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    Sejarah

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    of 26
    International Journal on Group Rights 5: 33-S8, 1997 33 © 1997 Kluwer Academic Publishers. Printed in the Netherlands Immigration, Multiculturalism and National Wentily im Canada SARAH V. WAYLAND. Department of Political Science, University of Toronto Abstract. This atcle describes historical circumstances and developments that contributed to the formation of Canadian nations identity. Specialy, i foeuses on the historical importance of immigration to population grosrth, the evolution of Canadian immigration Poly om exclusions to unlverai, laions Between anglophones and racopone. he ‘uvent of the multiculturalism policy, and how that policy has been Both expanded nd Strengthened in reponse the changing etic and racial composition of Canada's pop fiom spe tee he cay et fa von Seo, Comaan Seine tobe concerned sboot immigration and nana deni. The challenge of promoting national nity inthe context of remarkable diversity is faced by many counties, but it is especially daunting forthe young, bilingual, and multicultural Canadian State ‘The government will support and encourage the various cultures and ethnic groups that give structure and vitality to our society. They will be encouraged to share their cultural expression and values with other Canadians and so contribute to a richer life for us all.” So declared Canadian Prime Minister Pierre Trudeau upon announcing Canada’s multiculturalism policy in 1971. One of only three officially multicultural countries in the world (the other two being Australia and Sweden), Canada’s model is that of a ‘multioultural cogioty within bilingual framework". The ideology of multiculturalism has become part and parcel of Canadian identity, reinforcing the ‘ethnic mosaic’ that dates from Canada’s origins, The sauctivuing of cultutal plucalisu went even further In 1988 when Canada's Parliament passed the Multiculturalism Act, the only such act to exist in the world nis aruicte outlines the historical circumstances and developments that rendered multiculturalism possible in Canada: the development of nationhood in Canada; the evolution of immigration policies from exclusionist to universalist; the factors leading up to the multiculturalism policy of 1971; how the policy was transformed into an Act in 1988; and the continuities between past and present Canadian attinides: tewarde immigration and immigrants. 1 conclude by analyzing the impact of multiculturalism, notably its implications for Canadian identity. 34 SARAH V. WAYLAND ‘The orlgins of Canautan Identity: Britist aud bicuttural Canada was born on July 1, 1867 by an act of the British Parliament.! It was to be self-governing British dependency, a Dommion. At that time, Canada consisted of the English-speaking colony of Upper Canada (Ontario), the French-speaking colony of Lower Canada (Quebec), New Brunswick, and Nova Scotia. The British North America Act created a federal system, with the new provincial legislatures wielding considerable pawer while Ottawa regulated inter-provincial and international economic affairs, defense, and care of native peoples.” From Canada’s beginning, regionalism, language issues, a large foreign- ‘born population, and a weak federal government have hindered the ereation of a strong Canadian identity. A distinctive Canadian identity has also been slow to emerge because of the Dominion’s ties to the British motherland, “Though fs influence has been on the wane in revem decades, Canada as been profoundly shaped by Britain, which served as a major source of political ideas, development capital, and technical expertise, not to mention as a model for creating the structures and systems of a modem state. Moreover, all Canadians held British passports until 1947. And Canada did not have its own flag until 1964, when the Union Jack was abandoned amidst great controversy, nor its own national anthem until 1967. Although it has developed a unique identity over the past century, French-English difforancos moan that Canada may never proccess the rinified sense of peoplehood that characterizes a true nation. Indeed, the central fact of white Canadian history has been the relationship between Canada’s two founding peoples, the Dritish and the French. ‘At Confederation, the French retained the distinctive cultural features such as language, the civil code, and the educational system in those parts of the Dominion where they had already been established by law or custom. These rights to distinction were maintained, but not extended (Creighton 1970: 12). That the British North America Act recognized certain rights for religious groups and for linguistic ‘groups set the tone for a collectivist notion of rights in Canada and would foster the eventual