SHAPING INDIAN

FOREIGN POLICY:
THE
S. JAISHANKAR’S
WAY
By Jagriti Yadav, Department of geography, Indraprastha college for
women, DU
 Statement of Problem
Subramanyam Jaishankar is an Indian diplomat and politician who is currently serving as
Minister of External Affairs of the Government of India since 31 May 2019. He is a 1977-batch
Indian Foreign Services officer, who worked as foreign secretary and is known for his handling
of China. He is a member of Bhartiya Janta Party and is a Member of Parliament in the Rajya
Sabha since 2019, representing Gujarat. He is often regarded as a policy wonk among
politicians and known for forming stringent foreign policy for India.
The global order is undergoing great changes. If it was largely bipolar like during the cold war
period which remarks the emergence of US and USSR as allies and Axis powers and then
formed unipolar due to the disintegration of USSR in 1991, there are still the charges of being
multipolar. We are living in the era where countries like US are emerging a little weaker than
it used to appear when a sudden collapse of the Soviet Union took everyone in 1991 and one
of the superpowers ceased to exist since then US started behaving like a hegemonic power.
The process of becoming a hegemonic power was established with different invasions and
operations like Operation gulf war in Iraq, Operation Infinite reach against terrorist groups,
Operation Enduring Freedom i.e., against Al Qaeda, etc. But if we see closely USA is being less
functional and losing its hegemonic powers in the world order, as we can see in the latest
examples of Absenteeism of USA in Afghanistan and Ukraine crises.
It will be interesting to know that the politics is all about power, this power is in the form of
military domination, economic power, political clout and cultural superiority. USA has
emerged superior due to its immense hard power as today the military capabilities that can
reach any point on the planet and its technological advances in the military area, USA also
emerged as structural power with high GDP and Hegemony as soft power like
Mcdonaldisation, the Pepsi culture, widespread use of Jeans.
Now a question arises is there any Alternative centers of power who can become alternative
hegemonic powers. The answer is yes, countries like Russia, China and India have emerged
powerful in some years specially after the end of bipolarity of world politics in the early
1990’s. It became very clear that alternative centers of political and economic power could
limit America’s dominance. China has emerged very powerful as it followed its own path in
introducing market economy, privatization of industries, elimination of trade barriers, etc. It
has also tried to impose its hegemony by doing tactics like the usage of biological weapons
like COVID-19, this was the masterstroke by China to shatter the economies of other nations.
This laboratory made virus was very dangerous and caused the massive loss of life in the
whole world, Although China was the first country hit by the covid-19, it controlled the swift
and took actions but unlike other major economies, it has avoided an economic recession in
2020 and in fact estimated to see growth of 2% this year (BBC News, 2020). Japan can also
become a Hegemony because its Economic growth is excellent, they have reputation for
making high- technological products like Sony, Panasonic, Canon, Suzuki, Honda, Toyota,
Mazda. Japan is an island country and has very a smaller number of resources and imports
most of its raw material but it is progressing very rapidly as it is the 3 rd largest economies of
the world with $4.872 trillion (World bank).
India, a country with population of nearly 1.2 billion (Census, 2011) is a developing nation and
it’s rise to power has led to speculation and expectation about how it is changing the world
order. It is on the track of becoming the world’s 3rd largest economy. Throughout history, the
maritime domain has been a crucial space in establishing new and emerging powers shaping
regional dynamics and the larger security architecture. India is doing really well in the
maritime domain as India has got the license from International Seabed Authority (ISA) to
explore the Indian ocean for the extraction of Zinc and copper as this possibility of mining of
polymetallic nodules with attract investors, bring technological advancement and make India
