"Arabs" in Babylonia in the 8th Century B. C.

Author(s): I. Ephʿal
Source: Journal of the American Oriental Society , Jan. - Mar., 1974, Vol. 94, No. 1
(Jan. - Mar., 1974), pp. 108-115
Published by: American Oriental Society

Stable URL: https://www.jstor.org/stable/599734

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 "ARABS" IN BABYLONIA IN THE 8TH CENTURY B.C.1

I. EPH'AL

TEL AVIV UNIVERSITY

Names of tribes, settlements, and chieftains of people called Aramaeans in Neo-Assyrian

royal inscriptions have been regarded for a long time as proof for the existence of Arabs
in Babylonia. A new investigation of the evidence shows that practically none of the names
so far regarded as Arabic is in fact Arabic. However, the report of Sennacherib's campaign
against the Chaldeans contains a list of toponyms which can be connected linguistically
with the names of Arab chieftains in the inscriptions of Assurbanipal. This suggests that
one has to reckon with an Arab penetration in Babylonia at least some decades before
Sennacherib's first campaign. The main area of this penetration is restricted to the ter-
ritory of Bit Dakkuri and Bit Amukani.

IN THE NEO-ASSYRIAN RECORDS the Chaldeans Moritz was the first to propose that these new-
and Arameans are often mentioned as the two comers in Babylonia came from the Arabian de-
main ethnic elements of foreign origin in South sert.5 He dealt with the proper names of tribes,
Babylonia. The Chaldean tribes are first known settlements, and chieftains6 of these peoples in
from the Assyrian royal inscriptions of the 9th Babylonia, who are called in the inscriptions of
century B.C.,2 and the Arameans from those of the Tiglath-Pileser III, Sargon, and Sennacherib luA-
8th century B.C.3 These documents indicate the ramu, Arumu, Arimi; he also brought together sim-
importance of the two groups among the popula-ilar names collected from various Arabic sources,7
tion of Southern Babylonia, even those in the presumably with the intention of proving that
ancient cities in that area. Since the Akkadian these people originated in the Arabian Peninsula,
sources say nothing about the origin of apparentlythe Chal- in Southern Arabia. However, no con-
deans and the Arameans, this question is still vincing evidence for his assumption is to be found
obscure.4
5 B. Moritz, Oriental Studies published in commemora-
tion of the Fortieth Anniversary of Paul Haupt (Baltimore-
1 This paper is part of an appendix to a Ph. D. disserta-
tion on "The Nomads on the Border of Palestine in the Leipzig, 1926), 184-211.
Assyrian, Babylonian and Persian Periods," submitted 6 In theto Neo-Assyrian inscriptions there is a clear
the Hebrew University, Jerusalem, in 1971. The term distinction between the titles of the Aramean and Chaldean
chieftains: while the Aramean leaders are called l;nasikd-
"Arabs" ('lAribi, I'Arbaja, 'rbym) is used in the Assyrian
and Biblical records with the meaning Bedouin, desert ni, the Chaldean leaders are called lura'sdni, headmen
nomads. This designation for the dwellers of the Syro- (Brinkman, ibid., note 1716, pp. 265, 273-275). AHw
Arabian desert, North Arabia, and Northern Sinai was 754a translates l'nasiku = "Aramanerscheich, -f0rst";
originally a northern term, which spread southward; its however, since this term occurs in texts which are not
application to the entire Arabian Peninsula occurred related to Arameans (e.g., Ps. 83: 12 nsykmw referring
to Zebah and Zalmuna, the chieftains of the Midianites;
many centuries later (close to the beginning of the Chris-
tian era). In a future paper I intend to present the epi-and the r'nasiku of the City of uruLaban, who was ap-
graphical and historical evidence to support this assertion.pointed by Sargon over exiles in the Wadi el-Arish area
2 On the Chaldeans in Babylonia cf. J. A. Brinkman, on the southern border of Palestine, cf. H. Tadmor,
A Political History of Post-Kassite Babylon, 1158-722 JCS 12 [1958], 77-78, whose being Aramean seems to
B.C. (Roma, 1968), 260-267. be doubtful), it is preferable to translate it "sheikh" with-
3 On the Arameans in Babylonia cf. Brinkman, ibid., out any ethnic connotation.
268-277; M. Dietrich, Die Aramder Siidbabyloniens in 7 These names were also discussed by M. Streck, MVAG
der Sargonidenzeit (700-648 v. Chr.) (Neukirchen-Vluyn, 11/III (1906), 203-206; S. Schiffer, Die Aramaer (Leipzig,
1970). 1911), 1-6, 115-135; F. Hommel, Ethnologie und Geo-
4 Cf. Brinkman, ibid., 265-267, 281-285 for a summary graphie des alten Orients (Munchen, 1926), 428-437; Brink-
of the various views on this question. man, op. cit. (note 3).