acceptance of a pluralistic society. “Britain had desided to withdzaw from North America in part because of growing American strength in the wake of the American civil war. British political leaders believed iar tne nism presence InNorin. America tight leas wo Aor and” WAP WIN Tae ‘Arians they ere not willing fo fake” Nor wete they prepared f nc te oss ‘of Canada’s defense The Constitution Act was supolemented by a Charter of Richts and Freedoms in 1982. which was ratified wiht the approval of Quebec. Canada has yet to ratty 4 constitution that meets the approval of alten provinces, the latest effort bing the Mech Lake Accords which failed to secure the nceessry signatires before its June 23, 1990 deadline. IMMIGRATION AND MULTICULTURALISM IN CANADA 35 “The 1870-71 census, the finst conducted after Confederation, documented that the two largest groups in Canada at that time were the French with just over one million persons and the British (English, Scots, Welsh, and Irish) whose combined total was more than two million. Canada’s British popula- tion immigrated in waves following the American Revolution, the War of 1812, and the Trish potato famine of the 1840s, Unlike the French, the British were divided by numerous ethnic and religious differences. Other national groups and native persons had much smaller populations and tended to finetion as distinct societies. with elites to mediate with anglophanes. At that time, the farm was the basic unit of production and two-thirds of all Canadians lived in rural areas. National contiment mounted in tho aftormath of Confederation, ao evidenced by the Canada First movement whose goals were to promote Canadian national feeling and to create a great British nation in North America, The Briush Nord America Act had nave coon for the inclusion of other British colonies, and western expansion began almost immediately. Expansion met with little resistance, with the exception of the Métis, offspring of French or Scottish men and native women. By 1885, the last ‘Métis ‘rebellion’ had been quelled, made possible by the transportation of Canadian troops on the newly completed Canadian Pacific Railroad. ‘The defeat of the Métis and the completion of a transcontinental railroad paved the way for settlement of the western provinces. They also sealed the fate of the French in Canada ac minorities The axeention of Métic leader Louis Riel, a francophone Catholic, was of symbolic significance to French- Canadians, Moreover, the new territories consolidated under Canadian rule were primarily populated by Britons. And as immigrants from other parts of Burope began to arrive, they settled in an English-speaking Canada and were subject to ‘Anglo-conformity’ ‘The creation of the new Dominion ad ninged on Bridsh influence and authority, and there was little room for the expansion of French interests. For example, French-Canadians were not privy to the government subsidies given to immigrants wanting to settle in the west. As a result, instead of moving west to the prairies, many French-Canadians emigrated south to New England, The American census of 1900 reported that one-third of all French-Canadians in North America were living in the United States. A nation of immigrants, but only certain immigrants ‘The 1881 Canadian census indicated that ninety per cent of the population was of British, French, or native origins. The great majority of newcomers 36 SARAH V. WAYLAND, to Canada through the late 1800s Were British, and increasmgly English, but their numbers were supplemented by migrants from central and western Europe and China. The 1880s saw close to 85,000 persons per year enter Canada, many of them looking for work in railway construction: ae saat at Il 1980 80. ' 24 962, 1950-59 154 464 a su wor | 36008 won | rmem sett noes bigs eT ae ec alo 1920-29 126.499 tonne apace | £19 tn is tased on oecn of 0.0 int Source: Citizenship and Immigration Canada (Strategic Research, Analysis and Infor: pistion Rranah Boley $. gesecees | ITE) |) SUE EEL EEE EEL Canada had trouble keeping its immigrants, however. Between 1880 and 1691, over nw inillivn peisvus— fully oue-filt of Canstda’s tocal population = migrated south to milder American climates (Knowles 1992: 55). During the last two decades of the nineteenth century, more people left Canada than entered it The Sifton years (1896-1905) In need of farmers to settle the western provinces, Canada embarked on an unprecedented recruitment campaign in the United Kingdam, the United States, and Westem Europe under the leadership of Interior Minister Clifford Sifton. The author of Canada’s first Immigration Act, Sifton was Particular about whom he wanted to come to Canada, Urban labourers were not encouraged; hard-working, healthy farmers were. ‘Only farmers need apply’ became Sifton’s operating slogan. Sifton’s recruitment