Chapter 6 - States of Consciousness

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Chapter 6:
States of Consciousness
Figure 6.1 The experience of our states of consciousness relates to the experience of both our internal and
external world. Effect of Butterfly by Anastasiya Markovich. [1]
6.0 Learning Objectives

L.O. 6.1 Define and describe how consciousness is made up of both content and state, and how
split-brain patients can help us to understand conscious experience.
L.O. 6.2 Understand and describe the various forms of attention (including passive attention,
active attention, selective attention, and divided attention), as well as conditions and disorders
related to attention and consciousness (including visual neglect and attention deficit
hyperactivity disorder).
L.O. 6.3 Understand and describe the various stages of sleep (including how we use
electroencephalographic recordings to examine them, their functions, and hypotheses about
why we sleep and dream), as well as conditions and disorders related to sleep (including
dyssomnias and parasomnias).
L.O. 6.4 Understand how depressants, stimulants, and hallucinogens act in the brain
chemically to produce altered states of consciousness.
6.1 Introduction: What Is Consciousness?

Each of us has a general intuitive feeling that there is something immaterial that animates us;
philosophers and poets have referred to this as the nature of our soul, or spirit. When we dream,
think, or act, we also have a sense that there is something internal that decided to create this
behavior. This sense of self-awareness, in all its sophisticated forms, is an integral part of what makes
humans unique. As psychologists, we think about these experiences in terms of the workings of the
brain.
The study of consciousness has its roots deeply seeded in both philosophy and psychology;
truthfully, the exact nature of conscious experience is still, in many ways, a mystery to both schools of
thought. As scientists began to learn more about the physiology of behavior, some things became
quite obvious; among them, that there is a direct relationship between the workings of the brain and
the experience of thinking, feeling, and acting. Ingestion of drugs can alter subjective awareness, and
a bump on the head can drastically alter personality (Max et al., 2001) . Paradoxically, although a
tremendous amount of processing must be completed to create a conscious perception of the world,
there is no “feeling” of the work involved. In other words, the conscious experience of the world
seems as though it is the entirety of what the brain does. Dualism, the idea that the mind and body
are fundamentally different entities, is a direct result of this experience (see Chapter 1: What Is
Psychology? for a review of this concept).
In previous chapters, you have learned that thinking, feeling, breathing, and seeing are all the result
of the brain doing its job. Fundamentally, all of our experiences are the result of interactions between
cells in the head. As experimental techniques developed in sophistication, we found ways to draw
direct lines between events occurring in the brain and the experience of conscious awareness. There
are several types of examples of this relationship that can be demonstrated empirically.
6.1.1 Learning from People with Split-Brain

There is a phenomenon known as split-brain , which has taught us a lot about conscious
experience. A split-brain surgery is a procedure that severs a large band of axons that connect the two
hemispheres known as the corpus callosum (Figure 6.2). The initial purpose of this procedure was
to reduce the frequency and severity of seizures associated with epilepsy. The consequence is that
the two hemispheres are unable to share information across the cortex, and several regions
associated with perception are isolated from parts of the brain involved in language. The good news
is that this surgery is often successful in reducing seizures, but it also illustrates a clue about
consciousness. Because some portions of the brain can no longer communicate with other parts,
awareness of behavior is altered. Gazzaniga (1983; 2005) has studied these cases extensively. Among
the first things these patients notice following surgery is that the left side of their body seems to
begin to act on its own. The left hand may put down a book that the individual is reading with
interest. Gazzaniga suggests that it is possible that because the right hemisphere cannot use
language, it cannot understand the contents of the book and becomes bored looking at the pages.
The left hand might wave (or make a rude finger gesture) without the "control" of the individual. One
case involved a man who was attempting to hit his wife with his left hand while trying to protect her
with his right.
Figure 6.2 The red arrow indicates the location of a large band of axons, the corpus callosum, which connects
the two hemispheres of the brain. [2]
The following video provides a brief overview of the effect of cutting the corpus callosum.
Video
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We can also demonstrate the effects of split-brain experimentally. As you learned in Chapter 3:
Biology & Neuroscience, the brain is split into two hemispheres; some abilities are processed more
on one side than the other; when this occurs, we call it hemispheric specialization . In the instance
of split-brain, the information from one hemisphere is cut off from the other, and the results can be
quite striking.
If I send a message to a sensory system on the right side (e.g., the right ear) of a patient with this
surgery, the message will travel through various pathways lower in the brain and arrive at the
contralateral left hemisphere. If you recall from Chapter 3: Biology & Neuroscience, the left temporal
lobe is the location of several important language-related structures. In these instances, patients are
fully aware of the message received from the sensory system. For instance, were patients of split-
brain surgery shown an image of a cat (or the word cat) in their right visual field, this message would
travel to the left visual cortex and forward to the left temporal lobe and they would easily respond
that they saw a cat. However, if they were shown the same image of a cat in their left visual field, this
would travel to their right occipital lobe. When the brain is intact, this message is, eventually, sent to
the left temporal lobe and people are able to name the object. In split-brain patients, the message
never arrives at the “language” portion of the brain. If patients are asked to draw the image with their
left hand (controlled by the right hemisphere), they are easily able to re-create the image. More
incredibly, when you ask them why they drew the cat, they will have no idea. Similar effects can be
seen when you give a verbal command to the right or left ear. Asking a patient to get a drink of water
in the left ear will result in them following the command, despite having no understanding of why.
These effects are illustrated in Figure 6.3.
Figure 6.3 Experiments with split-brain patients have provided insight into the nature of conscious awareness.
Long Text Description
Studies on split-brain patients have contributed to our understanding of the nature of conscious
experience. If conscious awareness can be altered by influencing the workings of the brain, then it is
also probable that our experience of consciousness is the product of the brain.
6.1.2 Components of Consciousness
The experience of conscious awareness is not only based on perception, experience, and the
environment, (see Chapter 5: Sensation & Perception). In in many ways, our experience of the world
work like perception—that is, we form an impression of the world in a way that is useful, not
necessarily entirely accurate. Our experience of the world can be influenced by suggestions,
ambiguity, and state of mind. Neuroscientists are beginning to parse out the essential elements in
the brain required to experience the world in this particular way.
Video
Researchers believe that consciousness is the result of several processes in the brain that can operate
independently and interact with one another depending on what the task demands. Among the
challenges in studying consciousness is that each of us has a tangible experience of our own
existence. Part of the job of psychologists, philosophers, and neuroscientists is to understand the
underlying mechanisms of assconsciousness.
Psychologists discuss two components of conscious experience. The first is conscious content ,
which can be defined as the subjective experiences of your internal and external world. Your “sense
of self” resides in your conscious content, as do your plans, dreams, and day-to-day perception of
space and time (Montemayor & Haladjian, 2015). As we discussed in Chapter 3: Biology &
Neuroscience, the experience of mind is the result of the brain working; it is because of this that we
can argue that our experience of consciousness is the result of the operations in the brain, and we
can also understand why consciousness is a topic of psychological inquiry.
Without awareness, your heart continues to beat, and you continue to blink without needing to
execute explicit conscious commands to make them occur. As we discussed in Chapter 5: Sensation
& Perception, a huge amount of processing is completed before you are even aware that you are
looking at a particular object. As you will learn in later chapters, these types of processes can have a
lasting impact on decisions, such as which people we trust or choose to cooperate with and the
professions we select, despite these processes being consciously inaccessible.
The second component of consciousness, states of consciousness , refers to different levels of
arousal and attention. Interestingly, your experience of a particular state of consciousness is based
on several processes. At some point in your academic career you have likely had the experience of
being unable to keep your eyes open in class, despite knowing that what was being discussed was
relevant to an upcoming exam. You have also likely experienced periods of time when you found
yourself unable to sleep despite feeling tired and wanting to rest. In both instances, your state of
consciousness was influenced by factors beyond your “control.”
Similarly, can you remember a time when you were reading a good book or perhaps engaged in a
video game and the hours flew by without your noticing? Compare this to a time when you were
trying to do a rather painful or boring assignment for class and you suddenly felt the intense need to
check your email/do the laundry/watch a quick video. William James (1890) discussed this
experience at length in his textbook Principles of Psychology. He remarks that “my experience is what
I agree to attend to.”
These two ideas are not mutually exclusive, however; for reasons we will discuss later in this chapter,
conscious content is heavily dependent on your state of consciousness.
Steeping some tea...

