently he turned his back on
them: ‘I’ve found your festivals hateful, I have thrust them away’
(Amos 5:21).
God hates these festivals, and do you join in them? He didn’t
say this or that festival, but all of them collectively. Do you want
to see that God hates worship that’s made with drums and lyres
and harps and other instruments? He said: ‘Take away from me the
30 noise of your song, and to the melody of your instruments I will not
listen’ (Amos 5123). God said: ‘Take (them) away from me’, and
you rush to listen to their trumpets? Aren’t these sacrifices and
offerings abominable? If you bring me the finest wbeaten flour, it is
in vain. Incense is an abomination to me (Isa. 1: 13 LXX). Incense is
an abomination; isn’t the place also an abomination? And when
was it an abomination? Before they committed the worst of

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crimes, before they killed their Master, before the cross, before
the slaying of Christ, it was an abomination. Isn’t it much
40 more an abomination now? And indeed what’s more fragrant
than incense? But it wasn’t the nature of the gifts but the inten-
tion of those who bring them that God pays attention to, and so
judges the offerings.
He paid attention to Abel, and then to his gifts. He saw Cain,
and then turned his back on his sacrifices. ‘To Cain and to his
sacr.i$ices’, it says, ‘he paid no attention’ (Gen. 4:5). Noah offered
to God sacrifices of sheep and calves and birds. And scripture
says: ‘The Lord smelled a pleasing odour’ (Gen. 8:2I), that is, he
50 accepted the offerings. For God has no nostrils but is a dis-
embodied divinity. Yet what rises from the altar is odour and
smoke from burning corpses, and no odour is more foul than
that. So that you may learn that it’s the intention of those bring-
ing the offerings that God pays attention to, and accepts or
rejects it, scripture calls the odour and the smoke a pleasing
odour, but it calls the incense an abomination because the inten-
tion of those bringing the offerings reeked with a foul smell.
Do you wish to learn that, together with the sacrifices and the
60 musical instruments and the festivals and the incense, God also
turns his back on the temple because of those who enter it?
He showed this especially through his actions, when he surren-
dered it into the hands of barbarians, and later when he destroyed
it completely.** Still, even before its destruction he called out
and said through the prophet: ‘Don’t trust in deceptive words because
854 they won’t help you when you say: “This is the temple of the Lord, the
temple of the Lord”’ (Jer. 7:4 LXX). ‘It’s not the temple which
sanctifies those who gather in it’, he says, ‘but those who gather
in it who make the temple holy.’ If the temple didn’t help at the
time when the Cherubim and the Ark were there, this will be the
case much more when they’ve all been removed, when God’s
rejection of it’s complete, when the reason for enmity is greater.
How silly and how deranged it would be to take as your partners
in the festivals those who’ve been dishonoured, who’ve been
10 abandoned by God, who’ve provoked the Master.
Tell me, if someone had killed your son, could you bear to lay
eyes on them? Could you bear to listen to their greeting?
Wouldn’t you avoid them as you would an evil spirit, as the
devil himself? The Jews killed your Master’s Son - do you
have the effrontery to go with them to the same place? The
one who was killed has honoured you to the point of making

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you his brother or sister and co-heir, whereas you treat him with
dishonour to the point of honouring those who killed the
Master and crucified the Son, and worshipping in their company
20 during the festivals, and going to their impure places, and enter-
ing their unclean doors, and taking part in the table of demons.
(I’m persuaded to call the fast of the Jews ‘the table of demons’
because they killed God.) How wouldn’t they be worshipping
demons, when they act against God? Are you looking for a
cure from the demons? On the occasion when Christ allowed
them to go into the swine, they plunged immediately into the
sea (cf. Matt. 8:31-2). Will the demons spare human bodies? I
wish that they wouldn’t kill human bodies, that they wouldn’t
30 plot against them. They expelled human beings from paradise,
they deprived them of honour from above - will they cure
their bodies? These are ridiculous stories. The demons know
how to plot and harm, not to cure. They don’t spare souls -
tell me, will they spare bodies? They try to expel people from
the kingdom - will they choose to free them from illness?
Didn’t you hear the prophet speaking, or, I should say, God
speaking through the prophet? He said that the demons could
do neither good nor ill. Even if they could cure, and were willing
40 to do so - which is an impossibility - you shouldn’t exchange a
small, ephemeral benefit for a punishment that’s eternal and
never-ending. Are you going to cure your body in order to lose
your soul? That’s bad business on your part: are you going to
anger God, who made your body, and call on the demon who
plots against you, to cure you?
How wouldn’t it be easy for a demon-fearing pagan to woo
you to worship the pagan gods through using medical knowl-
edge? I mean that pagans too often cure many illnesses through
50 their art, and restore the sick to health. Well then, should you
join in with their impiety on this account? Heaven forbid!
Listen to what Moses said to the Jews: ‘If a prophet arises among
you, a dreamer of dreams, and gives you a sign or a wonder, and the
sign or wonder which be has told of comes to pass, and if he says to
you the words: “Let’s go and worship other gods which our fathers
haven’t known”, don’t listen to the voice of the prophet or to the dreamer
of dreams’ (Deut. 13~2-4 LXX). What Moses means is this. ‘If
60 some prophet rises up’, he says, ‘and performs a sign, either by
raising the dead, or making a leper clean, or curing someone
who’s maimed, and after performing the sign calls you to

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impiety, don’t be persuaded because the sign has come to pass.’

Why not? For the Lord your God is testing you, to see whether
855 you love him with all your heart, and with all your soul (Deut. 1314
LXX). From this it’s clear that demons don’t cure. But if ever
God permitted someone to be cured, as happens with human
beings, his permission is given to test you, not because God
doesn’t know you, but in order for you to learn to reject even
the demons who do cure.
And why do I speak of bodily cures? If someone threatens you
with hell unless you deny Christ, don’t accept their words. If
IO someone promises you a kingdom if you revolt against the only-
begotten Son of God, turn your back on them and hate them.
Become a disciple of Paul and emulate those words which his
blessed and noble soul exclaimed. ‘For I’m sure’, he said, ‘that
neither death, nor life, nor angels, nor principalities, nor powers, nor
things present, nor things to come, nor height, nor depth, nor anything
else in creation can separate us from the love of God, which is in
Christ Jesus our Lord’ (Rom. 8:38-g).
Neither angels, nor powers, nor things present, nor things to come,
20 nor anything else in creation separated Paul from the love of Christ
- and you hold yourself aloof from curing your body? What sort
of excuse could we find? Indeed we must regard Christ as more
fearful than hell, and we must desire him more than a kingdom.
Even if we’re sick, it’s better to remain in a state of infirmity
than to fall into impiety through being freed from weakness.
Even if a demon cures you, it’s harmed you more than helped
you: it’s helped your body, which a short time later is going
30 to die and rot away; it’s harmed your soul, which is immortal.
Kidnappers often entice small children by offering them sweets
and cakes and knucklebones and other such objects, and deprive
them of their freedom and their very life. So, too, the demons
hold out the promise of the cure of a limb and completely
sink the soul’s salvation.
No, let’s not put up with that, beloved, but in every way let’s
seek to be free from impiety. Couldn’t Job have been convinced
by his wife to blaspheme against God, and to have been freed
40 from the misfortune which beset him? ‘Curse God’, she said, ‘and
die’ (Job 29). But he chose rather to suffer and waste away, and
to put up with that unbearable blow, rather than blaspheme and
be freed from the evils which beset him. You too must emulate
him. Even if the demon were to promise you countless deliver-
ances from the ills which beset you, don’t be convinced, don’t

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put up with it either, just as the just man wasn’t convinced by

his wife. But choose to endure your illness rather than to destroy
50 the faith and the salvation of your soul. It’s not because God is
abandoning you, but it’s because he wants to make you more
vibrant that he frequently allows you to fall sick. So continue
to be patient so that you too may hear the words: ‘Do yozl
think that I’ve dealt with you for any reason other than that yozl
may be shown to be just?’ (Job 40:8 LXX).
I could have said more even than this, but in order not to spoil
your memory regarding what I’ve said, I’ll bring the sermon to
an end at this point, quoting the words of Moses: ‘I call heaven
and earth to witness against your’ (Deut. 30:19). If any of you,
60 either those who are present or those who are absent, goes to
watch the Trumpets, or rushes to the synagogue, or goes up to
the shrine of Matrona, or joins in the fasting, or takes part in
the sabbath, or performs any other Jewish rite great or small,
I’m guiltless of the blood of all of you. These words will stand
by your side and mine on the day of our Lord Jesus Christ.
If you’re convinced by them, they’ll provide you with great
856 confidence. If you disregard them or conceal anyone who has the
effrontery to do such things, my words will stand against you
like vehement accusers. For I didn’t shrink from declaring to you
the whole counsel of God (Acts 20:27), but I’ve deposited money
with the bankers. It remains for you to increase the deposit
and to use the profit from what you’ve heard for the salvation
of your brothers and sisters.
Is it burdensome and oppressive to denounce those who
10 commit these sins? It’s indeed burdensome and oppressive to
remain silent. For both to you who conceal them and to those
people themselves who are escaping notice, this very silence
brings destruction by making God your enemy. How much
better it is to incur the hatred of your fellow servants for
saving them than to provoke the Master’s anger against your-
selves. For even if your fellow servant is annoyed with you at
the present moment, they won’t be able to harm you, but will
rather be grateful to you afterwards for the cure. God, on the
other hand, will exact from you the ultimate penalty, if you
curry a harmful favour with your fellow servant and remain
20 silent and conceal them. The upshot will be that by remaining

silent you’ll make God your enemy, and you’ll harm your brother
or sister; on the other hand, if you denounce them and show
them up, God will be propitious to you and you will help

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your brother or sister - you’ll gain a friend who’s crazy about

you, who learned by experience how you’d helped them.
Don’t think, then, that you’re doing your brothers and sisters
a favour if you observe them going after something inappropriate
and fail to accuse them with every intensity. If you lose a cloak,
don’t you have the same enmity for not only the one who stole it
but also the one who knew about the theft and didn’t denounce
30 the thief? Our common mother has lost not a cloak but a brother
or sister. The devil stole them and now holds them fast in
Judaism. You know who the thief is; you know who was
stolen. Do you see me lighting the homily of instruction like
a lamp and searching everywhere as I mourn them? And will
you stand in silence and not denounce (the perpetrator)? What
kind of excuse will you have? How could the church not
reckon you as one of her direst enemies and consider you a
destructive foe?
Heaven forbid that anyone who hears this advice should ever
40 commit such a sin as to betray a brother or sister on whose behalf
Christ died. Christ shed his blood for them - are you holding
back from even saying a word on their account? Please don’t
do this. Instead, straight after you leave here rouse yourselves
to undertake this hunt, and let each of you bring me one of
those who are sick in this way.
Heaven forbid that there should be so many who are sick! Let
two or three of you, or ten or a hundred, bring me one person, so
that on that day, when I see that your quarry is inside the net, I’ll
50 serve you a more lavish mea1.25 When I see that my advice today
has been put to work, I’ll tackle the cure of those persons with
more purpose, and both you and they will benefit more.
Don’t neglect my words. Let the women chase after women,
and the men after men, and the slaves after slaves, and the free-
men after freemen, and the children after children, and in general
let everyone be very scrupulous in chasing after people who are
suffering from this kind of illness. Come to the next service
with such success that you’ll win praise from us, and, before
60 our laudatory words, you’ll obtain a great and indescribable
reward from God, surpassing in great measure the efforts of
those who are successful. May all of us attain this through the
grace and love for humankind of our Lord Jesus Christ, through
whom and with whom to the Father, together with the Holy
Spirit, be glory now and always, and for ever and ever. Amen.

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INTRODUCTION

Delivered in Antioch, as explicitly stated by John, the homily details

several important aspects of the welfare activities of the church and
the provision of pastoral care for the poor and homeless of that
city. There is reference to the church dole and to the register of
such persons, presumably as a means of controlling the provision
and reception of it. There are references also to the necessity for
the church to own property that provides an income sufficient to
finance such activities, and intimations that the actions and personal
ethics of the clergy who administer the programme on behalf of the
local church are not above suspicion. The attitude of members of the
Christian community not in need towards the different categories of
needy persons is likewise detailed. John’s angry exhortation to the
audience to exercise charity and humility reflects a common pastoral
emphasis on caring for one’s own soul through observing the com-
mand to love one’s neighbour. Throughout the homily the Greek
term eletiosynk is translated variously by us as mercy, charity and
almsgiving, according to the sense of the passage. The date of the
homily is unknown.
Translated from Field (1847: 241-58).

TEXT

241 Aren’t I an apostle? Aren’t I free? Haven’t I seenJesus Christ, our

Lord? Aren’t you my work in the Lord? (1 Cor. 9~1).

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. . . (The homily opens and continues for six paragraphs

with an exegesis of 1 Cor. 9:1-12, during which the topics
of Paul’s self-praise and wisdom are also raised) . . .

I (186) Let’s listen to these words too, beloved, so that we don’t look
down on those who’ve fallen or put any obstacle in the way of
Christ’s Gospel (1 Cor. 9:12), so that we don’t betray our salva-
tion. When your brother or sister has fallen please don’t say:
‘The occasion of their falling couldn’t be prevented’, or ‘It’s per-
mitted.’ I’ll tell you something more significant - if you see
someone is being harmed, even if Christ has permitted it, you
must stop what you’re doing and not take advantage of the
fact that it’s been permitted. For Paul too did this: when with
Christ’s approval he could have taken (his rights), he didn’t
B (cf. 1 Cor. 9: 12, 15). Indeed, because the Master is generous, he
has mingled abundant gentleness with his commandments, so
that we perform many actions not only as a result of his injunc-
tion but also as a result of our own decision. I mean that, if he
hadn’t wanted to do that, he could have extended his command-
ments further and said: ‘Let the person who doesn’t fast all the
time be punished; let the person who doesn’t remain a virgin
be penalised; let the person who doesn’t give away all their
possessions pay the ultimate penalty.’ No, he didn’t do that,
giving you the opportunity to aspire to do more if you
wished. On that account, both when he was speaking about
virginity, he said: ‘Let the one who is able to receive, receive’ (Matt.
19:12), and in the case of the rich man he gave some orders,
but gave permission for other matters to be left to the man’s
c discretion. For he didn’t say: ‘Sell what you have’, but ‘If you wish
to be perfect, sell’ (Matt. 1921).
Instead, not only don’t we aspire to do more or go beyond his
instructions, but we fall far short even of the measure of his com-
mands. Whereas Paul went without food in order not to put any
obstacle in the way of the Gospel, we haven’t the heart even to touch
what we’ve stored up, although we see countless souls being
ruined. ‘Yes, let the moth munch’, they say, ‘and let the poor
person not munch; let the worm devour, and let the naked
person have no clothes; let everything be consumed by time,
and let Christ not be nourished even though he’s hungry.’
D ‘Who was it who said this?‘, someone asks. Indeed, this is the
really serious thing, that these sentiments aren’t expressed in
words, but in actions. I mean that it would be less serious if

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they were expressed in words, than being manifested in deeds.

