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EBook How The World Works A Brief Survey of International Relations Ebook PDF Version PDF Docx Kindle Full Chapter
EBook How The World Works A Brief Survey of International Relations Ebook PDF Version PDF Docx Kindle Full Chapter
EBook How The World Works A Brief Survey of International Relations Ebook PDF Version PDF Docx Kindle Full Chapter
Credits 315
Index 316
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Preface
A
s I wrote in the prefaces to the first two editions of this text, teachers
of international relations are fortunate to have the media do such
a good job of marketing their courses. The constant swirl of news
about global events provides a steady stream of students eager to make sense
of world politics and the implications for their own lives. Since the publica-
tion of the second edition, that swirl of events has continued unabated. The
Arab Spring, the Russian invasion of Crimea, the rise of ISIS, and the West
African Ebola epidemic are just a few of the noteworthy developments to
take place subsequent to the completion of the second edition. Part of the
goal in writing this third edition was to incorporate those events into the
analysis of the book.
Even more important, this third edition provides an opportunity to make
more general improvements to the book. In revising the text, however, the cen-
tral goal of the first two editions has remained unchanged. That goal is to tap
into and maintain the interest in global events that leads students to enroll in
international relations classes and to translate that interest into a conceptual
and theoretical sophistication that will remain useful long after today’s current
events become the stuff of history and long after the course in which this book is
assigned is completed.
To that end, How the World Works provides the detailed micro-level knowl-
edge and information that is necessary to understand world politics. Students
will read about such things as the structure of the United Nations, trends in
international conflict, the sources of international law, and the role of the World
Trade Organization. They will simultaneously pick up a new vocabulary, which
will include such terms as “deterrence,” “hegemony,” “collective security,” and
“comparative advantage.” But facts and concepts are not enough. In acquiring
a new vocabulary and in learning about the details of institutions and events,
it is important that students not become lost in the thicket of world politics to
the extent that they lose sight of the forest for the trees. Thus, they also need a
larger framework that provides context and meaning for the data, trends, and
terminology to which they are exposed.
In teaching over the years, I have found that most beginning students
of international relations and world politics come to the first class already in
possession of predispositions regarding how the world works. Some are in-
clined to accept conflict and violence in international life as inescapable, and
this leads such students to endorse approaches to foreign policy that entail a
xi
xii Preface
The third edition of How the World Works features a number of substantive revi-
sions, including the following:
ChAPtER 1
ChAPtER 2
ChAPtER 3
• Chapter reorganized around two themes: the levels of analysis and the as-
sumption of rationality in foreign policy decision-making
• More extended discussion of the cognitive model of decision-making
• New Theory in Practice box which applies rational actor, cognitive, and
poliheuristic decision-making approaches to student selection of colleges
ChAPtER 4
ChAPtER 5
• General updating of all sections
ChAPtER 6
ChAPtER 7
ChAPtER 8
ChAPtER 9
• Retained the seven competing visions of the global future approach, but
changed the hypothetical future histories style to a more straightforward
presentation and critique of the seven global futures
In addition to the key revisions noted above, many smaller substantive revi-
sions are found in every chapter. They include updating of data including that
found in many of the tables and figures, expanded or improved discussion of
some key concepts to reflect the latest literature, and use of new examples from
recent events to illustrate larger points.
Features
How the World Works begins by laying out the central assumptions of the realist
paradigm in Chapter 1 and then discussing the challenges posed to the realist
worldview by the paradigms that have emerged as alternatives to realism. Each
subsequent chapter then examines a specific issue in the real world of interna-
tional politics—such as war, human rights, and economic globalization—to shed
light on the differences between the realist approach and the alternative para-
digms. In different chapters of the book, the essential subject matter may seem to
privilege one theoretical perspective or another, but there will be enough com-
peting evidence and perspectives provided so that students will be encouraged
to think about and question the various worldviews.
Chapter 2 of the text examines the history of international relations and the
related rise and fall of the theoretical paradigms over time. Chapter 3 looks at
foreign policy-making and the several levels of analysis that are involved in
shaping state behavior, including the domestic sources of state behavior that re-
alists traditionally have tended to downplay. Given the centrality of war to the
realist perspective, the discussion of war and violence in Chapter 4 takes place
on realism’s turf, though there is plenty in the chapter to provide ammunition
for critics of realism. Chapter 5 then moves to the turf of liberal institutionalism
as the focus shifts to international law and organization. Constructivism gets the
Preface xv
• Key terms and Glossary. In each chapter, key terms are highlighted and then
listed again at the end of the chapter. A marginal glossary provides brief defini-
tions of those terms for quick reference in the context of the chapter. Through
the key terms and glossary, students have a comprehensive list of the key ideas
and concepts necessary to understand world politics.