6.2 Attention
6.2.1 What Is Attention?
As we discussed in Chapter 5: Sensation & Perception, the only access the brain has to the world is
through the senses, but recall that there is a tremendous amount of information entering the brain at
any given moment. It is necessary for the brain to prioritize some information. Attention is the
process of selecting information from the internal and external environments to prioritize for
processing. In some contexts, attention can be involuntary and automatic. This so-called
passive attention occurs when bottom-up information from the external environment requires a
response. For instance, when you hear a loud noise in a quiet room, it is likely that you will
immediately stop what you are doing and search for the source of the noise. Active attention , by
contrast, is when attention is directed by goals and top-down processing. When you search a
cluttered table for your keys, you are using active attention.
Look at Figure 6.4 for about five seconds and consider what you see. Try to remember as much
information as you can.
Figure 6.4 Audience at a Basketball Game [5]

It is probable that, if asked, you could relay that the image is of a basketball stadium and that at least
one team’s color is yellow. But it is less likely that you would also be able to tell me that there were
about 10 minutes left in the quarter and 35 seconds left to shoot until the ball possession switches.
After looking a second time, you most likely found that information rather quickly. It is also likely that
you did not notice that two fans in the crowd are wearing green shirts. Now that they have been
brought to awareness, you are able to locate them easily. In this example, your conscious mind
directed the visual system to attend to specific features of the environment to accomplish the task of
locating two individual dots of green light in a sea of yellow. Psychologists are not entirely sure how
or why some features of the physical world receive priority over others, but we do know that some
features of the environment are noticed readily and effortlessly while others can be missed
(Anderson, Laurent, & Yantis, 2011; Simons, 2000).
Interestingly, what is noticed depends a great deal on the goals, experiences, and state of mind of the
individual (Werner & Thies, 2000). Imagine trying to find a friend in a crowd; you may listen for the
sound of their voice or look for a particular hair color while ignoring conversations around you and
the sound of music in the background. These features of your friend become trivial when you are
trying to find a place to eat while driving down a busy road at 45 miles per hour while they sit in the
passenger seat. Among the difficulties in studying attention is that in the laboratory, under controlled
conditions, attention is often directed based on the instructions given by the experimenter. In the real
world, attention is often directed by an individual’s goals, expertise, and state of mind.
6.2.2 Selective Attention

A second distinction worth discussing is the difference between focused or selective attention and
divided attention. Selective attention occurs when you attend to one source of information while
simultaneously ignoring other stimuli. Some features of the environment are necessarily more
important and relevant than others, and some elements are simply more noticeable based on their
qualities. We are more likely to attend to a bright light in a dim scene or a loud noise in a quiet room.
Psychologists refer to these low-level properties as stimulus salience (Figure 6.5). Stimulus salience
refers to the bottom-up qualities of a scene that influence how we direct attention. The color of an
object or the loudness of a sound are low-level features that may capture your attention, at least
initially. When attention is diverted because of the salience of a stimulus, it is known as
attentional capture (Anderson et al., 2011). Even throughout this text, you will see that we attempt
to make some text stand out by putting it in italics and several definitions stand out because they
appear in blue. The way certain scenes are constructed may also lead you to direct your gaze to a
particular location first.
Figure 6.5 In the images above, it is not hard to guess where the artist wants you to look; they use properties of
stimulus salience to direct your attention. [6]
It is important to note that top-down processing also plays a role in guiding selective attention. As we
develop expertise in a given area, we are better able to allocate attention to the more important
features of the scene and ignore information that is less relevant (Hollingworth, Schrock, &
Henderson, 2001). A referee at a football game knows exactly where to look to make a call on the
play, and they know what information is irrelevant; likewise, individuals with expertise in American
football are more accurate in detecting changes to a field than amateurs (Werner & Thies, 2000).
Similarly, a neuroscientist would be able to tell the difference between an intact brain and one with a
lesion on the surface of the cortex.
In the Midwest, Asian lady beetles (Harmonia axyridis) are a nightmare during the winter months
when they try and escape the cold. They appear everywhere at this time—invading the hallways of
apartments and office buildings by the hundreds, and making their way into people's homes. None
of this would be particularly bothersome except that Asian lady beetles bite . . . hard. Needless to say,
these bugs are not well liked. The problem is that they resemble another insect that most people
regard rather highly, one that doesn’t bite and can be quite good for your garden: the common
ladybug (Coccinella septempunctata). When you don’t know what you are looking for, it can be
difficult to tell the difference between the two, and often anything ladybug-like is killed with
indiscretion. There is, however, a very simple way to tell the difference between the two. Try it
yourself: Figure 6.6 shows images of a ladybug and a lady beetle.
Figure 6.6 Although these two bugs look as if they are the same species, they are, in fact, two different beetles.
[7]
There is an obvious difference between these two bugs that makes detection easy. It is not the color
of their wings or the number of spots—both species come in a variety of colors and spot patterns.
Rather, detection of the difference between the two becomes easy if you know to look at their heads.
The Asian lady beetle has a black “W” and white cheeks, while the ladybug usually has a mostly black
hood. This is how you know whether you are about to be bitten by this cute little bug.
Learning and experience can help direct attention and determine what information should be
processed. There are also numerous lines of evidence to suggest that certain types of stimuli are
processed more effectively because of their relevance to our evolutionary past. Stimuli that predict or
are associated with threat, for example, often capture attention quickly.
As we become more proficient at a skill, completing it requires less conscious attention. Despite the
seemingly simple task of attending to some information while ignoring the rest, the brain must
process a tremendous number of stimuli to determine what to bring to conscious awareness. The
task of focusing on the road while driving or listening to a single conversation in a loud room are
good examples of everyday selective attention. Many people have had the experience of being in a
loud room, and even though several people are talking and there is other ambient noise, you can
block all of this out and listen to a conversation you are having with another person. This so-called
cocktail party effect illustrates yet another piece of the puzzle of selective attention. Experiments
have demonstrated that completing this task is not as simple as just blocking out all other sources of
information. Even when some information is not part of conscious awareness, this does not mean it
is not being processed. For instance, at this same party if someone yelled your name, you would
reorient your attention to respond. You often see shifts of attention when something surprising,
personally relevant, or emotionally engaging occurs. We can even see this happen collectively: When
mothers go to the park with their children and one child yells “MOM,” they all turn their heads in
unison.
One common measure of this effect is the dichotic listening task (Broadbent, 1952; Cherry, 1953). In
this task, participants are asked to wear a pair of headphones that will play one message in one ear
and a second, different, message in the other (Figure 6.7). Participants are asked to attend to and
repeat one message and ignore the second. It should not surprise you that participants generally
have very little trouble completing this task. Moreover, participants have a fair amount of difficulty
reporting details of what occurred in the unattended ear.
Figure 6.7 In a dichotic listening task, two messages are played, one in each ear. Participants are asked
to listen and repeat only one message.
However, data from experiments on dichotic listening suggest that the process is not as simple as
the brain just “blocking out” the information it doesn’t want. A second component of the dichotic
listening task is that specific kinds of unattended information are processed and can later be recalled.
Participants can often report the gender of the speaker and will notice if a male speaker changes to a
female speaker in the unattended ear (Cherry, 1953; Moray, 1959).
Corteen and Wood (1972) conducted a particularly clever experiment to examine, at least in part, the
degree to which unattended information is processed. Researchers first presented a list of city names
to participants followed by a mild but still uncomfortable electric shock. In a task like this, as you will
learn in Chapter 7: Learning, it does not take too many pairings before people learn that the city
name means something unpleasant is coming. Following this initial conditioning session,
participants were then asked to complete a dichotic listening task. The message played to the
unattended ear included not only the names of the cities paired with shock, but also new cities and
other nouns. While participants were listening to the recordings, galvanic skin response (GSR)
measurements were also taken. GSR is a measure of arousal level of the sympathetic nervous system
and responds when you hear something startling or emotionally engaging. When city names that had
been paired with shock were presented to the unattended ear, participants exhibited a response on
38% of the trials. City names that had not been paired with shock created a response 23% of the
time, and unrelated words on only 10% of the trials. Although the participants were not consciously
aware of what had played in the unattended ear, data suggest that the information was processed by
the auditory system and identified as meaningful at least some of the time.
6.2.3 Divided Attention

Divided attention , or multitasking, is when we simultaneously attend to two (or more) tasks at the
same time—for instance, talking with a friend in the car about your class while driving. It should not
surprise you to know that we are not particularly proficient at multitasking and often make errors.
Experience contributes to your ability to complete divided attention tasks. As you become
particularly well skilled at a task, it becomes automatic. While it does take a considerable amount of
effortful attention to reach proficiency at a task, over time you will be able to accomplish this skill
without awareness. Most people are reasonably proficient at walking and can easily walk and talk
without thinking about the physical demands of either task too deeply. This automaticity refers to
fast and effortless processing that can be accomplished without conscious thought (Moors & De
Houwer, 2006). Something is defined as automatic when performance is not impaired by other tasks.
Once a particular skill becomes automatic, it frees up attention to focus on other features of the
environment; for instance, if you can type a message on a keyboard without giving much thought to
locating the letters on the keyboard, you have likely achieved automaticity in typing. Even better
evidence comes from reports from people who claim they can type the words on the keyboard
without even really thinking about what they mean.
Are all automatic tasks created equal? Not necessarily. Some automatic tasks are far more
predictable than others. When you type on any standard QWERTY keyboard, all the letters are found
in predictable places and there is not a lot of variation in what happens. Tasks like walking down a
city street are less predictable. Almost everyone has tripped and stumbled because they are not
paying attention to the sidewalk in front of them and miss a crack or curb. A second way these types
of tasks differ is in their consequences. When you mistype a word, your biggest punishment is that a
squiggly red line appears under it; if you trip and fall into traffic, typos are likely to be the least of your
worries.
Many people report that they talk on the phone while driving, and many more report they have been
in the car while the driver talks on the phone or, worse, sends text messages (Figure 6.8). Research
suggests that this is a terrible, horrible, no good, very bad, and extremely dangerous behavior. While
behaviors like driving are automatic, they are also quite variable experiences with very real
consequences. Accidents don’t happen when everything goes according to plan; rather, they occur
when something unexpected happens and an immediate response is required by one or more
drivers. It is precisely at these moments that you need focused attention, which is otherwise engaged
when you are using a cell phone. In fact, research suggests that traffic accidents while using a cell
phone are four times as likely as when drivers are not distracted (Redelmeier & Tibshirani, 1997). This
risk is similar to the accident rate when one is driving with a blood-alcohol level above the legal limit
(Strayer, et al. 2006).
Figure 6.8 Talking on a cell phone while driving is an excellent example of divided attention, and is quite
dangerous. [8]
The dangers of cell phone use while driving have been evaluated using a variety of different research
methodologies, and results consistently demonstrate that the task of driving while talking on a cell
phone, regardless of the use of hands-free systems, impairs driving. Participants are slower to react to
traffic signals, miss more relevant information such as pedestrians and changing traffic lights, and
make more mistakes (see Mccartt et al., 2006, and Caird et al., 2008 for a review of this research). For
instance, Rosenbloom (2006) observed driving performance under two conditions. The first was
considered a baseline; observations were made while the participant was driving without using a cell
phone. In the second condition, all participants received a call on a hands-free phone, and their
driving was monitored. When engaged in calls, participants left a smaller distance between their own
cars and the ones in front of them. They were also more likely to increase their speed. More
concerning is that most drivers were unaware that their driving had changed. Other studies have
been conducted on closed tracks (Cooper et al., 2003) and in driving simulators (Beede & Kass, 2006;
Rakauskas et al., 2004). These controlled experiments mimic the results from real-world
observations. Drivers make significantly more errors and are far more likely to miss important
information when engaged in cell phone conversations.