Isn’t this what Avarice, the tyrant who’s both inhuman and
252 cruel, cries out daily to his captives? Let your wealth be put
before both informers, robbers and traitors for extravagance,
and not before the poor or the needy as sustenance. Aren’t you
the ones who create robbers? Aren’t you the ones who add fuel
to the fire of the envious? Aren’t you the ones who create run-
away slaves and traitors as you dangle your wealth before them
E like bait? What’s this madness? (For madness it is and obvious
derangement) to fill your chests with clothes, and to overlook
the one made in the image and likeness of God (Gen. 1:26), naked
and shivering with cold and scarcely able to stand upright.
‘But’, you say, ‘this shivering and weakness is a pretence.’ And
then you’re not afraid that a thunderbolt from heaven will be
ignited by these words and fall on you? I’m bursting with
anger - forgive me. While you’re gorging yourself and getting
(187) fat, extending your drinking session late into the evening, bury-
ing yourself in soft coverings, you don’t think that you’ll pay the
penalty for having used God’s gifts in such an unlawful way.
(The purpose of wine is not for us to get drunk, nor is the pur-
pose of nourishment for us to gorge ourselves, nor is the purpose
of food for us to distend our belly.) The poor person, on the other
hand, who’s wretched and as good as dead - are you demanding
strict accounts from them without being afraid of Christ’s law-
court, which is so awesome and awe-inspiring? And even if
they are pretending, they’re pretending because of necessity
B and want, thanks to your cruelty and inhumanity which require
such masks (and) aren’t inclined to mercy. For who is so
wretched and miserable that, in the absence of a pressing neces-
sity, they would submit to such disgrace, bewail their lot and
put up with a punishment of that magnitude for the sake of a
loaf of bread?
The upshot is that their ‘pretence’ does the rounds,
announcing your inhumanity. I mean that, since by beseeching,
entreating and uttering pathetic words, by lamenting and weep-
ing and walking around all day, they haven’t procured even
essential nourishment, perhaps they’ve devised this strategy,
which doesn’t bring with it as much disgrace and blame to
themselves as it does to you. The point is that, while it’s right
253 c for them to be pitied because they’ve ended up in such great
need, we deserve countless punishments in that we’ve forced
poor people to undergo such sufferings. If we were inclined to

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be flexible, they would never have chosen to undergo sufferings

like these.
Why do I speak of their nakedness and shivering? I’ll tell you
something more shocking than this, namely that some people
have been compelled to blind their children at an early age, in
order for them to touch our insensibility. The point is that,
since while having sight and walking around naked they were
able to win over the merciless neither on the grounds of their
youth nor on the grounds of their plight, the parents added to
ills of this magnitude another tragedy which is more painful.
Their purpose is to put a stop to their hunger, because they
D think that it’s easier to suffer the deprivation of that common
light, that sunlight which is given to all, than to struggle
with continual hunger and undergo the most pitiful death. I
mean that, since you haven’t learned to pity poverty but take
pleasure in misfortunes, they satisfy your insatiable desire, and
both for themselves and for us they kindle a fiercer flame in hell.
And so that you may learn that this is the reason for these and
similar happenings, I’ll tell you of an incontrovertible proof that
nobody can contradict. There are other poor people who are
frivolous, and inflated in their minds, and who don’t know how
to put up with being hungry, but endure everything rather than
that. These often came to us with their pitiful gestures and
E words, and when they didn’t derive any profit, stopped their
supplications and they subsequently outstripped your side-
show performers. Some of them chewed the hide of worn-out
shoes, some drove sharp nails through their heads, others lay
in frozen water with bare torso, still others endured more
absurd activities than these, in order to present a sorry spectacle.
You, for your part, while this is taking place, stand there laugh-
ing and admiring them, making a fine show of other people’s
(188) miseries, while our common nature disgraces itself. What more
could a savage demon do than this? Next, so that the poor
person will perform the act more enthusiastically, you give
them a more generous sum of money. And the poor person
who prays and calls on God and approaches you modestly, you
don’t even deign to answer or look in the face, but when they
begin to annoy you with constant requests, you say to them
harshly: ‘Should this person live? Should they breathe at all, or
254 see this sun (of ours)?’ Towards the other people, though, you’re
cheerful and generous, like a judge of the games presiding

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over that disgraceful spectacle that is ludicrous and a work of

Satan.
This is why it’s quite fair to ask the following questions of
B those who set up those games and give no prizes at all until they
see others punishing themselves: ‘Should these people live, or
breathe at all, or see this sun (of ours), when they transgress
against our common nature and insult God?’ When God said:
‘Give alms, and I’ll give you the kingdom of heaven’ (cf. Matt.
6:1), you didn’t listen; but when the devil shows you a head
that’s been nailed through, you immediately become generous.
The strategy of the evil demon, which carries with it so much
harm, has influenced’ you more than the promise of God,
which carries countless blessings. Even if it’s necessary to pay
c money so that these things don’t happen and you don’t watch
them happening, it’s imperative to do everything and endure
everything in order to get rid of this great madness. But so
that these things happen and you watch these things happening,
you make every effort and busy yourself on every score. Tell me,
are you still asking why hell exists? Ask that question no longer,
but ask why there’s only one hell. How many punishments don’t
they deserve - those people who approve of that savage and hard
spectacle, and laugh at things that both they and you yourselves
should weep over? More so you, who’ve forced them to perform
these disgraceful acts.
‘But I don’t force it’, you reply. Tell me, how don’t you force
it, when you can’t even bear to lend an ear to people who are
D quite modest, who weep and call on God, whereas to the
others you even provide money lavishly and surround yourself
with many who admire them? ‘Are we to stop pitying them?’
you ask. Is this your command?’ No, it’s not pity, my good
fellow,* to exact such severe penalty for a few cents, to command
that someone be maimed for the sake of essential nourishment,
and to cut their scalp to shreds in such a painful and pitiful
E manner. ‘Be quiet’, you reply. ‘We’re not the ones who put nails
through those heads.’ I wish you were, then the terrible deed
wouldn’t be so terrible. The point is that the person who kills
someone commits a much more serious crime than the person
who commands them to kill themselves, which indeed occurs
in the case of these persons. For they put up with more piercing
pain when they’re commanded to become the executors of those
evil instructions. And this situation is found in Antioch, where

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they were first called Christians (cf. Acts 11:26), where the most
civilised of all people were bred, where the abundant fruit of
255 charity3 grew of old. They didn’t send (food) just to the inhabi-
tants, but also to those very far off when a famine was expected
(cf. Acts 11:27-30).*
(189) ‘What, then, should we do?’ you ask. Give up this wild beha-
viour, convince everyone who’s needy that if they behave like
that they’ll receive nothing, whereas if they approach people
modestly, they’ll enjoy great munificence. If they learn this
lesson, even if they’re the most wretched people of all, they’ll
never choose to punish themselves in this way - I guarantee it.
Instead, they’ll thank you because you’ve released them from
their ridicule and pain.
But as it is, you would give away even your children for the
sake of charioteers, and you would throw away your very souls
for the sake of pantomime dancers.5 But you wouldn’t offer
B even the smallest portion of your wealth for the sake of Christ if
he were hungry. Instead, if you give a paltry sum of money, you
feel as if you’ve spent all you have, because you don’t know that
it’s not the fact of giving but the fact of giving generously that’s
the special point of charity. That’s why it’s not simply those who
give whom the prophet proclaims and calls blessed, but those who
pour out money unstintingly. I mean that he doesn’t simply say:
‘He gave’, but he speaks about how (the person gave): ‘He distri-
batedfreely, he gave to the poor’ (Ps. 1129). For what use is it when
you give as much of your wealth as someone might give a spoon-
ful of water from the ocean, and you don’t imitate the widow’s
c generosity of spirit? How will you be able to say: ‘Lord, have
mercy on me according to your great mercy, and according to your abun-
dant pity blot otit my transgression’ (Ps. 51:1), when you yourself
don’t show ‘great mercy’, but possibly not even ‘small mercy’
either? Indeed I’m acutely ashamed when I see many of the
rich riding horses with golden bridles, with a train of servants
clad in gold. They have silver couches and an excessive amount
of other ostentation, and when they’re asked to give an offering
to a poor person, they become poorer than the extremely poor.
But what’s their constant talk? ‘He’s got the common church
D allowance’,’ they say. And what’s that to you? I mean, if I give,
256 you’re not saved; if the church makes an offering, you haven’t
blotted out your sins either. For if you don’t give on account
of the fact that the church is obliged to give to the needy,
(then) because the priests pray, will you refuse ever to pray?

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And because other people are observing the fast, are you going to
be continually drunk? Don’t you know that God laid down laws
about almsgiving not so much for the sake of the poor as for the
sake of those very people who make an offering?
So, you’re suspicious about the priest? This itself is an
especially serious sin. However, I’m not going to go into any
E details. Do everything by your own hands, and in that way
you’ll harvest a double reward. The point is that what we’re
saying on the subject of almsgiving we’re saying not so that
you’ll make an offering to us, but so that you personally will
minister by your own hands. If you make an offering to me,
you would maybe be caught by conceit, and perhaps being
offended you would withdraw because you suspected me of
improper conduct; whereas if you do everything by your own
hands, you won’t be offended or unreasonably suspicious, and
your reward will be greater.
No, I’m not making these statements in order to force you to
give your money to the church, nor am I annoyed because priests
are being badly spoken of. If I bad to become annoyed and sad,
(190) I’d have to be sad about the fact that you speak badly of them.
I mean that those who are spoken badly of in a frivolous and idle
way will have a bigger reward, but those who speak badly of
them will have a sentence and a punishment that’s more
grievous. No, I’m not making these statements on their account,
but because I care and worry about you. After all, why is it
surprising if in our generation some people become suspicious,
when in the case of those holy men who imitated the angels
and possessed nothing that was their own - I mean the apostles -
there was a rumour on the subject of the ministry to widows (cf.
Acts 6:l) to the effect that the poor were being overlooked - and
this at a time when nobody said that any of the things they possessed
were their own, but they bad everything in common (Acts 4:32)?
B Let’s not put forward those pretexts or think that the fact that
the church has a great deal of property is an excuse. When you
look at the extent of her property, bear in mind too the
crowds of poor people who are on her books,’ the great numbers
of sick people, the countless occasions when money must be
spent: investigate this thoroughly, scrutinise it, nobody will pre-
vent you - no, they’re even prepared to give you an account.8 But
I wish to go much further. That is, when we’ve rendered the
accounts” and shown that the expenses incurred are not less

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c than the income but on occasion even exceed it, I’ll gladly ask
you this question: ‘When we die and approach heaven” and
257 hear Christ saying: “You saw that I was hungry and you didn’t feed
me, naked and you didn’t clothe me” (Matt. 25:42, 43), what shall
we say? What will our defence be? Will we produce this
person or that one who didn’t obey these commandments, and
some of the priests who were under suspicion? “And what’s
that to you?” he’ll say. “I’m accusing you of sins which you per-
sonally have committed. Your defence should be that you’ve
washed off your own sins, not that you point to others who’ve
made the same mistakes as yourself.“’
Indeed, it’s because of your stinginess that the church is forced
to have such property as it has now: if people acted in every
D respect according to the laws of the apostles, her income would
be your goodwill, which would be both a secure treasury and an
inexhaustible fortune. But as it is, when you lay up a fortune for
yourself on earth and lock up everything in your treasury, while
the church is forced to spend money on the groups of widows,
the bands of virgins, the visits of strangers, the tribulations of
travellers, the misfortunes of those in prison, the needs of the
sick and maimed, and other occasions of this kind, what should
E be done? Turn away from all those people and block up so many
ports? And who’d be able to endure the shipwrecks that would
occur, the tears, laments and wails that would be produced
from every quarter?
Let’s not just say, then, what comes into our heads. For now,
as I said a moment ago, we are prepared to render to you the
accounts. But even if it were the reverse, and you had teachers
who were corrupt and rapacious and greedy in every respect,
not even in those circumstances would their evil deeds give
you an excuse. I mean that the generous and all-wise only-
begotten Son of God both saw everything and knew the chance
(191) that, over a long period of time and over the whole world, there
would be priests who would be corrupt. In order that the care-
lessness of those subject to them shouldn’t be increased through
the priests’ negligence, he removed every excuse ,for carelessness.
‘The scribes and the Pharisees sat on Moses’ seat’, he said, ‘so do and
observe whatever they tell you to do, but don’t do what they do’ (Matt.
23:2-3), indicating that even if you have a bad teacher, it won’t
help you at all unless you heed what they say. I mean that it’s not
on the basis of what the teacher has done but on the basis of what
258 B you heard and didn’t obey that God will pass judgement on you.

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The upshot is that if you do what you’ve been ordered, you’ll

then stand with a great deal of confidence.” But if you disobey
what you’ve been told, even if you can point to countless priests
who are corrupt, this won’t help you at all. Judas was an apostle
too, but nonetheless this fact will never be any defence at all for
people who commit sacrilege and are greedy. Nor will anybody
who’s been accused be able to say: ‘Indeed the apostle was a thief,
committed sacrilege and was a traitor.’ No, it’s that very point
that in particular will punish and condemn us - the fact that
not even the wicked deeds of others have brought us to our
c senses. That is precisely why they’re recorded in writing, so that
we may avoid emulating them.
Let’s leave this person and that, and pay attention to ourselves:
each of us will have to render an account to God for themselves.
So that we may therefore render that account with a proper
defence, let’s compose our own lives and stretch out a hand
generously to the needy, in the knowledge that this is our only
defence, namely to show that we ourselves have observed the
commandments - there’s no other defence. If we can offer this
defence, we’ll escape those unbearable pains of hell and attain
the blessings to come. May we all attain them, through the
D grace and love for humankind of our Lord Jesus Christ through
whom and with whom to the Father, together with the holy and
life-giving Spirit, be glory, power, honour now and always, and
for ever and ever. Amen.

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 ON THE ACTS OF THE APOSTLES
HOMILY 3

INTRODUCTION

The homily was almost certainly delivered at Constantinople as sug-

gested by the detailed reflection on the woes of a bishop and on the
quality of the persons required for the office, the claim to be speaking
from personal conviction, and John’s final statement regarding his
status as a brother, but the one in charge. Whether it was delivered
in the latter half of 400, as claimed by Kelly (1995: 166-7) and
Cameron (1987: 344-9), however, is another matter. The homo-
geneity of the series, which underpins their argument, has yet to
be proven. In this extract John details for us the enormity of the
problems faced by a bishop in his relations with individuals and
the community. The conflicting and irreconcilable demands placed
upon him cause him endless anguish. We also learn something of
the milieu in which John himself operates at Constantinople - the
palace, the sphere of women and the homes of the powerful and
wealthy.
Translated from PG 60,33-42.

TEXT

33 Then the apostlesreturned to Jerusalem from the mountain called Olivet,

which is near Jerusalem, a sabbath day’s journey away (Acts 1112).

‘Then’, it says, ‘they returned.’ When is then? When they heard:

40 a.i. ‘they wouldn’t have put up with it otherwise, unless Christ had
promised them to come again’. It seems to me that these events,
too, occurred on the sabbath, for (the evangelist) wouldn’t have

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pointed out the distance in that way with the words: ‘From the
mountain called Olivet, which is near Jerusalem, a sabbath day’s
journey away’, unless they had walked a journey of a prescribed
length on the day of the sabbath.

. . . (there follow nine paragraphs in which the text is

closely exegeted, up to and including Acts 126 - the
election of a replacement for Judas) . . .

