DEMETER AND THE THESMOPHORIA

Classical Athens was a patriarchal society where male citizens dominated public life. Women,
regardless of age were treated legally as perpetual minors by the masters of their households.
Citizen women were supposed to take care of the day-to-day running of their households and bear
children, all the while staying in seclusion to preserve their good name. On the other hand, women
were encouraged to take prominent roles in public religious life. In light of the public/private
contradiction this created, this paper will review the way Athenians facilitated the participation of
their women in local celebrations of the Thesmophoria.

The Thesmophoria
The Theὅmophoὄia waὅ the moὅt wideὅpὄead of Demeteὄ’ὅ festivals and there were sanctuaries
dedicated to Demeter Thesmophoros scattered throughout Attica.1 Many modern scholars focus on
the Athenian celebration of this festival which leaves the reader with the impression that the
Thesmophoria was only celebrated there.2 This was certainly not the case; several inscriptions from
the fourth century attest to this. Here is one example.
— ὺ ἱ [ ]-
[ ] ή .
ὰ ὲἀ ύ ῖἀ -
έ ό ῆ ἱ ί ἰ
ὴ ἑ ὴ ὶ ὴ ἐ έ - 5
ῶ Θ ί ἡ ῖ
ῶ ,ἡ ῖ ῶ ,ἡ -
έ ἀ ί ,ἡ έ ἀ -
[ ]ύ ,ἰ ἡ έ ,
ἴ ,ἡ ί ἐ ί , ύ - 10
ύ έ , ῶ ί-
, ί , [ ]ή
ί , ῦ ύ ί ὴ
ἔ ἢ [ί] ἑ έ
ὶ ό ύ ῆ ὶ - 15
[ ] ὴἐ ἢ ῖ ὀ ῖ ὶ
ἀ ί · ῦ ὲ -
ό ὰ ἀ ύ ·ὅ ’ ἂ ί-ࠣ -ࠤ
ὑ ὲ ῦ ή ῦΧ έ -
ὰ ὰ ἰ ὸ ἅ - 20
ό , ῆ ή ὶ ἀ [ ]-
ό ὸ ή ἐ ή []
ί ἐ ῶ Π ί ὺ ἐ ὶΚ -
[ ] έ[ ] ἄ ·ὅ ’ἂ ἀ ώ -
[ ]ί Χ ῦ . 25

IG II² 1184 is a decree erected by the deme of Kholargos in the mid-fourth century which provides
a liὅt of itemὅ to be given to the pὄieὅteὅὅ of Demeteὄ foὄ ‘the feaὅt and the caὄe of the
Thesmophoria’ (ll.5-6). The decὄee ὄeadὅμ ‘ὅo that thiὅ will happen foὄ the deme of Kholaὄgoὅ…foὄ
all time’ (ll.18-21). The wording of the decree strongly indicates that the celebration was not just a
one off event. A second decree, IG II² 1177, also from the mid-fourth century, further indicates that
1
Dillon and Garland, 2000: 379; Larson, 2007: 69; Simon, 1983: 17.
2
See Blundell, 1995; Evans, 2010; Foley, 1994.
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celebrations of the Thesmophoria did not only take place in Athens. This decree was erected by
those living in the Piraeus and it states that if someone celebrates certain festivals of Demeter in
violation of ancestral custom, there will be a penalty (ll.8-17). The decree specifically mentions the
Thesmophoria, the Proetosia, the Kalamaia and the Skira (ll.8-10). As the decree mentions the
Thesmophoria first and begins with instructions to the personnel of this festival, it bears witness to
the importance which the deme gave to this festival (ll.1-20).

Another inscription, from the early second-century, SEG 46 160, suggests that Melite held its own
deme celebration of the Thesmophoria. While this decree was set up two hundred years after the
classical period, it is still an important piece of evidence. This decree honours Satyra, the wife of
Krateas of Melite and the priestess of the Thesmophoroi. (ll.1-2). Satyra is honoured because she
‘ὄepaiὄed all the templeὅ in the Eleuὅinion and made all the pὄepaὄationὅ in the ὅanctuaὄy of Pluto’
and ὅhe paid ‘out of heὄ pὄivate meanὅ’ foὄ the annual ὅacὄificeὅ (ll.4-7). It waὅ ὅet up ‘at the
approach to the Eleuὅinion’ at Athenὅ (ll.13-14).3 This suggests that the city’s celebration of the
Thesmophoria was organised, like other celebrations, by a deme. Satyra, while from Melite, had
clearly served as priestess of the Thesmophoroi at Athens.4 Broneer suggests that Satyra was in
Athens for the celebration because she was serving in the state celebration of the Thesmophoria
instead of her own deme celebration.5 He goes on to say that it was possible that for the state
celebration the priestess of the Thesmophoroi was selected by lot from the gathered leaders from
the surrounding demes.6 Thus, based on these inscriptions it is clear that the residents of the city
were not the only people to celebrate the Thesmophoria, and it is highly likely that other demes
throughout Attica also held their own local celebration.