6.2.4 Inattentional Blindness and Change Detection

Engagement in multiple complex tasks can lead to inattentional blindness . This occurs when we
are engaged in one task and completely miss other information. In reviewing Corteen and Wood's
(1972) results with city names and mild electrical shocks, those who are more critical and astute
could correctly point out that if participants “unconsciously” respond to city names 38% of the time,
participants did not demonstrate a measurable response on 62% of trials. Although we experience a
rich and detailed perception of the world, research suggests that we can miss large pieces of
information when our attention is otherwise engaged (Simons & Levin, 1997).
Review the video below of a group of individuals passing basketballs and count how many times the
players in white shirts pass the basketball to each other.
Video
Approximately half of the participants who watch the video above miss the gorilla entirely (Simons &
Chabris, 1999). How is it possible to miss something so extreme occurring right in front of you?
Researchers have developed several interesting means of testing change blindness and change
detection. Interestingly, even experts can miss important and seemingly obvious things when they
are not looking. Drew et al. (2013) superimposed an image of a gorilla on an image of a lung and
asked radiologists to examine the images. Interestingly, despite eye-tracking data that revealed that
most of the physicians looked directly at the gorilla, 83% of radiologists missed the image.
It can also be possible to experience difficulty noticing even when you are actively looking for a
specific stimulus. In the video at the beginning of this chapter, Dan Dennett reviewed a common
methodology used to test change detection known as the flicker task . Participants are shown two
variations of the same picture, usually with one difference between the images. The first image is
presented briefly (e.g., 250 milliseconds) followed by a white screen, and then they are shown the
second version of the image followed by another white screen. The white screens are included to
prevent participants from using motion cues to detect the difference. The participants are asked to
find the difference between the two images as quickly as possible. Despite the fact that participants
know that a change is going to occur, it is not uncommon for participants to require a rather
substantial amount of time to locate it (Rensink et al., 1997).

Try the demonstration below on the flicker paradigm.
Video
Experiments that use the flicker task are known as intentional change detection studies and are
common tools used to study selective attention. In tasks such as these, participants are aware that a
change will occur and are actively using selective attention to find it. The flicker task is now used
quite often to measure change detection. We have learned several interesting things about selective
attention as a result. For instance, on tasks like this, people are far quicker at identifying changes to
animate stimuli compared to inanimate stimuli (New et al., 2007). Similarly, objects that don't belong
in a scene, like a fire hydrant in the living room, are noticed quickly (Hollingworth & Henderson,
2000). This suggests that some degree of processing is occurring that prioritizes how attention is used
in these tasks.
If you to go to Google and type in “continuity errors in movies,” you will get several examples of times
filmmakers missed important details in their editing. It is not uncommon for costumes to change
between takes (several times in Star Wars), for crew members dressed in jeans to be seen in the
background (Pirates of the Caribbean), or for key details of the set to change while we are focused on
the principal actors. The good news is that you most likely missed these mistakes too. There are
scenes in the Wizard of Oz when Dorothy is not wearing her ruby slippers; in the famous “burning of
Atlanta” scene in Gone with the Wind, you can see the cables for the cameras along the ground; and in
the Shrek movies, Shrek’s door will sometimes open out and other times open in. Check a few of the
sites and see what you can find. Interestingly, once these are pointed out, they become quite difficult
to ignore, although you may miss key details of the movie if you spend too much time looking for
continuity errors.
Apollo Robbins is a professional entertainer and pickpocket and an amateur psychologist. He once
embarrassed the secret service guarding President Carter by picking their pockets while on duty.
Magic is an art form passed down through generations that relies on, and exploits the natural
tendencies of, our attentional system. In the video below, he gives a particularly clever explanation of
how change blindness operates.
Video
Psychologists work with magicians such as Robbins to make discoveries about attention. Stage
magic represents centuries old understanding about human attention that has been passed down
through generations of magicians and showmen. Psychologists are now empirically studying these
cognitive stage magic and the magicians. Just as we can learn about the perceptual system by
understanding how perceptual illusions work; we can learn about attention and cognition more
broadly, by investigating how the brain understands magic (Kuhn, et al, 2008; Macknik, et al., 2008).

6.2.5 Subliminal and Subconscious Messages
How susceptible are we to information that is processed, but not deeply enough to reach conscious
awareness? A subliminal stimulus is a sensory stimulus that is processed but does not reach the
threshold for conscious perception. We do know that the brain will process information even if we
are unaware that we experienced it; more important is the question of how much these stimuli
influence our behavior.
Among the first important distinctions we need to make before proceeding is the difference between
subconscious processing and subliminal processing. Subconscious processing is information we
are aware of, but not necessarily aware that it is influencing our behavior. North et al. (1999) found
that if French music played in a liquor store, people were more likely to purchase French wine than
German wine; however, if the music in the store was recognizably German, patrons purchased
German wine more often. In this case, participants were aware that they were listening to music, but
not necessarily aware that it was influencing their behavior.
Subliminal processing, by contrast, is information we cannot consciously detect, even if we were

looking for it. These types of messages include subvisual messages , or messages that are
presented too quickly for the visual system to perceive. Similarly, subaudible messages are played
at a low volume, typically with a louder message played over it.
Dozens of studies have been conducted on the effects of subliminal messages. The general results
are that these messages have minimal to no effect on behavior. In a study by Rosen and Singh (1992),
participants looked at several different types of black-and-white printed advertisements for liquor
and cologne. In some images, experimenters had embedded images of naked women and phallic
symbols, in others the word sex was hidden, and a third group of images had skulls and the word
death. There were also a battery of control images that contained no such messages. If the effects of
subliminal messaging had an influence, we should expect images with sex or sexualized images to be
preferred over the controls, while messages of death should reduce people’s opinion of the particular
product. No such effect was observed.
Smith and Rogers (1994) inserted the words choose this embedded within some commercials, while
some remained unaltered. When messages were “undetected” by participants, there were no
differences in the likelihood to respond to the product. Interestingly, one of the only effects of
embedding the messages was that participants were less likely to remember the commercial at all.
Similar results have been obtained using subaudible messages. Merikle and Skanes (1992) ran a
study to examine the effects of subliminal messages on behavior. In this study participants were
assigned to one of three groups. One group listened to tapes that contained subaudible messages to
encourage them to lose weight, while a second group listened to tapes that sounded identical but
contained no message at all. A third group was not given a tape. All three groups lost weight, and
there was no difference between the control and the groups that listened to the tapes. While this
study offers a fantastic example of the placebo effect, results do not support the hypothesis that
subliminal messages influence behavior.
It is important to note that even though subliminal messages cannot be consciously perceived, the
images still activate photons in the eye and the auditory messages bend the hair cells in the ear; the
messages are just not considered salient enough to receive extra attention or processing.
6.2.6 Attention Disorders