of central Curopeau peasauls was uvt populst with Wie Canadian public, but he ata try to Keep the prairies white. For example, although no law was passed to exclude American blacks, they were not encouraged 10 come and their applications were usually reyected (Hawkins 1989: 6). IMMIGRATION AND MULTICULTURALISM IN CANADA 37 Canadian businessmen, looking for cheap unskilled labour, lobbied successfully for an open-door immigration policy. Most British immigrants had skills and a union background, and were not what business had in mind. Italians, Ukrainians, and other Europeans were imported to build railroads and work in mines. Most Canadians believed these immigrants to be nunassimilable and that they would return home when their labour was no longer needed. Many immigrants also held these beliefs, hoping to save money while leaving their families in the old country. Mo group war more in demand by railway, mining, lumber, and fishing industries than the Chinese, who worked hard and for less money. By 1900, over 23,000 persons in British Columbia were of Asian origin, almost eleven per ceut uf dhe proviuelal population, Head taxes ranging up w $300 did not dissuade the Chinese from coming to Canada as much as some, especially organized labour interests, would have liked. Discrimination included the denial of franchise to Asians.” Most white persons viewed Asians as great obstacles to national unity and homogeneity in Canada, and curtailing Asian immigration had become major political issue, particularly in British Columbia. The government created a Royal Commission on the issue in 1902, which concluded that the bs ‘a foreign substance within, but not of our body politic, with no love for our lawa and inatitutions; a people that will not assimilate or become an integral part of our race and mation. . . They keep out immigrants who would become permanent citizens and create conditions inimical to lapour and dangerous to me industrial peace or me community. . . 1ney are unfit for full citizenship. . ” (cited in Granatstein 1990; 348-349) ‘The federal government's response to the report was to clamp down on Chinese immigration, but British Columbia's business leaders then began importing large numbers of heavy labourers from Japan and India (mostly Sikhs from the latter). Anti-immigration sentiment culminated in a series of demonstrations and riots in Vancouver in 1907 and included racist violence in immigrant neighbourhoods Many favoured cutting off further immigration, and immigration policy did become more restrictive after 1905 when Sifton left office. In response to the Vancouver sivts, Uh guveimuent iivved ty lial all Asia sigiat and also discouraged migration of American Blacks, who had comprised * Canadians of Chinese and Bast Indisn origin did not regain their voting rights until 1947, and those of Japanese origin not until 1949 (Hawkins 1989: 21). 38 SARAH V. WAYLAND, bine por 6 U.S. by 1911. The 1910 Immigration Act included a ‘continuous journey’ clause which stipulated that immigrants must arrive directly in Canada from their countries of origin, thereby preventing immigration trom India and Japan because there was no direct steamship service, The Act also called for the prohibition of ‘immigrants belonging to any race deemed unsuited to the climate or requirements of Canada, or of immigrants any specific class, occupation or character’. When a ship carrying 376 Indians ~ citizens of the British Empire ~ arrived in Vancouver in 1914, it was escorted hack ant ta cea after spending aver two months in the harbour while the legality of a federal exclusion order was tested in the provincial courts (Johnston 1979). In all, 2.5 million immigrants ontored Canada between 1096 and 191+. Although the ethnic and racial composition of those migrants had been largely determined by the State, the face of Canada was nonetheless reinathably alieied, The attival of so many persons of diverse tanguages, religions, and ethnic and racial identities had a profound impact on the young Canadian State, Diversification and assimilation Canada around the tum of the century was in desperate need of persons to settle and cultivate the western prairies and to labour in mines and on railroads. Tike many Western European countries after World War Tl, Canada needed the manpower but did not like the linguistic, religious, and other ethnic diversity that inevitably accompanied it. The burning issue of the era was how Canada could absorb and make loyal eitizeu fivun ‘Invsdley of strangers’, Hostility to foreigners was evident in immigration policies, exclusionary politics, and public opinion. 