The celebration, wherever it took place in Greece, was conducted in the month of sowing which is
around October, and lasted for three days.7 In Athens, the Thesmophoria took place during
Pyanepsion.8 On the first day, Anodos (‘Way up’), the women left the city and tὄavelled up to the
festival site, carrying sacred objects and any supplies needed for three days of camping.9 The
women camped out in huts or tents for the duration of the festival.10 On the second day, called
Nesteia (‘Faὅt’), the women faὅted and ὅat on anaphrodisiac plants on the ground in imitation of
Demeteὄ’ὅ mouὄning foὄ heὄ abducted daughteὄ, Peὄὅephone.11 The third day, Kalligeneia (‘Beaὄeὄ
of a Faiὄ τffὅpὄing’), bὄought an end to the women’ὅ faὅting with a feaὅt and ὅacὄificeὅ to the Two
Goddesses.12

This festival had other rites which, unfortunately, cannot be assigned to one or another of its three
days. It is known from the scholion on Lucian that each festival must have been held near megara
(‘pitὅ’).13 The scholiast writes that piglets, along with models of snakes and phalloi made out of
wheat-dough and pine branches, were thrown into these pits prior to the festival. 14 In the course of
this festival, the remains were retrieved by women called antletria (‘ὅhe who dὄawὅ up’).15 These
women had to have been puὄe oὄ chaὅte foὄ thὄee dayὅ befoὄe going down into ‘the ὅecὄet placeὅ.’16
As the women descended they would clap and shout to frighten away any snakes that might be at
the bottom.17 During the festival, these remains were placed on altars to the Two Goddesses, as it
was thought that the remains mixed with seeds would ensure good crops.18

3
See Broneer, 1942: 265.
4
Bὄoneeὄ, 1λ4βμ βθη. The ‘Theὅmophoὄoi’ aὄe Demeteὄ and Peὄὅephone, ὅee Bὄoneeὄ, 1λ4βμ βιί-1.
5
Broneer, 1942: 272-3.
6
Broneer, 1942: 272.
7
Plut. De Is. et Os. 378e (trans. W.W. Goodwin); Dillon, 2002: 110; Larson, 2007: 71; Parker, 2005: 271; Simon, 1983: 18.
8
Plut. De Is. et Os. 378e; Dillon and Garland, 2000: 379; Dillon, 2002: 110, 111; Parker, 2005: 271; Simon, 1983: 18.
9
Blundell, 1995: 163-4; Dillon, 2002: 111, 113; Parker, 2005: 271; Simon, 1983: 17-8.
10
Blundell, 1995: 163; Parker, 2005: 271 Stehle, 2012: 192.
11
Ar. Thesm. 949 (trans. D. Barret); Plut. De Is. et Os. 378e; Blundell, 1995: 164; Dillon, 2002: 111, 113; Simon, 1983: 17-8. Pliny
writes that women lay on the leaves of the agnus castus to preserve their chastity. Plin. HN. 24. 38. (trans. J. Bostock) Also see
Dsc. De materia medica 1. 103 and Gal. De simpl. med. temp. fac. 6. 2. This tree is native to the Mediterranean area and several
ancient sources testify to its ability to repress sexual desires: see Romm, 2010: 531; Stehle, 2012: 192.
12
Blundell, 1995: 164; Dillon, 2002: 111, 113; Simon, 1983; 18.
13
Scholion on Lucian (Parker, 2005: 273).
14
Scholion on Lucian (Parker, 2005: 273); Blundell, 1995: 164; Evans, 2010: 110; Parke, 1977: 83.
15
Scholion on Lucian (Parker, 2005: 273); Blundell, 1995: 164; Goff, 2004: 126; Parke, 1977: 83.
16
Scholion on Lucian (Parker, 2005: 273); Blundell, 1995: 164; Dillon, 2002: 113; Goff, 2004: 126; Parke, 1977: 83.
17
Scholion on Lucian (Parker, 2005: 273); Foley, 1994: 73.
18
Scholion on Lucian (Parker, 2005: 273); Blundell, 1995: 164; Larson, 2007: 70-1.
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The participants also engaged in sexual talk and ritual mockery, which has a mythical explanation
in the Homeric Hymn to Demeter.19 Afteὄ Peὄὅephone’ὅ abduction, Demeter avoided her fellow
deities and Olympus and travelled through Greece in a state of anger and grief as an old woman (ll.
90-4). She eventually came to Eleusis and encountered the daughters of king Celeus who, on behalf
of their mother, invited Demeter to theiὄ home foὄ a ‘meaὅuὄeleὅὅ hiὄe’ (ll.96-173). Upon Demeteὄ’ὅ
aὄὄival at Celeuὅ’ houὅe, ὅhe ὅat down and kept heὄ face coveὄed, neveὄ ὅpeaking noὄ ὅmiling noὄ
tasting food or drink. Then Iambe came along and ‘moved the holy lady with a quip and a jeὅt to
smile and laugh and cheer her heart’ These quips and jests were sexual, mocking and, surprisingly,
made Demeter laugh (ll.190-205).20 Other rites included women beating each other with a woven
baὄk ὅcouὄge, a ὅacὄifice called ‘the Penalty’, and a ceὄemony called the ‘Chalcidian Puὄὅuit.’21 The
women were also placed under certain prohibitions: they could not wear crowns, as Persephone was
captured while gathering flowers, and they could not eat pomegranate seeds that had fallen to the
ground.22 Not much else is known about the rites at the Thesmophoria as they were secret.23
Heὄodotuὅ wὄiteὅμ ‘Similaὄly I pὄopoὅe to hold my tongue about the myὅteὄiouὅ ὄiteὅ of Demeteὄ,
which the Gὄeekὅ call Theὅmophoὄia…’ (Hdt. 2.171).