38 To put it another way: if there were neither prayer nor remark-

able men, the election would’ve had as much force as in the case
of Jonah, on account of the fact that it happened through right
judgement (cf. Jonah 1:7); but much more in the case of the
disciples where it filled the band, completed the ranks. Nor
was the other candidate grieved: the apostles wouldn’t have
hidden shortcomings within their ranks,’ because they didn’t
abstain from speaking about their chief apostles on other
50 occasions when they were annoyed with them - and this hap-
pened not once, but twice and many times.2 Let’s then imitate
them. I’m no longer addressing myself to everyone, but to
those who aim at office. If you believe that election comes
from God, don’t become annoyed: it’s God you’re annoyed at,
it’s he whom you provoke; he’s the one who’s made the choice.
But if he made the choice and you dare to be annoyed by this,
you’re doing the same as Cain (cf. Gen. 43-g). For he should
have given his approval, but because his brother’s sacrifice was
preferred, he was hurt, he was annoyed; he should have felt
60 compunction. I don’t say this myself, because it’s God who
knows how to manage things in a fitting manner. Perhaps you’re
rather modest in your demeanour but aren’t suitable. Again your
39 life is blameless and your demeanour confident, but in the church
these aren’t the only requirements. In other words, the one’s con-
nected to the other. Don’t you see how much divine scripture
discussed these matters?
But let me say why the matter has become contentious. It’s
because we approach it (SC. episcopal office) not as we would
an office and the patronage of brothers, but as an honour and a
sinecure. After all, if you knew that the bishop is obliged to
belong to everyone as he carries the weight of everyone; that
while there’s pardon for others who’ve become angry, for him
10 it’s nowhere; that when others make mistakes there’s lavish
pardon, but for him there’s none either - you wouldn’t rush,

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you wouldn’t run to the office. Indeed, the bishop is subject to

everyone’s tongue, to everyone’s judgement, both wise and
unwise; he’s worn out every day, every night, by worry; he has
many who hate him, he has many who envy him. Please don’t
tell me about those bishops who do everything to curry favour,
who wish to sleep, who approach the matter as they would a
20 sinecure. I’m not talking about these men, but about those who
go without sleep for the sake of your souls, who put the salvation
of those they govern above their own salvation. Tell me, if some-
one who has ten children subject to him and living with him the
whole time is forced to take thought for them continually, the
one who has the same number who are not subject to him and
live with him but obey their own licence - which one wouldn’t
you be obliged to be?
‘But (the bishop) is honoured’, you say. With what kind of
honour? Beggars with three cents to their name insult him in
the market-place. ‘Why, then, doesn’t he muzzle them?’ All
30 right, but you’re not talking about the work of a bishop. Again, if
he doesn’t provide for everyone, both those who don’t work and
those who have employment, there are countless complaints on
every side - nobody is afraid of accusing him or slandering
him. This is because fear hangs over those in office, but not at
all over the others: fear of God has no sway over them. How
could someone describe the worry concerning preaching and
teaching? The difficulty in cases of ordination? Perhaps either
I happen to be exceedingly weak and pathetic and good for
nothing, or the matter is really like this. The priest’s soul is
40 no different from a tossing ship - it’s punctured on all sides, by
friends, by enemies, by his own people, by strangers. Doesn’t the
emperor rule the whole world, but the bishop only a city? But
the latter’s worries are so much greater, as much as the difference
between river waters moved simply by the wind and the swollen
and furious sea. Why, do you suppose? Because in the case of the
emperor there are many who support him (in that everything
happens according to law and order), but in the case of the
bishop there’s nothing comparable, nor can he command on
the basis of his authority: but if he’s exceedingly moved, he’s
so called cruel; if not exceedingly moved, cold. It’s necessary for
these opposites to come together so that he’s neither despised
nor hated. In other words, affairs preoccupy him. How many
people is he forced to offend, both whether he likes it or not?
How many is he forced to strike with terror, whether he likes

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it or not? I’m only saying what I really think and feel. I don’t
think that many of the clergy will be saved, but a far greater
number will be lost - the reason is that the business requires a
large spirit. I mean that there are many circumstances which
force him to act out of character, and he must have countless eyes
on every front.
60 Don’t you see how much is required of a bishop? - that he be a
40 teacher, patient, holding firm to the sure word as taught (Tit. 1:9).
How difficult is this? He has responsibility even for the sins of
others. I will say nothing of the others - if just one person
dies without being initiated, hasn’t he ruined his own salvation
completely? For the loss of one soul carries such a great punish-
ment that no sermon can convey it: if its salvation is worth so
much that the Son of God became a human being, and suffered
so much, think how great a punishment its loss will bring. If in
10 the present life a person who’s the instrument of another’s death
deserves to die, it’s much more the case with the after-life. Please
don’t tell me that the priest has done wrong, or the deacon. The
responsibilities rest with all those who laid their hands on their
heads. 3
I’ll tell you something else again. It happens that someone
accepts the election of unsound men. They wonder what counsel
he should take concerning their previous sins. The point is there
are two precipices: he (SC. the bishop) should neither send the
candidate away, nor offend the others. So, should he excom-
municate the first man? But there’s no current pretext for it.
Send him away? ‘No’, you say, ‘for it’s the responsibility of the
20 person who ordained (him).’ What should he do, then? Not
ordain him, but not promote him to another rank either? But
it’ll be clear to everyone that the person is unsound; therefore
he’ll offend again in another way. But to promote him to a
higher rank? This is much worse.
The upshot is that if someone approached the high-priesthood
as they would an office,* nobody would accept it immediately.
But, as it is, we pursue this too in the same way as secular offices,
for in order to be given glory, in order to be honoured in the eyes
of human beings, we’re lost in the eyes of God. What’s the
30 benefit of this honour? How can it be proved to be nothing?
When you set your heart on the priesthood, set against it hell,
set against it the accounts (to be rendered) there (SC.in heaven),
set against it the carefree life, set against it limited punishment.
But, even if you sin as a private person, you’ll suffer nothing like

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it; if you’re a priest, you’re lost. Consider how much Moses put
up with, how spiritual a life he led,’ how much he displayed
good qualities, and because he committed one sin only, he was
punished harshly (cf. Num. 20:2-12). Rightly so. This involved
the punishment of the others. The result was that he was
40 punished more harshly, not because the sin was committed in
public, but because it was the sin of a priest. I mean that we
don’t inflict the same punishment for sins which are committed
in public and those which are committed in private: while the
sin is the same, the punishment isn’t the same - rather the sin
isn’t even the same. For sinning in private and in secret isn’t
the same thing as sinning in public, The bishop can’t sin in
private, for he must be content to be freed of charges when he
hasn’t sinned, let alone when he has sinned. Even if he’s angry,
even if he laughs, even if he desires to dream and relax, many
50 people scoff at him, many people are offended, many people lay
down the law, many call to mind the bishops of old, and
reproach the present one. And they do this not wishing to praise
the former, but to sting the latter, as they call to mind the co-
bishops, the presbyters. ‘War is sweet for the inexperienced’,
they say.
It’s fitting to say this in the present circumstances as well -
rather, we’ll say it too before engaging in battle: after engaging
in battle we aren’t even recognisable to many people. Our battle
at present isn’t directed against those who oppress the poor, nor
are we enduring the defence of the flock, but in the manner of
41 those shepherds in the book of Ezekiel (34:2-3), we’re slaughter-
ing and devouring. Who of us exhibits such great concern for the
flocks of Christ as did Jacob for the flocks of Laban (cf. Gen.
291%30)? Who can give a detailed description of the cold at
night? Don’t tell me about all-night vigils and extended wor-
ship. Everything is, in fact, the other way around. Prefects and
magistrates’ don’t enjoy as much honour as the one who governs
the church. If you go into the palace, who is first? If he’s with
10 women, if he’s in the houses of the great, no-one else is honoured
above him. He’s lost everything and has perished. I make these
statements not because I wish to put you to shame, but to
check your desire. With what kind of conscience do you lobby
either for yourself or for another? With what kind of eyes do
you regard the one who helped you? What can you offer in
your defence? Certainly the bishop, involuntary, forced and
unwilling, would have some defence, even if he’s the one who

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for the most part is deprived of pardon. But apart from this he
has some defence. Consider what befell Simon (cf. Acts 8:18-
20 20). For what use is it if you don’t give silver, but give flattery in
the place of silver, and make many arrangements, and scheme?
‘May yotir silver perish with you’ (Acts 8:20). Peter said this to
him, and he’ll say it to these people: ‘May your lobbying
perish with you, because you thought that you could buy the
gift of God by human cajolery.’
Nobody is like this? Heaven forbid! - I wish that nothing of
what has been said applied to you, but, as it is, we’ve fallen into
these words as a natural consequence. The point is that not even
when I’m attacking greed, am I speaking against you, nor against
30 a single person. My wish is that the drugs prepared by us aren’t
needed. Such are the prayers of doctors: they request nothing
other than that, after so much preparation, the drugs be
simply thrown away. This is our prayer too, that our words be
spoken simply into the air, with the result that they’re just
words. I for my part am prepared to give my support to every-
thing, in order not to arrive at the necessity of making these
statements. But if you wish, we’ll be silent; only let it be a
silence without danger. For I don’t think that there’s anyone,
not even if they’re extremely conceited, who would want simply
40 to put on an oratorical display. We’ll concede the teaching to
you. This is a greater teaching, which touches through the
facts. The best of doctors would wish their friends to be
42 well, even though the illness of the sufferers earns them their
livelihood, and we too wish everyone to be well. We wish this
not so that we may be approved of, and you disapproved of. If
it were possible, I would like the love which I have for you to
be obvious from my face: no-one afterwards would bring any
accusation against me, even if the sermon had been very harsh,
for what is said by friends, even if it’s insulting, is bearable.
For the wounds inflicted by a friend are more trustworthy than the
spontaneous kisses of any enemy (Prov. 27:6).
10 Nothing is dearer to me than you, not even this light. I would
pray to be blinded a thousand times if in this way I could convert
your souls. Thus your salvation is sweeter to me than light itself.
What use to me are the sun’s rays when the despondency caused
by you spreads great darkness over my eyes? I mean that light is
good when it appears in a joyful situation, whereas it appears
troublesome to a grieving soul. May I never have to prove that
20 I’m not lying! But if ever it happens that one of you sins, you

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should stand beside me as I sleep. Let me be damned if I don’t

seem like the paralytics or the insane, according to the saying of
the prophet: ‘And the light of my eyes - it’s also gone from me’ (Ps.
38:lO). For what hope have you got, if you don’t make progress?
What despondency can there be, if you’re in good repute? I have
the impression that I’m flying, when I hear something good
about you. Complete my joy (Phil. 2:2).
I’ve introduced such a powerful statement into my prayer only
because I desire your progress. I strive for this with regard to you
30 all, because I love you, because I hold you close, because you are
everything to me - both father and mother, and brothers and
children. Don’t think, then, that any of what I say is said
from hatred; it’s said to correct you. ‘For a brother who is helped
by a brother’, it says, ‘is like a strong city’ (Prov. 18:19 LXX).
Don’t, then, feel rejected, because I’m not holding what you
say in contempt, but I’d like to be corrected by you, I’d like
to learn. We’re all brothers, we have the one guide. Among
brothers too it’s the case that one gives orders, and the others
40 obey. Don’t feel rejected, then, but let’s do everything for the
glory of God, because to him is the glory for ever and ever.
Amen.

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PHILOGONIUS

INTRODUCTION

About Philogonius, the subject of this homily, little is known other

than that he was bishop of Antioch at the time when the Arian con-
troversy began in the first quarter of the fourth century. He is
thought to have died a few months before the Council of Nicaea
(EEC 2: 682). According to Theodoret (HE 1.3) he was also respon-
sible for completing the rebuilding of the Old Church that had been
initiated by Vitalis. The homily was delivered on the feast day of
Philogonius, 20 December, possibly in the year 386. The day and
month are confirmed by John’s anticipation of the liturgical festival
of Christmas, which had only recently been introduced at Antioch
(see Intro., Ch. 2), and which he says will occur in five days’ time.
The homily is significant for a number of reasons. It alludes to the
fact that at this time on major liturgical festivals the audience not
infrequently heard more than one person preach. In this case the
bishop, Flavian, is to preach immediately following John. John
anticipates that Flavian will cover some of the same material but
provide more detailed information. Such occasions could also be
accompanied by a market day, so that not only was it a special
time because of the commemoration of an individual significant in
the life of the Nicene (Meletian) church at Antioch, but also because
people flooded into the city from the surrounding countryside to ply
their produce and wares, and the festival atmosphere extended into
the entire city. We are also informed about people’s habits when it
came to attending the eucharist. Not only did a number of people
communicate only once a year on the day of a major festival, but
their behaviour at such times tended to be unruly.
Throughout this homily the words PanFgyris and heortc present
some difficulty for the translator, since John uses them interchange-

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ably and because in addition the term panegrris can refer not only to a
festival or celebration, but also to a market day. The unusual subtitle
to the text (Homily 6) refers to the location of the homily in the
manuscript tradition as sixth among a series of homilies on the
topics of the incomprehensible nature of God and the equality of
the Father and the Son, which John preached against the Anomoeans,
the majority at Antioch, some at Constantinople.
Translated from PG 48,747-56.

TEXT

747-a On blessed Philogonius who, from being an advocate, became a bishop;

and on the sub$ct that nothing makes us acceptable in God’s eyes to
the same extent as taking though for matters which are conducive to
the common good; and that approaching the holy mysteries in a careless
way will result in a punishment that cannot be endured, even if we have
the effrontev to do this only once a year. The sermon was delivered Jive
days before the birth of Christ.

747 Homily 6

Today too I was preparing myself to strip off in order to wrestle

with the heretics’ and to repay you the rest of my debt. But the
day of blessed Philogonius, whose festival we are celebrating
now, has invited us2 to describe his achievements. And of
course I’m obliged to accede. I mean that if the person who
curses their father or mother will be put to death (cf. Exod.
748 21:17; Lev. 20:9), it’s plain that the person who blesses them
will indeed have the benefit of life. And if it’s essential for our
natural parents to enjoy such a degree of goodwill from us, it’s
much more the case with our spiritual parents. This is especially
true when praising them can’t make them more distinguished
because they’re dead, whereas it makes us, the congregation,
better people, whether we are preaching or listening. For the
saint who’s gone up to heaven has no need of acclamation
749 from human beings in order to arrive at a greater and more
blessed lot. We, on the other hand, who are meanwhile engaged
in matters on earth and crave a great deal of consolation from all
quarters, need to hear the saint praised in order to be galvanised
to emulate him. This is why some wise person said in encourage-
ment: ‘The memory of the just person is accompanied by words of praise’

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(Prov. 10:7 LXX). It’s not as if those who’ve passed away derive
the greatest benefit from this, but those who utter words of
praise. Since, then, such .great benefit accrues to us from this
10 course of action, let’s be convinced and not dispute it. Indeed,
the time is appropriate for a description of this kind. I mean
that today blessed Philogonius was translated to the undisturbed
life, and brought his boat into an anchorage where in future he
couldn’t fear shipwreck, nor any dejection or pain. And what’s
surprising if that place is free of dejection, the place about
which Paul spoke to people who were still alive when he said:
‘Rejoice always, pray constantly’ (1 Thess. 5 :16-l 7)?
But here on earth there’s illness, abusive treatment, premature
20 death, blackmail, envy, dejection, anger, evil desire, countless
plots, day-to-day worries, and ills that come thick and fast,
bringing countless sufferings from all quarters. (Yet) Paul said
it was possible to rejoice always, if a person gets their head
above the wave of mundane affairs for a little while and composes
their life in the proper way. How much more easily, after our
departure from this life, will we achieve what’s good, when all
those ills are removed - bad health, suffering and the cause of
30 sin, when ‘mine’ and ‘yours’ (those cold expressions), as well as
everything that introduces horrors into our lives and engenders
countless wars, cease to exist.
This is why I’m making a special point of calling this saint
blessed, because, even if he’s been translated and has left our
city, he’s nonetheless gone up to the city of God; and while
he’s left the church here, he’s ended up in the church in heaven
in which the first-born are enrolled (cf. Heb. l2:23); he’s left the
feasts on earth, and has moved on instead to celebrating with the
angels. That there are city, church and celebration in heaven,
40 listen to Paul when he says: ‘You’ve come to the city of the living
God, the heavenly Jerusalem, and to the church of the first-born who
are enrolled in heaven, and to innumerable angels in celebration’
(Heb. 12:22-3). It’s not only because of the great number of
powers in heaven, but also because of the abundance of blessings,
and the unbroken joy and gladness, that Paul calls everything
there a celebration.
I mean that it’s not usual to celebrate for any other reason than
that a great number of people have been gathered together and
that there’s an abundant supply of goods for sale, when wheat
so and barley and miscellaneous produce of every kind, flocks of
sheep and herds of cattle, clothing and other such wares are

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brought (into town). Some are vendors, some are buyers. ‘But’,
you say, ‘what is there of that in heaven?’ There’s none of that.
Heaven’s much loftier than that. They don’t have wheat and
barley and different kinds of produce, but everywhere there
there’s the fruit of the spirit, love and joy and gladness, peace
and goodness, and a great abundance of gentleness. There are
no flocks of sheep and herds of cattle, but the spirits of the
750 just who’ve been perfected and the virtues of souls, and every-
where in heaven you can see their life’s achievements. You
can’t see clothes or coverings, but crowns more precious than
solid gold, trophies3 and prizes, and the innumerable blessings
which are laid up in store for those who have achieved (this life).
And the crowd of those who come together (SC.in heaven) is
both loftier and larger - it’s not composed of men from both
towns and countryside, but in one place there are thousands of
10 angels, in another millions of archangels, on one side there is a
group of prophets, on another there are bands of martyrs,
ranks of apostles, assemblies of the just, various communes of
all those who’ve pleased God. The celebration is something
truly wonderful, and greater than all (others) because the one
who’s king over all this walks around in the middle of the cele-
bration. For when Paul said: ‘To the thousands of angels in celebra-
tion’, he added, ‘and to the judge who is God of all’ (Heb. 12123).
Whoever saw a king appear at a celebration? On earth nobody
has ever seen him. But in heaven those present see him con-
tinually to the extent that it’s possible, as, with his presence,
20 he honours with the brilliance of his own glory all those who’ve
come together. And while these celebrations (on earth) are often
finished at midday, the celebration in heaven isn’t like that: it
doesn’t wait for periods of months, or cycles of years, or a
number of days, but it takes place continually, and all the bless-
ings it contains don’t have an end, it knows no conclusion, it
can’t be out of date or lose its effectiveness* - it’s not subject
to age or death. There’s no clamour there as there is here, no
tumult, but everything is well-ordered and has an inherent
30 discipline, just as in the case of a cithera: they send up to the
Master of both parts of creation5 an elaborate rhythmical song
sweeter that any other music, while the souls there perform
the divine act of celebration as if in secret inner places and
divine mysteries.
It’s to that saintly lot which isn’t subject to death that blessed
Philogonius went today. What homily is there that could match

