Why Coup D’etats are so Prevalent in Africa

By Frederick P. Edwards Jr.

The transition of power is an important aspect of politics in any nation state. It categorizes the
types of governments around the world and to many, is a source of pride. From the election of
presidents through the democratic process, being the champions of the people and a symbol of
progress in the coming centuries. To the appointment of oligarchs and their control of society
through their elite inner circles and manipulation of the narrative. But there are other ways
leaders have come to power. Through blood, violence, and cunning, leaders have taken the
reins of power into their own hands and established themselves as the new executive of their
nation.

These are the Coup D’etats, a transition of power defined as a, “sudden, violent, and unlawful
seizure of power from a government” an overthrow brought upon by a faction, politician,
rebellion, military, or dictator of any fashion. These transitions of power have long since existed
in history and throughout politics for centuries, but they seem to be more prevalent in different
continents all over the world. Specifically, Africa, a continent rich in culture, history, and most
importantly, resources. Many of these nations are so steeped in a vibrant culture, built on epic
histories as the catalysts for massive kingdoms and empires, and flowing in gold, diamonds,
and many other raw materials that would be the envy of many first world nations. So how come
these countries are so susceptible to these violent and sudden transfers of power? And how
come they’re so recent in modern times when, globally, the world has seen much democratic
progress?

Before delving into these questions, we first have to identify what exactly a coup is, and isn’t.
Edward N. Luttwak, an American author well known for his commentaries on grand strategy,
military strategy/history, geoeconomics, and international relations, wrote his most recognized
book: Coup D’etat: A Practical Handbook. In it, he defines the coup as a, “...infiltration of a small
but critical segment of the state apparatus, which is then used to displace the government from
its control of the remainder.” (Ch.1, pg. 12) Luttwak describes that due to the sheer size and
scale of modern state bureaucracies, they tend to compose of many interchangeable elements
with different powers and functions. These differ from older states that while may have
possessed complex bureaucracies for their time periods, were still simplistic and rudimentary in
how power was transferred and distributed. (Ch. 1)

Now, states are composed of large bureaucracies that oversee many functions. Within these
bureaucracies. There are elements of opposition to the status quo that may not want to be
content but for one reason or another, choose to overthrow the state in their matter. This differs
from a revolution in the sense that a revolution grows from the people, the masses seeking to
destroy the state and rebuild it anew. Think the American or French Revolutions, while different,
still possessed the common trait of being started by the people. Coups also differ from Civil
Wars, which are waged in the same state by two actors that have broken from the same corpus.
An example would include the American Civil War, or the Spanish Civil War where you had two
different sides with totally different politics, leadership, and ideologies fighting.

Where Coups differ, is that the state is overthrowing the state. For reasons that will later be
explained, the state will usually be in such a condition where elements within it will want to
displace those who control the keys of power. Think of military elements storming key
government buildings and shutting down communications, only to install a junta. Or the failed
assassination attempt on Hitler by a disgruntled faction, seeking to kill him and displace SS
members from the government to change the course of Germany. Coups are always elements
of a country’s political structure seeking to change it from within, but through quick, decisive
violence.

So where does Africa fall into place with coup d’etats? Since 2010, there have been 51+ coup
attempts in Africa, which is more than all of the continents combined. This wave of coups has
only continued to grow in the approaching 2020s, so why is this happening? There are several
theories as to why these African countries are subject to these attempts, one of them being a
legacy of colonialism contributing to ethnic and regional divisions. We’ll call this the Post-
Colonial Theory, for convenience. The history of colonialism in Africa has left a lasting impact on
the continent. Colonial European powers often established authoritarian rule, weakening local
institutions, and creating ethnic divisions. Due to Africa’s diversity, it contains numerous ethnic
groups and regional identities that have their own political power struggles that often intersect
with these divisions, as different groups compete for access to resources and representation.

Post-Colonial Theory attributes that after independence, these factors coupled with the sudden
transition to self-governance, led to power struggles and instability, making coups more likely.
An example of this can be found in the Rwandan genocide. For context, European colonists that
arrived in Rwanda documenting traditions of Rwandan society and had believed that there were
three ethnicities that were social castes. The largest group, the Hutus, consisted mostly of
farmers and were of a darker shade. While the second largest, the Tutsi, were pastoralists,
warriors, aristocrats of a lighter complexion. The smallest group were the Twa, pygmies that
hunted game to trade and were largely considered irrelevant. During colonization, the Tutsi
were favored by the Belgians as the superior group and were given privileges to oppress the
Hutus.

Eventually, this led to a massive divide between the two ethnic groups, causing conflict. But
during decolonization, the Belgians were informed to prepare the country for native rule- which
in their eyes, meant Hutu rule. This led to the Hutus being favored over the Tutsi by the
Europeans, leading to them gaining more political power and positions in government once the
Republic of Rwanda would be formed. This conflict would eventually boil into a Rwandan Civil
War, which would have 500,000 to 662,000 Tutsi being killed by Hutu militias and death squads
in the Rwandan genocide.