a ‘BIG ECONOMY’.
‘India is not a nation, nor a country. It is a subcontinent with endless possibilities’
-Mohammed Ali Jinnah
The emergence of Indo- pacific as a new geographic space where Indian and Pacific Ocean
region are bought together, it represents the strategic reality of the 21 st century and cruciality
of India in the region. India is becoming an indispensable part of the region as being a member
of QUAD with USA, Japan and Australia, the Indo- pacific therefore is a new domain in India’s
foreign policy arrangements, representing a shift in New Delhi’s strategic environment.
Jaishankar, the minister of External Affairs is an experienced man who knows the points of
convergence and divergence in India’s foreign policy. He knows that foreign policy of any
country, unlike domestic policy, is usually considered to be staid and stable not subject to
revolutionary change. Foreign policy is both static and dynamic.
The Aim of this assignment is to analyze how India’s Foreign policy has changed drastically
within some years specially during the years of Subrahmanyam Jaishankar as there is a
paradigm shift in ideology. While Indian foreign policy under successive prime ministers has
adjusted to changing global geopolitical dynamics, Modi has brought to it a new energy and
clarity of articulation. His bold moves, while taking the country closer to the United States,
and repeated outreach towards Pakistan and China, despite some setbacks, combined with
rapid changes in the global matrix, are taking India into uncharted waters. To assess the shifts
in India’s foreign policy undertaken by previous Indian governments, it is necessary to first
identify ‘inflection points’ in the global context. An inflection point refers to a development
that fundamentally resets the matrix of the global order. After identifying the most significant
geopolitically dislocating inflection points since the end of the Second World War, an attempt
will be made to examine the foreign policy shifts under successive Indian prime ministers by
constructing a timeline. Perhaps, India do not have a legitimate straight path for foreign
relations because in the Russia-Ukraine crises somewhere we support Russia by doing deals
of S400 aircraft and on the other hand, abstains from voting against Russia in the UNSC
because that way we are neither denying our friendship with Russia neither we are
displeasing USA as it is important for our future diplomatic relations with both the countries.
 Introduction
M. Jaishankar is the first former IFS officer to join the government without being a member
of the ruling party. Mr. Jaishankar took over as Foreign Secretary in January 2015 after a stint
in Washington DC as India’s envoy. During the posting, he played a key role in ensuring the
successful first visit of Prime Minister Narendra Modi to the U.S. As Foreign Secretary, Mr.
Jaishankar conducted the massive relief operation in Nepal after the devastating earthquake
in April 2015. He was also responsible for boosting India’s campaign Mr. Jaishankar’s
experience with China is acknowledged in policy circles. As India’s Ambassador in Beijing, he
handled the issue of stapled visa for Indian citizens from Arunachal Pradesh and later, as
Foreign Secretary, he helmed the response to the 73-day Doklam standoff in 2017.for a seat
at the Nuclear Suppliers Group and other export control regimes.
He also worked in support of broadening of India’s maritime diplomacy by reaching out to the
Asia-Pacific region. The Quad dialogue involving India, Japan, U.S. and Australia was
conducted during his stint as the Foreign Secretary in 2017. He is Born to strategic affairs
commentator K. Subrahmanyam and Sulochana, Mr. Jaishankar was educated at JNU and
joined the Indian Foreign Service in 1977 after a brief stint as a journalist.
Serving in multiple locations like Sri Lanka, his decades-long career was distinguished. Mr.
Jaishankar, a Russian language expert, served his longest ambassadorial tenure in China
during the UPA era, which was followed by his stint in the U.S.
After his retirement in 2018, he joined Tata Sons. He received a Padma Shri, one of the high
civil decorations of the Indian state, for his services in 2019.
A book wrote by him is ‘The India Way: Strategies for an Uncertain World’. It is a book that
attracts much attention and curiosity.