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a person who has attained such good fortune? There isn’t one.
40 Well, then, tell me - are we to keep silent on that account,
and why have we come together? Shall we say that we won’t
be capable of reaching the grandeur of his deeds? It’s because
of that very fact that we’re obliged to speak, because it’s precisely
that topic which is the most important part of our encomium,
when our words can’t be made equal to the deeds they describe.
I mean that when people’s achievements go beyond our mortal
nature, encomia are clearly also beyond a human tongue. How-
ever, our words won’t evade us on this account, but they’ll
imitate the Master himself: to the widow who deposited just
so two cents he gave a reward that didn’t consist only of two cents
(cf. Luke 21:1-#. Why did he do this? Because it wasn’t the
amount of money he paid attention to, but the wealth of her
intention. For if you examine the money, it was a very paltry
sum, but if you disclose her motive for giving, you’ll observe a
treasure of generosity that’s inexpressible. The upshot is that
even if our words are few and of little value, they’re still what
we have to offer; and if they’re inferior to the generosity of the
noble and just Philogonius, the very fact that he doesn’t reject
our few words but does the same as rich people do would be the
751 greatest proof of his generosity of spirit. For when rich people
receive from poor people small amounts of money which they
have no need of, they add to it from their own money, repaying
those who offered what they could. Similarly when Philogonius
too receives words of acclamation from us which he has no need
of, he’ll repay our blessing by his deeds, which we’re always in
need of.
Where, then, should we begin our words of praise? Where else
but from the office which the grace of the Spirit entrusted him
10 with. Secular offices wouldn’t of course be a proof of the virtue of
those entrusted with them: instead they’re often an indictment of
their wickedness. Why? Because it’s usually the patronage of
friends, cajolery, flattery and many other activities more shame-
ful than these that procure such offices. But when God appoints”
and elects, and that hand touches the holy head, the election is
impartial, the choice is above suspicion, the authority of the
one who makes the appointment would be the indisputable
commendation of the appointee.
20 That it was God who appointed Philogonius is clear from his
very way of life: he was plucked from the middle of the market-
place and brought to this throne. So he demonstrated that his

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former way of life was chaste and distinguished, since he had a

wife and daughter and was engaged in the lawcourt. In this
way he eclipsed the sun, such that from that rank he was
immediately considered worthy of the priestly office, and he
was brought from the tribunal of the lawcourt to the sacred
tribunal.’ Formerly he acted as advocate for people against
machinators, making the wronged more powerful than those
who wronged them; coming into the church he acted as advocate
30 for people against abusive demons. (In regard to) how substantial
the demonstration of his virtue is - in that, by the grace of God,
he was considered worthy of such high office - listen to what
Christ said to Peter after his resurrection. When he said: ‘Peter,
do you love me?’ (John 21:16), and Peter answered: ‘You know,
Lord, that I love you’, Christ didn’t say: ‘Throw money away, prac-
tise fasting, austerity, raise the dead, drive out demons’ - he
didn’t bring up any of these activities, nor any other signs or
40 achievements, but passing over all of that, he said: ‘If you love me,
tend my sheep’ (John 2 1: 16). He said this not only because he
wanted to show us the most powerful sign of Peter’s love for
him, but also, in order to show the love which he bore for his
sheep, he gave moreover this very powerful demonstration of
Peter’s goodwill towards him, almost saying: ‘The one who
loves my sheep, loves me.’
See, then, how much Christ endured for that flock: he became
human, he took on the form of a slave (Phil. 2:7), he was spat on,
he was beaten (cf. Matt. 26:67ff.). In the end he didn’t refuse
50 even death, and the most disgraceful death: he poured out his
blood on the cross. And so if someone wanted to be high in
his esteem, they should concern themselves with those sheep,
seek the common good, care for their own brothers and sisters.
No achievement is preferable to this in God’s eyes. This is
why he said on another occasion: ‘Simon, Simon, Satan demanded
to winnow you like grain, and I have prayed for you so that your
faith doesn’t desert you’ (Luke 22:31-2). ‘Well, then, what will
you give me in exchange for that care and forethought?’ What
kind of thing does he require in exchange? The very same
60 thing that he gave. ‘And when you have turned again’, he says,
‘strengthen your brothers and sisters’ (Luke 22132). Paul too said in
752 like vein: ‘Become imitators of me, just as I am of Christ’ (1 Cor.
10:33). How do you become an imitator of Christ? By pleasing
everyone in all respects, and not seeking my own advantage, but that
of many, so that they may be saved (1 Cor. 10:33). And on another

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occasion he says: ‘For Christ didn’t please himself’ (Ram. 15:3), but
many. Indeed, there’s nothing that would mark or characterise
the believer who loves Christ, as much as caring for their
brothers and sisters and being concerned with their salvation.
Let all the monks listen to this, both those who occupy the
10 mountain peaks, and those who’ve crucified themselves to the
world in every respect, so that to the extent they can they may
support the presidents of the churches, (and) encourage them
with prayers, concord, love. Let them know that, even though
they live’ at a distance, unless in every way they support those
who’ve been appointed by the grace of God and have taken
upon themselves the worries of so many affairs, the point’ of
their existence will be lost, and wisdom will be cut off com-
pletely. That this is the most powerful demonstration of love
20 towards Christ is clear from the following: let’s observe how the
bishop has administered that office. I should say that there’s no
need of explanation, nor is there need for our voice, because your
zeal shows his administration for what it is. It’s just as someone
who goes into a vineyard and sees that the vines are luxuriant
with leaves, heavy with fruit, walled on all sides with fences
and palings, will have no need of any explanation or other
proof to know the quality of the vine-dresser and the labourer.
Similarly in the case of the episcopal office too, if someone
30 comes in and sees these spiritual vines, and your fruit, they’ll
have no need of an explanation and instruction to learn (the
quality of) your president. It’s just as Paul also said: ‘Yozl your-
selvesare our letter of recommendation, written and read out’ (2 Cor.
3:2). The river is an indication of the source, and the fruit, of
the root.
I should have spoken about the time when Philogonius was
entrusted with this office - it forms no small part of the enco-
mium, and is rather an extremely fitting indication of the
40 man’s quality. There was namely a great deal of discontent at the
time, because the persecution had just finished, vestiges” still
remained of that most difficult period of distress, and matters
badly needed rectifying. And again I should have added to that
the fact that the separation of the heretics, which had its begin-
ning at the time of the persecution, was being held in check,
because Philogonius in his wisdom made provision for every-
thing. But, in any case, our homily is running on to another,
unavoidable subject. On this account we’ll leave our common

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father, ’ ’ who’s an admirer of blessed Philogonius, to speak on

these subjects because his knowledge of all the historical material
so is more accurate than ours, and we’ll move on to another avenue
of discourse. I say this because a feast is approaching which is the
most solemn and awe-inspiring of all feasts. If one were to call it
the metropolis’* of all feasts, one wouldn’t be wrong. What is it?
The birth of Christ according to the flesh.
In this feast namely Epiphany, holy Easter,13 Ascension and
Pentecost have their beginning and their purpose. For if Christ
hadn’t been born according to the flesh, he wouldn’t have been
753 baptised, which is Epiphany. He wouldn’t have been crucified,
which is Easter. He wouldn’t have sent the Spirit, which is
Pentecost. So from this event, as from some spring, different
rivers flow - these feasts of ours are born. But not only on this
account would it be right to give precedence to this day, but
also because what happened on it is much more awe-inspiring
than all other days. I say this because the fact that Christ died
after becoming human was the consequence of that: even if he
didn’t commit sin, still he assumed a mortal body. And that
10 too was an amazing fact: that, although God, he was willing to
become human and to condescend to take so much on himself
that not even the imagination can embrace. It’s this that’s
most awe-inspiring, and completely perplexing. Even Paul said
in amazement: ‘Great indeed, we confess, is the mystery of our religion’
(1 Tim. 3: 16). How great? God was manifested in the flesh (1 Tim.
3:16). And again he says elsewhere: ‘For surely it’s not with angels
that God is concerned,but with the descendants of Abraham. Therefore
he bad to be made like his brothers and sisters in every respect’ (Heb.
2:16-17).
20 On this account especially I embrace and love this day, and
put my ardent love on show to make you share in my affection
for it. On this account I beg and entreat all of you to be present
with much zeal and enthusiasm, each having vacated your own
house, so that we may see our Master lying in the manger,
dressed in swaddling-clothes - that awe-inspiring and miracu-
lous sight. What kind of defence could we have, what kind of
excuse, when he came down from heaven for our sake while we
30 can’t even leave the house to go to him? (Or) when the Magi,
who were barbarians and foreigners, hurried from Persia to see
him lying in the manger? But you, a Christian, can’t be bothered
to travel even a short distance in order to enjoy this blessed

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sight? For if we’re present in faith we’ll certainly see him lying
in the manger: this table fulfils the role of the manger.
Indeed, here lies the body of the Lord, not wrapped in
40 swaddling-clothes as formerly, but attired completely with the
Holy Spirit. Those who are initiated know what I’m saying.
The Magi merely worshipped him, whereas you, if you approach
(to communicate) with a clear conscience, we permit to consume
him and go back home. Approach, then, bringing gifts - not
gifts like the Magi brought but ones that are much more
solemn. They brought gold; you must bring temperance and
virtue. They brought incense; you must bring pure prayers,
(which are) spiritual incense. They brought myrrh; you must
so bring humility and a humble heart and charity. If you approach
with these gifts, with great confidence you’ll enjoy this holy
table. For my part, I’m saying this now because I know quite
well that on that day many of you will come forward and fall
on this spiritual sacrifice. So that we don’t do this to the detri-
ment or condemnation of our soul but for our salvation, I’m call-
ing you to witness beforehand, and I’m begging you to approach
60 the holy mysteries after you’ve cleansed yourselves in every
respect.
Please don’t let anybody say to me: ‘I’m full of shame, I have a
754 conscience crammed with sins, I’m carrying a very heavy burden.’
If you’re sober, and pray and keep vigil, the appointed period of
five days is sufficient to trim away your many sins. Don’t look at
how short the time is, but consider the point that the Master is
loving. The Ninevites were able to beat off (God’s) considerable
anger in three days, and the time-constraint was no hindrance,
10 but their readiness of spirit captured the Master’s generosity and
was able to effect everything (cf. Jon. 3). The prostitute, too,
coming to Christ in a brief critical moment washed away all
her offences (cf. Luke 7). When the Jews made the accusation
that Christ had admitted her and had given her so much confi-
dence, he silenced them, and freed her from all evils, and, having
approved her enthusiasm, he sent her away. What’s the message?
That she came with an ardent mind and a burning soul and a
fervent faith, and she touched those holy and sacred feet, when
20 she had let down her hair, let tears flood from her eyes, and
poured out the perfume.
The objects by which she bewitched people, she used to pre-
pare the drugs of repentance. The objects by which she excited
the gaze of the licentious, she used to weep tears. The locks of

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hair by which she tripped up many people so they fell into sin,
she used to wipe Christ’s feet. The perfume by which she enticed,
she used to anoint his feet. And you too must therefore placate
30 God in turn by using the objects by which you provoked him.
Did you provoke him by stealing money? Win him over by
giving away what you stole to those who’ve been unjustly
treated, and give other things in addition; say in the words of
Zacchaeus: ‘I give back four times everything I’ve stolen’ (cf.
Luke 19:s). Have you provoked him with your tongue and
your abuse, by insulting many people? Propitiate him in turn
with your tongue, by sending up pure prayers, by blessing those
who abuse you, by praising those who speak badly of you, by
40 thanking those who wrong you. These actions don’t require days
or the passing of many years, but only right purpose, and they
can be accomplished in one day. Keep aloof from wickedness,
embrace virtue, desist from evil; promise to commit these sins
no longer, and this will be sufficient for your defence. I testify
and guarantee that, if each of us who’ve sinned keeps aloof
from their former evil ways and promises God truthfully that
they won’t touch them any more, God will require nothing
else for a substantial defence. I say this because he is generous
50 and merciful, and just as a woman in labour longs to give birth,
so he too longs to dispense his mercy - it’s our sins that interfere
with this.
Let’s pull down the wall, then, and right from that time begin
the feast, renouncing all activities during these five days. ‘Fare-
well to the lawcourts, farewell to the council chambers - a
plague on daily business, with its contracts and transactions. I
want to save my soul.’ What does it profit a person if they gain
the whole world belt forfeit their life? (Matt. 16:26). The Magi
came away from Persia; you must come away from daily business
755 and travel towards Jesus. The distance isn’t great, if we’re will-
ing. The point is that you don’t have to cross the sea, or traverse
mountain peaks, but if you sit at home, exhibiting piety and
much compunction, you can see the wall being completely
broken down, you can remove the obstacle, you can cut the
length of the journey. ‘For I am a God at hand’, it says, ‘and
not a God far off’ (J er. 23:23), and ‘The Lord is near to ail who
call on him in truth’ (Ps. 145:18).
But as it is, many of the faithful have arrived at such a degree
10 of silliness and neglect that, although they’re full of countless
evils, and because they take no thought whatsoever for themselves,

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they approach this table on feast days in a random and frivolous

fashion. They don’t know that the time of communion doesn’t
consist of a feast and a celebration, but of a clear conscience
and a life free of reproach. Just as the ordinary person who has
nothing on their conscience ought to approach communion every
day, so it’s unsafe for the person who’s overpowered by sin
20 and doesn’t repent to approach even on a feast day. For approach-
ing once a year isn’t going to free us from reproach, if we
approach unworthily; but it’s precisely this that damns us all
the more, namely that when we approach on that one occasion
we’re not even then approaching with a clear conscience.
That’s why I beg all of you not to touch the divine mysteries
in a negligent manner because you have to celebrate the feast.
If, however, you’re ever going to partake of this holy offering,
you must purify yourselves for many days beforehand through
repentance and prayer and almsgiving and devotion to spiritual
matters, and not return like a dog to its own vomit (Prov. 26:ll).
30 Isn’t it absurd to take so much care over bodily concerns, so that
many days before the feast approaches you get your best clothes
out of their chests and get them ready, and you buy shoes, and
enjoy a more lavish table, and over and above that you take
thought for many provisions from all quarters, and in every
respect you smarten yourself up and make yourself look good?
On the other hand, you take no account of your soul, which is
neglected, dirty, squalid, wasted from hunger and still unclean.
40 (Isn’t it absurd that) while you bring your smart body to church,
you overlook your soul, which is naked and disgraced? Yet
whereas your fellow servant sees your body and no harm results
756 no matter how it’s dressed, the Master sees your soul and will put
in place a most serious punishment for its neglect.
Don’t you know that this table is full of spiritual fire, and just
as springs gush forth the force of water, so too does the table
contain a certain mysterious flame? So don’t approach it if
you’re carrying stubble, wood or dry grass, in case you cause a
bigger blaze and you burn your soul as it takes communion.
But bring precious stones, gold, silver, in order to make the
10 material more pure, in order to go back home having derived a
great deal of profit. If you’ve got something wicked in you, get
rid of it, banish it from your soul. Is it the case that someone has
an enemy, and is suffering grievous wrongs at their hands? Let
them bring the enmity to an end, let them restrain their
inflamed and swollen attitude, so that internally they experience

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no tumult or disturbance. I say this because in communicating

you are going to welcome a king. But if it’s a king coming
into your soul there must be abundant tranquillity, abundant
silence and a deep peace for your thoughts. But you’re suffering
grievous wrongs, and you can’t stop being angry? Why, then, do
20 you visit much greater wrongs and difficulties on yourself?
Whatever the person does, your enemy won’t inflict on you
the kind of harm you inflict on yourself by not being reconciled
with them but rather trampling God’s laws under your feet. Did
your enemy insult you? Is it on this account, tell me, that you
then insult God? Refusing to be reconciled with the one who
hurt you isn’t so much a sign of taking revenge on them as of
insulting God, who laid down these laws.
So don’t look at your fellow servant, nor at the magnitude of
the wrongs they’ve done, but when you’ve put God and the fear
30 of God into your mind, consider the following point. The exces-
sive wrenching that you feel internally when, after countless evil
acts, you force yourself to be reconciled with the one who hurt
you, will be commensurate with the increased esteem which
you will enjoy in the eyes of God, who ordered this course of
action. And just as here on earth you’ll welcome God with
great honour, so too will he receive you in heaven with great
glory, as he pays you back ten-thousandfold for your obedience.
May all of us attain this through the grace and love for human-
40 kind of our Lord Jesus Christ, with whom to the Father, together
with the Holy Spirit, be glory, honour, power and adoration, for
ever and ever. Amen.