Another example of Post-Colonial Theory can be seen in Liberia as former African-American

slaves were given land in West Africa as a project by the American Colonization Society.
Believing that black people would have a better life in Africa rather than in the United States.
This led to educated African Americans relocating to Liberia and developing a new identity that
was forged from American social and cultural values that they saw and experienced.
These Americo-Liberians would clash with the native Liberians, as the Americo-Liberians began
to institute the same government, politics, and ideology of America into Africa. They formed a
democratic republic modeled on the United States, instituted slavery, and built themselves to be
the ruling elite of the Liberian experiment. This came at the cost of the native Liberians
becoming slaves and second class citizens in the new government. In recent times, this history
would culminate into total, utter violence in two civil wars leading to bloodshed and ending in a
devastated nation.

Post-Colonial Theory has its merits where there are clear cases of European or American
influence through Colonization having its effects on the nation. I would argue that it has several
weaknesses when explaining the recent violence and political instability. One of problems with
this theory is overgeneralization as colonialism being the sole or primary cause of coups in
Africa is a gross oversimplification. While colonialism undoubtedly influenced African countries,
not all post-colonial states have experienced coups. The theory may overlook other significant
factors specific to individual countries, such as governance failures and economic challenges.

As time progresses, the direct impact of colonialism on contemporary coups have definitely
diminished. While historical legacies have lasting effects, focusing solely on colonialism ignores
the more recent dynamics and complexities that shape political events such as coups. Post-
colonial theory also overshadows internal factors such as leadership failures, corruption, and
economic mismanagement which contribute to coups. To add to this, the ethnic divisions
cultivated by these colonial powers don’t explain why these countries are so subject to coup
d’etats without addressing concepts of class and economic disparities. Not to mention how
these ethnic divisions cannot solely be the root cause of coups when many African countries
have managed ethnic and regional diversity without experiencing coups as root cause.

I’d argue that there is another reason as to why there are so many coups in recent times. The
weak institutions that many African countries have as they face challenges in building strong
and resilient ones leads to this exact problem. They struggle in creating judiciary systems, civil
services, and electoral bodies that contribute to power imbalances, corruption, and a lack of
accountability, creating an environment that is ripe for coups. This also couples with
socioeconomic factors as well.

Due to violence and economic instability, this has led to political instability, lack of education,
and a disconnect between the elites of their respective countries and the masses. These
countries are dealing with severe, and perpetual economic crises as well while they’re
constantly in a state of conflict. And possess a chronically unstable multiparty system that has
no solid framework that exists or is even respected. This driving of conflict gives legitimacy to
groups within governments to seize power and establish control, whether they’re civilian or
military, they eventually gain power over already weak, unstable government authorities.

First, there needs to be an understanding of why economic instability, poverty, contributes to

political instability and how a lack of education in a country leads to successful coups. Luttwak
gives several preconditions for coups and certain factors. Normally democratic governments
with a well-developed infrastructure are hard to infiltrate and overthrow via coup d’etats (ch. 2).
This is mainly due to the fact that even with initial success, the rulers wouldn’t be able to
maintain power for a long time because the people, various institutions, etc. wouldn’t recognize
their claim on power.

This is only possible with the right economic conditions. Specifically, economic backwardness,
when the lower and middle classes are suffering from intense poverty and the upper class, the
truly elite- live lives of incredible wealth and prosperity (Ch. 2 pg. 21). Due to a lack of wealth
and funding, the lower classes mainly living in rural areas are mostly illiterate and generally
uneducated. All issues are dealt on a village/clan/community level and they don’t understand
the political machinations of the state. The lower and middle classes that live in urban areas
may possibly be educated but there is an incredible lack of financial opportunity or social
change due to the state. They are more likely to see the parties, extravagant limousines, and
grand villas of the ruling elite (Ch.2).

Meanwhile, the upper classes and elite are literate, well-educated, and well fed compared to the
other classes. They hold political power in the government and the lower classes concede to
their rule simply because without desperate revolt, they just accept their policies. So, they will
accept a change in government, regardless of the legality of it. To them, an exchange of power
in the government is like if any other country gained a new ruler or rulers through democratic
means or a legal change of power. The masses are so disconnected that it’s almost as if they’re
different political entities.

Examples of this can be seen in the countries with the most recent coup d’etat attempts, such
as Burkina Faso, when Captain Ibrahim Traore removed Lieutenant Colonel Paul-Henri
Sandaogo Damiba. Burkina Faso has an economic rating of a C based on a World Economic
Data Grade, marking it with a population that primarily lives in poverty. While it also has an
extremely low education ranking, placing 183 out of 189 countries in 2018. Another coup
occurred in Sudan when General Abdel Fattah al-Burhan removed Abdalla Hamdok in October-
November of 2021. Sudan has one of the lowest economic ratings, an E based on a World
Economic Data Grade, and ranking at the bottom end of the UNDP with incredibly low
education. The elites that control their countries, live in excess wealth and have historically been
apathetic to the plights of their people, while those that attempt to foster change have been
imprisoned, exiled, disappeared, or killed. An extreme case example of one of these selfish
leaders is evident in Jean-Bedel Bokassa, a Central African political and military leader who
served as the second president of the Central African Republic. Infamous for crowning himself
emperor and on his coronation day, spent the equivalent of $100 million today, devastating the
economy of the state.