Despite this secrecy, the modern consensus view is that the Thesmophoria was a fertility festival.
This is mainly due to the piglet sacrifice performed prior to the festival. Pigs symbolised the fertility
of animals and people because of their abundance of offspring and the fact that the Greek word for
pig, choiros, was a slang word for female genitalia.24 The use of model phalloi and the sexual talk
also seems to suggest that the rites were linked with fertility. The myth related in the Homeric
Hymn to Demeter, which is acted out during the Thesmophoria, also reinforces Demeteὄ’ὅ pὄimaὄy
identity as an agricultural fertility goddess. In her grief, Demeter removed herself from Olympus
and ended up cauὅing ‘a moὅt dὄeadful and cὄuel yeaὄ foὄ mankind oveὄ the all-nourishing earth’ (ll.
265-74). Nothing would grow and the earth was a barren place (ll. 306-10). However, once Demeter
was reunited with Persephone, she made the world fertile again (ll. 445-56). In addition there was a
general belief among the Greeks that female fertility was comparable to agricultural production.25

There is, however, evidence to suggest that fertility was not the only function of this festival. While
the scholiast on Lucian does say that the rotted remains mixed together with the seeds will ensure
good crops, he adds the qualification that this is what they think.26 But who aὄe ‘they’ς Lowe has
ὅuggeὅted that the uὅe of the woὄd ‘they’ iὅ an attempt by the ὅcholiaὅt to diὅtance himὅelf fὄom the
‘incidental, unveὄifiable ὅupeὄὅtitionὅ’ of the paὄticipantὅ.27 Lowe also points out that the use of
woὄdὅ ὅuch aὅ ‘they think’ oὄ ‘they ὅay’ might not mean moὄe than ‘it waὅ ὅaid that.’ 28 This would
then imply a certain level of disbelief, as the information was clearly not from first-hand
knowledge. As for the piglets, the scholiast writes that piglets were sacrificed in honour of the
swineherd, Eubouleus, who was swallowed with his pigs when Hades opened the earth to kidnap
Persephone.29 Howeveὄ, he doeὅ lateὄ ὅay that pigletὅ weὄe choὅen becauὅe of ‘theiὄ abundant
offὅpὄing’ and that they weὄe a token ‘of the biὄth of cὄopὅ and of men aὅ a kind of thank-offering to
Demeter, since she, by pὄoviding Demetὄian cὄopὅ civilized the whole human ὄace.’30 As Lowe
rightly points out, the scholiast is actually telling his readers that the Thesmophoria is a festival
which honours Demeter because she civilised humankind.31 Thus, the Thesmophoria also
acknowledges Demeteὄ’ὅ gift of agὄicultuὄe.

19
Dillon, 2002: 113.
20
Foley, 1994:73; Larson, 2007: 71.
21
Foley, 1994: 73.
22
Foley, 1994: 72; Parker, 2005: 274.
23
Larson, 2007: 70; Simon, 1983: 18.
24
Scholion on Lucian (Parker, 2005: 273); Blundell, 1995: 164; Foley, 1994: 73.
25
See Men. Pk. 1012-5.
26
Scholion on Lucian (Parker, 2005: 273).
27
Lowe, 1998: 130.
28
Lowe, 1998: 130.
29
Scholion on Lucian (Parker, 2005: 273); Foley, 1994: 73; Larson, 2007: 70.
30
Scholion on Lucian (Parker, 2005: 273).
31
Lowe, 1998: 123. See also Parker, 2005: 277.
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Participation
While a festival for women, it was not open to all women: participation was limited to married
women and their children.32 Two of these women were elected as leaders:33 IG II² 1184 refers to αἱ
ἄ χ υ α , ‘leadeὄὅ’ oὄ ‘magiὅtὄateὅ.’ Alὅo the oὄatoὄ in Iὅaeuὅ’ ὅpeech, On the Estate of Ciron,
argueὅ iὅ that hiὅ motheὄ ὅeὄved ‘togetheὄ with the wife of Diocleὅ of Pithuὅ’ aὅ a leadeὄ at the
Thesmophoria (Is. 8.19). According to IG II² 1184, these female leaders were in charge of providing
what was needed for the festival to the priestess of Demeter (ll.3-17). The decὄee ὅtateὅ, ‘And both
of the leadeὄὅ aὄe to publicly give to the pὄieὅteὅὅ foὄ the feaὅt and the caὄe of the Theὅmophoὄia,’
and, after a liὅt of itemὅ ὅeveὄal lineὅ long, endὅ with ‘the leadeὄὅ aὄe to give theὅe thingὅ’(ll.3-17).
This decree was inscribed on a stone stele, which was erected in the Pythion by the demetai, to
ensure the continuation of the proper honours to Demeter (ll.23-4).

Many modern scholars are silent on the question as to whether children attended the Thesmophoria.
Aristophanes’ Thesmophoriazousae suggests female children could attend (l.731). Young male
children may have attended the Thesmophoria with their mothers too. In Aὄiὅtophaneὅ’ Lysistrata,
Cinesias uses the baby, which is apparently male ( ὗ l.880) to entice Myrrhine to come down
from the acropolis (l. 878). Furthermore, the presence of male children at the festival could explain
why ancient scholars, like the scholiast on Lucian, knew what happened during the festival; they
could have attended the Thesmophoria as a child or talked to a man who did. Thus, it is quite
possible that the married participants of the Thesmophoria would bring their children with them
regardless of gender.