• Review Questions. At the end of each chapter, students are given three review
questions that focus on the big issues raised in the chapter. While the list of key
terms helps students ascertain whether they understand the details and specifics
of a chapter (whether they see the “trees”), the review questions help students
test their knowledge of the larger significance of those details (to determine if
they see the “forest”).
• Map Insert. A four-color insert with maps of the world, North America, South
America, Africa, Europe, the Middle East, East and South Asia, and Australia
and Oceania is included following page xix of this book. Basic geographical
knowledge is essential in the study of international relations, and the insert
is intended to put this knowledge within students’ immediate reach.
How the World Works strives for a conversational style that keeps its student
readers in mind. This approach does not require dumbing down the content. On
the contrary, the clearer the writing, the better the organization, and the more ac-
cessible the style, the more one can succeed in conveying sophisticated content
to the reader. Especially in a field as intrinsically interesting and compelling as
world politics, and at a time in world history when so much is in flux, there is no
reason that a text on the topic cannot be intellectually sophisticated and, at the
same time, readable, engaging, and even fun. This text introduces students to
the concepts and developments at the core of the discipline of world politics but
in a way that makes sense to them.
While How the World Works is perhaps half the length of many introductory
textbooks, it has the advantage of focusing attention on the most salient issues
and concepts that often get buried in longer texts. Brevity also provides greater
opportunity for instructors to assign supplementary readings that reinforce and
develop concepts and issues discussed in this text. There is such an array of good
writing, accessible at the undergraduate level, on issues of world politics and in-
ternational relations that it would be an omission not to be able to incorporate as
much of it as possible into the introductory course. Students will be armed with
the basic concepts and issues from reading this text. Thus, instructors can assign
additional readings by proponents or critics of a particular theory to extend the
discussion beyond the text.
Supplements
Pearson is pleased to offer several resources to qualified adopters of How
the World Works and their students that will make teaching and learn-
ing from this book even more effective and enjoyable. Several of the
Preface xvii
supplements for this book are available at the Instructor Resource Center (IRC),
an online hub that allows instructors to quickly download book-specific supple-
ments. Please visit the IRC welcome page at http://www.pearsonhighered
.com/irc to register for access.
Acknowledgments
In writing this book, I received valuable assistance from a number of people
who reviewed various editions of the text and offered their advice:
Nozar Alaolmolki, Hiram College; Kristian Alexander, University of Utah;
Stephanie Anderson, University of Wyoming; Vincent Auger, Western Illinois
xviii Preface
University; William Batkay, Montclair State University; Eric Cox, Texas Christian
University; Richard Chadwick, University of Hawaii, Manoa; John Dietrich,
Bryant University; Gregory C. Dixon, University of West Georgia; Vittorio Nich-
olas Galasso, University of Delaware; Stephanie Hallock, Harford Community
College; Maia Hallward, Kennesaw State University; James Hentz, Virginia
Military Institute; Nathan Jensen, Washington University in St. Louis; Michael
Koch, Texas A&M University; William Lahneman, Towson University; How-
ard Lehman, University of Utah; Keith Lepak, Youngstown State University;
Kristina Mani, Oberlin College; Scott Nelson, Virginia Tech; Laura Neack, Miami
University; Mark Schroeder, University of Kentucky; Johanes Sulaiman, Ohio
State University; Eugene Tadie, George Mason University; James Toole, Indiana
University-Purdue; Ivani Vassoler, SUNY-Fredonia; Julie Webber, Illinois State
University; and Andrew Yeo, Catholic University.
I would also like to thank Charlyce Jones Owen, Rob DeGeorge, Carol
O’Rourke, and the rest of the team at Pearson for shepherding this third edition
through to completion. I also appreciate the efficient work done by George Jacob
at Integra Software Services in overseeing the production of the print book from
manuscript to final printer files. Lastly, Susan Messer did a superb job as de-
velopment editor in helping to polish the writing of the very first edition of the
book. Though I have not worked with her on subsequent editions, her impact on
the book and on my approach to writing it are still very much in evidence in the
third edition.