108

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 EPH'AL: "Arabs" in Babylonia 109

in his detailed discussion: 1) Moritz fails to give other inscriptions.12 Albright attributed them to
parallels or explanations in Arabic sources for the Chaldeans and called them "Chaldean In-
many names.8 2) The names collected for his pa-
rallels are scattered all over Arabia, from Hadhra- 12 In addition to the Ur inscriptions mentioned a
maut and Yemen to the HeIaIz, en-Nagd, the (note 11) the following inscriptions with Proto-Ar
Persian Gulf, and the HaurAn area. Methodolo- letters were found in Babylonia and in its vicinity:
gically, the system of picking homonyms froma)a-A fragment of a clay tablet from Nippur from the
mong thousands of names spread all over such a Neo-Babylonian period (R. D. Biggs, BASOR 179
vast area in order to determine a definite geo- [1965], 36-38). The only legible word in this fragment
graphical origin is unsound. 3) Many of the names is the personal name sms. Biggs rightly considers it
for which Moritz gives the etymology are composedto be an Arabic word (in South Arabic and Classical
of common West Semitic roots and words; their Arabic its spelling was Sms), as its spelling in Baby-
existence in Arabic does not exclude them from lonia at that time was SamaS in Babylonian and gws
in Aramaic
being Aramaic.9 To sum up: it is difficult to be (Biggs, ibid., 37 note 6).
certain that even one of the numerous names col- b) A fragment of a clay tablet from Uruk (IM 59821).
lected by Moritz is Arabic only and not Aramaic Kienast stresses that its script is similar to that of
or of other West Semitic origin.10 the inscriptions from Hadhramaut, dated by M.
A new approach to the problem of the relation Hofner approximately to the 5th century B.c.; B.
between part of the population of Southern Baby- Kienast apud H. Lenzen, XIV. vorliaufiger Bericht iiber
lonia in the Neo-Assyrian period and the Arabian die ... Ausgrabungen in Uruk-Warka, Berlin, 1958
Peninsula appeared with the discovery at Ur, [Abhandlungen der Deutschen Orient-Gesellschaft, 3],
43-44.
Uruk, Nippur, and other Babylonian sites of in-
scriptions, written in letters similar to those of the c) A graffito on a sherd from Tell Abu Salabih (ca. 100
Proto-Arabic script. Two of these inscriptions kms. east of Ur), IM 62778. According to J. B. Segal,
were found in Ur below the surface dating from apud G. Roux, Sumer 16 (1960), 27-28, this is a
the period of Nebuchadrezzar II, i.e., they are Lihyanite inscription. Albright dates it to the 6th
to be dated not later than the 7th century B.C.ll century B.C. (apud Biggs, op. cit., 36 note 2).
We lack sufficient stratigraphic evidence to date d) Two cylinder seals engraved in the Assyrian style of
the end of 8th century-beginning of 7th century
B.C., with inscriptions in Proto-Arabic script, cf. E.
8 Among these are the tribal names Amatu, Gambulu, Porada, The Collection of the Pierpont Morgan Library
Hindiru, Li'taa, Nilqu, Puqudu, and Rub0; the toponyms (Washington, 1948), Nos. 702, 762, pp. 84-85, 92-93,
Ama, Amate, and Zame; and the personal names Ailunu 180.

and Binbin'aid (?). e) An inscribed cylinder seal, apparently from Anat on

9 Among them are the following roots: zbd, hzh, hnn, the Middle Euphrates. Albright dated this seal, in
nsr, ntn, 'bd, pqd, rhq, rp', ?'1, Sm'; and words such as view of the figures inscribed on it, to the end of the 8th
hgr', kpyr (= kpr, village? cf. Neh. vi:2 bakkefdrim "in century-beginning of the 7th centuryB.c. (BASOR 128
the villages"), krm, m1h( ?), rb'l. (1952), 43). F. V. Winnett first dated the inscription
10 In addition to the criticism of Moritz's method of on the seal, according to paleographical considera-
investigation and conclusions, it is to be noted that many tions, to about a century later (A Study of the Lihyanite
examples of linguistic imprecision are found in his study, and Thamudic Inscriptions, Toronto, 1937, 49-50);
i.e., Sap/bharu is explained as a metathesis of Arabic however, because of recent archaeological discoveries
shbr (p. 199); A-a-ri-mu is given as the parallel of Arabic in North Arabia, he reconsidered and now dates the
yrym (p. 199); Hauqanu is derived from hwql (p. 199); he inscription approximately to the 8th century (F. V.
finds a parallel between the place-name Nuhani and Winnett [-W. L. Reed], Ancient Records from North
Wadi Nuhal (p. 196). Arabia, Toronto, 1970, 90).
1 On the decipherment of these inscriptions and theirOther Proto-Arabic inscriptions were discovered in Uruk
discussion cf. E. Burrows, JRAS 1927, 795-806; W. F. (W. K. Loftus, Travels and Researches in Chaldaea and
Albright, BASOR 128 (1952), 39-45. On the figures of Susiana, London, 1857, 233), and in Thaj and 'Ain Jawan
these inscriptions and on dating them in the period of in Dhaharan in the area of the Persian Gulf (D. Carruthers,
Nebuchadrezzar II see also G. R. Driver, Semitic Writing The Geographical Journal 59 [1922], 322-323; R. LeBaron
from Pictograph to Alphabet, revised edition (London, Bowen, Suppl. BASOR 7-9 [1950], 23-25). However,
1954), 124-127. from paleographical evidence, it is clear that they should