Slaves were not permitted to attend the festival. In the case of the Thesmophoria, the participants
had to be legitimate Athenian women.34 This is indicated by another legal speech of Isaeus, On the
Estate of Philoctemon. Isaeus says that it is impious and illegal for a certain motheὄ, ‘being
admittedly a slave, and having alwayὅ lived a ὅcandalouὅ life’, to have enteὄed a temple of ‘theὅe
goddeὅὅeὅ’, to ὅee the ὄiteὅ (Is. 6.49-50). This woman, Isaeus continues, also joined a procession
when a ὅacὄifice waὅ made to ‘theὅe goddeὅὅeὅ’ and ὅaw ‘what ὅhe had no ὄight to see’ (Is. 6. 49-
50). In this case, the problem was that the unnamed wife was impersonating an Athenian wife and
participated in certain festivals, like the Thesmophoria.35 Isaeus does not specifically refer to the
Thesmophoria, but as Dillon points out, female-only festivals largely honoured Demeter and several
of these festivals barred slaves from participating.36 Alὅo, Iὅaeuὅ uὅeὅ the pluὄal ‘goddeὅὅeὅ’ twice
in his speech; Demeter and Persephone are often referred to as the Two Goddesses by the classical
Athenians. This suggests that the rites which Isaeus refers were the Thesmophoria. Aristophanes
also supports the idea that slaves were not allowed at the Thesmophoria. After Mnesilochus, in the
guise of a woman, makes an offering he tells his imaginary ὅlave giὄl, Thὄatta, to ‘go nowν ὅlaveὅ
aὄen’t allowed to listen to the speeches’ (Ar. Th. 290-4).

Two more sources strongly suggest that only Athenian women were allowed to participate in rites
such as these. Apollodoros, in his speech Against Neaera, says that there is a law that a woman of
‘heὄ chaὄacteὄ, who haὅ done what ὅhe haὅ done’ ὅhould not only be banned fὄom doing anything
concerning the sacred rites but that she should also be excluded from all religious ceremonies at
Athens.37 The problem waὅ that σeaeὄa, accoὄding to Apollodoὄoὅ, waὅ an ‘alien woman’ who uὅed
to be a slave and a prostitute, and lived with Stephanus, as hiὅ wife, ‘contὄaὄy to the lawὅ’ ([Dem.]
59. 16, 20, 22, 49).38

As for male participants, Aristophanes leaves the reader in no doubt that men were excluded from
the festival. In the Thesmophoriazousae, Euripides wants the poet, Agathon, to go to the
Thesmophoria and to stand up for him. Euὄipideὅ ὅayὅμ ‘If you would only go up theὄe ὅecὄetly and
take your seat with the women, juὅt aὅ if you weὄe one of them…’(Ar. Th. 184-6). Agathon can
only attend in secret, disguised as a woman. There are also two other incidences in the play that
indicate that men were not allowed at the Thesmophoria. Agathon declines to speak for Euripides,

32
Is. 3.80, 8. 19 (trans. E.S. Forster); Blundell, 1995: 163; Dillon and Garland, 2000: 110, 112; Parker, 2005: 270-1.
33
IG II² 1184.3; Isae. 8. 19; Connelly, 2007: 42; Dillon, 2002: 112; Evans, 2010: 109-10, 112.
34
Dillon, 2002: 112, 241.
35
Dillon, 2002: 191, 206.
36
Dillon, 2002: 191.
37
[Dem.] 59. 85 (trans. N.W. DeWitt).
38
See also Is. 8.19-20.
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but a relative, Mnesilochus agrees to go in his stead and is disguised as a woman (Ar. Th. 195-70).
Later on in the play, Cleisthenes comes to warn the women, but he is a man who was regularly
slandered in Old Comedy as feminine. Mnesilochus is discovered (Ar. Th. 575, 610-54) and the
women attempt to punish him while Cleisthenes goes off to inform the Council that a man has
snuck into the festival, indicating that this was a serious breach of custom.39

Facilitation of Women’s Participation by their Husbands

Despite their exclusion from the festival, the influence of men was still felt by the women at the
Thesmophoria. The husbands of the participants let their wives leave their homes for three days and
paid for the festival. The ideology of seclusion was an all-encompassing belief held by Athenians.
For Athenian men not only to have allowed their wives to break this custom, but also to have paid
for a festival that is administered by women is a very important point to consider.40 In his speech,
On the Estate of Pyrrhus, Iὅaeuὅ wὄiteὅ that if a man had ‘ὄeὅouὄceὅ woὄth thὄee talentὅ’ and waὅ
lawfully maὄὄied, he would be compelled to ‘feaὅt the women at the Theὅmophoὄia’ and beaὄ ‘all
other expenseὅ’ that aὄoὅe fὄom that office (Iὅ. γ.κί). This was apparently a requirement of a man
who had ‘ὅo much pὄopeὄty.’ It seems unusual that rich demesmen paid for this festival, when
women, it seems, had access to money. Socὄateὅ, in Xenophon’ὅ Oeconomicus, tells Critobulus that
the income of the houὅehold iὅ ‘foὄ the moὅt paὄt…the ὄeὅult of the huὅband’ὅ exeὄtionὅ’ but the
‘outgoingὅ aὄe contὄolled moὅtly by the wife’ὅ diὅpenὅation.’41 Later Isomachus says the same thing
when lecturing his wife on her duties. He ὅayὅ that one of heὄ dutieὅ iὅ to ‘ὄeceive the incomingὅ’
and distribute only as much as is absolutely necessary and watch over what must be stored and
enὅuὄe that ‘the ὅum laid by foὄ a year be not spent in a month’(Xen. Oec. 7. 36). Aristophanes, in
his Lysistrata, also agrees with this point. Lysistrata, when she is defending her right to look after
the money on the Acὄopoliὅ to the magiὅtὄate, ὅayὅμ ‘We’ve alwayὅ been in chaὄge of all your
houὅekeeping financeὅ’ (Aὄ. Lys. 495).