Overall, most countries in Africa have some of the lowest economic rankings compared to the
rest of the world while possessing an immense amount of wealth. They also possess low UNDP
education based rankings. These countries also possess another trait that determines whether
or not they’re precondition for a coup, and that is their organic unity. Organic unity can be
defined as different individuals, groups, or institutions working in the interest of creating a
cohesive government. In the cases of coup d’etats, states with a weak economic or political
infrastructure tend to possess a power vacuum that needs to be filled.

While Luttwak helps provide the framework for this trait, two authors provide a stronger look at
this. Daniel Ziblatt and Steven Levitsky are Harvard University political scientists and authors of
How Democracies Die, a book detailing how elected leaders subvert democratic processes
through gradual methods to increase their power. In the case of coups, it’s important to
understand how these weak democratic institutions form and how post-coup d’etat, they’re able
to exist and perpetuate with the same problems under their new governance.

Ziblatt and Steven Levitsky composed a table in their book outlining four indicators of
Authoritarian Behavior which are as follows: Weak commitment/rejection of democratic rules of
the game, denial of the legitimacy of political opponents, toleration or encouragement of
violence, and a readiness to curtail civil liberties of opponents, including media. Two or more of
these elements exist in most, if not all, of the African countries that have either been subject to
successful coups or coup attempts. Primarily, countries that have a weak commitment to
democratic rules and containing political members with a capacity for violence.

Examples of this are evident in countries liked The Gambia, a small West African republic. The
Gambia is incredibly familiar with their elections being rigged and the opposition being shut out
via unfair methods. For example, on the 4th of December 2021, President Adama Barrow won a
re-election in the presidential election but opposition candidates rejected the results due to
irregularities in the voting. This was after he was appointed by his coalition during a
constitutional crisis that placed him in power. It would be no surprise that in December of 2022,
Lance Corporal Sanna Fadera would attempt a coup d’etat against the President, but fail.

Another example is the Republic of Guinea Bissau, which has been home to a 2009
assassination of their President Viera for killing the head of the joint chiefs of staff, Tagme Na
Waie. Clashes between the military and political bodies from 2010 all the way to 2012 with two
coup attempts during the two year time span. Only to follow with a disputed election in 2019
where several politicians such as prime minister Aristides Gomes accused Sissoco Embalo of
arranging a Coup d’etat. Here, we see the denial of legitimacy and constant violence, only to be
met with the frequent coups that Luttwak warns about due to a lack of organic unity.

These countries contain elites who are so cut off from the masses, that they engage in power
games amongst themselves to establish who will be in charge to fill various vacuums.
Democracies within these nations are incredibly weak, and barely held together as evident in
the two cases with political histories that are turbulent and unstable. This leads government
forces seeking to exploit, to take advantage of this instability and seize power for themselves
without relying on already weak institutions to facilitate a change of power. Leading to even
more coups.
Finally, another trait that makes these countries susceptible to coup d’etats, is a constant,
perpetual form of violence. While the internal political power games of the elite contribute to it,
the external violence committed by groups such as terrorist organizations, militias, gangs, and
various other illegal entities give rise for legitimate military organizations to seize power for
themselves.

An article written by Daniel Baltoi, a researcher for the Foreign Policy Research Institute,
produced an article analyzing military coups in Mali, Guinea, and Burkina Faso for the past
three years. It reads, “The roots of this wave lie in regional instability, poor governance by
elected leaders, and many successful past coups.” Regional instability seems to be an
important part of this wave of coup d’etats across the country, as extreme violence seems to
cultivate political instability. This is further backed in the article as these particular countries are
dealing with radical terrorism. Baltoi writes, “Across the sparsely populated, poorly policed
Sahel, weak local governance creates gaps for jihadists movements to fill, which further
weakens local governance-and lends legitimacy to coup plotters.”

Eventually, coup plotters will seize control for their own personal gain and then establish their
own power base. They will take internal measures to eliminate anti-coup forces such as those
loyal to the status quo, intelligence agencies, military, police, political, etc. but this is mainly
during the execution of their coup d’etat, executive and legislative elements are dealt with in the
aftermath. What’s most important is establishing legitimacy, Luttwak identifies this as the first
communique, an address to the population to solidify their power and alert the people, other
states, and the world globally of the new regime installed. The purpose of this, he writes is, “...
(a) to discourage resistance to us by emphasizing the strength of our position and (b) to
dampen the fears that would otherwise give rise to such resistance” And in times of perpetual
instability identified in countries like Mali, Guinea, and Burkina Faso, military coup d’etats may
even be welcomed by the populace instead of normally viewed with apathy.

The prevalence of coups in Africa can be attributed to these combinations of factors.This

combination of violence, economic, and political turmoil within these countries is what truly leads
these nations to develop conditions that make them susceptible to coups. These conditions are
also what perpetuates their problems as they enter these vicious cycles of conflict. That is what
ultimately defines why these countries are locked in this issue and the root cause of it.
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