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110 Journal of the American Oriental Society 94.1 (1974)

scriptions," a designation which was accepted by the enemy chieftains who were taken captive in
many scholars. According to his assumption,l3 that campaign mention is made of mBa-as-qa-nu,
which seems to be influenced by the researches the brother of fIa-ti-'-e queen of the Arabs (1. 28);
of Moritz and Dougherty, the Chaldeans reached this is the earliest occurrence in the Assyrian
Southern Babylonia from East Arabia in the 10th- documents of the Arabs as an ethnic element in
9th centuries B.C., carrying with them the South Babylonia. We learn that they took part in the
Arabian script of that period. They advanced along struggle against Assyria, along with other foreign
the Persian Gulf, settling first in the area known groups, i.e., the Chaldeans and Arameans. In this
as Bit Iakin. From there, they expanded in a document the title 1'A-ri-bi for the Arabs is the
northwestern direction all over the plateau, gain- common name in the Assyrian royal inscriptions
ing control in time of the ancient cities of Baby- (whereas in the letters from that period, written
lonia. According to Albright, the Chaldeans be- in the Assyrian and Babylonian dialects, they are
came assimilated to the Babylonian culture, adop- generally called 1AAr-ba-a-a). This name has no-
ting in the course of a short period its various fea- thing to do with the term 1'urbi, which occurs in
tures, including linguistic and religious character- the inscriptions of Sennacherib, relating to his
istics. His attribution of the Proto-Arabic inscrip- first and third campaigns, as well as in other As-
tions to the Chaldeans is surprising, however, syrian documents. luurbi is not a variant of the
because it is difficult to explain why the Chaldeans name of the Arabs in Assyrian sources as supposed
preserved this script alone for more than two cen- by several scholars; rather it desginates a special
turies while he assumes that they assimilated all kind of warrior.16
other cultural traits.14
The first campaign of Sennacherib (703 B.C.) lowing. In the annalistic literature of the Assyrian kings
was conducted against the Chaldeans, who were it is well-known that scribes frequently compressed or
led by Merodach-Baladan II and supported by an eliminated details of earlier campaigns and building
activities in order to make room for the later events (cf.
army from Elam. The full account of this campaign,
in the first edition of the annals of Sennacherib A. T. Olmstead, Assyrian Historiography [Columbia, Mo.,
(BM 113203), is an important source which 1916],
has8).
not been properly used for the study of the16eth-
For the assumption that lurbi has an ethnic meaning,
nic structure and the demography of South- see Fr. Delitzsch, Wo lag das Paradies? (Leipzig, 1881),
305f.; M. Streck, Assurbanipal und die letzten assyrischen
western Babylonia in the 8th century B.C.15 Among
Konige etc. (Leipzig, 1916), Vol. II, p. 28 note 3; R. P.
not be dated before the 5th century B.c.; therefore they Dougherty, The Sealand of Ancient Arabia (New Haven,
are irrelevant to the present discussion. 1932), 60-61; T. Weiss Rosmarin, JSOR 16 (1932), 32-33;
13 W. F. Albright, BASOR 128 (1951), 44-45. and recently D. Neiman, JQR 60 (1969), 237-258. This
14 We do not deal here with other details of Albright's invalid assumption arose through the proximity of the
theory of the origin of the Chaldeans, because it is outsideterm 1iurbi to the names of the Arameans and the Chal-
the scope of this paper. For bibliography of the various deans in the description of Sennacherib's first campaign
opinions on this question see J. A. Brinkman, op. cit. (BM 113203 1. 52: Ilur-bi 'AA-ra-mu 'lKal-du Sd qi-rib
(note 4). Urukki Nippurki KiSki Hur-sag-kalam-maki a-di marejme
15 This edition was published by S. Smith, The First dli hi-it-ti u-ge-sa-am-ma gal-la-tig am-nu; cf. parallels in
Campaign of Sennacherib (London, 1921); D. D. Lucken-the Chicago Oriental Institute Prism, col. i 39-42; Bellino
bill, The Annals of Sennacherib (Chicago, 1924), 48-55, Cylinder, 1. 12; etc.). However, from other references,
94-98. Sennacherib's first campaign is described in this such as the Chicago Oriental Institute Prism of Sennache-
record in excessive detail, as it was necessary completely rib, col. iii 39-41: 'Lur-bi ti sadbme--gu damqitimes ga a-na
to fill a cylinder of annals; and material after a singledun-nu uruUr-sa-li-im-mu dl garru-ti-su t-se-ri-bu-ma ir-
campaign was scant. The same reason probably accounts isu- bat-la-a-ti; the Rassam Cylinder of Assurbanipal,
for a long passage, copied from a geographical list, that col. iii 65ff.: 1uur-bi 'ute-bi-e niemes kurGam-bu-li . . ul-tu
was included in the description of the campaign (see also qi-rib kurGam-bu-li ag-lu-la a-na kur.dAggurki, it is clear
note 17). Part of the information in this edition, includingthat the term l'urbi is used to designate a special kind
the geographical list and mention of mBasqanu and the of warrior, beside the picked soldiers (ludamquti, 1'tebe).
Arabs among Sennacherib's enemies in Babylonia, was Thus '1urbu appears to be a military technical term, and
omitted from the later editions of the annals of Sennache-has no ethnical meaning (note: in the same inscription of
rib, which dealt with his second campaign and those fol-Sennacherib, BM 113203 1. 28, the Arabs are designated

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 EPHCAL: "Arabs" in Babylonia 111