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INTRODUCTION

All of the surviving letters of John Chrysostom date from the period
of his exile (late June 404 to 14 September 407). Of the nine selected
and translated below the majority appear to have been written during
the space of a few months, towards the end of 404. Delmaire
speculates that the letter to Theodora, a member of the nobility
at Constantinople, cannot date before the winter of 404/5
(Delmaire 1991: 161). The letter to Studius the Urban Prefect was
probably written by John in either September or November 404,
but most certainly prior to December 404. The termintls ante qtiem
can be fixed because Studius was replaced as Urban Prefect of
Constantinople by the pagan Optatus, possibly after the sudden
death of the empress Eudoxia on 6 October 404 (Delmaire 1991:
159-60). The letters to Salustius and Theophilus, presbyters of
Constantinople, and to Theodore, an aristocrat likewise situated at
Constantinople, are located by Delmaire (1991: 157, 162, 168) at
the end of November 404. It is probably at this same time that
John wrote the letter to Valentinus, another aristocrat resident in
Constantinople (Delmaire 1991: 169-70). In constrast, the letter
to Diogenes, a dignitary of some standing who lives either in
Cappadocia, Armenia or Bithynia, belongs to the year 405 (Delmaire
1991: 124). This can be determined from the allusion to the
problems being encountered by the missionaries working in
Phoenicia. John penned his letter to Carteria, a member of the
aristocracy at Antioch, during the winter of 40415 as determined
by the date of two other letters (Letters 18 and 227) which he
wrote to her (Delmaire 1991: 116-17). John probably addressed
his only surviving letter to Harmatius, a member of the nobility
of Antioch, in September 404 (Delmaire 1991: 111-12).

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The letters have been chosen for the breadth of pastoral activity
that they record. In them we see John using the letter as a
medium for direct care for the soul of individuals (Letters 117,
197), continuing to exercise authority over his clergy out of care
both for the individuals in question and for the flock whom they
serve (Letters 203, 212), and encouraging lay Christians to use
their resources to exercise or support welfare and mission activities
on his behalf (Letters 2 10, 2 17). We also gain a glimpse of the
care exhibited towards John by lay Christians supportive of his
person and ministry (Letters 34, 75). It should be borne in mind
when reading them that the letters which we present here are not
necessarily representative. Letters 203, 210 and 212, for instance,
are the only surviving letters in which John concerns himself with
the daily duties of his former clergy. Likewise, Letters 117 and
197 are two of only a handful in which he directly exercises pastoral
care for the individuals with whom he corresponds. The persistence
of mission endeavours in Phoenicia and among the Goths are among
his more usual pastoral concerns.
Translated from PG 52,629-30 (Letter 34); 636-7 (Letter 51);
649 (Letter 75); 672-3 (Letter 117); 721-2 (Letter 197); 724
(Letter 203); 728 (Letter 210); 729 (Letter 212); 730-l (Letter 217).

TEXTS

Care for the souls of individuals

Letter 117 - To Tbeodora

672 I write to your decorousness infrequently, since 1 don’t readily

meet with people to convey what I have written; yet I do not
remember you infrequently, but rather constantly: the second
40 a.i. lies within our means, while the first is not within our means.
That is, we ourselves have control of our uninterrupted mem-
ories, while we no longer have the capacity to post our letters.
That is why the one activity occurs all the time, the other, when-
ever it is possible. Whereas the other letters that we sent con-
tained a greeting, this letter contains a request for a favour as
well. What is the favour? Something that brings reward to
you who grant it rather than to me who receive it, and benefits
the giver before the receiver. I say this because it has come to our
attention that Eustathius is among those who have offended your

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30 a.i. worthiness, and that he has been thrown out of your house and
banished from your sight.’ And so, while I cannot speak about
the precise nature of the affair, nor about the reason why he
has experienced such great anger, this much I do know - that
the following words are such as you ought to hear from us,
since we keep a firm grip on your salvation.
You know that the present life is nothing. Rather, it imitates
the flowers of spring and feeble shadows, and is the deceit of
dreams. Whereas the things that are true and fixed and un-
changing - those things we shall receive after we depart this
life. You have often heard these sentiments from us and, for your
20 a.i. own part, are constant in your philosophy. For that reason I do
not make the letter long, but have this to say.
If certain persons have acted in an abusive way and have been
thrown out* unjustly, out of consideration for the nature of jus-
tice correct what has taken place. If it has been done justly,
again, out of respect for the laws of generosity,3 do exactly the
same. You will harvest a much greater reward from the action
than that person. My point is that the slave who asked his
fellow servant to return the hundred denarii did not harm him
so much as deliver himself a fatal blow, seeing that, through
10 a.i. his stinginess towards his co-servant, he revoked the forgiveness
of his ten thousand talents (cf. Matt. 18:23-35). In the same
way, the person who overlooks the sins of their neighbour miti-
gates for themselves the accounts (that they will have to render)
in the life to come and, the greater the sins they forgive, the
greater too the forgiveness they themselves will receive. The dif-
ference lies not only in this circumstance, but also in that the one
who grants a servile favour will receive a master’s gift. Don’t tell
me, then, that he did this wrong or that. My point is that the
worse you show what he did to be, the more compelling you
673 reveal to be the grounds for forgiveness, since you will set aside
for yourself in advance a far greater promise of generosity in the
future.
For this reason let go your anger, even if it’s just. Conquer
your rage with wise, rational thought. Offer it up as a sacrifice
to God. Grant us, who love you, a favour too and show how
even via a brief letter we wield considerable influence. Do your-
self a favour also with regard to the significant benefits which I
have mentioned - namely serenity, the eviction from the soul of
the confusion that stems from this world, and, as a result, the
10 utterly confident request of God, who loves humankind, for entry

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into the kingdom (of heaven). I say this because kindness towards
one’s neighour is truly a great purifier of sins. ‘For if you forgive
people their transgressions’, it says, ‘your heavenly Father will also for-
give you’ (Matt. 6:14).
So then, consider all these points and send us a letter that
shows that our writing has had some effect. For the part which
is ours is accomplished and we have done what it is within
our power to do. We have encouraged, we have entreated, we
have asked a favour, we have given the advice that we should.
20 Henceforth, all of our attention* is focused on you. I say this
because the reward for this encouragement will be set aside for
us, whether anything does or does not happen further - one
can receive payment even for words. Instead our entire effort is
that your decorousness also benefit through this action and
that, as a result of your present achievements, you will reap
the future, immortal blessings with considerable ease.

Letter 197 - To Stud&s the Urban Prefect

721 I know, even before I read what you have written, that, because
you are intelligent and experienced in philosophy, you will bear
mildly the departure of the blessed brother of your magnificence.
For I would not call it death. But since it is essential that we too
contribute what we can, I ask, most magnificent master, that
your excellency show your character at this time too. I don’t
ask that you do not grieve (that is impossible, since you are
IO a.i. human and intertwined with flesh, and are missing a brother of
such quality), but that you impose a limit on your grief. For you
know the perishable nature of human affairs, and that events
mimic the flowing waters of a river, and how one should consider
blessed only those people who with firm hope dismiss the present
life. For they do not go to meet death, but move from the con-
tests to the prizes, from the wrestling bouts to the victors’
crowns, from the raging sea to the tranquil harbour.
With these points in mind, then, console yourself, since,
722 although we too are affected more than is usual by grief, we have
a considerable comfort for our distress - the virtue of the man -
which I know brings you also considerable consolation. My point
is that if the dead man had been a wicked person and full of evil,
it would have been proper to howl and wail for that reason. But
since he was of such quality and lived his life, as the whole city

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knows, with propriety and with goodness; since he always

honoured justice; since he used the appropriate boldness, freedom
and courage; since he placed no value on the present, but was a
10 stranger to worldly care, you should rejoice and congratulate
both him and your excellent self. This is because you have sent
aheads such an excellent brother who from now on keeps in an
inviolate treasury the blessings that were in his possession
when he departed.
So then, consider nothing unworthy of yourself, my most
excellent master, shattered as you are by sorrow. Yet show
your character at this present time also and be so kind as to dis-
close to us that you have derived some benefit from what we have
written, so that we too, who are situated at so great a distance,
20 may pride ourselves that we have been able to cut away much of
this despondency by a simple letter.

Continuing concern for his clergy

Letter 203 - To Salustizls, presbyter

724 I was more than usually upset when I heard that both you and
Theophilus the presbyter have lapsed. I say this because it has
come to my knowledge that the one of you has preached five
homilies up until the month of October, while the other (has
preached) not a single one. That fact is more grievous to
30 me than the isolation here. If this report is false, then please
make it clear to me. If it’s true, get things in order and galvanise
each other. (I ask this) because you have the capacity to grieve me
exceedingly, even though I love you exceedingly to distraction.
And yet what is worse is that you also invite a severe judgement
against yourselves from God by spending your lives in such
idleness and indolence and not making your own particular
contribution. For what pardon could you possibly receive when,
while others are being persecuted, exiled and harassed, you con-
40 tribute neither the enthusiasm evoked by your physical presence
nor (the zeal) of your preaching to the storm-tossed population?

Letter 212 - To Tbeopbilus, presbyter

729 I was exceedingly upset when I heard that both you and Salustius
the presbyter attend worship’ irregularly, and this news caused
me greater than usual sorrow. And so, please, if this report is

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untrue, be at pains to make it clear to me that you have falsely

10 been informed against. If it’s true, correct this particular careless-
ness. I say this because, while a very large reward awaits you,
especially if you demonstrate the appropriate courage during
the present time, similarly you will experience a more severe
than usual judgement, if you’re indolent and avoid responsibility
and don’t make your own particular contribution. For you know
what the servant who buried the single talent suffered. When
there was no other charge against him, he was punished for
that action alone and paid an implacable penalty (cf. Matt.
25:1&O). Be at pains, then, to free me swiftly from this worry.
20 For it will bring me much consolation and comfort when I hear
that you are enthusiastically supporting the entire storm-tossed
population. Similarly, when I learn that some are being careless,
I’m more than usually upset over the very people who are being
careless. For the grace of God supports that most beautiful flock
every day, just as you too know through actual experience. On
the other hand, those who through carelessness desist from
their duties accumulate by virtue of that carelessness no small
judgement against themselves.

The administration of care through others

Letter 217 - To Valentines

730 I know your eager character, the ardent love that you have for
731 opportunities to assist’ the poor and the desire that you con-
stantly exhibit for this fine undertaking, and how you make pro-
vision and do so with pleasure, and how you double and render
more radiant for yourself the crown of generosity, both through
your generous giving and through the disposition from which
indeed the generous giving arises. Since, then, the most worthy
presbyter Domitian, who has the supervision of the widows and
10 virgins there, has revealed to us that they are all but in a state of
famine, we flee to your hands as to a harbour, that you might put
a stop to this famine-induced shipwreck. And so I ask you, and I
ask you strenuously,’ to send for the presbyter, in so far as it is
possible, and be so kind as to give aid. For the charitable assis-
tance that is provided now offers a much greater return than that
which is provided at another time, to the extent that those who
are asking to receive are situated in a more severe storm and
upheaval and do not enjoy their accustomed abundance. Since

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you therefore understand the advantage that accrues to the

matter and the assistance that arises from the moment in time,
20 be so kind as to do what you can. For we need say nothing more
when writing to a person who is so generous and utterly
civilised. I say this because you know that you in fact owe us
salary payments.’ Nonetheless, on account of those matters I
absolve you in regard to this. Be so kind as to write to us too
to tell us that you assent to our request, and to give us positive
news about your health and about your entire blessed household.

Letter 2 10 - To Theodore
728 I was astonished at how I learned about the carelessness of
20 Salustius the presbyter from others. For in fact it was made
known to me that he has preached barely five sermons up until
the month of October, and that both he and Theophilus the
presbyter - the one through indolence, the other through timid-
ity - are not attending worship. While I have sent a rather
strong letter to Theophilus, upbraiding him, I am writing to
your worthiness on account of Salustius, since I know that you
are an extreme admirer of his. Indeed I am extremely happy
and pleased about that fact. I am upset too at your worthiness
for not making this circumstance clear to me, since, although
you ought to have set (him) straight as well, you pursued neither
30 of these two courses of action. So then, please, now grant both
yourself and us the most enormous favour and give him an
extremely rude awakening, and don’t allow him to sleep on the
job or be idle. My point is that, if he doesn’t demonstrate the
appropriate courage now in the storm and upheaval of these
affairs, when are we to require him (to act) in this way? When
it becomes calm and there is peace? Please, therefore, do what
is appropriate to your position and arouse both him and every-
body to the enthusiasm for and support of the storm-tossed
population - which I am quite sure that you are doing from
40 your own initiative and of your own accord even before you
receive what we have written.

Letter 51 - To Diogenes
636 After writing the previous letter, I observed that the most
worthy and prudent Aphraates was nailed to our side and couldn’t
bear to leave here and was threatening that he wouldn’t accept

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letters from us, unless I took back what you had sent. I have
(therefore) put my seal on the matter, indicating my extreme
gratitude to your nobility and relieving your diligence. When
10 a.i. you learn this from him, command him to be a servant of this
fine administration. For you know how great the reward for
this enterprise will be, both through this man’s presence in
Phoenicia and through the liberality of your magnificence. You
will reap the reward for both these things, seeing that you
demonstrate such great largesse” concerning those in Phoenicia
who are instructing the pagans in the faith and who have been at
pains concerning the building of churches, and seeing that you
have set in place such a capable man and have sent him for
637 their comfort (especially now when they are in so very difficult a
situation and embattled by many). Bearing in mind, then, the
difficulty of achieving success, don’t let him put it off by even
a little. Rather, get him in a position to undertake this journey
without delay, since, by means of this fine zeal, my most excel-
lent master, you set aside for yourself in advance a considerable
reward from God who loves humankind.

Care exhibited towards John by others

Letter 34 - To Carteria

629 This too is a mark of your love, of your caring person who is
vehemenrtily devoted to us, that you didn’t just send the poly-
archium but also reflected on how it might be useful and you
might add to it both spikenard extract and sweet olive oil, which
10 a.i. is a corrective to the dryness it suffers from the long journey.
And this circumstance in particular made us astonished about
your disposition towards us - that you actually prepared it your-
self and didn’t entrust it to others, and that your priority was not
that it be produced in haste, but that it turn out to be of high
quality. It’s for this reason that we express our thanks to you,
offering just one criticism - that you didn’t send in writing
what was very much desired by us, namely positive news
about your health. Since we are at present in a state of anxiety,
not knowing how things stand with your ill-health, it would
630 gratify us enormously were you swiftly to send us a letter
announcing to us that the traces of your illness had disappeared.
Since you now know how earnestly we desire to learn that you

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have indeed been brought back from that poor health, favour us
with this pleasure, which would be no small comfort to us in this
extremely harsh isolation and siege situation.