Attention and the content of consciousness are obviously closely linked. It should not surprise you to
know that when the regions of the brain that facilitate attention are damaged or work differently from
normal, the experience of consciousness is also affected. Deficits in attention influence our ability to
perceive and respond to information and, in fact, influence perceptions of reality itself.
6.2.6.1 Visual Neglect
One particularly interesting disorder results from lesions on the right (inferior) parietal lobe of the
cortex. Patients with damage to this region lose awareness of visual stimuli on the left (Mattingley,
1999). It is not unusual for individuals affected with this so-called visual or unilateral neglect to only
shave or apply makeup to half of their face, eat food from half their plate, and if asked to copy an
image, only draw the right side (Figure 6.9). Even more remarkably, most patients are unaware there
is anything wrong.
Figure 6.9 Replication of Images Drawn by Patients with Visual Neglect
You may recall that late processing of the dorsal visual system travels to the inferior parietal lobe,
which helps identify the location of visual stimuli. Not surprisingly, individuals who have visual
neglect are still able to report some details of color and form of the visually neglected stimuli (Driver
& Mattingley, 1998). The intact “what” visual system is still evaluating several components of the
entire visual message, despite the fact that participants are unaware of them.
Other studies have indicated that although information is not brought to conscious awareness, visual
stimuli in the neglected region can still have an impact on behavior. Marshall and Halligan (1988)
showed participants two nearly identical images of the same house, except that in one image, the left
side of the house was on fire (Figure 6.10). After everything you have read thus far, it shouldn’t
surprise you to learn that when the patient was asked which house she wanted to live in, she
consistently chose the image that was not on fire, although she could not articulate the reason.
Figure 6.10 Images of Two Houses, One of Which Is Burning.
Patients with visual neglect will choose to live in the first house,
although they cannot explain why.
6.2.6.2 Attention Deficit Hyperactivity Disorder (ADHD)
ADHD is one of the most commonly diagnosed psychological problems in childhood in the United
States (August et al., 1996). Although symptoms often become less severe as the child grows up, early
influences of the disorder can be particularly disruptive to normal development.
Behaviors associated with ADHD include nine individual measures of attention and nine different
behaviors associated with hyperactivity. To qualify for diagnosis, individuals need to have six or more
in both categories. These symptoms include behaviors like impulsivity, poor planning, hyperactivity,
and an inability to sustain attention on a single task; broadly, the disorder is characterized by
difficulties that interfere with task-oriented behaviors. It is important to note that many children
exhibit an inability to sit still for prolonged periods of time and many children are sometimes
inattentive, which does not mean they have an attention disorder. It is particularly important to
remember that these behaviors must occur to such a degree that they impair the child’s ability to
function normally.
Difficulties are most often first noticed in the classroom. Symptoms associated with ADHD are often
incompatible with the demands of quietly sitting, listening to the teacher, and working on a project
for a prolonged period of time. Many children with ADHD show deficits on neuropsychological testing
that relate to poor academic performance (Biederman et al., 2004). It is also not uncommon for
children with ADHD to exhibit problems with social functioning. Because of both impulsivity and
hyperactivity, parents often complain that their children have difficulty following rules or sets of
instructions. These types of behaviors can also lead to difficulty interacting with their peers (Hoza et
al., 2005).
Although causes for the disorder are still unclear, research seems to suggest that genetics influence
the expression of symptoms. In many ways, the symptoms associated with ADHD are similar to those
produced by damage to the prefrontal cortex (Aron et al., 2004). The organization of the brain in this
way seems to be highly influenced by genetic factors; estimated heritability of ADHD ranges from 75–
91% (Thapar et al., 2005).
There is encouraging news: When properly diagnosed and treated, ADHD can be manageable.
Medications like Ritalin and Adderall seem to improve concentration and often reduce hyperactivity.
It is worth pointing out that these drugs are not “cures” for ADHD, but rather that they help
individuals manage the symptoms; individuals who do not have ADHD also report increased ability
to focus and concentrate while using these drugs. It is for this reason that Adderall is among the more
commonly abused drugs on college campuses today (Judson & Langdon, 2009). While taking
Adderall can help students who are trying to study and competing for grades because of the ability to
focus for extended periods of time, you should never take prescription medications that are not
prescribed to you by a doctor.
There are also directed training programs that help children address some of the problems
behaviorally. Cognitive-Behavioral therapies can help individuals learn strategies to manage
symptoms (Braswell & Bloomquest, 1991). These therapies are designed to train parents and
teachers to reward desired behavior and ignore undesirable actions. Through this intervention,
children are rewarded for completing behaviors like following complicated directions, keeping
organized calendars, and completing assigned tasks, while their distracting or disruptive behavior is
not rewarded with attention from a parent or caregiver (Braswell & Bloomquist, 1991).
In the video below, Jessica McCabe outlines what life is like with ADHD. Broadly, she explains that
individuals with ADHD have difficulty regulating their attention and problems with a system known as
executive functioning. In this video, she also discusses the experience of living with the symptoms of
AHDH. For those looking for more information, Jessica has started a Youtube channel called How to
ADHD.
Video
6.3 Sleep
Sleep should be thought of as an altered state of consciousness. Although we do not appear to be
doing much, the brain is actually quite active. Next to perhaps our sense of balance, few sensations
are as immediate to our functioning as the need to sleep. All of us have experienced times when we
wanted to be alert and awake, but we cannot resist the need to nod off—perhaps this has happened
to you during a lecture when the lights are turned low. Sleep has been of interest to psychologists
since the inception of psychology. Sigmund Freud and Carl Jung were both interested in dreams, and
they believed that symbols and metaphors were useful in providing clues to the state of the
unconscious mind.
If you consider sleep a behavior, a question arises: Why do we spend nearly a third of our lives asleep
when it seems to provide so few benefits and so great a cost? Time spent asleep could easily be
spent finding mates, finding food, solving problems, working, or playing. Why would a behavior that
leaves you unconscious, inactive, and vulnerable have evolved?
What we know for certain is that sleep is critically important. All mammals and birds exhibit this
behavior (Durie, 1981). Sleep has even been observed in marine mammals like dolphins. These
animals have evolved the capacity to sleep with half of their brain at a time, presumably to prevent
drowning (Oleksenko et al., 1992). Marine mammals are not the only animals to exhibit these
behaviors. Some species of birds have also been known to sleep with one eye open to continue to
feed information to the alert half of the brain while migrating across the ocean (Rattenborg et al.,
2016).
Sleep itself provides an interesting puzzle for empirical study. We know that it is critical for not just
health but life. There is a disorder known as fatal familial insomnia , a rare hereditary disease
affecting the thalamus, which causes individuals to die from lack of sleep. Early on in the disease,
those affected become unable to fall asleep; as it progresses, this insomnia is accompanied by
weight loss and an inability to maintain homeostasis. Death usually occurs within 12–18 months after
symptoms start (Lugaresi & Montagna, 2003).
Until relatively recently, the only access that we had to the content of this state of consciousness was
to rely on subjective reports of people after they had woken. Now, if we want to watch your brain as
you sleep, it will most probably be in a sleep lab. These labs typically consist of several bedroom labs
designed to take a large number of recordings during sleep. Electroencephalograms (EEGs)
measure activity across the surface of the brain, electrooculograms are used to measure the
movements of your eyes as you sleep, and electromyograms are used to measure the tension in
the muscles of the jaw. It is also probable that your blood oxygenation and pulse will also be
monitored. Through these observations, we now know that the brain is highly active when we sleep.
Some researchers have also had success using neuroimaging, such as fMRI, on the sleeping brain
(Dang-Vu et al., 2010).
6.3.1 Stages of Sleep

Through the use of neuroimaging techniques, we have learned that there are several distinct and
predictable changes in the brain throughout the course of the night. We broadly identify them based
on the pattern of neural activity that occurs during each stage. Among the information we are
interested in is the progression through a particular pattern of brainwaves (Figure 6.11).
Figure 6.11 An EEG Recording of the Stages of Sleep
There are three features of interest in Figure 6.11. The first is the frequency of the waves, measured in
hertz (Hz); you can also think of this as the number of up-and-down cycles of the wave per second. A
second difference you will notice in Figure 6.11 is that the heights, or amplitudes, of the waves differ
between stages of sleep. Finally, you will note that there are differences in the pattern of activity. We
also talk about the regularity of the wave, our measure of how consistent or erratic the waves appear.
For instance, we can describe slow-wave sleep as consisting of regular, high-amplitude waves that
occur at a rate of less than 3.5 Hz.
While you are awake, there are two distinct, observable patterns to your brain activity. The first brain
wave pattern occurs when you are alert and engaged in events occurring around you. These
beta waves are irregular, mostly low amplitude, waves that occur with a frequency of 13–30 Hz. The
waves during beta are desynchronized and erratic. This desynchrony reflects the fact that many
different neural circuits in the brain are actively processing information. Were you to try and calculate
the square root of 1,827,904 in your head, it is most likely that an EEG would record beta activity (it’s
1,352, by the way).
The second pattern that we observe while you are awake is alpha activity. This brain pattern is
observed when an individual is awake but relaxed. The waves themselves look far more regular and
predictable and occur at 8–12 Hz. These regular, medium-frequency waves occur when a person is
quietly resting and not thinking about anything too difficult or taxing.
As you begin to transition from a relaxed state to the early stages of sleep, your brain activity reflects
this and transitions from alpha waves to theta waves (3.5–7.5 Hz). While in stage 1 sleep you
begin to move from a state of relaxation to early sleep, and the firing rate across the cortex becomes
more synchronized. Stage 1 is a very light stage of sleep; if startled or awoken, most people report
that they were not even sleeping.
The transition from stage 1 into stage 2 is best identified by the appearance of sleep spindles and K-
complexes. Although there is some theta activity, the waves are generally irregular. Sleep spindles
are brief bursts of activity (12–14 Hz) that occur roughly two to five times per minute during the non-
REM stages of sleep. It is currently thought that they play a role in memory consolidation (Schabus et
al., 2004), and increased sleep spindles are also closely correlated with higher scores on standard IQ
tests (Fogel & Smith, 2011). K-complexes are easily identified on the EEG as bursts of activity; they
only occur during stage 2 sleep around once a minute. They can also be triggered by unexpected
noises. The wave itself is a large period of coordinated excitation followed by neural inhibition.
During this stage, you would be soundly asleep; however, if woken, you would not necessarily have
any sense that you had been asleep at all. These waves seem to be preparing the brain to enter
delta wave activity.
About 15–20 minutes after the onset of stage 2 sleep, we transition into slow-wave sleep (SWS) .
During this stage, the firing across the cortex becomes coordinated and we transition to delta activity.
Delta is easily recognizable, consisting of slow (less than 4 Hz), regular, high-amplitude waves. Each
oscillation is a biphasic wave reflecting one period of neural inhibition and one period of excitation.
Slow-wave sleep is typically referred to as the deepest stage of sleep. Only a strong stimulus will wake
you, and you will feel groggy and confused upon waking. Collectively stages 1, 2, and slow-wave
sleep (SWS) are referred to as non-Rem sleep.
About 45 minutes after the beginning of slow-wave sleep, the brainwaves change dramatically. (refer
to figure 6.11) As we transition from slow-wave sleep into REM, or rapid eye movement sleep,
several differences appear on the physiological measures we are collecting. Desynchronized beta
waves will start to appear on the EEG, and your eyes will start to move side to side beneath your
closed eyelids. The brain becomes highly active; in fact, the EEG looks more similar to when you are
awake and alert than the slow, predictable waves from a few minutes earlier (Aserinsky & Kleitman,
1955). With the exception of the occasional twitch, your body will be quite still. Studies suggest that
we generally become paralyzed during REM sleep, a phenomenon known as REM sleep
antonia. Although you are soundly asleep during REM, it is much easier to wake up than it is during
slow-wave sleep. You readily and easily wake after hearing something meaningful like your name,
and upon waking, you feel alert and attentive.
REM is also when we have those vivid, narrative-based dreams. Although some emotions, images, or
thoughts appear during slow-wave sleep, the story-like plots that we recall to our psychoanalyst
occur during REM. During this stage, blood flow in the brain is generally reduced, but the visual
association cortex and the prefrontal cortex receive a large proportion of oxygenated blood. It is
thought that this is the basis for the vivid visual images and hallucinations we experience while we
sleep.
Roffwarg and colleagues (1962) recorded eye movements as participants slept and later asked them
to describe what had been happening in their dreams. Eye movements were similar to what would
be happening if participants were actually watching the dream. What is more, when dreaming, you
use the same brain regions of your brain that are used when you are awake. Were you to dream
about being chased by dinosaurs, regions of the parietal lobe associated with your arms and legs
would be as active as if you were actually running. It is hypothesized that this is the reason that
signals from the brain to the body are dampened—this inhibition keeps us from acting out our
dreams.
Following REM, the brain returns to stage 1 sleep and the cycle repeats. You will note from the
hypnogram in Figure 6.12 that it is typical as the night goes on to spend less time in slow-wave
sleep and more time in REM. Knowing that the different stages of sleep have a practical purpose is
helpful when you are considering how long of a nap to take. A brief nap of 20 minutes will allow you
to descend into stage 2 sleep, and you should wake feeling refreshed. If your nap is much longer than
that, you will enter slow-wave sleep, which is the reason we often wake from an afternoon nap
feeling groggier than before we fell asleep.
Figure 6.12 This hypnogram shows how much time we spend in each stage of sleep throughout the night. Note
that as the night progresses, we spend more time in REM sleep.
To review the stages of sleep, review the interactive slides below:
iFrame
device to view iframe content.
Access Interactive Timeline 6.1 in a new browser tab.