The account of Sennacherib's first campaign in pal he is called mU-a-a-te-' sar kurA-ri-bi
the above-mentioned inscription contains in 11. 36- (Rm. vii 83), whereas in the earlier inscrip-
50 a list of 81 walled towns (alanimei dan-nu-ti tions he is designated mla-u-ta-' gar kurQi-
bit dlurnime.-ni) in Southern Babylonia, conquered id-ri/Qa-da-ri (Cyl. B [Streck] vii 88; B
and looted by the Assyrian army,7 together with [Piepkorn] vii 94). The spelling mla-u-ta-'
820 minor settlements within their borders (alanime8 indicates the original Assyrian transcrip-
sehriitimeS s li-me-ti-gu-nu). From a few of these tion of his name (this form mIa-i-ta-' occurs
toponyms the ethnic origin of their population can also in the treaty between Assurbanipal
be ascertained: in the territory of Bit Dakkuri, and the Qedarites,ls obv. 11. 4', 12', i.e.,
the city of uruDir-mA-bi-ia-ta-' (1. 37); in the ter- in an official political document in which
ritory of Bit Amukani, the cities of ruDir-m U.-a-a-i t special attention is paid to accurate spel-
(1. 44), and uruDur-mBir-da-da (1. 43). The com- ling). In the later inscriptions the names
ponents of these toponyms, known from personal of mla-u-ta-' and mU-a-a-te-' were mixed up
names of Arab chieftains, are mentioned in the and both were written mU-a-a-te-'. As a
inscriptions of Assurbanipal, as follows: result the order of various episodes dealing
1) mA-bi-ia-te- mar mTe-'-ri kUrQid-ra-a-a (K.2802 with these two Arab chieftains was con-
iii 18-20; Rm. ix 16-17), who became king fused in the late inscriptions of Assurbani-
of the Qedarites after Iauta', son of Hazael pal.19
(B v 32-35; cf. Rm. viii 31, 46-47). The component Wa/Ia-[a-a]-ta/ti-' in the
2) mj-a-a-te-' designates two Arab chieftains: names mA-bi-ia-te-', mU-a-a-te-' and similar
a) Son of Birdada. This chieftain is mentioned names found in Assyrian documents derives
in the "Letter to AsSur" and in the Rassam from the root yf'-wtf.20 This root, known
Cylinder as sar kUrA-ri-bi (K.2802 ii 3; only in South Arabic, occurs frequently in
Rm. viii 2; ix 2). His title in the Istar Slab South Arabic personal names.21 Usually it
from Nineveh is sar kurSU-mU-AN (AAA 20 is connected etymologically with yg' in He-
(1933), 86:113). brew and Moabite, and with ygh in the
b) Son of Ilazael (VAT 5600 i 3; Rm. viii 1, Amorite personal names in the Mari texts.22
46). In the later inscriptions of Assurbani- However, this etymological relation cannot
be taken for granted since two other roots,
by the term iLA-ri-bi, and in another inscription of this
king, VA 3310 rev. 1. 22, by 'A-ra-bi, according to the 18 K. Deller, S. Parpola, OrNS 37 (1968), 464-466.
common spelling in the Assyrian inscriptions). For the 19 This subject is discussed in detail in my dissertation
assumption that luurbu means an irregular warrior (supra,
or note 1), pp. 34-36, 103-108, 113-122.
bandit see already H. Winckler, OLZ 9 (1906), 333-334; 20 Cf. names of other Arab leaders: tIa-ti-'-e Sarrat
Th. Bauer, Das Inschriftenwerk Assurbanipals, Leipzig kurA-ri-bi; mIa-u-ta-' (var.: Ia-u-ti-', Ia-u-te-', Ia-ta-')
1933, Vol. II p. 1. (The complex of the question of the termmar mHa-za-ilu; mIt-'-am-ra kurSa-ba-'-a-a; mAm-me-'-ta-'
;lurbu in the Assyrian royal inscriptions will be discussedl;Mas-'-a-a (on the last personal name see also note 48).
by Prof. H. Tadmor in a forthcoming study). Thus, in 21 On the South Arabic root yf' cf. C. Conti Rossini,
BM 113203 1. 52 a clear distinction is made between two Chrestomathia Arabica meridionalis epigraphica (Roma,
sorts of population in Babylonia against whom the 1931),
As-
165. For examples of personal names composed
syrian army fought during Sennacherib's first campaign: with the root yl'-wf', among them y''l, 'lyl', whbyt',
a) the citizens (mrarmes dli) of the Babylonian cities; yd'yfI, 'bdylf, 'myl', r'nyI', yhyl', ywf', mwf' cf. G.
b) the Aramean and Chaldean 1Uurbu-warriors. Ryckmans, Les noms propres sud-semitiques (Louvain,
17 According to 1. 50 the total number of the conquered 1934), Vol. II, pp. 7, 10. From the theophorous character
walled cities was 88 (this datum is confirmed by the given of some of these names it is clear that the component
sub-totals of the conquered cities in each of the territories yf' occurs in them not only as a verb but also as a divine
of Bit Dakkuri, Bit Sa'ali, Bit Amukani, and Bit Iakin, attribute (G. Ryckmans, ibid., Vol. I, 6-7; idem, Les
11. 39, 41, 47, 49). The seven missing cities are to be located religions Arabes preislamiques,2 Louvain, 1951, 23). On
in Bit Dakkuri, as in this territory only 26 conquered the transcription of Arabic I in proper names by Akkadian
cities are listed while their total sum according to 1. 39 t cf. yfrb = uruIa-at-ri-bu (Nabonidus H2 Col. i 25).
is 33. This omission is certainly to be explained as an 22 K. Conti Rossini, ibid.; H. B. Huffmon, Amorite
error, which occurred during the copying of the original Personal Names in the Mari Texts (Baltimore, 1965), 215-
geographical list (contra S. Smith, op. cit., p. 20). 216.