1 oue of the Orst books about immigrants in Canada, Methoaist minister and social reformer James S. Woodsworth wrote: "We, in Canada, have certain more or less clearly defined ideals of national well-being. Those ideals must never be lost sight of. Non-ideal elements there must be, but they should be capable of assi ition Essentially nov-assimilable elements are clearly detrimental to our highest national development, and hence should be vigorously excluded’ (irangore within vr Cotes, 1000, cited in Knowles 1993: 01) Woodsworth, known for his liberal opinions, nonetheless believed that immigrants should assimilate by cmbracing Augly-Cauadlian Protestattt values. Such views were prevalent at the time. IMMIGRATION AND MULTICULTURALISM IN CANADA 39 This pressure for assimilation, coupled with exclustontst immugratton policies, had its roots in numerous factors. These included the desire to build and preserve political systems and societies similar to those of the United Kingdom's; the wish to promote the status of the founding peoples who were of European origin; the desire to avoid the racial conflicts occurring in the United States: and, lastly. outright racism among policy- makers. Canada enjoyed close ties with the mother country, and there was a belief that Britain's success in peace and war was related to the homo- gensous and unified character of ite people. In sum, Canada wanted to remain European Although many Canadians worried that foreigners would undermine Canadian society, i€ was Uavuglt hat die loud and the public schools would serve as agents of assimilation. The Dominion lands policy required homesteaders to become British subjects before they could obtain the issue of final patent to the land, By 1Y11, 49 per cent of Canada's foreign-born had indeed become British subjects (Granatstein 1990: 108). If the land was to tie immigrants to Canada, the schools were to form their children into good Canadians, Despite English-language schooling and outreach by Protestant churches, many immigrants continued to speak in their mother tongne and to attend Old World churches. Eventually, Anglo-conformity did prevail in the west, but not before a period of multiculturalism that lasted until World War I. In addition to Britons and Americans ao many ar 500,000 of the latter immigrated ta Alberta and British Columbia alone ~ the western provinces were principally populated by Austro-Hungarians, Russians, Ukrainians, Italians, and migrants from Scandivavia aid die Balkaiis. Maay of diese migrants had fled political turmoil in Europe. British Columbia remained the stopping point for most migrants from Asia. ‘As immigration to urban areas increased, so did the visibility of Canada’s immigrant population. Many Canadians felt that govemment priorities had gone askew and that Canada was becoming a workhouse for the world’s poor and a dumping ground for Europe’s unfit. Immigrants were viewed as inferior and unassimilable. Almost one-quarter of the 1914 Canadian popilation wae foraign-harn, the foreign population having increased by 40 per cent since the turn of the century. No major country had grown faster at that time.‘ Indeed, over 400,000 persons had entered Canada in 1913 “Emigration levels remained high as well, with many immigrants returning home or moving eouth tn the Tinitnd States. Emigratinn etatetos are nat kept hy Canada. hat i is estimated that forthe period 1901-1911 close to [8 million persons entered Canada while ‘over a million exited. For the period 1911-1921, 1.6 million entered and just under 1.4 nillion left Canads (Burnet and Palmer 1988: 32). 40 SARAH V. WAYLAND, alone, Canadians wormed about the social implications of immigration as well as its economic results, concerns which seemed all the more pressing in that Canada was sliding into depression, Could the country “Canadianize” so many diverse persons? ‘The war vears When war broke out in 1914, Europe’s need for Canadian food, supplies, and munitions brought Canada out of doprossion, Canada was hust (y suine 500,000 ‘enemy aliens’, and a seties of laws was passed which curtailed the rights of foreigners in Canada (see Knowles 1992: 93-98), Unemployed alicns were seut (w iuteimucut camps. AL the same time, the need tor manpower brought newfound power to organized labour. Unions recruited thousands of new members, including many immigrants, and a record wave Of nationwide strikes were launched in 1917 and 1918. Some industrialists cautioned that this was an attempt by foreigners to damage the Canadian war effort, and a government inquiry concluded that immigrant. workers were being influenced by and were attempting to spread Bolshevik doctrine (Avery 1979), The Borden government moved to ban socialist organizations, suppress the foreign-langnage press, and prohibit mectings conducted in “enemy” languages. Citizens’ groups pushed further, demanding — occa- sionally successfully ~ the deportation of aliens. The immediate postwar youre were precarious timeo for forcign resideats uf Cauada, wlio Welt viewed as instigators of