Letter 75 - To Hawnatizls
649 What’s this? You have granted a great deal of authority so that
with indemnity we may instruct the people attached to you in
whatever we might require, yet you have deprived us of that
10 which we require most, namely your letters informing us about
your state of health. Don’t you know that this news above all is
craved and longed for by particularly genuine friends, as is pre-
cisely the case with us too now? If, therefore, you wish to gratify
us, my most worthy master, cease commanding your people to
serve us in respect of our physical needs (we require none of
these things - rather, everything flows to us as if from springs).
Grant us by means of a little paper and ink an enormous favour,
which indeed we desire most particularly to enjoy. That favour is
20 that you write to us constantly about your health and your entire
household. I ask this because, if it were possible, we would
certainly be in each other’s company, even though I have dis-
placed you from your home, even though I am in the position
of having asked a major favour, that is, to see before my very
eyes you who are so ardent an admirer of us. But since fear of
the Isaurians prevents this, provide us generously with the com-
fort at least that comes from your letters, and we would call
everything quits.

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 NOTES

1 JOHN’S LIFE AND TIMES

1 For the arguments which support this date see Kelly (1995: Appendix B,
2968). The detail provided in this chapter of the Introduction is derived
from Kelly’s biography unless otherwise stated. For a view of John’s life
from a different perspective see Allen and Mayer (forthcoming)
2 For an outline of the period and the developments which occurred see
Cameron and Garnsey (1998).
3 Regarding this phenomenon and its causes see Brown (1988).
4 For further detail see the now classic Delehaye (1933) and more recently
Brown (1981).
5 Throughout the Introduction and notes and introductory comments and
notes to the translated texts we refer to all texts other than those trans-
lated in this volume by their Latin titles (as per CPG). We do this so
that the reader can readily distinguish between texts that are available
to the reader in translation in this volume and ones that must be accessed
elsewhere.
6 Rather, he tended to exploit the connections and finances of those with
whom he came into contact in the course of his work: Mayer (1999). By
contrast, the bishop of Antioch, Flavian, sponsored the care of itinerants
from his private wealth, using his family property for the purpose (see
Intro., Ch. 6).
7 See Bingham (1834: III. v. ‘Of Lectors and Readers’); van de Paverd
(1970: 100-l). The precise status of this office in the Meletian church
at Antioch and whether at this juncture a person was ordained or
appointed to it are uncertain. ‘Appointment’ is employed here as a term
that is neutral.
8 The death of the emperor Valens in August 378 led to Arian Christianity
being suppressed in favour of Nicene Christianity, the version promoted
by both the emperor in the west, Gratian, and Valens’ successor in the
east, Theodosius. See Kelly (1995: 36-8).
9 Palladius, Dial. 5 (ACW 45: 36). For the literature which John produced
during his diaconate see Kelly (1995: 40-54).
10 The extent to which John is likely to have been involved in pastoral
activities as a deacon or aide to Meletius is an area that has yet to be

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 NOTES

studied adequately. Kelly (1995: 39-40), probably correctly, speculates

that at Antioch deacons played a significant role as administrators and
as mediators between the bishop and laity in the provision of pastoral
care. Because of the preponderance of evidence for John’s activity during
his time as presbyter and bishop we concentrate on those periods here.
It is further assumed that at Antioch preaching was an activity under-
taken only by persons of the rank of presbyter or higher.
11 This opinion had earlier been expressed by von Bonsdorff (1922: 69).
12 See Mayer (1997a: 71-2). The second sermon De diabolo tentatore (CPG
4332), in which John says that Flavian, desiring to hear him preach, has
made the effort to come to where he is located (PG 49,257 2-lo),
supports this point of view.
13 For the argument that far fewer of the sermons can be distributed
between Antioch and Constantinople with certainty than has previously
been thought see Mayer (1996).
14 Frans van de Paverd (1991: 205-33) convincingly argues that the so-
called Ad ilhminandos cat. 2 (CPG 4464) belongs with the other
twenty-one homilies De statuis (CPG 4330).
15 For a thorough account of the event itself, its causes and consequences see
van de Paverd (1991: 15-159).
16 Van de Paverd (1991: 161-87). For a table of the precise days on which
John preached the twenty-two sermons see ibid (1991: 363-4).
17 Sot., HE 6.2. For a brief discussion of the various motivations imputed
to Eutropius see Kelly (1995: 105).
18 For a discussion of the factors leading to John’s alienation of each of these
groups see Liebeschuetz (1984; 1990: 195-222). Regarding his relations
with Eudoxia, Marsa, Castricia and Eugraphia in the context of his inter-
action with other women see further Mayer (1999). The character of the
ascetic men and women encountered at Constantinople is best described by
Dagron (1970); Liebeschuetz (1990: 210-14). See further Mayer (1998a).
19 According to Downey (1961: 358) in 341 the dedication of the Great
Church at Antioch attracted over ninety bishops.
20 E.g., De statuis horn. 13 (PG 49,136 l-7 a.i.); horn. 14 (PG 49,151 56-
152 5); horn. 18 (PG 49,187 30-S).
21 Wilken (1983: 36) states that the Jews constituted ‘a sizeable, well-
organized, and visible part of the city’s life’, while John himself places
the number of Christians at approx. 100,000 (In Matt. Horn. 85f86: PG
58,762 59-763 2). On the difficulty of quantifying the spread of ‘pagan-
ism’ in Antioch at this time see Wilken (1983: 16-26), where he points
out that the boundaries between what constituted a Christian or a ‘pagan’
lifestyle were constantly shifting.
22 Regarding the cultural and political paganism that permeated the upper
levels of civic life see Dagron (1974: 380-5).

2 THE LITURGICAL SETTING

1 Kelly (1995: 3) posits that there were three or four parish churches in
addition to the Great Church, but there is no evidence to confirm their
existence.

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 NOTES

2 See the detailed and careful argument put forward by Martha Vinson
(1994: 181-8). She locates the construction of the church within the
early reign of Theodosius (c.380).
3 Regarding the probable dates of initiation and completion see Downey
(1938). For a description of the site and dimensions see Lassus (1938).
4 Downey (1938: 46 n. 10); Lassus (1938: 37-8). Before coming to rest in
the church dedicated to him, Babylas’ remains had been translated no less
than three times - from the common cemetery outside the Golden Gate
to Daphne; from Daphne back to the cemetery; from the cemetery to
the Church of St Babylas. Meletius, who was responsible for the construc-
tion of the church, died unexpectedly in 381 while attending the Second
Ecumenical Council in Constantinople (Sot., HE 5.8-9). His remains
were most probably interred in the Church of the Apostles of that city
as a temporary measure, before eventually being returned to Antioch
(Mayer forthcoming (a): n. 56). The fact that the sarcophagus discovered
in the archaeological excavations was purpose-built for a double burial
suggests that Meletius had from the beginning intended to be buried in
this church alongside Baby&.
5 See SOL, HE 5.19; De s. Baby/a (PG 50,532 21-51).
6 See In s. Julianurn (PG 50,672 366ff.); De s. Droside (PG 50,683 19-34,
684 21-3, 685 12-16); In s. Ignatium (PG 50,595 7-8). In De s. Droside
(PG 50,683 29-34) John speaks of a number of martyria, each contain-
ing a cluster of burials. He also mentions that the martyrs’ coffins are
situated towards the rear beyond other undefined remains (PG 50,685
17-19). In In s. Julianurn he indicates that the martyrium which contains
Julian’s remains is located in a pleasant situation which affords oppor-
tunities for picnics after the service beneath shady fig trees and grape
vines (PG 50,673 46-9).
7 Soz., HE 5.19. Although the remains of Babylas were removed by order
of Julian, the other remains which had been interred there by the
Christians were left undisturbed.
8 Van de Paverd (1970: lo), however, locates it in the main martyrium in
the cemetery on the road to Daphne.
9 In ascensionem (PG 50,441 12 a.i.442 3 a.i.). Cf., however, De coemeterio
et de truce (PG 50,393 l-36), which appears to refer to a tradition that
the Good Friday service is held in the martyrium in the cemetery on
the road to Daphne. Either both martyria formed part of the network of
churches used on liturgical festivals at Antioch or the usual identification
of the site is mistaken.
10 See also De ss. martyribus (PG 50,648 31-9), where he indicates that
visits to martyrs’ tombs on the part of his audience have often had a
more sobering effect than his sermons.
11 See also In s. lgnatium (PG 50,595 7-12); De ss. Bernice et Prosdoce (PG
50,640 44-60).
12 At least, a larger number are known to us. Even if there existed other
urban churches at Antioch that were used regularly for worship, there is
no evidence that John preached in other than the churches listed. At
Constantinople, by contrast, a larger number of churches receive mention
in relation to his episcopal activities. At both cities there were, in addi-
tion, urban churches in the possession of alternate Nicene Christian

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 NOTES

factions - at Antioch, the Paulinians/Eustathians; at Constantinople, the

Novatians.
13 The bulk of the Goths at Constantinople, particularly those in the army,
were Arians. John had been instrumental in the emperor refusing the
general Gainas’ request for a local church in which he and his fellow
Arians might worship (SOL, HE 8.4; Theod., HE 5.32; Sot., HE 6.6).
14 Sot., HE 6.6; Soz., HE 8.4: the site of a meeting between Arcadius and
the Gothic general Gainas.
15 Severian of Gabala, In ascensionem (CPG 4187) (PG 52,775 22-5); Sot.,
HE 7.26.
16 Mocius and Acacius are the only indigenous martyrs who seem to have
been commemorated in sita. As observed, the remains of Paul were returned
to Constantinople in 381, but placed in an already extant building.
17 Vanderspoel (1986: 248-50) suggests that the remains are those of two
western martyrs Sisinnius and Martyrius and their companions, which
Vigilius, bishop of Tridentum, had promised to send to Constantinople.
Holum (1982: 56 n. 35) dates the event to after 9 January 400 and
before 10 January 402.
18 It is argued that Gregory of Natianzus introduced the festival to Con-
stantinople in 379 or 380 (P. Gallay, SC 358, Intro., ll-15), but the
evidence is not conclusive. Higgins (1952) points to evidence that the
birth of Christ was celebrated in the city on Epiphany in 602, which
does not discount the introduction of the 25 December feast in the
interim, but suggests that, even if it had been introduced at some earlier
date, its place in rhe local calendar was only temporary.
19 Although the majority of John’s festal sermons reflect the situation at
Antioch, the major liturgical festivals at Constantinople can be estab-
lished from the sermons preached there by his locum, Severian. See
Datema (1988: 109-13).
20 See Palladius, Dial. 9 (ACW 45: 64), w h ere those baptised during the
night before Easter Sunday in 404 are said to have numbered 3,000.
This may be an exaggeration, but still indicates that relatively large
numbers were involved.
21 E.g., the festival of the Maccabees, All Saints.

3 JOHN AS PREACHER

1 E.g., De statuis horn. 16 (PG 49,163 31-4); De eleemosyna (PG 51,261 l-2);
Laus Diodori (PG 52,763 9-11). See also Mayer (1997b: 110-12).
2 For an excellent discussion of this form in relation to the preaching of
John Chrysostom and the orations Against the Jews in particular see
Wilken (1983: 112-23).
3 In the following paragraphs only a few of the more common techniques
are outlined. For more detailed discussion on this topic see Ameringer
(1921) and Wilken (1983: 106-12).
4 There is considerable argument about the status of the homilies which
belong to the exegetical series. In particular, there is much dispute as to
whether what survives is a much edited version of the original and

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 NOTES

whether many of them were even preached or are simply written in the
style of an orally delivered sermon (see, e.g., Baur 1959: 286300;
Olivar 1991: 907-10, 929-30; Kelly 1995: 92-4; Hill 1998). Moreover,
although it is assumed by many scholars that such series were nonetheless
preached more or less sequentially (e.g., Aubineau 1992: 537, Cameron
1987: 348-51), in certain instances this was clearly not the case (see
Allen and Mayer 1994; 1995).
5 Cf. A.M. Devine (1989: 112) in relation to the ‘rough recension of the
homilies on Acts: ‘Preoccupied with his other concerns, Chrysostom,
instead of preparing a finished text, extemporized from personal notes,
and the text as we have it was drawn up by an unskilful editor from a
transcript taken by a tachygrapher during the actual preaching. This
transcript the preacher himself never had the opportunity to revise.’

4 JOHN’S AUDIENCE

1 We are indebted to Susan Ashbrook Harvey for this suggestion.

2 So in Palladius (Dial. 14; ACW 45: 90) we learn that at Constantinople
a large number of bishops, in the vicinity of twenty-two or more, were
seated with John in the Great Church on one particular occasion.
3 For exceptions see Sermo 6 in Gen. (PG 54,605 1 and 36-9) and Sertno 8
in Gen. (PG 54,616 lo-18 ai.). John may be referring obscurely to the
senior clergy in the audience in In Heb. horn. 15 (Mayer 1997b: 113).
4 Dorys, a fellow-presbyter under Flavian, donated various sections of the
mosaic pavement which adorned the church of St Babylas (Lassus 1938:
39-40, fig. 33).
5 De baptismo Christi (PG 49,365 5-14); In kalendas (PG 48,957 37-8); Ad
illuminandos cat. 2 (PG 49,237 23-8).
6 Mayer (1997a: 74), citing In Heb. horn. 15 (PG 63,121 54-6 and 122 42-
3) and In 2. Thess. horn. 3 (PG 62,484 11-24). In the first case it is a
number of women who are seated, in the second a wealthy male.
7 On the significance of being seated in the presence of social inferiors see
Mayer (1997b: 109-12).

5 JOHN AS SOUL-CARER

1 Cf. the night-time processions for which John gained imperial support
(Sot., HE 6.8; SOL, HE 8.8), which were instituted to the same end.
2 If the Constantius who is so heavily involved in the management of these
activities is identical with the Constant& who is a prominent presbyter
of Antioch (Palladius, Dial. 16; ACW 45: 101-2). See Delmaire (1991:
120-l).
3 Including wealthy aristocratic women at both locations. Regarding Con-
stantinople see Mayer (1999: 9-10). Th e a 11usion to the difficult personal
history of Chalcidia in an individual letter to her (Ep. 105: PG 52,664)
may also be indicative of long-term private care. That Chalcidia is an

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 NOTES

inhabitant of Antioch (Delmaire 1991: 119) suggests that as a presbyter,

if not earlier during his years as a deacon, John was likewise involved in
this aspect of pastoral care.
4 This point is made in part in Mayer (1999).

6 PASTORAL CARE AND DAILY LIFE

1 For the social changes which influenced this development see Miller
(1985: 69-74); Brown (1992: 78-103).
2 According to Theodoret (HE 5.19), Theodosius’ first wife Flacilla used to
do the rounds of the xen#nes attached to the city’s churches and assist
personally in giving the clients their meals.
3 Miller (1990: 107) speculates that both the Sampson xen@n and the
wphanotvopheion at one time belonged to the Great Church.
4 Dial. 5 (ACW 45: 39): said to be for the benefit of travellers who had
fallen ill.
5 On her refusal to marry a second husband of Theodosius’ choice the prop-
erty was initially confiscated and placed under the administration of the
eparch of the city, Clementinus. Theodosius later relented and it was
placed under her control. Vita Olymp. 2-5; Palladius, Dial. 17 (ACW
45: 113-14).
6 Vita Olymp. 14; Palladius, Dial. 17 (ACW 45: 115).
7 Even without family however, absolute control of disposal of assets on
welfare ventures was difficult, particularly for women. Even after she
recovered control of her property from the state, Olympias was taken to
task by Chrysostom for bestowing her largesse indiscriminately (SOL,
HE 8.9).
8 Vita Ofymp. 14; Palladius, Dial. 17 (ACW 45: 115).
9 In Eph. horn. 13 (PG 62,98 3-38): the women are below the age of
twenty. Whether John is speaking here from Constantinople or from
Antioch is uncertain.
10 Miller (1984: 111-12; 1985: 80-2). See also SOL, HE 4.27.
11 See John’s comments in In Matt. horn. 85186 (PG 58,761 53-6).
12 Olympias and Eugraphia are the best-known examples. See Mayer (1999:
11-12). While the Dialogue of Palladius and the Vita Olympiadis are selec-
tive in their evidence, describing only bishops as the beneficiaries of their
hospitality, given her reputation it is unlikely that Olympias housed only
individuals of high status.

GENERAL INTRODUCTION TO THE TEXTS

1 Greek philosophers of the fourth century promoted the concept as a

counterpart to the Christian notion of agapE For an excellent and still
valuable discussion of the range of meanings which could attach to the
word see Downey (1955). See further Brown (1992: 82-4).