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112 Journal of the American Oriental Society 94.1 (1974)

ygs23 and ws',24 exist in South Arabic, with Another town uruQid-ri-na (1. 37), mentioned
meaning close to that of North-west Semitic among the towns in Bit Dakkuri-a territory in
ys'-ygh, but distinct from yt'. To be noted: which we have found reference to the Arabs-may
none of the West Semitic roots mentioned also be connected with the Qedarites;28 they dwelt
above occurs in Aramaic. in the 7th century B.C. in the desert near the west-
3) On mBirdada, father of mU-a-a-te-', cf. above ern border of Babylonia.29
2a. This name is found in the Assyrian inscrip- The toponyms we have dealt with so far are
tions as follows: "'Bir-da-da (BM 113203:43), certainly to be connected with the Arabs; their
mBir-da-ad-da (K.2802 iii 3), mBir-DINGIR. IA components have no parallels with roots or proper
(Rm. viii 2; ix 2). names used by other ethnic groups in Babylonia.
The element bir- presents a problem: it is un-(Further examination of the town-list in BM
known in Arabic except for one questionable re- 113203 may yield more names related to the Arabs;
ference; its meaning is unknown.25 The element cf. below, p. 113; however, cf. also above, p. 109,on
dd is a theophorous component in Sabaean, the limitations of such a method of inquiry.) From
Thamudic, and Lihyanite proper names,26 and these toponyms one may deduce with certainty
appears separately as a divine attribute in that Arabs were settled in Western Babylonia in
Thamudic votive inscriptions.27 The spelling the of second half of the 8th century B.C.30 The
da-ad-da in the Assyrian documents, reflecting existence of walled towns with Arab names,
exactly the ancient Arabic form dd, rules outwhich were centers for unwalled hamlets in their
the possibility of its being a mis-writing of theenvirons,31 not only reflects the extent and in-
name of dAdad. It seems that the form of tensity of the Arab penetration to Babylonia,
writing DINGIR. IM = dAdad, used here but by
also the
suggests that this development resulted
scribe of the Rassam Cylinder, is a result of from a prolonged process: even if we assume that
erroneous Volksetymologie.
28 The toponym uruQid-ri-na resembles the following
spellings of the names of the Qedarites in cuneiform in-
23 C. Conti Rossini, op. cit., 141. scriptions from the 8th-7th centuries B.c.: kurQid-ri, in
24 C. Conti Rossini, op. cit., 138. an inscription of Tiglath-Pileser from Iran (B. Levine,
25 We have evidence neither in the Akkadian documents Two Neo-Assyrian Stelae from Iran [Royal Ontario
nor in Aramaic texts to support the pronunciation Bir- Museum, Occ. Papers 23 (1972), 18:2]), kurQi-id-ri As-
of the Aramaic br (contra J. A. Fitzmyer, The Aramaic surbanipal, Cyl. B (Streck), vii 88; cf. kurQi-id- ...
Inscription of Sefire, Roma, 1967, 24). It seems preferable Bu. 91-5-9, 178:2'; kurQi-id-ri Rm. viii 15 ix 4; K 2802
to connect the element Bir- in Neo-Assyrian personal iii 6; kurQid-ra-a-a Rm. ix 17; kurQi-da-(a)-ri AAA 20
(1933), 86:114; ';Qid-ra-a-a Rm. ix 1; K 2802 iii 2, 4,
names (i.e., mBir-dSd-maS ADD 281 rev. 10; mBir-ha-a-
20; 'lQi-dar-ra-a-a ABL 350:8. It seems that we may also
nu ADB 2 vii 1; mBir-d[Ra-m]a-na 82, 5-22, 526:13; mBir-
read in ABL 811 obv. 7 Fr'Qil-dar-ra-a-a instead of ';Din-
ia-ma-a ADD 857 iv 8) with the Akkadian pir'u (= off-
spring), which became pirhlu in theophorous personal dar-ra-a-a (collated by J. N. Postgate at the request of
H. Tadmor, letter from 30.9.71).
names: cf. mPi-ir-dSamag MDP 2 93 Col. i 14'; mPir-dMAn.
29 Cf. ABL 350, 811 (on the latter document see note
TU PBS 2/2 100: 17; NUNUZ(= pir'u).dAIAR.Tu King,
28);5;Rm. viii 30-42.
BBSt p. 20 Col. i 3, 4, 9; Pir-hi-dIMAR.TU PBS 2/2 98:
Pi-ir-hi-dKUR PBS 2/2 137: 30. In a South Arabic in- 30 The differentiation of the Arabs in this case is based

scription we find the name Whbm b[n] Brddm (CIH 287 = on onomastic and linguistic criteria and not only on their
Gl. 265, 1. 5). As there is no photograph available of thisway of life. Generally, it can be said that the language of
text, there is neither basis nor advantage to the suggestionthe personal names of the Arabs known from the Assyrian
of M. Hartmann (Der islamische Orient, Vol. II, Leipzig, and Babylonian documents is close to South Arabic.
1909, 242), that the name should be read drddm. However, the linguistic material in these names is too
26 I.e., 'bdd, dd'b, ddwsl, ddkrb, hydd, ntndd, sqmdd scanty and inadequate to permit conclusions concerning
(G. Ryckmans, Les noms propres etc., Vol. II, 5); 'Idd,the ethnic origin of the LuAribi and their relations with the
dd'l, ddhsm (A. Van den Branden, Les textes thamoudeensArameans.
de Philby (Louvain, 1956), Vol. I (inscriptions du sud), 31 Cf. BM 113203 39, 41, 47, 49: dldnimes.ni dan-nu-ti
176; Vol. II (inscriptions du nord), 143, 146. bit diuranimes.ni ... adi ... alanimes.ni sehriitimei ga li-m
27 Cf. for example, A. Van den Branden, op. cit., Vol. II, ti-Su-nu. Notice also the component BAD = duru in their
names.
33, 89, 124.