• Firstly, because it is written by a career diplomat with four decades of experience,

and hence with a vantage perspective.
• Secondly, because he has now graduated to a more powerful policy- making,
strategy-defining role, and getting an insight into his thinking would be gratifying.
• Thirdly, because the man also has a reputation for being reflective and intellectual,
and hence, one can expect the book to present a unique perspective that would help
understand global political and economic diplomacy better.
• Fourthly, in a changing world it is indeed a challenge to understand how the global
dynamics of diplomacy will ultimately settle down, particularly in a post-COVID world
that has made Nations prioritize nationalism over multilateralism.
 OBSERVATIONS BY JAISHANKAR FOR THE
INDIAN FOREIGN POLICY
In his book he discussed about the past burdens on foreign policy is- one, 1947 Partition as
India has given over importance and over attention on Pakistan and due to that Pakistan’s
foreign policy has shifted to China for support. On the other hand, China has used Pakistan as
a pawn to control India. Second, delayed economic Reforms as if we compare India with China
on the basis of Economic reforms. China bought these reforms in 1979 by Deng Xiaoping and
India bought reforms in 1991 and this is a huge difference, we can see disparity in the
economies of China and India, the economy of China is 5 times bigger than that of India. Due
to this India is still dependent on China for many of the products and there is a trade deficit
between both the countries of almost 50 billion dollars. Third, Prolonged exercise of nuclear
option. China did nuclear testing in 1964 and became a nuclear power while India did nuclear
testing in 1974 with operation Smiling buddha but formally, India became nuclear power in
1998 and in the meantime, Pakistan also became a nuclear power with the help of China
which is indeed a burden.

1947 Patition

Past burdens on Foreign Delayed Economic

Policy of India Reforms

Prolonged exercise
of nucleur option

Fig 1: The Observations shared by S. Jaishankar

CONECPT OF MULTI ALIGNMENT
He also discusses that he doesn’t favor India joining any alliance system, but he doesn’t
support the old school non- alignment either. S. Jaishankar has previously described the
government’s approach to the world as multi- aligned rather than non- aligned.
He says:
‘’ Where we have remained uninvolved, we are nevertheless left to face consequences. On
some questions, we run the danger of displeasing all parties. Where we have aligned on
larger contradictions, our reluctance in doing so fully has not been without costs’’
In fact, when India has remained uninvolved and abstained from voting in UNSC, etc. and
it has caused displeasure between the parties a classic example of this is India- Sri Lanka
 when the resolution was passed in UNHRC on ‘Promoting reconciliation, accountability
and Human rights in Sri Lanka’.
CALL FOR ACTION
Jaishankar ‘calls for action’ and the action according to him, is defined by ‘Krishna’s choice’
from Mahabharata- ‘follow the dharma of the state’ that is asserting national interest and
securing strategic goals through various means. He says that ‘’MULTIPOLARITY IS THE
FUTURE’’. The world order is undergoing drastic changes, earlier in the cold war era the world
was largely bipolar and then briefly unipolar after the disintegration of the Soviet Union, there
are signs of emerging multipolarity. China is already the world’s 2 nd largest economy and a
major military power. Russia has come out of its self- imposed strategic retreat. From
Germany to Japan and India to Brazil, middle powers are expected to play key roles in the
new order.