continued labour unrest, ‘The 1920s witnessed the continuation of strong anti-immigrant lobbies, suppoted Ly puliticiaus, educwors, the medical protession, journalists, and farm and labour groups. They feared ‘Balkanization’ and an undermining of Canada’s Anglo-Saxon character, even though most immigrants to Canada dunng this period were from the United Kingdom and the United States Canadian politicians were quick to condemn the American ‘melting pot’ as 4 failure insofar as uncontrolled immigration to the U.S. prevented the preservation of any distinct culture. As the premier of British Columbia stated in 1923, ‘We are anxious to keep this a British country. We want [it] British and nothing else” (Granatctoin 1900; 260). In 1928, a member of Parliament asserted that Canada was going to learn from America’s mistake by making sure ‘to assimilate these people to British institutions’. An editorial in a 1928 Toronto Globe opined, “Te wuuuuy caumiot go um If Its national life is made up of races which fall short of the national standard.” In 1923, it was decided that the preferential immigration status given to Bris subjects was to extend only to Commonwealth countries with predominantly white populations (Palmer 1975: 12) IMMIGRATION AND MULTICULTURALISM IN CANADA AL Prench-Canaatans shared a dissatisfuction with federal immigration policy, but different reasons: they viewed continued immigration as a plot to reduce French-Canadian influence in Confederation. Most immigrants were likely to be or become anglophones, and trancophones teared dimin- ished numbers and status, In 1929, as in 1913, immigrant influx peaked just as the economy was ing into depression, In 1931, the new Bennett govemment barred all immigrants who were not agriculturalists with capital and not British or American. There was virtually no immigration curing the 1930s. and ver 30,000 foreigners were deported. During the depression, xenophobia mounted, Asian immigrants were disenfranchised in British Columbia and prevented fiom catering certain professions. Anti semit visible and institutionalized, particularly in Quebec where it was encouraged by Catholic leaders. After the Japanese attack on Pearl Harbor, 22,000 Japanese-Lanadians Were rounded up and placed tn makeshift Inveruee camps and their properties were sold for next to nothing.’ Between 1900 and 1930, close to five million immigrants had arrived in Canada. Barely 200,000 entered the country between 1930 and 1945, Tragically, Canada accepted fewer than 4,000 Jewish refugees from Europe (compared to 240,000 taken by the United States). In 1939. a ship from Germany with 900 Jews on board was turned back from Nova Scotia after being denied entry to Cuba and the United States. It is believed that many of the Fewe wore cubcoquently Lilled by Nazis (Abella and Troper 108) mm become moro Postwar Immigration Canada’s doors were not opened again until 1948, when Prime Minister Mckenzie King announced that immigration was to be encouraged once again, but that immigrants were to be selected with care: “... the policy of the goverment is to foster the growth of the population of Canada by the careful selection and permanent settle- ment of such numbers of immigrants as can be advantageously beorhed in our national economy. The people af Canada do not wish, as a result of mass immigration, to make a fundamental alteration in the character of our population’ (cited in Ramcharan 1982: 13). Te wasn’t until 1988 that they received un apology and monetary compensation from the Canadian prvomment For sities nf the Tapanese im Cans sae TTT Nakina, Within the Barbed Wire Fence (Toronto, 1980); Ken Adachi, The Enemy that Never Was (Toronto, 1076y; Ann Sunahara, The Politics of Racism (Toronto, 1981); and E.B. LaViollette, The Japanese Canadians and World War ll (Toronto, 1948) 42 SARAH Y. WAYLAND, “The postwar period ushoswd i @ uiusts 1iuie cunident Canadian State, but ‘one which still favoured white, European, and preferably Christian settlers. Over the next two decades, two million immigrants arrived in Canada, ‘These immigrants Were more neterogeneous and more urban than those who had come to Canada before the war, and they possessed a greater range of skills, raining, and occupational background. The majority were Europeans, especially from Germany, Italy, and the Netherlands, The Canadian government was once again pursuing immigration to expand Canada’s population and economy. Yet. as at the nen of the century, this campaign was controlled by a few elites, there being no great public consensus on the importance of immigration to Canada. (No Department of Tmmigration with ite own minister even onioted until tho 1950s.) French- Canadians in particular were opposed to immigration, continuing to express fears that their status was being undermined by the influx of ethnic minor- Immigration in Quebec Historically, the goverament of Quebec showed little positive interest in immigration affairs. First, as we have seen, Canada’s early immigration policies were aimed at settlement of the western territories. Therefore, although Quebec served as a major entry point for migrants, it did not attract much settlement ° During the first derada of the twentieth century, some 14 per cent of the more than 1.75 million immigrants to Canada entered the country through Quebec. According to the 1911 census, however, hardly one quarter of them remained in Quebec. About half uf Ure immigrants had moved to other Canadian provinces, and most of the rest had migrated south to the United States.’ A second reason for Quebec's hicsitant auiude wwards immigration was that newcomers to Quebec ~ especially allophones (speakers of neither English nor French) and non- Catholics, the majority of migrants ~ were more likely to be assimilated by Quebec's Anglo-Protestants than by the French Catholics. Immigration was therefore viewed as threatening the political and demographic survival of francophone communities within the province of Quebec and across Canada This was true historically and in the present, In 1901, 80 per cent ofthe population of Qucice was wf Tisink wrigin wid 18 per cent Was of BINA OfigIn, Ine TD censts revealed that 86 per cent of Quebec's population was of French, British, or French and British origin, ° The majority of immignints who did elect to stay in Quehec settled in Mantmsal Ry 1931, 14 per cent of Montrealers were neither of French nor of British origin. In the aftermath of World War Il, Montreal was the destination of many Italians and Jews settling in Quebec (Quebec 1990s: 9-10), IMMIGRATION AND MULTICULTURALISM IN CANADA 4B “The suspicion with which iuuuigaation was viewed by Freutli-Caua reflects the history of Canada’s French-English antagonism, That the 1867 British North America Act had recognized the French and the English as Canada’s two founding peoples was interpreted by Canada’s French- speaking minority as conferring the theoretical equality between francophones and Britons in Canada, Francophone leaders such as Henti Bourassa in the early twentieth century had used the image of equality to foster the image of a bipolar, bi-national Canada, Not surprisingly, then, French-Canadians were reluctant to admit other national groups ta Canada, fearing that they would diminish the place accorded to francophones. In reality, however, French-Canadians were a minority in Canada — in terms ‘of numbers throughout the country and in terms of power within Quabee and their relative population was declining. With rising postwar immigration to Canada came the end of a continental French-Canadian vision. Immigration w Queber inticarcd in dhe 19509 «9 wauitional seuwis iM dhe province were being industrialized and the need for manual labour grew. During the 1950s, 21 per cent of the immigrants to Canada settled in Quebec. Between 1946 and 19/1, tewer than 5 per cent of foreigners settling in Quebec were francophones (Hamey 1988: 61). Of the 420,854 immigrants admitted to Quebec between 1946 and 1961, 18.4 per cent were Italian, 18.0 per cent were British, 11.4 per cent were German or Austrian, 7.6 per cent were French, and 6.8 per cent were Jewish. The top five contributing countries herween 1967 and 1969 were Gn descending order) Italy, France, the United Kingdom, Greece, and the United States (Quebec 1990). In general, newcomers identified more with Anglophone culture and the Canadian polity than with tho Franeophonco and Quebec. The industriatization and urbanization of Quebec weakened the power base of the Roman Catholic Church and allowed for the emergence of a new teclocraic elie Guteau 1999). In place of a pan-Canadtan French-speaking Catholic collectivity arose an emphasis on territorial identity, centred on Quebec, the one Canadian polity where francophones were numerically superior. A series of political, institutional, and social reforms in the early 1960s paved the way for the construction of modern Quebec. This so-called “Quiet Revolution’ witnessed the creation of the Parti Québécois (PO) in 1968, the first modern party to seek political independence for Quebec. In Quebec, the term ‘French-Canadian’ was gradually superseded by Qué- hécois, which embodied thse newfonnd political aspirations ® "Elsewhere, appellations such a “Franco-Ontarians, "Franco-Manitobans’, and simply ‘Francophones’ recognized the variety among French-speaking Canadians and corresponded to emerging identities 44 SARAH V, WAYLAND. ‘This shift to @ territorial basis for ideality saived new questions Uf language rights for those living within Quebee, und language debates dominated Quebec public life in the 1960s and 1970s. Following the election of the PQ in 1976, ne 1977 