In many ways, this book reflects a career spent teaching and writing at
Dickinson College, where I have been surrounded by first-class colleagues,
excellent students, and an administration committed to fostering an environ-
ment where both good scholarship and good teaching can thrive. In particu-
lar, I would like to thank my colleagues Douglas Stuart, for his thoughtful
comments on Chapters 1 and 3, and David Strand, for his useful sugges-
tions on Chapter 6. Students in numerous sections of my Political Science 170
International Relations class who have used the earlier editions of this book
also helped improve this new edition in various ways.
I have been sustained in the long process of writing and revising this book
by the memory and thoughts of those people (Rosemary, Serf, Sam, Tina, Shelly,
Angie, Elmer) whom I have cared most about in this world. Most important of
all, this edition, like the first two, is dedicated to my three daughters—Laura,
Samantha, and Alex—who give meaning and purpose to everything I do, and to
Candace L. Bova—my wife, my best friend, and my partner-in-life.
—Russell Bova
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50˚E
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Djibouti
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Jinan Taejeon KOREA J A PA N
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0 500 miles
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120˚E 130˚E 140˚E 150˚E 160˚E 170˚E
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Chapter 1
How to Think About
World Politics
Realism and Its Critics
Learning Objectives
1-1 Explain the three grand debates over how scholars should study
international relations.
1-2 Identify and explain the key assumptions and arguments of
the realist paradigm.
1-3 Compare and contrast the liberal, constructivist, feminist,
and neo-Marxist paradigms.
1
2 Chapter 1
All politics is global. Whether you live in New York or Shanghai, in a small
town in Kansas or a village in rural India, in the heart of a prosperous European
city or on an impoverished subsistence farm in sub-Saharan Africa, your life is
affected in countless ways by developments in world politics. Of course, during
times of war, global politics becomes a matter of life and death for individ-
uals and, sometimes, for entire societies. However, even during more “normal”
times, global events continually reverberate through our lives. For example,
how much it costs you to travel to school could be affected by political insta-
bility in an oil-producing country located far from where you live and study.
Whether you will be able to afford to study abroad during your college career
can be affected by the value of your country’s currency in global currency mar-
kets. Getting the job of your choice when you graduate might depend on the
evolving patterns of global trade.
The impact of global trends on your life is not merely economic. The quality
of the air you breathe can be a direct consequence of pollutants poured into the
atmosphere by factories located halfway across the world and on the success or
failure of global efforts to regulate the environment. The level of respect given
to your human rights increasingly depends on emerging global human rights
norms and institutions that go beyond your own government’s policies. Your
physical security as you go about your daily life can be affected by trends in
global terrorism or the proliferation of weapons of mass destruction. Indeed, as
many discovered after the terrorist attacks of September 11, 2001, you don’t have
to be a direct victim of global terrorism to feel its impact. Increased security at
airports, tightened immigration rules, and a recalibrated balance between secu-
rity and civil liberties affected Americans as well as those who wanted to visit or
study in the United States.
Global events have always affected individuals’ lives, particularly
through war, conflict, and trade across national borders. However, in recent
decades, developments in the technologies of transportation and, espe-
cially, telecommunications have shrunk the world and allowed individuals
to become increasingly interconnected. Thus, more than ever before, in the
twenty-first century being an informed individual requires understanding
the larger world in which we live. But having such an understanding requires
more than accumulating information, facts, and details about the world. It
also requires a more generalized understanding of how the world works—
an understanding that will allow us to make sense of the day-to-day events
reported in the news. That is what formal study of international relations (IR)
and world politics seeks to attain.
How to Think About World Politics 3
with an eye toward providing advice about how states and their leaders should
act to achieve their goals in international relations. In this era, the most influen-
tial scholars were those whose historical narratives and institutional analyses
seemed most persuasive.
By the 1960s, however, a new generation of scholars had become dissatisfied
with this approach. In their view, the traditional scholarship was too descriptive
and not much more than a sophisticated type of journalistic analysis. What they
wanted was to transform the study of international relations into a more rigor-
ous enterprise modeled on the natural sciences. In particular, they embraced an
positivism approach to science known as positivism.
An approach to The positivist approach seeks to apply the scientific method, common in
knowledge based on
the scientific method the natural sciences, to the study of international relations. One starts with a
and the observa- hypothesis that specifies a relationship between two variables. Consider for
tion and analysis of
empirical data. example the following hypothesis: a democratic regime reduces the propensity
of a country to go to war. In that example, democracy is the independent vari-
able and war is the dependent variable. The independent variable is the one that
the scholar manipulates to see what impact it has on the dependent variable.