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 EPH'AL: "Arabs" in Babylonia 113

these towns were neither founded nor built by Significantly, all the towns associated with
Arabs but came under their control and in time Arabs in BM 113203 were located in the territories
had their names changed, we have to suppose that of Bit Dakkuri and Bit Amukani, whereas none
the process of Arab penetration and settlement in of the toponyms of Bit Iakin listed in this docu-
Babylonia began at least some decades before Sen- ment or in other sources is associated with them.
nacherib's first campaign. From this contrast as well as from ABL 88 it
Two letters almost certainly from the period of appears that the Arabs penetrated along the main
Sargon,32 ABL 88 and 547, support our assumption routes from the Arabian desert into Western Baby-
of the existence of an Arab entity in Babylonia lonia, i.e., from Wadi Sirhan via Jauf (= Dumat
in the 8th century B.c., and add more details. al-Jandal, Biblical Dumah), and apparently along
In ABL 88 an Arab raid on Sippar is mentioned;33 the route of Medina-IHail-Kufa (these two main
as it seems unlikely that the marauders attacked routes merge near en-Najf in Southern Iraq).
the walled city itself, we assume that the letter There is no evidence that they ever reached the
refers to raids in the wide region of Sippar. The region of the Persian Gulf.
second letter, ABL 547, deals with Arab razzias It is to be noted that most of the "Chaldean"
in the territories of Suhi and Hindanu,34 both in inscriptions-as they are called by Albright-were
the region of the Middle Euphrates. discovered in sites located in the same area into
which Arab penetration was indicated, and not
32 mTab-sil-ESarra is the author of ABL 87-99, 396-
just in the territory of Bit Iakin. Therefore, it
398, 480-483, 547. Waterman RCAE III, 44 identified
is preferable to attribute them to the Arabs rather
him with the eponym of 716 B.C., whose title was gakin
than to the Chaldeans, and to call them accordingly
mat AS?[ur]; further confirmation for this identification
"Old Arabic inscriptions," as they were called at
is found in the beginning of the letters ABL 92 and 397
the time of their first discovery.35
(cf. also ABL 99): a-na sarri beli-ia ardu-ka mTab-sil-Jl-
A shortage of sources makes it impossible to
Sdr-ra sulmumu a-na l-Sdr-raki gulmumu a-na ekurdtemei
establish the kinds of relations between the Arab
gulmumu a-na uruASur Sulmumu a-na mat ASgurki I1 sul-
settlements in Babylonia and the nomads in the
mumu a-na Sarri beli-[ia] ASSur u dNin-lil a-na sarri beli-ia
desert along the western frontier of the country.
lik-ru-bu; and ABL 480 in which mTab-il-ESarra is dealing
Thus, we cannot determine whether mBasqanu, the
with obtaining land for the temple of Nabf of Duir-
Sarrukin.
opponent of Sennacherib, and his sister fla-ti-'-e,
33 ABL 88 rev. 3-5: ma-a a-ta-a kurAr-bd-a-a hu-ub-
queen of the Arabs, belonged to the population
of the Arab settlements in Babylonia or to the
tu sa uruSi-par ih-bu-[tu-ni]. The reading kurAr-bd-a-a
desert-dwelling nomads. However, from later par-
instead of kurUp-pa-a-a was first suggested by K. Deller,
allels36 and perhaps even from the relations between
Lautlehre des Neuassyrischen (Wien 1959, unpublished), the desert nomads and Sennacherib after his first
241.
campaign,37 it seems probable that there was close
34 ABL 547 obv.: [a-na] sarri be-[li-ia] ardu-ka mTab-
[sil-1t-ar-ra] lu gulmumu a-na [sarri beli-ia] Assur dNin-ration is based on a collation by K. Deller.). The lack of
lil [...] (5) ina muhhi kurFArl- [. . .] i-pur-an-ni [. security
. . in the Sippar region during Sargon's reign is
anIegammale[me ...]i-ra-'-[u ...]ina bu-bu-ti [...] (10)further attested in his annals; see Lie Sar., 379-384.
an-ni-ti a-n[a-ku e-ta-pa]-ds mFAl-Sak-[...] ina lib-bi [. ..]35 Cf. E. Burrows, JRAS 1927, 795ff.
gd-ak-nu Sa Sarru be-li [iS-pur]-an-ni ma-a an-nu-rig a-na 36 Cf. A. Musil, Arabia Deserta (New York, 1927), 542,
uruHi-in-za-ni (15) ta-lak ma-a i-si-ka lil-li-ku li-ir-'-u 544, 546.
TA* [UGU] idTar-ta-ri a-du kurSu-hi me-me-ni la-a i-pa-ri- 37 One of the gates of Nineveh, the construction of which
[ik] rev. an-nu-rig a-na[...] a-na kurHi-in-za-ni al-lak is to be dated between 696-694 B.C., was the Desert Gate
ta-hu-mu ga Ci-ka-la-su-nu-ni t-ra-mu-u e-ti-qu (5) u-sa-whose name was "The gifts of the people of Teme and
ta-bu-lu i-hab-bu-td a-na Iirab da-a-a-li-ia ga a-pa-qi-du-
Sumu'-AN enter through it" (kad-re-e 'eTe-e-me u uSu-
ni la-a-su la-a i-sd-me-u a-na 1ubel pihdti a uruKal-ha mu-'-AN
li- qi-rib-sd ir-ru-ub). This name, which refers to
qi-mu (10) i'resi-si i-na pa-an kurAr-bd-a-a ga qa-ti-ig specific historical circumstances, differs from the other
lip-rqidl-[du]-nu ta-hu-mu [...] lii-'-lu-u-ni ina lib-bi names of the gates of Nineveh, which contain no such
FurulIr-[...]i-si-nig? b-bar-ia [...] (15) ina muhhi ta- historical connotation, e.g., "May the viceroy of A?sur
hu-me ga [...] sa uruKal-ha lu-u [...] Su (?)-nu . .] li- prevail," "Overthrowing all enemies," "The choicest of
ir-'-u [...] i-te-bu (20) [...]i[. . .]URUme i-ha-bu-tf la- grain and flocks are ever within it." The event, to which
a-si UDUme anhegam-malmeg [la]-a i-ha-bu-tI (The translite-
such great importance was attached, seems to be a result