Chanter or the French Language (Bill 101) was passed, sealing French as the exclusive language of Quebec.” Legislation imposed restrictions on. the use of other languages in the public service, primary and secondary education, businesses, and on commercial signs, road signs, and billboards, Although Bill 101 was originally conceived to protect the constitutional rights of francophones, the legislation in fact opened to immigrants schools and social services which previously had been reserved for francophones (Anctil 1986). Quebec was attempting to ensure a future where French would remain the dominant language in the province. During the Quiet Revolution, the Quebec government began to view immigration as a means of strengthening the provincial economy and compensating for ductinin: Fouility tates UF dhe Quebecots. In Une Process, however, the goverament wanted to avoid undermining the francophone nature of Quebec society. In hopes of even enhancing Quebec's Frencnness , Quebec sought to gain control over the selection of immi- grants to the province. In 1968, Quebee created its own Ministry of Immigration, and over the next decades negotiated a series of agreements with the federal goverment under which it became the first province to control the volume, selection, and integration of immigrants. In sum, modernization and the changing identity af Queher had sparked now interest in immigration, Towards universalism: immigration reform Quebec's desive wu play at suonyer role In ihe reerulument of immigrants Was only one of aumerous factors that pushed Canada to liberalize its immigra- tion policies in the 1960s. Interest groups were pressuring the government to take a more active role in the world’s refugee problems. In addition, the racist provisions of Canadian immigration policy hampered the country's role in the United Nations and in the multiracial Commonwealth, When a Canadian Bill of Rights was passed in 1960, it was clear that Canada’s policies would have to change if the country wanted to retain credibility in international human righte circlos * In 1988, the Supreme Court of Cana ruled that Bill 101 violated Canada's 1982 Charter of Rights and Freedoms, but Quebec effectively nullified the decision by invoking the Constita tion’s ‘notwithstanding clause’ IMMIGRATION AND MULTICULTURALISM IN CANADA 45 The gow fiast moved towards the elimination of vacial central feature of immigration policy in 1962. The Department of Manpower and Immigration was established in 1966 (Hawkins 1972: 150-159). In 1967, ‘Canada shitted to a “points system’ based on occupation, education, language, skills and age for determining eligibility of independent and unsponsored immigrants, There was a serious departmental effort to improve overseas immigration operations after the 1967 changes, including the opening of new offices in the Caribbean and Asia and the encouragement of more immigrants from France to settle in Quebec (Hawkins 1972: Chapter 6) ‘The 1967 policy was supplemented by the 1976 Immigration Act (see Hawkins 1988: 374-380). Written in the wake of fifty public hearings on immigration policy hold azrose Canada, tho Immigration Act reaffirmed Canada’s stature as a country of immigration. Most importantly, the Act explicitly prohibited discrimination based on race, national or ethnic origin, colour, religion, u sex, The 1976 Acc alsu emphasized dre iompuuance of family reunification, international obligations to refugees and displaced persons, and the need to tailor immigrant selection to Canada’s economic and demographic needs (Kalbach 1987: 95)."* In 1978, immigration policy was placed under the aegis of the new Canada Employment and Immigea- tion Commission, For the first time, Canada had the basis for a general quota system that permitted control over the numbers of immigrants admitted. For example, in reaction ta high unemployment Tovels and a depressed aconnmy, the government greatly restricted the number of independent class immigrants until the mid-1980s, In addition, Canada moved towards establishing its own population policy which recognized immigration aa a ccntral vasiable in the policy, especially in light of declining fertility rates in Canada since the early 1970s (Hawkins 1988: 380-84). The immediate effect of the Immigra- Hom ACL was a sinaller but more ethnically diverse ‘new wave’ of immigra- tion The racial, ethnic, and cultural composition of migrants to Canada has changed drastically since the new immigration legislation was implemented in 1968. About two-thirds of Canada’s current immigrants are from ‘non- traditional’ sources of immigration in Asia and the developing world. Canada’s ‘mosaic’ has expanded to include new races, religions, and cultures. The minority ethnic populations in Canada which have shown the ereatest lative gain are the gevcalled ‘new