6.3.2 Functions of Sleep

All of the descriptions of sleep offered so far have been structural. That is, we have told you what is
happening at each stage of sleep, but we have not done a particularly good job of telling you why you
sleep. We know that there are several mysteries to sleep. All warm-blooded animals exhibit REM
sleep, including behaviors like muscular paralysis, rapid eye movements, and characteristic
brainwaves. This suggests there is a rather important function to sleep.
We also know that people generally do not feel good after a night of sleep deprivation. In fact, among
the ways to study the functions of sleep is to keep a participant awake for several days and note the
effects on health and cognition. Prolonged periods without sleep can lead to irritability, confusion,
slurred speech, and in some cases even hallucinations. In fact, there are very few behaviors that are
not influenced by prolonged sleep deprivation (Coren, 1996; Lim & Dinges, 2010). Fortunately, these
effects subside quickly after one night of sleep.
At some point in time, you have likely stayed up all night studying for an exam. If you haven’t yet . . .
don’t. Research suggests that taking an exam while sleep deprived is not the best strategy for good
grades. Not only do your body and brain suffer, but you may also be depriving yourself of the
opportunity to remember the material you learned. One of the benefits of the different stages of
sleep seems to be the consolidation of different kinds of memories (Rechtschaffen, 1998).
An early hypothesis about the nature of sleep suggested its role was to rest the body from physical
exertion. Results for this hypothesis are mixed. People do tax both the body and brain through
activities that we engage in while awake. It is not unreasonable to assume that some restorative
behaviors occur during sleep (Rechtschaffen, 1998). There are several different methodologies for
evaluating this hypothesis. One common method is to ask participants to do physically demanding
activities during waking hours. In these studies, interestingly, no distinct differences in sleeping
patterns are observed (Horne, 1988). Similarly, researchers have asked people to stay in bed for six
weeks, which reduces the amount of activity they engage in. If sleep serves as a period of rest for the
body, we should see changes in sleep, but that is not what is observed. That being said, there are
some measurable effects on the body. Some evidence also exists that while the body receives few
restorative benefits from sleep, the brain may indeed be at rest, at least during some stages of sleep.
If the function of sleep is not primarily to rest the body, then perhaps the purpose of sleep is really to
rest the brain. After a period of sleep deprivation, cognitive abilities are quite impaired, especially for
tasks that require sustained attention (Harrison & Horne, 1998; Horne, 1978; Lim & Dinges, 2010). This
suggests that sleep is important for normal cognitive functioning. However, since we also know that
the activity of the brain changes across the stages of sleep, it is likely that the different stages have
different functions.
6.3.2.1 Functions of Slow-Wave Sleep
One way to study sleep is to keep people awake and measure the effects of deprivation on
functioning. The results of studies like these suggest that slow-wave sleep is more important for
restoring the brain than the rest of the body. Researchers like Horne (1978) have evaluated the effects
of sleep deprivation on participants’ functioning. Interestingly, after one night without sleep, most
participants demonstrate few physical effects. There is little evidence that one night of sleep
deprivation impedes performance on physical tasks, as the sleep-deprived participants perform
similarly to the well-rested participants. However, there are noticeable differences in cognitive
function between the groups. People deprived of sleep can be irritable, disoriented, and have more
difficulty completing cognitive tasks. After a few days of deprivation, it is not uncommon for people to
report symptoms that include mild hallucinations (Drake et al., 2004).
During slow-wave sleep, the metabolic rate and blood flow to the cortex decline substantially relative
to wakefulness (Buchsbaum et al., 1989). We have also observed that regions that have the highest
activity during waking hours also show the greatest reduction in metabolic activity and the most
delta activity during slow-wave sleep, suggesting that this part of the brain is resting.
6.3.2.2 Functions of REM
Our understanding of what the brain is accomplishing during REM is quite different than what we
think is going on during slow-wave sleep. If we examine only the physiological responses of REM, it is
obvious that this stage of sleep is distinct from slow-wave sleep. The eyes move rapidly from side to
side, your heart rate will suddenly quicken or slow, breathing becomes less regular, and brain activity
changes across the surface of the cortex. We should also expect that REM has different functions from
slow-wave sleep. While researchers continue to work on this problem, there are several lines of data
that we can use to develop hypotheses about the purpose of REM sleep (Siegel, 2005).
To study the specific effects of REM sleep, researchers will wake people up just as their brain
transitions from slow-wave sleep to REM. As the brain is deprived of REM for several days, the brain
tries to enter REM more quickly and spends proportionally more time in REM. This rebound
phenomenon suggests there is a need for a certain amount of REM. Researchers have also noted that
there is an increase in the percentage of time spent in REM during periods of intense brain
development (Siegel, 2005). Infants of species that need more time to mature, like humans, spend
proportionally more time in REM than animals that mature more quickly (Horne, 1988).
Additional data about the importance of REM sleep can be obtained by its broad representations in
the animal kingdom. All terrestrial mammals exhibit some form of REM sleep (Siegle, 2001), and
similar states have also been observed in birds (Beckers & Rattenborg, 2015; Lesku & Rattenborg,
2014; Lesku et al., 2011) and even some reptiles (Shein-Idelson et al., 2016). The observance of this
behavior across the animal kingdom suggests that it serves an important biological purpose (Peever
& Fuller, 2017).
Demonstrating that there is a need for this kind of sleep still does not tell us much about its function.
There are also compelling data to support the hypothesis that sleep is particularly important in
consolidating long-term memories (Marshall, 2007). We can selectively deprive people of both slow-
wave sleep and REM by keeping them awake or awakening someone after slow-wave sleep but
before they enter REM. This technique allows us to evaluate the effects of different stages of sleep.
During one study, participants learned an implicit visual discrimination task early in the morning and
performance on the task was evaluated at night. During the day, some participants were allowed to
take a 90-minute nap. While sleeping, participants’ EEG activity was monitored; although all
participants engaged in slow-wave sleep, only some made it to REM. The results were rather
interesting. The people who did not sleep during the day did worse on the task that evening. The
performance of people who only entered slow-wave sleep remained about the same as earlier in the
day, but the group that achieved REM actually improved on the task (Mednick et al., 2003). Other
studies replicate these results. It would appear that among the benefits of REM is the brain’s ability to
consolidate information. There are also data to support the theory that slow-wave sleep is important
for explicit memories.
6.3.3 Dreams
Figure 6.13 Meaning, content, and manifestation of dreams have long been interesting to psychologists. [14]
So what is happening while we dream? This experience has been of interest to humans far before
psychology became a science. Among the first scientists to really investigate dreaming was Sigmund
Freud. Although you will read about his theories in detail in other chapters, he deserves a brief
mention here. Freud believed that our experience of consciousness was only a limited part of our
internal world. He felt that a greater contribution to our behavior can be attributed to unconscious
processes. By and large, unconscious content is notoriously tricky to study. First, we are unaware of
the content of the unconscious, but Freud argued that these unconscious impulses play a direct role
in our behavior. While we are asleep, a trained psychoanalyst can help the patient gain access to the
content of unconscious thoughts through our dreams. Freud developed techniques for identifying
the messages we receive in our dreams and identified common patterns, such as dreams that deal
with unfulfilled wishes, anxiety, or childhood traumas. Until the day of his death, Freud felt that The
Interpretation of Dreams was his most important work (Segal, 1993). This was later refined by one of
his students and colleagues, Carl Jung.
Unfortunately, there are a number of problems with examining dreams through self-report. For one,
individuals do not always remember their dreams, and when they do, they cannot always accurately
describe them. Moreover, there is limited evidence that the symbols from dreams, as Freud and Jung
understood them, actually translate into conflicts between conscious and unconscious processes.
It is worth noting that although most of our narrative-based dreams seem to occur during REM, we
also experience dreams during non-REM sleep. For instance, nightmares often occur during slow-
wave sleep, and were you to wake a person during this slow-wave sleep, they are often able to report
that they were dreaming, but the memories are more fleeting. The vivid narrative-based dreams that
participants often report tend to occur during REM (Dement, 1972). Researchers currently take a more
empirical approach to studying dreams. It is not uncommon to study dreams while participants are in
the sleep lab. This has the benefit of creating a controlled environment to study sleep. Researchers
will wake participants at various stages of the sleep cycle and ask them what they were experiencing.
Although the science of dreams is still in many ways a mystery, we do have a better understanding of
the content of dreams. Current work on dreams generally takes one of two perspectives. The first,
known as the activation-synthesis hypothesis , suggests the experience of dreaming really has no
explicit or reliable meaning; rather, it is a consequence of the other processes that occur across the
cortex during sleep (Fosse et al., 2004; Hobson & McCarley, 1977; Hobson et al., 2000). This model
does account for the seemingly disorganized and bizarre occurrence of events we experience when
we sleep—it doesn’t mean anything, and it is just the result of the brain as it sleeps. The processes of
the higher brain try and interpret this disorganized lower brain activity and attribute meaning to it.
The second perspective suggests that dreams do seem to have some meaning and perhaps have an
evolutionary purpose. One model suggests that the content of dreams have biological significance.
In this evolutionary hypothesis of dreams , Revonsuo (2000) argues that we often dream about
things that are directly related to survival and that they can lead to enhanced performance when
encountering threatening events. For instance, some dreams have threatening themes and would be
frightening in real life. It is not uncommon for people to report that they are being chased by a
predator. Revonsu also cites data suggesting that the emotional content of dreams often matches
emotional problems of the dreamer. Even more compelling evidence suggests that depressed
dreamers who have dreams about their problems seem to be better adjusted than those who do not.
6.3.4 Disorders of Sleep