If women had access to money, why then did their husbands pay for the Thesmophoria? Modern
scholars are silent on this point. However, this paper can provide two possible answers. Firstly, it
would have been very expensive to pay for a celebration of the Thesmophoria. Only women of the
wealthiest class would have been able to afford the cost and Xenophon gives no indication of how
much money even wives in wealthy families had access to. Secondly, regardless of whether the
festival was a fertility festival or a thanks-offering celebration, the Thesmophoria was an important
festival. In fact it was so important that it was added to the festival calendar at Athens and several
demes wrote decrees ensuring that it was celebrated properly. Since the rites involved with the
festival could only be performed by women, then only women could show their piety to Demeter by
participation. It iὅ quite poὅὅible that due to the feὅtival’s importance, the dēmos felt that the men of
the polis should also show their piety in some way. Thus, the husbands of the female participants
who paid for the Thesmophoria were in this way included in the festival and so showed their piety
to Demeter.

Ideology of Seclusion
Women, according to mainstream Athenian views, were supposed to be housekeepers and mothers
who remained in seclusion. If Athenian women did these things, then they were considered to be
the best of wives. However, women were also encouraged by their male relatives to take prominent
roles and participate actively in public religious life. This seems to create a conflict with the societal
norms of classical Athens. Thus, to make sense of this contradiction it is important to understand
why the ideology of seclusion was so important to the dēmos. While this was an ideal at Athens, it
would not have been possible for every woman to adhere to it. Only women belonging to high
status families would have been able to comply with the ideal.42 Most Athenian women would have
had to work outside during the day.43 That being said, the idea of female seclusion was fairly
widespread during fifth century Athens.44 This idea would have been reinforced by the common
belief that women belonged in the private, or domestic, sphere of life, while men belonged in the

39
Ar. Thesm. 654; Dillon and Garland, 2000: 379-80.
40
A point the majority of modern scholars ignore: see Blundell, 1995; Dillon, 2002; Evans, 2010; Foley, 1994; Parker, 2005.
41
Xen. Oec. 3. 15 (trans. E.C. Marchant).
42
Brock, 1994: 346.
43
See Brock, 1994, ‘The δabouὄ of Women in Claὅὅical Athenὅ’ Classical Quarterly 44, pp. 336-46.
44
Katz 1995: 22.
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public sphere.45 Xenophon wὄiteὅ that both indooὄ and outdooὄ taὅkὅ ‘demand labouὄ and attention’
and that, from the beginning, the nature of men and women were designed for outdoor and indoor
work respectively (Xen. Oec. 7.22-4). Outdoor work, according to Xenophon, was assigned to man,
becauὅe hiὅ body and mind weὄe ‘moὄe capable of enduὄing cold and heat, and jouὄneyὅ and
campaignὅ’, while woman waὅ ‘leὅὅ capable of ὅuch enduὄance’ (Xen. Oec. 7.22-4).

Aristotle agrees with this idea of gender segregation; he writes that man was made stronger and
woman waὅ made weakeὄ ὅo ‘he in viὄtue of hiὅ manly pὄoweὅὅ may be moὄe ὄeady to defend the
home, and ὅhe, by ὄeaὅon of heὄ timid natuὄe, moὄe ὄeady to keep watch oveὄ it’ (Arist. Econ.
1.1343b. 20-1344a.1). He continueὅ by ὅaying that woman waὅ given ‘ὅedentaὄy patience’ but
‘denied ὅtamina foὄ enduὄance of expoὅuὄe’ ὅo ὅhe can do handicὄaftὅ and man, ‘though infeὄioὄ to
heὄ in quiet employmentὅ,’ waὅ given ‘vigor for every active occupation’(Arist. Econ. 1.1343b. 20-
1344a.1). Aὄiὅtophaneὅ’ Lysistrata also reinforces this idea of women being stay-at-home
caretakers. For instance, Aristophanes uses Calonice, a woman, to describe what it is that women do
all day. In lines 16 to 19 she tells Lysistrata that their fellow women have not met them yet because
they aὄe ‘hanging ὄound theiὄ huὅbandὅ, waking up the ὅeὄvantὅ, putting the baby to ὅleep oὄ
washing and feeding it.’ Alὅo, in lineὅ 4γ to 4η, Calonice aὅkὅ δyὅiὅtὄata ‘What do we ever do but
sit at home looking pretty, wearing saffron gowns and make-up and Cimberic shifts and giant
ὅlippeὄὅς’ While the works of Xenophon, Aristotle and Aristophanes reflect the mainstream views
of gender differentiation, there were other reasons behind the custom of seclusion.