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 NOTES

2 Regarding the Field edition and the problems inherent in each of the
various editions of these series of homilies see Goodall (1979: l-5).
3 The translations of the homilies which appear in LNPF are likewise based
upon the Field text. In the cases where the text was unavailable to the
original translator, the editors have revised the translation and added
useful footnotes accordingly.

ON EPHESIANS HOMILY 11

1 For a detailed argument concerning the probable Constantinopolitan

provenance of this homily see Mayer (1996: 345-51).
2 The number rose to some forty or more in the period immediately
preceding the Synod of the Oak (Palladius, Dial. 8; ACW 45: 52).
3 They could also preside at the liturgy at John’s request (Palladius, Dial.
14; ACW 45: 91).
4 If one accepts that John returned to Constantinople shortly after Easter
402. The chronology of Cameron (1987), on which Kelly (1995: 165-
13) relies, rests on a dubious assumption regarding the homogeneity of
John’s fifty-five homilies on the book of Acts. Even so, the location of
the journey to Ephesus in 402 may well be correct.
5 Although we follow the text of Field, we here observe the punctuation in
Montfaucon for the sake of clarity.
6 Paul, a bishop of Antioch in the third century, is thought to have taught
that Christ did not ‘come down from heaven’ but was ‘from below’. See
Grillmeier (1975: 164-5).
7 The Field text is difficult to interpret at this point and we here revert to
that of Montfaucon.
8 I.e., the Last Judgement.
9 Lit. ‘Gehenna’.
10 He is still addressing the women at this point.

ON COLOSSIANS HOMILY 7

1 I.e., behaves in an arrogant fashion by taunting the losers. There has been
some hesitation about the text at this point, Montfaucon preferring a
passive verb rather than the active ep@eaz?. The active makes sense, how-
ever, and there is no need to seek an alternative reading.
2 We follow Montfaucon in this instance, where the addition of the nega-
tive particle makes better sense of the text.
3 We follow the Montfaucon text in this instance, for the sake of clarity.
4 There is a discrepancy here in the Greek between the single demonstra-
tive and the plural antecedents.
5 John here refers to the riot of 387 and its consequences. See the intro-
duction to On the statues hon. 17.
6 Probably Laodicea.
7 At this point in the Field text there is a kai which is untranslatable.

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 NOTES

8 See Herod., Hist. 5.119 and 7.27, 31.

9 Unable to be located within the scriptural canon. The only other identifi-
able occurrence of this citation is in a text falsely attributed to Chrysos-
tom (Ecloga 6: PG 63,605-16), where unfortunately the passage in
which the citation occurs is clearly excerpted from the concluding para-
graphs of On Cal. horn. 7.
10 Gr. chavir. It has the sense of both personal charm and influence. John is
saying here that, since he is doing his duty, each person is responsible
before God for their decision either to ignore his injunctions or respond
to them.
11 Unable to be located within the scriptural canon. Also cited in Ps.
Chrysostom, Ecloga 6 (see n. 9).

HOMILY DELIVERED AFTER THE

REMAINS OF MARTYRS ETC.

1 Lit. ‘chorus’.
2 Gr. diadema.
3 Gr. diadema.
4 An allusion to the trade in martyrs’ remains. See Intro., Ch. 2.
5 John 12:36; 1 Thess. 5:5.
6 Lucifer, i.e., Venus.
7 An indeterminate metal, considered in antiquity to be the hardest.
8 Gr. basileian, rendered elsewhere by us as ‘kingdom’, when not used in
this technical sense. John refers here to Eudoxia’s status as an Augusta
and to the clothing that signified that status.
9 Gr. prostatin, lit. ‘patroness’. The same feminine form of the noun is used
in association with Phoebe and occurs in the citation from Romans.
10 An allusion to Abraham receiving the three angels in his tent in the
desert (Gen. 18), a favourite Chrysostomic exemplum of hospitality.
11 In the context of Constantinople, the term usually signifies the local
community of Goths.

A HOMILY ON MARTYRS

1 For a description of the drinking and revelry at Antioch that was

associated with this festival see In ka/enah (PG 48,953-62). For more
complete details of the festival at this time in general see Asterius of
Amasea, horn. 4 (Datema 1970: 38-43, 228-31).
2 We differ here from the punctuation in Montfaucon.
3 Gr. arc&n.
4 Gr. pankratiazein. The pankration was a contest which involved both
boxing and wrestling.
5 Gr. pbilosophia.

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 NOTES

ON HIS RETURN

1 L. ‘Here begins the homily of saint John Chrysostom, when he returned

to Constantinople from Asia.’
2 Lit. ‘of such quality and such extent’.
3 Gr. tropuion. According to LSJ a monument of the enemies’ defeat,
usually consisting of shields, helmets and other equipment removed
from the enemy, either fixed on upright posts or frames or hung from
trees.
4 See n. 2.
5 L. ‘constructing idols and staging rebellions’.
6 Gr. philosophia.
7 Retrieved from the Latin.
8 L. ‘Moses, in a fit of anger, upbraided Aaron on account of the people’s
rebellion and took him to task for acquiescing to their will’.
9 Gr. enkiCa. The homily Delivered after the remains of martyrs etc. is an
excellent example of this rhetorical genre.
10 Gr. step&mow. Here used in the sense of the wreaths, woven of olive or
laurel, awarded the winners in athletic contests.
11 Lit. ‘the sicknesses’. The allusion is to the charges of simony brought
against the bishop of Ephesus and the bishops in the surrounding sees.
12 L. ‘But I received no command of this kind. And when little by little
I fell ill, your absence didn’t cause me anxiety; rather, with every
confidence in you, I awaited treatment for my ill health.’
13 L. ‘the grace of God’.
14 L. ‘What shall I do? How shall I indicate the exultation of my mind?
I call in witness your conscience, which I see is filled with joy at my
arrival. That joy is my crown and praise.’
15 L. ‘I, however, see not one Joseph, but all of you in his likeness.’
16 Play on Gr. paradeisos (paradise) - essentially a cultivated garden, usually
private. The church is more often referred to in homiletic literature as a
meadow (leimgn), than as a garden.
17 The Latin text replaces ‘and what’s astonishing . . . them’ with ‘in that
Garden every single kind of seed persists in its own condition; but in
this garden, if. . .’
18 Gr. diadFmatos.
19 These first two statements are missing in the Latin text.
20 I.e., at the Last Judgement.
21 L. ‘how your voices penetrated heaven with joy?’
22 L. ‘For there is great happiness for a mother when her sons rejoice and
immense joy for a shepherd when the sheep of his flock rejoice.’
23 Retrieved from the Latin text.
24 L. ‘are my joy, my proud boast, my crown’.
25 Missing in the Latin text.
26 Chrysostom here exploits the two strands of meaning inherent in the
term ‘Pascha’, which can refer, on the one hand, to the Paschal festival
(i.e., Easter); on the other, to the Paschal feast (i.e., the eucharist).
27 I.e., ‘on Easter Sunday’.
28 L. ‘don’t be doubtful about the grace, because it’s God’s gift’.

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 NOTES

29 Gr. hierezls - in Chrysostom, a generic term which covers both presbyter

and bishop.
30 Acts 8:26-40; 16:25-33; Luke 23:39-43. L. ‘Beloved, don’t then be in
any doubt, for God’s grace has been perfected. The location is no
hindrance, whether you baptise here, or on a ship, or on a journey.
Philip baptised on the road, Paul in prison, on the cross Christ (freed)
the thief from his wound and earned the right to open at once the door
of paradise.’
31 L. ‘I’m not present but your mercy is - your mercy which led me there
and conceded more than I deserved.’
32 L. (adds) ‘For so great is your trustworthiness and love that you provoke
everyone else into copying you.’
33 L. ‘For, while I was in Asia for the purpose of correcting the churches,
people coming from all over the place would report to us, saying . .‘.
34 L. ‘increased Paul’s confidence for preaching’.
35 L. (adds) ‘prayer made the sterile woman fertile’.
36 L. ‘That the God of glory on receiving your prayers grant me a sermon
on the tip of my tongue, by which I might instruct the people entrusted
to me for their salvation, through Christ our Lord to whom, together
with God the Father and the Holy Spirit, be honour, glory and power
for ever and ever. Here ends (the sermon) about this same person’s
return from Asia.’

ON THE STATUES HOMILY 17

1 Concerning the characteristic bold speech of the philosopher and the

wealth of associations which John exploits in this homily see Brown
(1992: 65-7).
2 Van de Paverd (1991: 64-76) comes as close as is possible, given the
available evidence, to determining the role of the monks in what actually
occurred.
3 Gr. arcbontas.
4 Gr. asphaleia.
5 Lit. ‘heads’.
6 Gr. philanthr~ia, translated elsewhere by us as ‘love for humankind’.
7 Gr. philosophia.
8 John plays here on the name of the philosophers known as Cynics (Gr.
kynikos = ‘dog-like’). As increasingly became the case with their Christian
counterparts - monks and ascetics - pagan philosophers adopted a dis-
tinctive mode of appearance and dress.
9 Gr. polh pawhsian.
10 Lit. ‘in a rural way’.
11 I.e., Constantinople.
12 Gr. stratopedon. I.e., in the audience hall of the imperial palace in
Constantinople.
13 Gr. pawb~ia.
14 See n. 12.
15 Gr. s~brosyne;elsewhere translated by us as ‘common sense’.

214
 NOTES

16 Lit. ‘orchestra’.
17 Lit. ‘obols’.
18 A city designated as a metropolis had the status of a provincial capital
and was ranked above every other city in its administrative district.
Hence the long-term loss of its metropolitan status would have been a
major economic blow to Antioch as well as a blow to its civic pride.
Regarding the latter in relation to this same historical episode see On
Colossiam horn. 7.
19 Gr. ParvheTtia.
20 This same episode from Antioch’s past is adduced by John in On 1 Car.
horn. 21.
21 Gen. 23:4; Ps. 39:12; Heb. 11:13.
22 Gr. philanthnpos.
2 3 Gr. philantbr6pos.

AGAINST THE GAMES AND THEATRES

1 Pargoire (1899-1900) locates the homily more precisely on 3 July 399,

but as is argued in Mayer (forthcoming (c)) his reason for placing it on
precisely that day is questionable. Pargoire’s argument up to that point
is impeccable, however.
2 As in modern sporting venues today the seating ranged from the expen-
sive members’ boxes and seats towards the top of the various tiers to
cheap standing-room-only areas at ground level. For a description of the
Constantinopolitan hippodrome in general and of the disposition of seat-
ing within it see ODB II 934-5 S.V. Hippodromes, and further, Dagron
(1974: 327). For an illustration of the seating arrangement see Dagron
(1974: Plate VII).
3 Gr. hypoph&%, i.e., a priest through whom God speaks. John here presum-
ably refers to one of the three apostles whose remains were buried in the
Church of the Apostles (Andrew, Luke or Timothy).
4 He here refers to the audience.
5 Lit. ‘obol’.
6 Lit. ‘Gehenna’.
7 John is exploiting medical imagery here, alluding to the cutting out of
the diseased part and the cauterisation of the resultant wound to prevent
the spread of infection.
8 Montfaucon notes that there is a problem here with the Greek text. He
would prefer it to read: ‘It’s much better for you to be pained here and
snatched away .’ or ‘It’s much better for me to cause (you) pain and
snatch (you) away .‘.

BAPTISMAL INSTRUCTION 8

1 Gr. diatheset?s - the goodwill that arises from repayment of the debt.
2 Gr. wgcn, elsewhere translated by us as ‘deeds’.

215
 NOTES

3 With regard to the liturgical furnishings of rural Syrian churches, what

John means here by ‘bema’ is difficult to determine. For a discussion of
the peculiarities which could attach to the interiors of non-episcopal
churches in this region see Taft (1968). Van de Paverd (1991: 259)
understands the term to refer in this instance to the pulpit or location
from which the rural monk-presbyter preached.
4 Gr. philosophon.
5 A further reference to the distinctive appearance and mode of dress
affected by pagan philosophers. See On the statues hotn. 17.
6 Gr. philanthpia.
7 Gr. synaxis (lit. ‘gathering’), elsewhere translated by us as ‘service’.

ON EUTROPIUS

1 Gr. symposia. An all-male affair, usually held after dinner and lasting until
well into the small hours of the morning.
2 An indication of extreme expense and debauchery. Wine was usually
watered down.
3 The Greek text in Montfaucon reads karpos (fruit). The Latin translator
evidently read kupnos (smoke), which is more consistent with the verb
(diehtba and is a metaphor more typically employed by John when he
wishes to highlight the ephemeral qualities of human possessions.
4 John refers here to the practice of acclamation - in this case, the shouting
or chanting of short slogans in support of or demonstration against bene-
factors and members of the upper echelons of the imperial and civic
administration. See Brown (1992: 14, 149-50) and RouechC (1984).
5 Lit. ‘the imperial halls’.
6 Gr. b<ma. John here refers not to the ambo, but to the enclosure in front
of the synthronon which contains the altar.
7 Gr. pbilanthpia.
8 John here refers to the curtains which enclosed the altar.
9 Lit. ‘hymn’.
10 Lit. ‘0 human being’.
11 Gr. elet%tzosyne;elsewhere translated by us as ‘almsgiving’.
12 Gr. bamurtematu, usually used by John in the technical sense of ‘sins’.

ON: ‘I OPPOSED HIM TO HIS FACE’

1 In John’s case, at least in his later years, the effects were usually felt by
the other preacher. See On: ‘My father’s working still’, which follows.
2 I.e., Flavian.

ON: ‘MY FATHER’S WORKING STILL’

1 For an outline of the rites observed at this period see ODB III 2193-4
S.V. Wedding.

216
 NOTES

2 I.e., the urban prefect (eparchos ta polea), the official responsible for
organising the chariot-races at Constantinople. See ODB I 705 S.V.
Eparch of the City.
3 Lit. ‘existing things’.

AGAINST THE JEWS ORATION I

1 For further detail see Intro., Ch. 1, ‘The cities of Antioch and
Constantinople’.
2 For a brief, but excellent discussion of the history of the psogos and John’s
exploitation of this medium in relation to the series of homilies to which
Against thejews or. 1 belongs see Wilken (1983: 112-23).
3 John refers to De incompr. dei nat. horn. 1. The Anomoeans taught that
because God is agennt?os, his essence is completely comprehensible by
human beings (Kelly 1993: 249).
4 Gr. chores, elsewhere translated by us as ‘band’.
5 I.e., against the Anomoeans (see Intro., Ch. 1, ‘The cities of Antioch and
Constantinople’.
6 Regarding the festivals celebrated in this latter part of the year see ODJR
S.V. Fasts, 251; Rosh Hashanah, 590 (=Trumpets); Sukkot, 659-60
(= Tabernacles); Yom Kippur, 75 1 (= Day of Atonement).
7 Gr. paranomias. Throughout the homily John plays on the fact that the
Jews claim to be under the law.
8 Gr. sRirtc%zt&, elsewhere translated by us as ‘jumping with excitement’.
9 The reference is to the custom of the Antiochene Jews on Yom Kippur
(the Day of Atonement).
10 Gr. paranomian, on other occasions translated by us as ‘lawlessness’.
11 Gr. phoberonterous. The adjective phoberos conveys both the idea of
inspiring fear and of inspiring awe.
12 Gr. apdegeisthai. In On his return we translated this verb and its cognates
as ‘justify’, ‘justification’.
13 Lit. ‘the low capacity of their mind’.
14 Gr. phobera.
15 John makes exactly the same criticism of his own parishioners in On 1
Cor. horn 21. Cf. Against the games and theatres and On: ‘My father’s working
still’.
16 Gr. phobera.
17 Lit. ‘head’.
18 The formula is spoken after the doors have been closed against the
catechumens and the others who are ineligible to partake of the eucharist.
See van de Paverd (1970: 239-40, 250).
19 I.e., that they didn’t know about Christ and his coming.
20 Ruler of Egypt 282-246 BC and keen supporter of the library at Alexan-
dria. For further detail see OCD 1272 S.V. Ptolemy II Philadelphus.
21 I.e., at Daphne. At the time that John was speaking it was in a state of
disrepair and no longer functioning.
22 Gr. manian, also translated by us as ‘craziness’.