Sleep seems to be essential for normal functioning, so it should not surprise you to learn that sleep
disorders can significantly affect an individual’s quality of life. There are two broad categories of sleep
disorders. The first, known as dyssomnias, refer to problems with the quality of sleep. Parasomnias,
by contrast, are disturbances that occur during sleep.
6.3.4.1 Dyssomnias
Insomnia is among the most commonly diagnosed sleep disorders. It is defined as the inability to
fall asleep or the inability to remain asleep. Subjectively, people report the sensation that they
cannot “turn their brain off” and rest. Although most people report some brief periods of
sleeplessness, individuals who receive a diagnosis of insomnia experience symptoms for months.
Approximately 25–30% of the population has struggled with the disorder occasionally, while as much
as 9% of the population struggle with it regularly (Ancoli-Israell & Roth, 1999).
Insomnia can be broken down into several subtypes (Stepanski, 2006). Often, the experience of stress
in the environment can lead to periods of sleeplessness; in this case, therapies that can help the
patient reduce stress will also reduce their difficulty sleeping. Less frequently, insomnia may be a
symptom of a serious underlying medical condition. Abuse of certain substances or other underlying
mental disorders can lead to periods of secondary insomnia. To those who are unable to sleep, this
distinction may seem unimportant, but understanding the root cause of the problem can help
psychologists find appropriate treatments.
The causes of insomnia frequently result from something in the environment, which fortunately
means that it can often be adjusted by making changes to daily habits. Insomnia can easily be
caused by drinking caffeine later in the day, napping excessively during waking hours, and looking at
bright screens before bed. Often, patients experiencing insomnia can benefit from adjustments to
how they approach sleep, and no pharmaceutical intervention is needed. Sleep hygiene refers to
habits and behaviors that are conducive to sleeping well; psychologists often recommend that
individuals create routines that are conducive to sleep. Some improvements to sleep hygiene can be
made by limiting stimulant intake after noon, removing screens from the bedroom, and relaxing or
meditating before bed (Hauri, 1991).
It is also possible to learn insomnia. Conditioned insomnia is among the most commonly
diagnosed forms of primary insomnia. In these cases, going to bed becomes associated with the
inability to fall asleep, so cues that would traditionally be used to help a person relax, like getting into
bed, instead create feelings of tension and worry about falling asleep. Thus, the anxiety about
insomnia becomes a self-fulfilling prophecy, making sleep impossible (Hauri & Fisher, 1986).
Although most insomnia can be traced to environmental causes, idiopathic insomnia , also known
as child onset insomnia, results from a neurophysiological abnormality in the central nervous system.
As its name suggests, this form of insomnia begins in childhood and is experienced through
adulthood. Currently we do not understand the underlying causes, but we do know that this form of
insomnia is much more resistant to treatment. It is also worth mentioning that diagnosis of
childhood sleep problems is a tricky business. Sleep needs change across development. It is
perfectly normal for a child of 3 months old to awaken several times during the course of the night,
but it is less typical of a 7-year-old child (Ferber, 1996).
In contrast with insomnia, hypersomnia is characterized by excessive sleepiness. Hypersomnia is a
characteristic symptom of several differing disorders; like with insomnia, understanding the cause
will help psychologists determine which treatment will be most effective. One of the most common
causes of hypersomnia is poor sleep quality during the night. Sleep apnea is a condition where the
intake of oxygen is reduced as the person sleeps—usually for only short periods of time, but on
occasion for as long as a minute. In some cases, breathing may become quite shallow; in more
severe cases, the individual stops breathing entirely. The brain sends signals to the body as blood
oxygen decreases and the sleeper wakes. This occurs throughout the night.
In many cases, people do not realize that this is occurring, and formal diagnosis can only be made
after observations in a sleep lab. Although, detection and treatment of sleep apnea is important as
several lines of evidence suggest that untreated apnea is an independent risk factor for dementia
(Baril, et al., 2018), diabetes, hypertension, and stroke (Veasey, 2009).
Fortunately, there are several treatment options available, although surgery is sometimes required,
patients often report relief after using a pressurized air mask called a CPAP (Figure 6.14; Adult
Obstructive Sleep Apnea Task Force of the American Academy of Sleep Medicine, 2009). As the
patient sleeps throughout the night, the machine pushes pressurized air through the airway.
Although most people report that the mask can be uncomfortable, they also report feeling better
rested during the day. More recently, a smaller and less invasive device has been developed that
delivers pressurized air through the nose; patients often find this instrument less obtrusive.
Figure 6.14 CPAP machines are used to help people suffering from
sleep apnea. Pressurized air is forced through the mouth and nose
as the individual sleeps. [15]
Narcolepsy is a rare genetic neurodegenerative disorder characterized by several symptoms, most

notably a sudden and extreme need to sleep. These sleep attacks are uncontrollable and can last
anywhere from a few seconds to a few minutes. Upon waking, most people report they feel alert and
refreshed. In its most extreme form, the individual enters a kind of REM sleep, losing all muscle tone
while unconscious. A second symptom of narcolepsy is known as cataplexy . During a cataplectic
attack, scientists think that the paralysis typically experienced during REM sleep initiates at
inappropriate times. The result is that individuals experience extreme sensations of muscle weakness
or, in some circumstances, complete paralysis. Interestingly, cataplexy is often initiated by
emotionally engaging events, like arguments, laughter, and even sex.
In addition to these symptoms, it is possible for patients to experience paralysis accompanied by

vivid sensory hallucinations that occur upon the onset of sleep (hypnagogic hallucinations ) or just
before waking (hypnopompic hallucinations ). These hallucinations can be terrifying. Patients
report that they cannot move or cry out, but feel the sensation of their heart beating quickly in their
chest as sinister forces close in around them. Interestingly, these experiences can and often do occur
in individuals who do not have narcolepsy, and most people will experience at least one episode
during their lives. Some researchers even argue that these hallucinations are the origins of folklore
such as the succubus (Mack, 1994) and cases of alien abductions (McNally & Clancy, 2005). The video
below simulates what researchers believe the experience of sleep paralysis is like. Some people may
be troubled by some of the images or descriptions in this video.
Warning: This video contains flashing and/or flickering images.

Video
6.3.4.2 Parasomnias
As mentioned earlier, parasomnias refer to problems that occur during sleep. Sometimes this occurs
when the brain is unable to effectively paralyze the body during sleep. Patients with
REM sleep behavior disorder , a neurodegenerative disorder, act out the contents of their dreams.
In many ways, the symptoms of REM sleep behavior disorder are the opposite of cataplexy. Rather
than exhibiting paralysis outside of REM, these individuals move in response to the content of one’s
dreams during REM. Treatment often includes the use of minor tranquilizers or anxiolytics, such as
Clonazepam (a benzodiazepine) , which seem to help manage the symptoms considerably (Aurora, et
al., 2010). At times, melatonin can be also used to reduce or eliminate the disturbance (Boeve et al.,
2003) .
Several disorders also occur during the deepest stages of sleep, slow-wave sleep. These behaviors
occur most frequently in childhood and include bedwetting, sleepwalking, and night terrors.
Bedwetting, also referred to as nocturnal enuresis, can often be treated by the use of a small alarm
that sounds at the first signs of moisture on the sheets. The point of this is to teach the child to
associate the sensation of a full bladder with waking. Night terrors , which should not be confused
with nightmares, are often more terrifying for the parents than the child. These experiences consist of
frantic, panicked screaming but often little or no memory of what caused the episode. During
sleepwalking, or somnambulism , people are not acting out a dream, but rather while deeply
asleep they are able to conduct behaviors as if they were awake. Sleepwalking can be particularly
dangerous, as people are not necessarily aware that they are putting themselves at risk. There have
been reported cases of people driving while sleepwalking as well as cases where people get locked
outside in the dead of winter. Fortunately, most slow-wave sleep disorders seem to sort themselves
out as children age.