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114 Journal of the American Oriental Society 94.1 (1974)

contact between the Arabs along both sides of element ruDufr- and names of Arab chieftains,
the West Babylonian border. In any case, the all located within a limited region, are an unusual
settlement of the Arabs in Western Babylonia phenomenon within the range of Akkadian culture.
which took place in the Neo-Assyrian period,May we assume then that other towns in the ter-
proceeding from nomadism through the various ritory of Bit Amukani, listed in BM 113203,
uruDDr- mU-gur-ri (1. 44) and perhaps UruDur-
stages of sedentary life, presents us with a con-
mA-qi-ia (1. 43), were named for Arab chieftains,
crete example, so far unnoticed, of a well-known
phenomenon in the history of the Near East. provided that other sources prove these personal
Most Akkadian toponyms with the first elementnames to be Arabic?
uruDur-38 are formed with names of ethnic groups From early times the title dbry 'gwr bn yqh mS' in
that arrived in Mesopotamia,39 with names or Prov. xxx:1 has puzzled many Biblical translators
and commentators who failed to understand the
titles of gods40 or kings;41 to a lesser degree also
with names of officials42 and other personalities meaning of the words 'gwr, yqh and hms'; most
(in part West Semitic names) in addition to other of them were forced to resort to paraphrase or
components.43 Hence, toponyms composed of the emendation.44 Other scholars, however, did see
in these words the names of leaders of the tribe
of Sennacherib's campaign against uruAdurmniatii (Dfimat of Massa'45 that parallel names found in the old
al-Jandal, Biblical Dumah) some time earlier. For more onomastica of Southern and Northern Arabia.46
details about that campaign and on the identification of We assume that the names 'gwr and probably yqh
l'Su-mu-(')-AN and of flTe-e-me see my dissertation (supra, can be identified with the components of the above-
note 1), 83-89, 120-122. mentioned toponyms. (However, we certainly do
38 The following conclusions are based upon the clas- not intend to identify persons mentioned in Prov.
sification of 73 toponyms beginning with uruDar- whichxxx:1 with those whose names were given to the
are listed in RLA 2, 241-254. More names from various cities of Babylonia we discussed.) That they were
sources could be added; however, the additional evidence
would not change the general conclusion. asses). The components of the following toponyms, most
39 uruDjir-Amnani(ma);-Amurri;-Iakini;-Lulume. of them personal names, are not identified: uruDur-mAppe;
40 uruDDr-dAnunitu; -ASur;--Bel-mdtdti;-Ea;-En- -mAthara; -Bagi-ilum; -Beli(h)aia; -IdnSuri; -Ig-
li;- Eregili (on this designation of IStar cf. K. L. tarsirat; -Kibinu; -mLadinni; --Rudumme; m-"Rukbi;
Tallqvist, Akkadische Gotterepitheta, Helsingforsiae, 1938, -mSama' (cf. mSa-am-', an Aramean chieftain mentioned
307, 408); - Gula; - Illdtaja; - Ilu; - Irra; - Igtar; in the annals of Sargon, Lie Sar. 326); -SamaSilubani;
- Mah; - Marduk; - Nabd; - Nand; - Nergal;- -Siseti; -Sammugri; --mTane; --mZakar.
44 Cf. the Greek version, translation of which into He-
Ninmah;-- Ninurta; - Nuska; - Papsukkal; - Samas;
brew is approximately: debdray yegor, ben, weqdhem,
Sin;- Te-li-te (on this designation of various goddesses
ga'... The early Rabbinical scholars explained the name
cf. Tallqvist, ibid., 115-116); - Zababa. To this group
we may add the title - etellum (= lord), which was of 'gwr bn yqh as a surname to King Solomon: Imh nqr'
Smw 'gwr - S'gr 't htwrh, byn - Shbynh, yqh Sglqy'h (cf.
used as an attribute both for gods and for kings (cf. CAD
E 381-382). Exodus Rabbah 6: 1, Cant Rab. 1: 10, etc.). An original
41 uruDjr-mAmmi; - Ammiditana; - Ammisaduqa; reading here: debdray eegor, bin yeqah hammassd' see
-Apil-Sin;-MA?ur-aha-iddina;- Damiq-iliSu; - agid-N. H. Tur-Sinai (Torczyner, Mishle Shelomoh (Hebrew,
lim; - Kudurmabuk; - Kurigalzu; - Mitta; - Rim- Tel Aviv, 1947), 1-3. According to most English versions
Sin; - Rimu?; - Samsuiluna; - Sarru-kinu; - Sin- of the Bible, the meaning of hms' may be "the oracle."
ahhe-eriba; - Sin-kdSid; - Sin-muballit; - Sulgi; 45 Cf. W. F. Albright, Studi Orientalistici in onore di
Sumulael; - Tukulti-apal-Esarra; and imply uruDir- Giorgio Levi Della Vida (Roma, 1956), Vol. I, 7.
garri. 46 Cf. 'gr, A. Van den Branden, Les inscriptions themoru-
42 Such are the toponyms UTUDur-mBel-Harrdn-?adua; ddennes (Louvain, 1950), 495; and a name of a Jew 'gwr
- Bel-Harran-bela-u~ur; - dNinurta-apla-iddina, whose son of 'hyw in an Aramaic papyrus from Elephantine
components are known as names of eponyms. (Cowley, No. 10 1. 22). The personal name yqhmlk occurs
43 In order to complete the classification of the topo- in Sabaean and Qatabanaean inscriptions (G. Ryckmans,
nyms listed in RLA 2 241-254, we mention here those Les noms propres sud-semitiques, Vol. II, 74). Cf. also
which are not included above in notes 39-42. The com-the names wqh'l (Ryckmans, ibid., Vol. II, 54), mlkwqh
ponents of some of them are geographical names (uruDfr- and rmwqh (Ryckmans, ibid., Vol. I, 226), which are com-
Babili; - Simurru) or pack animals (- atanate = she- posed with the same root.