In a chemistry lab, one can manipulate the independent variable by adding or
subtracting the presence of a chemical agent to see what result is produced. In
international relations, one cannot do that, but what one can do is to compare
the war propensity of democratic and authoritarian regimes. Thus to test the
hypothesis, one looks at empirical data on the war propensity of democratic
versus nondemocratic regimes, and that data will serve to either support or to
falsify the hypothesis.
The goal of a positivist science of international relations is the develop-
ment of scientific laws of international behavior. Those laws are not absolute
but, instead, probabilistic. It is unlikely that one will ever be able to say with
certainty, for example, that democracies are always peaceful or that democratic
regime X necessarily will be more peaceful in its approach to international rela-
tions than authoritarian regime Y. Instead the goal would be to be able to say
that the probability of a democratic regime going to war is lower.
A manifestation of this new, more scientific approach was the ascendance
rational choice of rational choice theory. The theory of rational choice stood in sharp contrast
theory to the historically grounded descriptions characteristic of the study of inter-
An approach to social
science, borrowed
national relations in the first half of the twentieth century. Borrowing heavily
from economics, that from the discipline of economics, rational choice assumed that individuals were
assumes individuals
rational actors whose primary commitment was to the advancement of their
are rational actors
who make decisions own interests. On that basis, economists had long developed laws of economic
intended to maximize behavior that were deemed to hold true regardless of historical and cultural
their interests on the
basis of cost–benefit context. Likewise, in international relations rational choice theorists sought to
calculations. develop laws of international behavior with universal applicability across time
and place.
Traditional scholars resisted, suggesting that the study of human behavior
is fundamentally different from the study of the natural world. They argued that
How to Think About World Politics 5
is difficult, if not impossible, to study the human world with the cool, intellec-
tual detachment with which natural scientists study the laws of physics. But the
positivists gained the upper hand, and for the next couple of decades they came
to dominate international relations scholarship.
In the 1990s a backlash emerged against the dominance of the positivist
approach in international relations theory. A new generation of “post-positivist”
scholars argued that because the study of international relations is about the
actions of human beings, it is a mistake to try to mimic positivist natural science.
Their argument rests on a distinction between “explaining” and “understand-
ing.” Positivists seek to explain international behavior by reference to objec-
tive cause-and-effect relationships present in the external world. For example,
a positivist might argue that when one country acquires nuclear weapons, its
neighbors will seek to acquire them in self-defense.
For a post-positivist, that conclusion cannot be formulated into a general
law. Instead, one’s reaction to the arms acquisition of a neighboring state will
be determined by one’s own subjective understanding of one’s neighbor as
a friend or a foe, the history of relations between the two states, and the pre-
conceived perceptions and ideas held by leaders about the nature of the threat
posed by one’s neighbor. Thus, one can come to “understand” the nature of a
state’s behavior but one cannot “explain” it by general laws applicable across
time and place.
in individual countries. Then, one would have to account for other causal factors
that might influence the propensity to fight wars, including such things as level
of economic development, preexisting arms races, etc. Teasing out the impact of
all of these factors is not easy, and the most effective way to do that might well
be via sophisticated statistical analysis.
The turn to greater use of quantitative methods was accompanied by much
dissent from scholars who argued that quantitative analysis sacrificed the rich-
ness of case studies and other forms of qualitative research. Those critics com-
plained that there were many aspects of political life that could not be reduced
to quantitative data analysis and that the emphasis on statistical techniques was
producing scholars who knew more about the methods of data analysis than
about the real substance of political history. In fact, both approaches currently
coexist in the study of international relations. A recent survey of international
relations scholars suggests that while the field remains dominated by those who
use qualitative methods in their research, a significant percentage (about a quar-
ter in the case of US-based scholars) specialize in quantitative methods.1
I see increasing reason to believe that the view formed some time
back as to the origin of the Makonde bush is the correct one. I have
no doubt that it is not a natural product, but the result of human
occupation. Those parts of the high country where man—as a very
slight amount of practice enables the eye to perceive at once—has not
yet penetrated with axe and hoe, are still occupied by a splendid
timber forest quite able to sustain a comparison with our mixed
forests in Germany. But wherever man has once built his hut or tilled
his field, this horrible bush springs up. Every phase of this process
may be seen in the course of a couple of hours’ walk along the main
road. From the bush to right or left, one hears the sound of the axe—
not from one spot only, but from several directions at once. A few
steps further on, we can see what is taking place. The brush has been
cut down and piled up in heaps to the height of a yard or more,
between which the trunks of the large trees stand up like the last
pillars of a magnificent ruined building. These, too, present a
melancholy spectacle: the destructive Makonde have ringed them—
cut a broad strip of bark all round to ensure their dying off—and also
piled up pyramids of brush round them. Father and son, mother and
son-in-law, are chopping away perseveringly in the background—too
busy, almost, to look round at the white stranger, who usually excites
so much interest. If you pass by the same place a week later, the piles
of brushwood have disappeared and a thick layer of ashes has taken
the place of the green forest. The large trees stretch their
smouldering trunks and branches in dumb accusation to heaven—if
they have not already fallen and been more or less reduced to ashes,
perhaps only showing as a white stripe on the dark ground.