6.3.5 Biological Clocks

Perhaps few things influence our state of consciousness more profoundly than our
biological clocks . Sleep and wakefulness vary throughout the day, but so do other physiological
activities, like body temperature, blood pressure, hormonal secretions, and pain tolerance. We are a
diurnal species that evolved under predictable conditions of light and dark. It makes sense that these
cues would influence a number of deep-rooted, biological functions. We do have other internal
clocks. The female menstrual cycle is an average of 28 days long, and our need for food, sleep, and
activity all change based on the season of the year.
Our daily clocks are referred to as circadian rhythms ; circa means “about” and dies means “day,”
and these cycles are indeed a little longer than 24 hours in duration. If you were to be locked away in
a room with only artificial light and no access to daily time cues, a strange thing would begin to
occur. You would start waking up a little bit later every day and go to bed a little bit later each night.
Our “free running” cycle is actually closer to 25 hours than 24, but the clock is reset every morning by
cues associated with morning activity. These time cues are called zeitgebers (time givers), and they
are reliable stimuli in the environment that provide information about the time of day. Among the
most deep rooted is the presence or absence of light (Lavie, 2001; Roelfsmea, 1987).
We have talked a lot about the effects of sleep deprivation; one good piece of news is that besides
getting some rest, the best antidote for a night of poor sleep is just a good dose of sunlight first thing
in the morning. Exposure to light resets your clock and initiates cues in the brain associated with
wakefulness (Roelfsmea, 1987). One place scientists have looked at the effects of light on the
circadian rhythms is in the northern polar regions. In places like the Arctic, people live under
conditions of prolonged darkness in the winter months and continuous daylight in the summer. In
these conditions, sleep and mood disturbances occur more frequently, with people wanting to sleep
for long periods of time in the winter and often experiencing insomnia, or an inability to fall asleep, in
the summer months (Winfree, 1982).
You can feel disruptions in sleep yourself. One of the more unpleasant aspects of an exotic vacation is
jet lag . This occurs when you travel someplace far away and your internal clock does not match
the external cues you receive from your new environment. We can also see this same effect with shift
work. Nurses in most hospital units switch shifts on a regular schedule (perhaps every six weeks).
Nurses in this situation would work from 11 p.m. to 7 a.m. for over a month and then abruptly switch
to working from 7 a.m. to 3 p.m. Needless to say, this is usually a difficult transition for them and
probably has real consequences for the decisions they make on a day-to-day basis. Research on shift
work suggests that when people are forced to abruptly alter their sleep-wake cycles, it results in sleep
and mood disturbances and interferes with their ability to function during working hours (Drake et
al., 2004; Winfree, 1982).
We can even see this with a minimal shift. Twice a year, we shift our clocks for daylight savings time.
While the fall shift back results in most people getting an extra hour of sleep, the spring shift forward
results in most people losing an hour of sleep. Although the deprivation in the spring shift is relatively
minor, most people report feeling “off,” “tired,” or “out of sorts.” This change has real consequences
on our collective ability to focus attention and make decisions; these consequences can be
measured as many as five days after the shift. In the week following the spring shift, there is a
measurable increase in traffic accidents (Coren, 1996b) and accidental deaths that can be attributed
to sleep deprivation (Coren, 1996a).
People are often able to adjust to time changes after a few days, but adjusting to changing shifts at
work is more problematic. The most obvious solution is to ensure that your internal clock matches
the demands of the external world. To do this, psychologists recommend artificially stimulating and
repressing your clock. When the workday is starting at 9 p.m., there is a benefit to exposing the brain
to bright light at that time; similarly, when the day is “ending” at 8 a.m., it is important to minimize
exposure to light by making the bedroom as dark as possible (Eastman et al., 1995; Winfree, 1982).
It is also possible to chemically regulate the clock. Light signals from the eye split in the center of the
brain at the optic chiasm (Figure 6.15). Directly above the chiasm is the
suprachiasmatic nucleus (SCN) . This structure is the location of your body’s
“timekeeper”(Roelfsmea, 1987). The SCN sends signals to several regions of the brain, among them
the pineal gland. In response to the light/dark cycle, the pineal gland secretes melatonin. Melatonin
levels are highest right before bed and seem to signal to the brain that light is absent. People who
travel or who experience frequent shift changes may benefit from taking melatonin right before
bedtime as they adjust to the time change (Arendt et al., 1995).
Figure 6.15 The SCN is the location of the body’s timekeeper.
6.4 Altered States of Consciousness

So far, we have discussed states of consciousness that occur organically. There are several means
people use to artificially alter their states of consciousness. Psychoactive drugs are broadly defined
as substances that influence mood, thoughts, or behavior. Given that the language of the brain is
electrochemical, it makes sense that altering the chemical composition of the brain leads to altered
experiences. Drugs can have beneficial effects—for instance, in the treatment of psychological
disorders. But they can also lead to some detrimental problems.
Although we will discuss substance-use disorders in Chapter 14: Psychological Disorders, they are
worth briefly discussing here as well. Addiction typically involves an elements of drug tolerance ,
when a larger and larger dose is required to achieve the same physical and psychological effects. In
these cases, the brain has learned to adapt to the presence of the chemical. As such, consumption of
the drug is met with compensatory responses by the body. As tolerance develops, larger doses of the
drug are required to counteract this adjustment by the brain. Dependence is the physical or
psychological need for the drug to maintain normal functioning. Once dependency has been
achieved, the absence of the drug is met with physical withdrawal . With many drugs, the
withdrawal symptoms, such as headaches, shaking, vomiting, or changes in mood, can be horribly
unpleasant and can severely limit recovery from the addiction.
The experience of psychoactive drugs can be quite subjective; that is, two people can take the same
amount of the same drug and react quite differently. For example, a small amount of cannabis
ingested by Theo might create a mild feeling of sedation, while Sabine might feel quite paranoid and
uncomfortable. Psychoactive drugs are defined by their effects on the body. One method of
categorizing drugs is to sort them according to the effect they have on the nervous system. Although
this is not the only method, it provides a good demonstration of how each drug can differentially
alter our level of conscious awareness and perceptual experiences.
6.4.1 Depressants
Generally, depressants slow or depress the arousal of the central nervous system. One of the most
commonly used and abused drugs in the world, alcohol, is classified as a depressant. One reason
given for its frequent abuse is that it is readily available most of the time. In low doses, alcohol
creates sensations of relaxation or drowsiness, improved mood, and increased self-confidence. As
consumption increases, the effects include impaired judgment, slowed reaction times on physical
tasks, and uncoordinated motor movements. In large doses, individuals can experience alcohol
poisoning, when the effects of the depressant on the central nervous system cause extreme
disorientation and irregular heartbeat and breathing. It is possible, without medical attention, for
individuals to become comatose and die from alcohol poisoning.
Alcohol influences a number of neurotransmitters. Glutamate is one of the primary excitatory