Female seclusion also benefitted the polis politically and socially. Women of classical Athens had
one ὅpecific goalμ to beaὄ childὄen, pὄefeὄably ὅonὅ, to enὅuὄe the continuation of theiὄ huὅband’ὅ
household and to serve as ὅoldieὄὅ in the city’ὅ aὄmy.46 A son had to be a legitimate child to inherit
anything and to be as a citizen he had to prove his descent from two Athenian parents.47 Thus, an
Athenian woman would have been under tremendous pressure from her husband, his family and
society at large to produce a legitimate son.48 The custom of seclusion would have served three
puὄpoὅeὅμ to pὄeὅeὄve a giὄl’ὅ viὄginity, to uphold the ὄeputation of the Athenian wiveὅ and enὅuὄe
children were legitimate.49 This is suggested in The Trojan Women, where Andromache says that
ὅhe ὅtὄove to do whateveὄ ‘ὅtampὅ the wife a woman chaὅte’ in Hectoὄ’ὅ home.50 She goes on to say
that whetheὄ a woman haὅ a ὅluὄ againὅt heὄ oὄ not, ‘the veὄy fact of heὄ not ὅtaying at home bὄingὅ
in its train an evil name’ (ll.645-51). Andὄomache’ὅ woὄdὅ ὅuggeὅt that ὅtaying home in ὅecluὅion
waὅ linked to an Attic woman’ὅ puὄity. Seclusion then was set up as a model of correct behaviour.51
Women who abided by this custom would have been assessed in a favourable way by Athenians,
male and female.52 Thucydideὅ, in a ὅpeech by Peὄicleὅ, ὅayὅ to the widowὅ of Athenὅ, ‘Gὄeat will
be your glory in not falling short of your natural character; and greatest will be hers who is least
talked of among men whether for good or bad’(2.45).

The question now is why were the husbands of classical Athens so apprehensive about their wives
leaving the house? It was a common belief that women had an insatiable sexual appetite and were
incapable of controlling their natural impulse to wonder off and slake their lust.53 Such promiscuous
behaviour went against the societal norms. Athenian women were required to adhere to stringent
sexual fidelity to their husbands.54 Howeveὄ, due to the women’ὅ lack of ὅelf-control, men, it was
believed, had to act as their keepers by ensuring their female relatives, no matter what their age,
were kept secluded in the home.55 It was also thought that if a woman were allowed out or seen by
those not related to her, she may betray her husband. δyὅiaὅ’ ὅpeech, On the Murder of
Eratosthenes, is a good example of what could happen if a woman is allowed out of the house. The

45
Arist. Econ. 1. 1343b. 20-1344a.1; [Arist.] Oec. 1. 1344a.3-6 (Scheidel, 1995: 205); Stob. Flor. 3. 696f (Scheidel, 1995: 206); Xen.
Oec. 22-4; Dillon, 2006: 223; Scheidel, 1995: 205.
46
Thuc. 2. 44 (trans. R. Warner); Blundell, 1998a: 41-2; Garland, 2009: 76; Just, 1989: 40.
47
Arist. [Ath. Pol]. 26. 3 (trans. H. Rackham); Plut. Vit. Per. 37. 2-4 (trans. B. Perrin); Blundell, 1998b: 48; Pomeroy, et. al, 2008:
239; Scramuzza and MacKendrick, 1958: 237.
48
Garland, 2009: 76.
49
Morgan, 2010: 118; Neils, 2011: 61.
50
Eur. Tro. 645-51 (trans. E.P. Coleridge).
51
Morgan, 2010: 118.
52
Scheidel, 1995: 205-6.
53
Blundell, 1998a: 47; Neils, 2011: 40.
54
MacLachlan, 2012: 59.
55
Blundell, 1998a: 47.
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Vol.XXXIX.1, 2013 CLASSICVM

ὅpeakeὄ iὅ explaining to the juὄy that Eὄatoὅtheneὅ had ‘an intὄigue’ with hiὅ wife and coὄὄupted
her.56 He explains how when he decided to marry and brought his wife to her new home, he did not
trust her until she gave birth to his child (Lys. 1.6.). He pὄaiὅed hiὅ wife aὅ being the ‘moὅt excellent
of wives; she was a clever, frugal housekeeper, and kept everything in the nicest order’ (Lys. 1.7).
The oὄatoὄ’ὅ tὄoubleὅ began when hiὅ motheὄ died and hiὅ wife left the houὅe to attend a funeral,
which is where Eratosthenes saw her. Eratosthenes sent messages to the wife via her servant-girl,
eventually succeeding in corrupting her (Lys. 1.7-8).

Aristophaneὅ’ Lysistrata provides another example of this belief that women had a lack of self-
control. In lineὅ 1ίι to 1ίκ, Calonice, one of Aὄiὅtophaneὅ’ female chaὄacteὄὅ, complainὅ about the
lack of men in waὄtimeν ὅhe ὅayὅμ ‘Why, theὄe iὅn’t even anyone now to have an affair with – not
even the ghoὅt of one.’ In lines 124 to 140 Lysistrata explains that to stop the war, the women must
renounce sex; this is met with strong disapproval. Calonice is again used to reinforce this view of
women, ὅaying ‘I won’t do it. Just let the war go on’(l.129). Myrrhine agrees with Calonice: ‘That,
or walk through fire, or anything else you want – but ὄenounce ὅex, neveὄ!’ (ll.134-5).