This work of destruction is carried out by the Makonde alike on the
virgin forest and on the bush which has sprung up on sites already
cultivated and deserted. In the second case they are saved the trouble
of burning the large trees, these being entirely absent in the
secondary bush.
After burning this piece of forest ground and loosening it with the
hoe, the native sows his corn and plants his vegetables. All over the
country, he goes in for bed-culture, which requires, and, in fact,
receives, the most careful attention. Weeds are nowhere tolerated in
the south of German East Africa. The crops may fail on the plains,
where droughts are frequent, but never on the plateau with its
abundant rains and heavy dews. Its fortunate inhabitants even have
the satisfaction of seeing the proud Wayao and Wamakua working
for them as labourers, driven by hunger to serve where they were
accustomed to rule.
But the light, sandy soil is soon exhausted, and would yield no
harvest the second year if cultivated twice running. This fact has
been familiar to the native for ages; consequently he provides in
time, and, while his crop is growing, prepares the next plot with axe
and firebrand. Next year he plants this with his various crops and
lets the first piece lie fallow. For a short time it remains waste and
desolate; then nature steps in to repair the destruction wrought by
man; a thousand new growths spring out of the exhausted soil, and
even the old stumps put forth fresh shoots. Next year the new growth
is up to one’s knees, and in a few years more it is that terrible,
impenetrable bush, which maintains its position till the black
occupier of the land has made the round of all the available sites and
come back to his starting point.
The Makonde are, body and soul, so to speak, one with this bush.
According to my Yao informants, indeed, their name means nothing
else but “bush people.” Their own tradition says that they have been
settled up here for a very long time, but to my surprise they laid great
stress on an original immigration. Their old homes were in the
south-east, near Mikindani and the mouth of the Rovuma, whence
their peaceful forefathers were driven by the continual raids of the
Sakalavas from Madagascar and the warlike Shirazis[47] of the coast,
to take refuge on the almost inaccessible plateau. I have studied
African ethnology for twenty years, but the fact that changes of
population in this apparently quiet and peaceable corner of the earth
could have been occasioned by outside enterprises taking place on
the high seas, was completely new to me. It is, no doubt, however,
correct.
The charming tribal legend of the Makonde—besides informing us
of other interesting matters—explains why they have to live in the
thickest of the bush and a long way from the edge of the plateau,
instead of making their permanent homes beside the purling brooks
and springs of the low country.
“The place where the tribe originated is Mahuta, on the southern
side of the plateau towards the Rovuma, where of old time there was
nothing but thick bush. Out of this bush came a man who never
washed himself or shaved his head, and who ate and drank but little.
He went out and made a human figure from the wood of a tree
growing in the open country, which he took home to his abode in the
bush and there set it upright. In the night this image came to life and
was a woman. The man and woman went down together to the
Rovuma to wash themselves. Here the woman gave birth to a still-
born child. They left that place and passed over the high land into the
valley of the Mbemkuru, where the woman had another child, which
was also born dead. Then they returned to the high bush country of
Mahuta, where the third child was born, which lived and grew up. In
course of time, the couple had many more children, and called
themselves Wamatanda. These were the ancestral stock of the
Makonde, also called Wamakonde,[48] i.e., aborigines. Their
forefather, the man from the bush, gave his children the command to
bury their dead upright, in memory of the mother of their race who
was cut out of wood and awoke to life when standing upright. He also
warned them against settling in the valleys and near large streams,
for sickness and death dwelt there. They were to make it a rule to
have their huts at least an hour’s walk from the nearest watering-
place; then their children would thrive and escape illness.”
The explanation of the name Makonde given by my informants is
somewhat different from that contained in the above legend, which I
extract from a little book (small, but packed with information), by
Pater Adams, entitled Lindi und sein Hinterland. Otherwise, my
results agree exactly with the statements of the legend. Washing?