neurotransmitters in the nervous system, and alcohol consumption inhibits the effectiveness of
glutamate, especially in the hippocampus—an area associated with learning and memory. It may be
for this reason that memories of a night of heavy drinking are often disorganized and sparse. Alcohol
also increases the effectiveness of GABA . You may remember from Chapter 3: Biology &
Neuroscience that GABA is one of the main neurotransmitters implicated in relaxed states. The
relaxing effects of alcohol are most easily attributed to its effects on these two neurotransmitters;
however, consumption of alcohol also increases the dopaminergic system. Dopamine is often
implicated in reward states in the brain; many drugs are reinforcing because of their effects on the
production of dopamine.
A second group of depressants are barbiturates and benzodiazepine . Both drugs have been
prescribed to treat a variety of psychological disorders such as anxiety, obsessive-compulsive
disorder (OCD), and epilepsy. They create a subjective sense of relaxation, most probably because
they also act on the amount of GABA in the brain. In large doses, concentration becomes quite
difficult and speech can become slurred. Barbiturates in particular can be quite addictive; with
continued use, the body’s metabolism slows and patients develop a tolerance for the drug. Thus, the
dosage must be increased to have the same effect; however, the lethal dose of barbiturates does not
change, which makes continued use dangerous and potentially fatal. Due to the dangers of
barbiturates, benzodiazepines (also known as anxiolytics) are more frequently prescribed; this class
of drug includes Xanax, Valium, and Clonazepam.
6.4.2 Stimulants
In general, stimulants are drugs that increase the activity of the nervous system. Common
stimulants include caffeine, nicotine, cocaine, and amphetamines. Caffeine is by far the most widely
used psychoactive drug in the world. In low doses, people report that consumption produces
increased energy, creativity, and the ability to focus on work (Griffiths & Mumford, 1995). Research
suggests that caffeine works by blocking the inhibitory neurotransmitter adenosine . Because
adenosine receptors are plentiful throughout the brain, it is difficult to understand exactly how
caffeine works. One suggestion is that by blocking adenosine, this drug may increase the amount of
excitatory neurotransmitters in the brain (Fredholm, 1995).
Nicotine, a highly addictive stimulant, is associated with almost half a million deaths in the United
States each year (Farley & Cohen, 2005). For perspective, Farley and Cohen state that if we cured all
other forms of cancer, eliminated the AIDS epidemic, and prevented all murders, suicides, and
car/plane crashes and deaths from alcohol, we would not save as many lives as cutting smoking rates
in half. However, despite the danger, the World Health Organization estimates that half of the people
who begin smoking before the age of 18 will continue to smoke throughout their lives and die from a
smoking-related disease.
Nicotine stimulates the release of acetylcholine and other neurotransmitters in the brain (Balfour,
1982). Acetylcholine is another prominent excitatory neurotransmitter. Interestingly, some data on
nonhuman models indicate that long-term use of nicotine actually reduces overall levels of
acetylcholine in the brain. It also increases the activity of dopaminergic neurons and causes the
release of dopamine. This is thought to account for the stimulating and pleasurable effects of the
drug. Ingesting nicotine may have other psychological effects. Nicotine may increase activity in areas
of the brain related to cognition. Nonsmokers who were given a dose of nicotine subsequently
performed better on tasks that assess cognitive performance, especially on tasks that require
sustained arousal and attention (Sherwood, 1993).
Another reason why nicotine may be so highly addictive is due to the delivery system. Nicotine is
often inhaled into the lungs; this means that absorption into the body and effects on the brain occur
rapidly after administration. Research has shown that decreasing the amount of time between
ingestion of a drug and its subjective effects increases the likelihood of addiction.
Cocaine and amphetamines have similar effects, as both enhance the effects of dopamine. Both
drugs are stimulants that combat the effects of hunger and fatigue and create a subjective sensation
of grandeur or euphoria and a heightened sense of alertness. Their sites of action, however, are quite
different. Cocaine binds to and deactivates the proteins that aid in the reuptake of dopamine,
prolonging its effects. Although amphetamines also inhibit the reuptake of dopamine, they also
stimulate the release of dopamine from the terminal buttons. If you recall from Chapter 3: Biology &
Neuroscience, once a neurotransmitter is released into the synapse, the terminal button will absorb
the neurotransmitter for future use. By preventing reuptake, these stimulants prolong the effects of
dopamine. In both instances, chronic use leads to impairment in the way dopamine operates in the
brain. Long-term use can cause hallucinations, delusions of paranoia, and psychotic behavior. All of
these symptoms are similar to those we observe in psychological disorders associated with excess
dopamine (e.g., schizophrenia).
6.4.3 Hallucinogens
Hallucinogens, also known as psychedelic drugs , directly influence the sensory systems and our
interpretation of reality. As a group, these drugs cause distortions in our sense of time and space.
Many users report incidences of synesthesia , an experience where the senses seem to blend.
Listening to music may create the experience of seeing colors or tactile sensations. Although research
on these drugs is tightly regulated, we do have a limited understanding of these drugs.
Lysergic acid diethylamide (LSD) is a synthetic drug that causes altered emotions and a sense of
being in a “waking dream.” Most notably, LSD causes vivid sensory hallucinations, alterations in
perceptions of time and space, and a blurring of perceptions between the senses; for instance, music
may create sensations of colors. The drug itself acts as an agonist of serotonin , specifically
serotonin receptors in the thalamus. You may recall from Chapter 3: Biology & Neuroscience that the
thalamus is the relay center for sensory information. This may explain in part the experience of the
fusing of the senses.
Mescaline is derived from the peyote cactus. It is most commonly associated with use in religious
ceremonies in Native American culture. Although the effects of mescaline are similar to those of LSD,
there are some effects that are unique to this drug. Color perception feels enhanced, repeating
patterns appear in the visual field, and people often report that they feel "out of their body." Other
commonly reported effects are numbness, tension, anxiety, and intense nausea.
By far the most commonly used hallucinogen is Cannabis, more commonly known as marijuana.
Although the legality of marijuana is constantly fluctuating, as of this writing, 34 states have approved
legal cannabis for medical use only 11 have classified its use as fully legal. Cannabis has quite diffuse
effects on the nervous system. Individuals using marijuana often experience a variety of effects,
including an increase in appetite, feelings of euphoria, relaxation, and even paranoia.
In the 1980s specific neurons were identified that responded to THC, the active ingredient in
cannabis (Devane et al., 1988). These cannabinoid receptors have since been found in brain regions
as diffuse as the cerebellum, the hippocampus, the basal ganglia and diffusely across the cerebral
cortex (Herkenham, Lynn, de Costa, & Richfield, 1991). Interestingly, these receptors do not act
directly with the brain, but rather influence how other neurotransmitters are released. For instance,
when cannabinoid receptors are activated, they influence how other neurons respond to GABA.
Because GABA is affected, dopaminergic neurons increase their release of dopamine (Pierce &
Kumaresan, 2006). Research thus far has demonstrated that cannabinoid receptors inhibit many
neurotransmitters including norepinephirne, acetylcholine, glutamate, and GABA (Iverson, 2003).
Psychoactive drugs alter behavior and awareness by exploiting naturally occurring brain systems.
Research into the effects of these drugs on the nervous system has offered psychologists clues into
the underlying circuitry and neurochemistry involved in our experiences of consciousness. Table 6.1
provides a summary of the drugs discussed in this section and the neurotransmitters they alter.
Category Drug Neurotransmitters

Inhibits glutamate and
Depressants Alcohol increases GABA and
dopamine
Barbiturates/
Increases GABA
Benzodiazepine
Stimulants Caffeine Blocks adenosine
Stimulates/imitates
Nicotine acetylcholine and
increases dopamine
Prevents reuptake of
Cocaine
dopamine
Inhibit reuptake and
Amphetamines stimulate release of
dopamine
Lysergic acid diethylamide
Hallucinogens Serotonin agonist
(LSD)
Cannabis
Anandamide
(Marijuana)
Table 6.1 Drugs and Their Neurotransmitters
6.5 Summary
L.O. 6.1 Consciousness is referred to as having content (your immediate subjective experience) and
state (the level of arousal and attention you are currently able to bring to bear on a situation). Split-
brain patients illustrate how our brains have a hemispheric specialization, with the left hemisphere
responsible for much of what we would consider conscious verbal thought.
L.O. 6.2 Attention can be either active or passive, referring to directed goal-driven (top-down) efforts
to process the environment and the ability to respond to demanding characteristics of the
environment (bottom-up efforts), respectively. When something captures attention because it
influences our bottom-up passive attention system, this is due to stimulus salience: bold text, sudden
loud noises, and contrasting “popping” colors are examples of this phenomenon. Selective attention
occurs when resources are devoted to processing one piece of information about the environment at
the expense of other information and can lead to us “missing” information in the environment
because we did not process it effectively. Dichotic listening is an example of a selective attention task
in which you attend to information presented to one ear and ignore information presented to the
other; some of the unattended information can be consciously processed, however, such as when
you hear your name in a crowded room. Divided attention occurs when two (or more) things in your
environment must be done or processed simultaneously; people typically perform poorly in these
situations unless one of the tasks is automatic (requiring little processing effort). Attentional “errors”
can occur when we are processing information: inattentional blindness and studies of intentional
change detection illustrate some of these. Cases of visual neglect illustrate how the parietal lobe is
involved in attentional processing; parietal lobe damage can lead to people being unable to process
parts of the world around them. Attention deficit hyperactivity disorder (ADHD) is a disorder of
attention in which focused attention becomes difficult and impulsivity/hyperactivity increase; it can
be manageable with medication.
L.O. 6.3 Sleep is divisible into four stages plus rapid eye movement (REM) stage sleep; techniques,
including electroencephalography, are used to delineate these stages from one another, while
hypnograms plot out how long a person spends in each stage of sleep. Brain activity during sleep
becomes progressively more coordinated across the cortex as sleep moves from earlier stages into
later slow-wave sleep stages; various wave types show this progression (desynchronized alpha and
beta waves when awake moving to slower and more regular theta and delta activity). REM-stage
sleep is an exception to the typically slow brain activity seen during sleep and is when dreams occur;
REM is also thought to be one of the most important parts of sleep for improving cognitive
functioning and performance. Freud thought dreams were a manifestation of the unconscious mind;
however, modern psychologists are more likely to endorse the activation-synthesis hypothesis of
dreaming or the evolutionary hypothesis of dreaming. Dyssomnias are a class of sleep disorder
related to the quality of sleep a person gets, including various kinds of insomnia, hypersomnia,
apnea, and narcolepsy. Parasomnias are a class of sleep disorder related to disturbances that can
occur during sleep and include REM sleep behavior disorder, bedwetting, night terrors, and
somnambulism (sleep walking). Circadian rhythms, also known as biological clocks, help us regulate
our sleep/wake cycle and can be influenced by things like jet lag and melatonin; the suprachiasmatic
nucleus appears to regulate circadian rhythms.
L.O. 6.4 Psychoactive drugs, including stimulants, depressants, and hallucinogens, can alter the
state of consciousness a person is in, changing levels of arousal and ability to attend to the world
around them. Depressants include drugs such as alcohol and barbiturates, which influence the level
and effectiveness of neurotransmitters such as GABA, glutamate, and dopamine. Depressants slow
reaction time and reduce wakefulness. Stimulants include drugs like caffeine, nicotine, cocaine, and
amphetamines and typically act on the neurotransmitters adenosine, acetylcholine, and dopamine
to increase arousal and alertness, while also reducing feelings of hunger and fatigue. Hallucinogens
(or “psychedelics”) include drugs such as LSD and mescaline. They typically act on the
neurotransmitter serotonin and their effects include hallucinations and other breakdowns in a
person's conscious experience, such as an “out-of-body” feeling.
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Chapter 6 - States of Consciousness

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6.0 Learning Objectives

6.1 Introduction: What Is Consciousness?

6.1.1 Learning from People with Split-Brain

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Figure 6.4 Audience at a Basketball Game [5]​

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6.2.2 Selective Attention

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6.2.3 Divided Attention

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6.2.4 Inattentional Blindness and Change Detection

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Subliminal processing, by contrast, is information we cannot consciously detect, even if we were

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6.2.6 Attention Disorders

6.2.6.1 Visual Neglect

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6.2.6.2 Attention Deficit Hyperactivity Disorder (ADHD)

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6.3.1 Stages of Sleep

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To review the stages of sleep, review the interactive slides below:

Access Interactive Timeline 6.1 in a new browser tab.

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6.3.2 Functions of Sleep

6.3.2.1 Functions of Slow-Wave Sleep

6.3.2.2 Functions of REM

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6.3.4 Disorders of Sleep

Narcolepsy is a rare genetic neurodegenerative disorder characterized by several symptoms, most

In addition to these symptoms, it is possible for patients to experience paralysis accompanied by

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Ferber, R. (1996). Childhood sleep disorders. Neurologic Clinics, 14(3), 493–511.

Werner, S. & Thies, B. (2000). Is “change blindness” attenuated by domain-specific expertise? An