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 EPH'AL: "Arabs" in Babylonia 115

leaders can be deduced from another title in the found shelter in a "city of the king" (alu sa garri).49
book of Proverbs (xxxi:1): dbry Lmw'l mlk mS' to this unnamed place can be understood
His flight
("The words of Lemuel king of Massa' "). Itonly
seemsif we assume that this "city of the king"
therefore that the editor of the book of Proverbs was an Assyrian control-center on the border of
attributed Chaps. xxx-xxxi:9, wholly or in part, the desert. Thus, the people of Massa', dealt with
to the pattern of "the wisdom of the People of the in ABL 260, are to be located in the area under
East" (hkmt bny qdm, on this term cf. MT I Kings discussion. This reference supports the assump-
v:1 [RV: iv:30]; mSl hqdmwny I Sam. xxiv:13). tion that the people of Massa' are to be included
The people of Massa' are mentioned in ABL among the Arabs found in Babylonia, and makes
260 from the period of Assurbanipal. The author it possible for us even to attribute to them the
of this letter, Nabu-sum-lisir, who was serving in cities of uruDur-mT-gur-ri and uruDnr-mAq-qi-ia.
Babylonia,47 reports an attack on a caravan (alak-
tu) by mdA-a-ka-ba-ru mdri-su ga mAm-me-'-ta-'
l'MAas-'-a-a after its departure from the territory i or a is found in the same document in the name mAm-

of the Nabaijateans (1dNi-ba-'-a-ti, Biblical Ne- me-'-ta-' (rev. 1. 3), which is simply 'myg', a common
baioth).48 One man of the caravan escaped and personal name in the Old Arabic inscriptions (cf. Ryck-
mans, Les noms propres sud-semitiques, Vol. II, 108).
47 In the letters of Nabfi-sum-lisir the following names For this practice of spelling compare IdBa-di-ia-a-tum
of Arab groups are mentioned: Nebaioth (ABL 260, 1117; BE 9 29: 3, idBa-di-'-a-tum BE 9 29: 17, ldBa-di-'-tum
cf. also note 48); Qedar (ABL 350, 811; on the latter TMH 2-3 147:2, 11; SrIbl Bab. Talmud Mo'ed
document see n. 28); Massa' (ABL 260); and simply Qatan 11:1; mDa-ri-'-a-Su, mDa-ri-'-mu-Su, mDa-ri-'-us
'A-ra-bu (ABL 260). K. Tallqvist, NBN 53-54. In the recent study of E. C
48 The form 'INi-ba-'-a-ti in ABL 260 differs from the Broome, "Nabaiatai, Nebaioth and the Nabataeans: The
usual spelling of the people of Nebaioth in the AssyrianLinguistic problem," JSS 18 (1973), 1-16, this peculiarity
documents (kurNa-ba-a-te, lI/kurNa-ba-a-a-ta-a-a; kurNa- of cuneiform orthography is incorrectly evaluated.
ba-a-a-ti, kurNa-ba-a-a-ti-a-a; the spelling seems especially 49 Indeed, this letter was written about five decades
peculiar when it is compared with the name of their after Sennacherib's campaign, and one may consider
chieftain in the period of the reign of Assurbanipal mNa- whether the area of the people of Massa' had shifted
at-nu 'uNa-ba-a-tu-di-a, ABL 1117: 7, because there is no within this time; there is now evidence for the existence
doubt that both letters were sent by the same individual of the people of Massa' in the vicinity of Tema, cf. F. V.
[Nabiu-um-lisir]. Another example of the use of 'a Winnett (-W. L. Reed), Ancient Records from North
instead of the usual orthography a-a or ia after the vowel Arabia (Toronto, 1970), 101.

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