Hapana—there is no such thing. Why should they do so? As it is, the
supply of water scarcely suffices for cooking and drinking; other
people do not wash, so why should the Makonde distinguish himself
by such needless eccentricity? As for shaving the head, the short,
woolly crop scarcely needs it,[49] so the second ancestral precept is
likewise easy enough to follow. Beyond this, however, there is
nothing ridiculous in the ancestor’s advice. I have obtained from
various local artists a fairly large number of figures carved in wood,
ranging from fifteen to twenty-three inches in height, and
representing women belonging to the great group of the Mavia,
Makonde, and Matambwe tribes. The carving is remarkably well
done and renders the female type with great accuracy, especially the
keloid ornamentation, to be described later on. As to the object and
meaning of their works the sculptors either could or (more probably)
would tell me nothing, and I was forced to content myself with the
scanty information vouchsafed by one man, who said that the figures
were merely intended to represent the nembo—the artificial
deformations of pelele, ear-discs, and keloids. The legend recorded
by Pater Adams places these figures in a new light. They must surely
be more than mere dolls; and we may even venture to assume that
they are—though the majority of present-day Makonde are probably
unaware of the fact—representations of the tribal ancestress.
The references in the legend to the descent from Mahuta to the
Rovuma, and to a journey across the highlands into the Mbekuru
valley, undoubtedly indicate the previous history of the tribe, the
travels of the ancestral pair typifying the migrations of their
descendants. The descent to the neighbouring Rovuma valley, with
its extraordinary fertility and great abundance of game, is intelligible
at a glance—but the crossing of the Lukuledi depression, the ascent
to the Rondo Plateau and the descent to the Mbemkuru, also lie
within the bounds of probability, for all these districts have exactly
the same character as the extreme south. Now, however, comes a
point of especial interest for our bacteriological age. The primitive
Makonde did not enjoy their lives in the marshy river-valleys.
Disease raged among them, and many died. It was only after they
had returned to their original home near Mahuta, that the health
conditions of these people improved. We are very apt to think of the
African as a stupid person whose ignorance of nature is only equalled
by his fear of it, and who looks on all mishaps as caused by evil
spirits and malignant natural powers. It is much more correct to
assume in this case that the people very early learnt to distinguish
districts infested with malaria from those where it is absent.
This knowledge is crystallized in the
ancestral warning against settling in the
valleys and near the great waters, the
dwelling-places of disease and death. At the
same time, for security against the hostile
Mavia south of the Rovuma, it was enacted
that every settlement must be not less than a
certain distance from the southern edge of the
plateau. Such in fact is their mode of life at the
present day. It is not such a bad one, and
certainly they are both safer and more
comfortable than the Makua, the recent
intruders from the south, who have made USUAL METHOD OF
good their footing on the western edge of the CLOSING HUT-DOOR
plateau, extending over a fairly wide belt of
country. Neither Makua nor Makonde show in their dwellings
anything of the size and comeliness of the Yao houses in the plain,
especially at Masasi, Chingulungulu and Zuza’s. Jumbe Chauro, a
Makonde hamlet not far from Newala, on the road to Mahuta, is the
most important settlement of the tribe I have yet seen, and has fairly
spacious huts. But how slovenly is their construction compared with
the palatial residences of the elephant-hunters living in the plain.
The roofs are still more untidy than in the general run of huts during
the dry season, the walls show here and there the scanty beginnings
or the lamentable remains of the mud plastering, and the interior is a
veritable dog-kennel; dirt, dust and disorder everywhere. A few huts
only show any attempt at division into rooms, and this consists
merely of very roughly-made bamboo partitions. In one point alone
have I noticed any indication of progress—in the method of fastening
the door. Houses all over the south are secured in a simple but
ingenious manner. The door consists of a set of stout pieces of wood
or bamboo, tied with bark-string to two cross-pieces, and moving in
two grooves round one of the door-posts, so as to open inwards. If
the owner wishes to leave home, he takes two logs as thick as a man’s
upper arm and about a yard long. One of these is placed obliquely
against the middle of the door from the inside, so as to form an angle
of from 60° to 75° with the ground. He then places the second piece
horizontally across the first, pressing it downward with all his might.
It is kept in place by two strong posts planted in the ground a few
inches inside the door. This fastening is absolutely safe, but of course
cannot be applied to both doors at once, otherwise how could the
owner leave or enter his house? I have not yet succeeded in finding
out how the back door is fastened.