immigrants, those hailing, fram The 1976 Immigration Act modified the 1967 classification system but still included three classes of imangrants: family, independent (selected worker, investors, entrepreneurs), and refugee, 46 SARAH V, WAYLAND soutiem Europe ~ particularly aly and Portugal ~ and fron wou-Buropeat countries, ‘Table 2, Inflows of perm: ut settlers to Canada by region of origin ‘Gn thousands) Kegion a ms ‘Asia & the Pacific 342 700 1299 Burope 23 407 46.3 North & South America 231 290 417 Africa & the Middle East 16 23 364 Total 80.2 161.9 254.3 Source: SOPEMI 1995. Trends in international Migration: Continuous Reporting System on Migration. Annual Report 1994, Canada’s rapidly changing mosaic has had a profound impact on policies at all levels of government. Most notably, it has been evidenced in the shift from Anglo-conformity to multiculturalism. Multiculturaliem Prime Minister Pierre Trudeau announced the multiculturalism policy in Canada’s House uf Couns on Ociobet 8, 1971. The policy was a direct response to mobilization by Canada’s ethnic minorities expressing dissatis- faction with the Royal Commission on Bilingualism and Biculturalism. The Royal Commisston had been appointed in 1963 t0 recommend ‘what steps should be taken to develop the Canadian Confederation on the basis of equal partnership between the two founding races [sic], taking into account the contribution made by other ethnic groups to the cultural enrichment of Canada and the measnres that shomld he taken to safeguard that contribution.” ‘Tho Commiscion isoued a sorico of reports between 1965 and 1968 and made recommendations aimed at eradicating past inequalities between Canada’s ‘ovo charter groups through the promotion of bilingualism and biculturalism."" " French-Canadian scholars were quick to note that the Royal Commission's recommends- tions did not address the partnership between Canada’s ovo foundine peoples. which would have only been possible through political restructuring which evognized Canada’s two nations. Instead, the emphasis was on equality between two languages and two cultures, paving the way for a shift to two languages and many cultures (see Juteau 1993; 11-2), IMMIGRATION AND MULTICULTURALISM IN CANADA 47 Official languages legistation, recognizing Canada’s languages as tnglish and French, was implemented in 1969. During this process, various ethnic collectivities, led by the Ukrainians, made special presentations to the government relaying their fears that their contributions to Canada were being ignored. The first government response was the addition of Book TV to the Royal Commission's repost. This hank. “The Cultural Contribution of Other Ethnic Groups’, made sixteen recom= mendations for a government policy of multilingualism and multiculturalism and provided 2 model of integration for athnic sollectivities of immigrant origin, The official adaptation of these recommendations was the multiculturalism policy. ‘The federal govenmuenl aojevied dhe idea of saullilingualisn, insisting instead on the implementation of a ‘multicultural society within a bilingual framework’, Four objectives were set out in the original policy statement: support tor Canada’s cultures; assistance to members ot cultural groups to overcome barriers to full participation; promotion of interchange among cultural groups; and assistance to immigrants in learning English or French (House of Commons Debate, 8 October 1971) There were also underlying political motives for the policy. The Liberal government’s traditional support hase in Quehec was undergoing rapid transformation, brought about in part by the creation of the Parti Québecois. The Liberals were looking to expand their appeal and viewed the multiculturalism policy az a way to win votes from Canada’s ethnic minority populations (Hawkins 1988: 390). It was also seen as a chance to enhance the party's electoral strength in the multicultural west, where bilinguali Thad Uren greeted with lie enudustassn. Multiculturalism was intended to modestly contribute to good community relations in Canada. Anything more ambitious would have been opposed by Quebec, whose leaders at that time already viewed the policy with suspi- cion, fearing that francophones too would be relegated to the ‘other ethnic group” status. Multiculturalism had a small budget, and the policy made no reference to an increased political status or special political arrangements for ethnic minorities. The policy included six programs such as grants for cultural development. ethnic studies. and federal cultural agencine Multiculturalism originated as a policy, but it has also been viewed as a demographic reality, an ideology or model, or a social movement (Fleras and Elliott 1902; Kallen 1982). As auch, multiculturalism has meant

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