Reasons why Women’s Participation was Facilitated

The ideology of female seclusion was an integral part of the social norms in classical Athens.
However, as stated earlier, Athenian men both paid for the festival and allowed their wives to leave
their homes for three days to attend the Thesmophoria. There are two specific reasons for the
facilitation of this participation. However, before discussing these reasons, it is important to note
that at Athens there were two fundamental beliefs that governed gender prominence in the religious
life of the polis. These beliefs also impacted on the reasons why Attic wives were allowed to break
their seclusion for three days to attend the Thesmophoria. Firstly, the age and gender of the leading
cult personnel correspond to the deity being worshipped; and secondly, any mortal undertaking
would only succeed if it was supported by the deity who had the most influence over the
endeavour.57 For example, if Athens suddenly encountered a famine, the Athenians would ask for
help from Demeter, as a goddess of agricultural fertility, and because Demeter was a female deity,
the women of the polis would be the ones to ask for help. This was the case in the majority of
religious cults; goddesses were usually worshipped by women and gods by men. 58 Nonetheless,
there are several exceptions to this rule.59

Based on these beliefs the festival of the Thesmophoria would have had to be led by women since
they were better suited to worship Demeter and to ask for her help. Festivals then served two
purposes: as a line of communication between mortals and immortals and to remind the gods of the
woὄὅhippeὄὅ’ piety. The pious would have been looked upon favourably by the gods. The basis for
this relationship between the gods and mankind was charis (‘gὄatitude’). Charis is the assumption
of reciprocity,the doing of good by one to another and the obligatory repayment of the good and the
gratitude for the good done. Gould wὄiteὅ that the aὅὅumption ‘iὅ that any action will be met by a
matching and balancing ὄeaction (good foὄ good, evil foὄ evil)’60 The festival of Demeter is an
example of this relationship. The Thesmophoria, promoted agricultural and female fertility. Women
had to leave their homes and husbands to perform the appropriate rites and, more importantly, their
husbands had to let their wives go and to pay for the festival. In return for this piety, Demeter would
give the ‘gift of feὄtility, both of the field and of body.’61

By the Athenianὅ’ own admiὅὅion, women weὄe betteὄ ὅuited to maintain the charis relationship
between the Athenians and goddesses. However, this is not the only ὄeaὅon women’ὅ paὄticipation
was facilitated by their husbands; there were also other social and political reasons. Firstly, it
enὅuὄed Demeteὄ’ὅ divine ὅuppoὄt foὄ family gὄowth and the feὄtility of the fieldὅ. Demeter was the
goddess of female and agricultural fertility; however, the Greeks seemed to focus on her role as a
goddess of agricultural fertility. Hesiod deὅcὄibeὅ heὄ aὅ the one ‘who feedὅ all.’62 Diodorus
provides this same idea; he writes that Demeter was the first one to gather grain, to prepare and

56
Lys. 1. 4 (trans. W.R.M. Lamb).
57
Pritchard, 2010: 22.
58
Dillon and Garland, 2000: 376; Pritchard, 2010: 21-2.
59
McClees, 1920: 5; Price, 1999: 68.
60
Gould, 1985: 15.
61
Dillon, 2002: 138.
62
Hes. Theog. 912 (trans. D. Wender).
9
Vol.XXXIX.1, 2013 CLASSICVM

preserve it and show humans how to sow it.63 He goes on to say that because of this, Demeter was
called Thesmophoros ‘afteὄ the lawὅ that ὅhe gave them.’(Diod. Sic. 5.68). As mentioned earlier, the
scholion on Lucian does say that the Thesmophoria served as a thanks-offeὄing to Demeteὄ ‘ὅince
ὅhe by pὄoviding Demetὄian cὄopὅ civiliὅed the whole human ὄace.’ 64 The Thesmophoria then
served as both a fertility festival and as a thank-offering festival to Demeter.

The ὅecond ὄeaὅon that women’ὅ paὄticipation was facilitated at the Thesmophoria was that it was a
way for the male dēmos to get proof that their wives were legitimate daughters of citizens and had
been properly married. This was necessary as the classical Athenians did not have marriage
certificates or a registry system. They relied on public acknowledgment, for instance, at wedding-
feasts or a marriage-banquet attended by the gὄoom’ὅ phὄatὄy.65 But, then why was proof of
marriage so important? An Athenian woman’ὅ ultimate goal waὅ to beaὄ childὄen, pὄefeὄably ὅonὅ,
who could continue heὄ huὅband’ὅ houὅehold and ὅeὄve in the city’ὅ aὄmy.66 Thucydides, in
Peὄicleὅ’ Funeὄal Speech foὄ the waὄ dead duὄing the fiὄὅt Peloponneὅian Waὄ, ὅayὅ that women of
child-beaὄing age muὅt ‘beaὄ up and take comfoὄt in the thought of having more children’ (Thuc.
2.44). This will be a good thing for two reasons: firstly, the new children will then prevent any
bὄooding foὄ the deceaὅed childὄen, and ὅecondly, it will help the city by ‘filling the empty places,
and in assuring her security’ (Thuc. 2.44). For a son to continue his fatheὄ’ὅ houὅehold he had to be
a legitimate heir. Thus, to attain her ultimate goal, a woman had to be married.