217
 NOTES

23 Gr. xoanon. The term refers to the cultic image of the god which stood in
a shrine or temple. lt was often carved of wood and decorated with paint,
gilding and/or ivory.
24 I.e., in 587 BC and AD 70, respectively.
25 Lit. ‘table’, i.e., instruction.

ON 1 CORINTHIANS HOMILY 21

1 Lit. ‘bent’.
2 Lit. ‘0 human being’.
3 Gr. elet%zosyne; elsewhere translated by us as ‘almsgiving’.
4 The same episode from Antioch’s past is adduced by John in On the statues
horn. 17.
5 The same accusation is directed by John towards the local Jews. See
Against the Jews or: 1.
6 On the church allowance see Rentinck (1970: 315-21).
7 Rentinck (1970: lot. cit.); Brown (1992: 98).
8 Gr. logon.
9 Gr. euthunas.
10 Lit. ‘depart for there’.
11 Gr. parrh?.ria.

ON THE ACTS OF THE APOSTLES

HOMILY 3

1 Gr. ta oikeia elatt@nuta.

2 Cf. Matt. 20:20-4; Mark 10:35-41.
3 I.e., ordained them.
4 Gr. postasia.
5 Gr. ephilosophson.
6 Lit. ‘Hyparchs and toparchs’.

CONCERNING BLESSED PHILOGONIUS

1 The reference is probably to the Anomoeans. Cf. Against the Jews or. 1.
2 Lit. ‘our tongue’.
3 Gr. brabeia. The term refers to the symbols of athletic, not military,
success.
4 Lit. ‘grow old or die away’.
5 I.e., heaven and earth.
6 Gr. cheirotonz. The verb can mean both to appoint and to ordain.
7 Gr. bzma. John exploits the technical juridical and liturgical meanings of
the term for the sake of producing a pun.
8 Lit. ‘sit’.

218
 NOTES

9 Lit. ‘head’.
10 Gr. leipsan@z, elsewhere translated by us as ‘leftovers’.
11 I.e., Flavian.
12 I.e., the one that takes precedence over all others. For the status of a
metropolis uis-2-h surrounding cities in a province see On the statues
horn. 17.
13 Lit. ‘the sacred Pascha’.

LETTERS FROM EXILE

1 Lit. ‘that he has fallen out of your household and is gone from sight’.
2 Gr. exebalon (active).
3 Gr. philanthpias.
4 Gr. spoudg, elsewhere translated by us as ‘zeal’.
5 Gr. proepempsas. The verb may be used here in the double sense of sending
the brother ahead of him to heaven and of escorting the body during the
funeral procession.
6 Gr. synaxin.
7 Gr. tas prostasias, lit. ‘the supervisions’, ‘the assistances’.
8 Gr. sphodra, translated by us elsewhere as ‘exceedingly’.
9 Gr. sportoula. The precise meaning of the term is difficult to determine.
John may be referring to fees owed for services rendered by him in the
episcopal court (audientia episcopalis). Regarding the technical use of the
term in succeeding centuries see ODB III 1993 S.V. Synetheia.
10 Gr. dapsileian, elsewhere translated by us as ‘generous giving’.
11 Gr. pofyarchion. According to LSJ a medicinal salve named after Polyarchus,
the physician who invented it.

219
 BIBLIOGRAPHY

TEXTS OF JOHN CHRYSOSTOM

PG 48,747-56 (De b. Philogonio); PG 48,843-56 (Adu. ludaos or. 1); PG

49,171-80 (De statuis horn. 17); PG 50,661-6 (Horn. in martyres); PG
5 1,371-88 (In ilfud In faciem ei restiti); PG 52,391-6 (In Eutropium);
PG 52,629-30 (Ep. 34); PG 52,649 (Ep. 75); PG 52,672-3 (Ep. 117); PG
52,721-2 (Ep. 197); PG 52,724 (Ep. 203); PG 52,728 (Ep. 210); PG
52,729 (Ep. 212); PG 52,730-l (Ep. 217); PG 56,263-70 (Nov. horn. 7:
Contra kudos et theatra); PG 60,33-42 (In Acta apost. horn. 3); PG 61,169-
80 (In I Cm. horn. 21); PG 62,79-88 (In Ejh. horn. 11); PG 62,343-52
(In Col. horn. 7); PG 63,467-72 (Nov. h om. 1: Horn. habita postquam reliquiae
martyram); PG 63,5 1 l-l 6 (Nov. horn. 10: In illud: Pater meus usque modo operatur).
Field, F. (1847) Sancti patris nostri loannis chysostomi arcbiepiscopi Constantin-
opolitani interpretatio omnium epistolarum Paulinarum per homilias facta, II, con-
tinens homilias in epistolam ad Corinthios priorem, Oxonii (In 1 Car. born.
21).
Field, F. (1852) Tou en bagiois patros b&on Icannou arcbiepiskopou Kgnstantin-
oupolefis tou rbrysostomou bypomntiata eis tas pros Galatas kai Epbesious epistolas,
Oxford (In Epb. born. I I).
Field, F. (1855) Tou en bagiois patros bFrngn lgannou arcbiepiskopou Kgnstantin-
oupole8s tou cbvysostomou bypomnzmata eis tas pros PbilippeTtious kai Kolossaeis kai
Tbessalonikeis epistolas, Oxford (In Cal. born. 7).
Wenger, A. (1961) ‘L’homClie de saint Jean Chrysostome <&son retour d’risie,‘,
Revue des hudes byzantines 19: 1 lo-23 (De regress&.
Wenger, A. (1970) Jean Cbtysostome: Huit catecbbes baptismales inidites, 2nd edn,
Paris: Editions du CERF (SC 50bi”), 247-60 (Cat. 8).

TRANSLATIONS

The following translations have appeared in English prior to our own. The
abbreviation LNPF = P. Schaff (ed.) (1886-90) A Select Library oftbe Nicene

220
 BIBLIOGRAPHY

and Post Nirene Fathers of the Christian Church, New York: The Christian
Literature Company.

On Eph. horn. 11. W.J. Copeland, rev. G. Al exander (1889) LNPF 13, 102-8.
On COI. horn. 7. J. Ashworth (1889) LNPF 13, 288-93.
On the statues horn. 17. C. Marriott, rev. W.R.W. Stephens (1889) LNPF 9,
452-8.
Baptismal instruction 8. P.W. Harkins (1963) St. John Chvysostom: Baptismal
Instructions, New York: Newman Press (Ancient Christian Writers, 31),
119-30.
On Eutropius. W.R.W. Stephens (1889) LNPF 9, 249-52.
Against the Jews or. 1. P.W. Harkins (1979) Saint John Cbrysostom: Discourses
against Juduizing Christians, Washington, D.C.: The Catholic University of
America Press (The Fathers of the Church, 68), l-34.
On I Cm. born. 21. H.K. Cornish and J. Medley, rev. T.W. Chambers (1889)
LNPF 12, 118-25.
On Acts born. 3. H. Browne, rev. G.B. Stevens (1889) LNPF 11, 17-25.

OTHER TEXTS AND TRANSLATIONS

Bidez, J., and G.C. Hansen (19952) Sozomenus. Kircbengescbicbte, Berlin:

Akademie Verlag (Die griechischen christlichen Schriftsteller der ersten Jahr-
hunderte, N.F. 4).
Canivet, P., and A. Leroy-Molinghen (1977) Tbeodoret de Cyr. Histoire des moines
de Syrie. -Histoire Pbilotbeku I-XIII, Tome I, Paris: Les Editions du CERF
(Sources Chretiennes, 234).
Datema, C. (1970) Aster& of Amasea. Homilies I-XIV, Text, Introduction and
Notes, Leiden: E.J. Brill.
Foerster, R. (1903-13) Libanii Opera, 7 vols, Leipzig: B.G. Teubner.
Hansen, G.C. (1995) Sokrates. Kircbengescbicbte, Berlin: Akademie Verlag (Die
griechischen christlichen Schriftsteller der ersten Jahrhunderte, N.F. 1).
Jeffreys, E., M. Jeffreys, and R. Scott with B. Croke, J. Ferber, S. Franklin,
A. James, D. Kelly, A. Moffatt and A. Nixon (1986) The Chronicle of John
Malalas: A Translation, Melbourne: Australian Association for Byzantine
Studies (Byzantina Australiensia, 4).
Malingrey, A.-M. (1968) Jean Cbiysostome. L.ettres 2 Olympias, seconde edition
augmentee de la Vie anonyme d’olympias, Paris: Les Editions du CERF (Sources
Chretiennes 1 3bi’).
Malingrey, A.IM., with P. Leclercq (1988) Palladios. Dialogue sw la vie de Jean
Cbrysostome I-II, Paris: Les Editions du CERF (Sources Chretiennes, 341-2).
Meyer, R.T. (1985) Palladius: Dialogue on the Life of St. John Cbtysostom, New
York: Newman Press (Ancient Christian Writers, 45).
Moreschini, C., and P. Gallay (1990) Grtfgoire de Nazianze. Discours 38-41, Paris:
Les Editions du CERF (Sources Chretiennes, 358).

221
 BIBLIOGRAPHY

Parmentier, L., and G.C. Hansen ( 199S3) Theodoret. Kirchengeschichte, Berlin:

Akademie Verlag (Die griechischen christlichen Schriftsteller der ersten Jahr-
hunderte, N.F. 5).
Wright, W.C. (1913) The Worhs of the Emperor Julian, 3 vols, London: William
Heinemann (The Loeb Classical Library).

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227
 INDEX

Adolia 44 Brison, eunuch 8

Aetius 13 Brown, P. 35
Alexandria 4, 9, 11-12, 26
Ancyra 10 Caesarea 10
Anomoeans 13, 15-16, 146-7, Caesarius 104-5
150-1,185 Cameron, A. 177
Antioch: cemeteries 19; city 3-7, Carteria SO-I, 196, 203
10-15, 17-19, 21-6, 31-2, 34, Carterius 5, 26
37-8,41,43-4,46-g, 50-1,73, cave of Matrona 12-13, 18, 148,
93, 104-5, 110, 114, 116, 118, 160, 166
126, 148, 168, 173, 184, 196; Chalcedon 9, 14-15, 22
island in Orontes 11, 17-18, 140; Christmas 23, 184, 191-5
Kerateion 13, 18; military exercise churches, of Antioch: Great Church
ground 5, 18; Romanesian Gate 8, 17-19, 24, 48, 140; of the
19; see also Daphne Maccabees 18; martyria 19-20,
Antioch in Pisidia 49 93; Old Church 17-19, 24, 41,
Aphraates 202 140, 184; of St Babylas 18, 25
Arabissus 1 O-l 1 churches, of Constantinople: of the
Arabius 51 Apostles 20-3, 25; Great Church
Arcadius 10, 15, 43 10, 20-2, 24-5, 38,42,48-9, 59
Arianism 8, 15-16, 19-21, 43, 48, 86, 118, 132; matyria 21-3,
184 85-6; St Anastasia 20-1, 25, 51;
Arsacius, bishop SO St Eirene 20-1, 25, 48; St Paul
Ascension 19, 23, 191 20-1, 37; Sts Peter and Paul 22,
asceticism 3-6, 9, 29, 34, 42, 118
48-50, 52 Constantine 4, 14-15, 17, 21-2, 25
Asterius, Count of the East 8 47
Aurelianus 9, 22, 104 Constantinople 411, 13-15, 17,
20-6, 30-4, 37-9,42-3,
Babylas 18-19 45-6,48-51, 59-60, 85-6,
baptism 10, 23, 29, 36, 40, 61, 77, 93,98, 118-19, 143, 177, 185,
98, 101-2, 126 196
bishop 3, 5-10, 12, 14-16, 18, Constantius, presbyter 45
20-1, 234, 26, 31-3, 35, 38-9, Constantius II, emperor 11, 14
42-4,48-9, 51, 59, 73, 98, 140, Council of Nicaea 184
143-J&177-81,185 cucusus 10-l 1, 5 1

228
 INDEX

Daphne 11-13, 18-19,47, 115, Julian 11, 19, 50

160 Kelly, J.N.D. 5-6, 49, 98, 177
deacon 6, 9, 42, 48-50 Krautheimer, R. 15
Delmaire, R. 11, 50, 196
Devreesse, R. 47 lector 6
Diodore of Tarsus 5, 26 Lent 7, 23, 32, 104
Diogenes 196, 202 Leontius, bishop of Antioch 47
Domitian, presbyter 201 Libanius 5, 26, 50

Easter 7, 9-10, 23, 38, 98, 101, Macedonius 48, 50

126, 136, 191 MacMullen, R. 36
Egeria 32 Malchus 44
Ellebichus 104-S Mango, C. 15
Ephesus 9, 31, 43, 60 Marathonius 48, 50
Epiphany 23, 191 Marcianus 50
Eudoxia, empress 8, 10, 85-6, 196 ‘Martyrius’ 49
Eustathius 197 martyrs 3, 19-20, 22, 38, 86-91,
Eutropius 8, 38, 43, 118, 132 93-7, 127, 129, 159
exile 10-11, 196 Meletius, bishop of Antioch 5-6,
18-19
festivals: Jewish 150, 157, 164, 166; Miller, T. 48
of the Maccabees 18; martyr(s) 32, monks: at Antioch 104-5, 107-10,
93-4, 126; pagan 4, 12-13, 93; 190; at Constantinople 9-10, 16,
of St Babylas 18; of St Drosis 19; 48; in Egypt 9-10, 51; at Nicaea
of St Ignatius 19; of St Julian 14, 45; in Phoenicia 45; in Syria 12,
19; of St Meletius 18; of Sts Peter 37, 126
and Paul 118, 120; of
St Philogonius 24, 32, 184-5 Nectarius, bishop of Constantinople
Flavian, bishop of Antioch 6, 17, 19, 7-8,49
32, 37,41,48-9, 140, 184 Nicaea 10, 45
Nicene Christianity 5, 8, 13, 15-16
Gainas 9, 31, 43, 104 18-21, 37,43,45,48, 184
Good Friday 19, 118 Nicomedia 10
Goodall, B. 31 Novatians 16, 21, 60
Goths 9, 20, 37, 43, 45, 197
Greek literature, allusions 80-82 Olympias 42, 46, 49, 51, 55
Gregory of Nazianzus 2 1 Olympic Games 12-l 3
Optatus, Urban Prefect 196
Harmatius 51, 196, 204 Optimus, bishop 49
Holum, K. 85
pagan religions 3, 12-13, 15, 50,
Isaurians 11, 46 160
pagans 4-5, 12-13, 15, 69, 108,
Jerusalem 32 124, 135, 160-1, 196
John, count 9 Palladius 6, 8, 48-9
John Malalas 47 Pargoire, J. 31
Jovian 11 Paul of Samosata 63
Judaism 3, 12-13, 15, 18, 29, 50, Paverd, F. van de 12, 126
74, 94, 102, 112-13, 124, 135, Pentecost 23, 74, 191
146-7, 148-67 Persian culture 82

229
 INDEX

Philogonius, bishop of Antioch Studius, urban prefect 44, 196, 199

184-5, 187-9 temple of Apollo, Daphne 12-13,
Phoenicia 45, 196-7, 203 19,160
Pityus 11 Theodora 44, 196-7
Plutarch, governor of Antioch 48 Theodore 202
polyarchium 203 Theodoret of Cyrrhus 5, 184
presbyter 5-7, 12, 17, 24, 26, 31-3, Theodosius 14, 14-15, 20-1, 48,
37,43-6, 48, 52, 73, 105, 105
110-11,181 Theodosius II 86
Ptolemy Philadelphus 160 Theophilus of Alexandria 9-10,
51
Rome 4, 8, 11, 14, 112 Theophilus, presbyter 196, 200,
202
Salustius, presbyter 196, 200, 202 Thrace 9
Sampson, monk 48
Saturninus 9 Valens 11, 18
Second Ecumenical Council 4, 6 Valentinus 196, 201
Serapion, archdeacon 9 Vitalis 184
Severian of Gabala 9, 59
Sisinnius, bishop 60 Wenger, A. 98, 126
Socrates, church historian 6, 30
Sozomen, church historian 6, 30, 35, Yakto mosaic 47
46,48
Stagirius 48 Zotikos 48

230