In India’s engagement with the West, Jaishankar emphasizes the shared values as well as the
changes underway. The West, he argues, should accept that India’s growth “is a strategic
development in the larger western interest”. With regard to Pakistan, he talks about the Uri
and Balakot models, arguing that India established a new normal that terrorist actions won’t
go unpunished. When it comes to China, his mantra is realism. He commends the “strategic
maturity” that’s at work between the two countries. “That realization led to the Wuhan and
Chennai summits... both occasions were exercises in pure realism.” (The India Way,
Jaishankar)
FUTURE ROLE
It’s well argued, and few will disagree that India has to multi-engage with a changing world,
without compromising on its strategic autonomy. The problem, however, is that beyond this
framework, Jaishankar, perhaps constrained by his role in the government, doesn’t offer finer
details. India Way reads more like a diplomat’s handbook — which is important in
understanding the functioning of diplomacy — rather than a strategic analyst’s assessment of
history and prescriptions for the future. It’s not free of contradictions either. Jaishankar
stresses on India’s pluralism, values of multi-faith society and its democratic framework. Yet
the government he’s part of has been under attack, both domestically and internationally, for
endangering India’s plural values. (Stanly Johny, 2020)
WHAT DRIVES DIPLOMACY?
Jaishankar clearly states the “economy drives diplomacy, not the other way around.”
Unfortunately, he has to drive India’s diplomacy at a time when the country is facing a severe
economic contraction — one of the worst among major economies — which would, according
to his own arguments, limit India’s options. He speaks about India’s realism in reaching out to
China in Wuhan and Chennai (the book was written before the Galwan clashes). Now, there
could be new questions about the whole China policy of the Narendra Modi government. Was
its China policy driven by realism or a Gimmick? While he rightly blames legacy issues for the
China problem, one can’t ignore the revolt in India’s neighbourhood against New Delhi under
his government, whether they are short-term irritants or evolving strategic challenges. So,
while the foreign policy framework India Way offers is an authoritative account of New
Delhi’s worldview, its efficacy will be known only when tested on the altar of history.
BUILDING UP OF STRATEGIC RELATIONS WITH COUNTRIES
He says:
“This is a time to engage America, manage China, cultivate Europe, reassure Russia,
bring Japan into play, draw neighbours in, extend the neighbourhood and expand
traditional constituencies of support.’’
America: India-US bilateral relations have developed into a “global strategic partnership”,
based on shared democratic values and increasing convergence of interests on bilateral,
regional and global issues. (Ministry of External affairs, India)
▪ In 2021, India and United States signed the landmark defence pact, Basic exchange and
Cooperation Agreement (BECA) during the third round of 2+2 India- US ministerial
dialogue.
▪ India-US shares the common interests as both are the members of QUAD and are against
China.
▪ Boing aircraft are from USA and US is pushing for sales for advances F-16 jet fighters and
F/A-18 super Hornet
▪ Yudh Abhyas is the defence exercise performed by both the countries
China: Sino- Indian relations are very complicated very recently on June 15, 2020 Indian and
Chinese troops engaged in the fight and that left 20 Indian soldiers dead. The clash was part
of border along the Galwan River between the 2 forces on the Line of Actual Control (LAC)
and after this Chinese soldier who fought in Galwan was recruited as the torch bearer at the
Beijing Olympics.