The married women of Athens attended the Thesmophoria each year, thus the festival could be used
as proof of the marital status of the participants and so proof of citizenship. The political and social
ὅignificance of maὄὄiage became undeὄlined with the intὄoduction of Peὄicleὅ’ citizenὅhip law in
451.67 This law stipulated that to be a citizen of Athens, a man had to prove that he was descended
from parents who were both Athenian.68 Citizenὅhip waὅ no longeὄ baὅed on a man’ὅ deὅcent fὄom
an Athenian father alone.69 Iὅaeuὅ’ ὅpeech, On the Estate of Ciron, not only reinforces ancient
testimony on who attended the Thesmophoria and the presence of two leaders at the festival, but it
alὅo confiὄmὅ Peὄicleὅ’ citizenὅhip law. The speaker proves his legitimacy to his audience by
declaring that his father introduced him as a baby to members of his phratry ‘having declaὄed an
oath…that he waὅ intὄoducing hiὅ childὄen of an Athenian motheὄ duly maὄὄied’(Isae. 8. 19-20).
According to the speaker, no one in the phratry made an objection as they believed his mother to be
a legitimate daughter. The argument is proven by the speaker stating that if his mother were not
legitimate she would not have served at the Thesmophoria nor would her fellow participants have
placed any of the sacred objects in her possession.

Reasons why Athenian Husbands Accepted this Participation

Their own religious beliefs forced the dēmos of classical Athens to let their female relations attend
and administer festivals for female deities. However, in the case of the Thesmophoria, the husbands
of the participants also allowed their wives to break the ideology of seclusion for three days. Did
Athenian men accept theiὄ wiveὅ’ paὄticipation in the Theὅmophoὄia without anxietyς The
Thesmophoria included married citizen women and children. Men were not allowed to attend. This
meant that the wives who participated in the Thesmophoria could not be tempted into acts of
adultery. This would then ensure that any children conceived around the time of the Thesmophoria
could be acknowledged as legitimate.

Secondly, the rites involved in the Thesmophoria were consistent with the male view of the proper
role of women. Women were to run the household and bear children. During the festival, the
participants re-enacted the Homeric Hymn to Demeter. This re-enactment can be seen in a larger
social context to legitimise the social roles of women. In the Hymn, mother and daughter are
ὅepaὄated by Peὄὅephone’ὅ maὄὄiage to Hadeὅ, but aὄe ὄeunited, with Zeuὅ’ conὅent, foὄ a peὄiod of
time each year (Hom. Hymn Dem. 445). This is reflected in classical Athenian life; mother and
daughter are separated by marriage, but see each other again for a period of time during the
63
Diod. Sic. 5. 68 (Warrior, 2009: 125-6).
64
Scholion to Lucian (Parker, 2005: 273).
65
Isae. 8. 19-20.
66
; Blundell, 1998b: 49; Just, 1989: 40; Pritchard, 2010: 22.
67
Blundell, 1998b: 48-9; Pomeroy, et. al, 2008: 239; Scramuzza and MacKendrick, 1958: 237.
68
Arist. [Ath. Pol.] 26. 3.; Plut. Vit. Per. 37. 2-4; Blundell, 1998b: 48; Pomeroy, et. al, 2008: 239; Scramuzza and MacKendrick,
1958: 237.
69
Blundell, 1998b: 48.
10
Vol.XXXIX.1, 2013 CLASSICVM

Thesmophoria. The festival prepares mother and daughter for their eventual separation through
marriage. This may also prepare the daughter for age difference between herself and her potential
husband. Fathers, or guardians, would marry their daughters off to whomever they chose, usually a
man about thirty years old, and their wives would have had no say in the matter. 70 In a fragment
from one of his lost plays Sophocles discusses the impact of these practices on women. He says,
uὅing the voice of an impending bὄide, that once womanhood iὅ ὄeached ‘we aὄe thὄuὅt out and ὅold
away.’71 Some girls end up with strangers or foreigners or go to joyless or unfriendly homes. 72 ‘All
these things, once a single night has yoked us to our husbands, we are obliged to praise, and
conὅideὄ a happy outcome.’73

Conclusion
In conclusion, the dēmos of classical Athens saw the participation of their wives in the festival of
the Thesmophoria as essential for ensuring their success as farmers and as fathers of legitimate
sons. The nature of the participation also assured them that their wives would remain faithful to
them and that their children would be legitimate. Children attended with their mothers: this ensured
that future generations would be educated in their proper roles in society. Agricultural and female
fertility were believed to be comparable and that goddesses required worship from females
especially; thus Athenian wives were best placed to propitiate Demeter. In spite of the ideology of
seclusion husbands let their wives leave their homes for three days each year to perform the
necessary religious rites and even asked fellow demesmen to pay for their performance, possibly as
a way to show their own piety. The myth of Demeter which gives the origins of this festival also
helped to explain and reinforce the societal roles of women of classical Athens. Thus the Athenians
had clear religious and social reasons for allowing their wives to worship Demeter in this festival.

Kathryn White,
University of Queensland.

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