Fig 2: Map showing the location of Galwan valley

Though, India’s total trade with China was $125.7 billion in the year 2021. The sharp uptick in
imports has pushed India’s trade deficit with China to $69.4 billion in 2021, up from $45.9
billion in 2020 and $56.8 billion in 2019. India's official statistics on bilateral trade with China
are updated only till November 2021. India launched “Atmanirbhar campaign” to reduce the
trade dependency on China.
Europe: India and Europe drew closer as trade is rising between both the countries but
political ties are still blur. India and Europe are drawing closer to each other. It is little surprise
that all sides have resumed talks. The trade figures speak for themselves.
▪ The EU was India's third largest trade partner in 2020, absorbing 11.2% of the South Asian
country's exports and imports, after China's 12.1% and the 11.8% for the U.S. Britain
captured the 14th largest portion of 1.9% but trailed only German's 2.7% within the
European bloc.
▪ India and France had deal of 15 Rafale which are already delivered.
▪ Garud, Garud Shakti are the military exercises between India and France.

Fig 3: Trade statistics in the year 2019 and 2020 between India and EU
Russia: After the dissolution of USSR, Russia inherited its close relationship with India which
resulted its close relationship of both the nations. Both countries are members of
international bodies including the UN, BRICS, G20 and SCO. Recently, Russia delivered S400
aircraft to India this shows the mutual cooperation between both the countries but India
really needs to reassure the friendship to Russia. In 2022, during Russia Ukraine crises India
abstained to vote against Russia along with 34 Countries, this step was deeply appreciated by
Russia.
Japan: It is the 3rd largest economy in the world followed by USA and China, along with this
Japan is technologically advanced country. Japan and India are members of QUAD which
shows that both the countries agree the ideology of rejecting China from the world politics.
Africa: India and Africa’s historical links have experienced a revival in recent years, and there
are strong reasons for optimism that the partnership could be mutually beneficial. In fact, in
recent years, and especially during the COVID-19 pandemic, Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s
government has made moves that indicate its intention for India to become Africa’s biggest
partner. Present mega trends in Africa are supportive of India’s trade and investments in the
region. Africa’s large working-age population, its growing middle class, and the significant
share of services are all ingredients for value adding trade and investment relationships.
Moreover, India and Seychelles have a close defence tie. Seychelles is of strategic importance
to India as it lies close to global lanes of shipping and commerce and is an important base in
the fight against seaborne terrorism and piracy in the Indian Ocean Region. (MEA, India)
Neighbours: India’s neighbours are China, Bangladesh, Nepal, Pakistan, Bhutan, Maldives,
Myanmar. Among which Pakistan and China share controversial relations with India.
▪ India was one of the first countries to recognize Bangladesh and establish diplomatic
relations immediately after its independence in December 1971.
▪ Bangladesh is India’s biggest trading partner in South Asia
▪ The armed forces from both sides regularly conduct joint drills like exercise Sampriti and
Milan. India has extended $500 million line of credit to Bangladesh for defence imports
from India.
▪ India shares its longest border with Bangladesh. The ratification of the Land Boundary
Agreement in 2015 and the delimitation of the maritime boundary in the Bay of Bengal in
2014
▪ India and Sri Lanka have enjoyed a cordial and relatively stable relationship since their
independence but over the years, Sri Lanka has drifted towards China for economic
support and views her as a more reliable partner in enabling domestic economic
development. Yet, this economic interaction with China has not been without
ramifications for Colombo. Sri Lanka has been forced into a debt trap, and has had to sell
its strategic assets though debt-equity swaps leading to creation of zones where its own
sovereignty has been negated. Killing of Indian fishermen by the Sri Lankan Navy, as well
as the cancellation of the East Container Terminal port contract to India are lingering
issues that have added to these concerns
 Fig 4: Area defined by Sri Lanka’s government
▪ Traditionally, Nepal and India share good relations as residents of both the countries can
travel to and fro without passports but in 2021, Nepal unveiled a new political map that
claims certain strategic areas in Uttarakhand.

Fig 5: Claimed territory by Nepal at Uttarakhand

▪ Relations with Pakistan has been a roller coaster ride since its independence but India’s
citizenship act has moved the Impact of relations with Pakistan to a greater extent as
Pakistan has stopped major trades with India after that. Pakistan’s monthly exports to
India were valued at a little over $2.5 million then.
▪ India and Bhutan relations are pretty stable and both the countries share trade relations
too. Recently, India Bhutan signed pact for the first joint hydropower project. 600 MW
Kholongchhu project will be constructed in Bhutan’s less developed eastern region of
Trashiyangtse. o It is expected to be completed in the second half of 2025.
 CONCLUSION
India has basic attributes of various magnitudes and a geopolitical position sufficient for
status as a major power. At the moment, the US is the largest and the only major power.
China chases it, as does India, although it remains one or two lengths behind China. There
appears to be no other emerging country with an objective, like India’s, to become a major
power. In fact, the National Intelligence Council of the US predicted as early as 2012 that: ‘In
2030 India could be the rising economic powerhouse that China is seen to be today. China’s
current economic growth rate – 8–10% – will probably be a distant memory by 2030’ (National
Intelligence Council, 2012, p. 36). The Government of India’s vision is to fundamentally reboot
and reorient foreign policy goals, content and process, in a manner that locates India’s global
strategic engagement in a new paradigm and on a wider canvas.
The distinguishing elements under S. Jaishankar, which are different for previous regimes,
are:
▪ Neighbourhood First Policy- BIMSTEC leaders in 2019; SAARC Satellite; Act East Policy;
▪ Relentless push towards, trade, FDI and ‘Make in India’s contributing to India’s economic
development and growth;
▪ A ‘leading role’ globally for India, rather than just as a ‘balancing force’ – India as a "pole”
in its own right
▪ A greater role for military and defence diplomacy – willingness to participate in the global
arms market as a supplier rather than as a major buyer only. India has formally inked its
first major defence system export deal with the Philippines, signing a $375 million contract
for the BrahMos shore-based anti-ship missile system. The 290 km range supersonic
missile has been jointly developed with Russia and is produced in India.
▪ Connectivity, commercial ties and cultural bonds are the three ‘Cs of Jaishankar’s Foreign
Policy mantra – the huge public boost in bonding with the diaspora is unprecedented;
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