SHAMANISM AN ENCYCLOPEDIA OF WORLD BELIEFS, PRACTICES, AND CULTURE Edited by Mariko Namba Walter and Eva Jane Neumann Fridman ABCGSCLIO Santa Barbara, California + Denver, Colorado + Oxford, EnglandCoryriHT © 2004 BY -MARIKO NaMBA WALTER AND BVA JANE NEUMANN FRIDMAN All rights reserved. No pare of this publication may be reproduced, sored in a retrieval system, of transmitted, in any form or by any means, lectronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording, or otherwise, except for the inclusion of brief quotations in a review, without prior peemission in ‘writing from the publishers. Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data ‘Shamanism: an encyclopedia of world beliefs, practice, and culture / edited by Maciko Namba Walter and Fva Jane Neumann Fridinan, pcm. Includes bibliographical eferences and index. ISBN 1-57607-645-8 (alk, paper) — ISBN 1-57607-646-6 (e-book) 1. Shamanism— Encyclopedias. I. Walter, Mariko Namba. II. Fridaman, Eva Jane Neumann, GNA75.8.8445 2004 201°.44'03—de22 2004020416 7 605 04 6 BT HSA RZBI This book is also available on the World Wide Web as an eBook. Visit lep://yrwwabe-lio.com for details. ABC-CLIO, Inc 130 Cremona Drive, RO. Box 1911 Santa Barbara, California 93116-1911 ‘This book is printed on acid-free paper. “Manufaceuzed in che Unieed States of America| BURMESE SPIRIT LORDS AND THEIR MEDIUMS ‘The cult of mats, “spirit lords,” is specific to Burmese cultural history. Negotiation with these “spit lords” is undertaken by mediums, ‘who inva shamanlike role go into a state of trance and chus become a conduit beoween the spirit and the client, Many aspects of shamanism can be perceived in these prac- tices, including the location of the nats, who ray reside in special features of the landscape or protect territories and kinship lineages. The cult of nats is encompassed conceptually by ‘Theravada Buddhism and addresses specific practical and personal needs within chat broader religious framework. Though the term nat is always translated “spirit lord,” in fact nats may be female as well as male. The authority of nats derives from their associa- tion with past kings, one’s kin group or ances~ tors, one’s village or home region, or one’s own personal aifinity to them. Negotiating wich spit lords is a way of dealing with mun- dane social and petsonal concerns that require the practical authority derived from worldly power. The mythic origins of nats predate the reign of Anwartha (1044-1077 6.5.) the king who established che first Bormese empire in Pagan, He initiated religious reforms co serengthen Theravada Buddhism, but failed in his effore to purge the land of the veneration of nats. Several powerful spirie lords origi- tated during his reign, and later kings con firmed annually the appointments of nats along with chose for coure nobility. Contem- porary social forms of worshiping nats evoke a traditional past, its imagined authority and royal splendor. Burmese turn to these tradi- tional sources of authority to gain control over uncertainty in everyday life and misfor- tune in times of personal crisis. Rosalind Mor- ¥is (2000) has made similar observations in her work on spirits in northern Thailand, The cult of nats offers psychological, cul- tural, and social venues for confronting risk and misfortune and allows for the integration of variety of emotions into a broader social landscape, Normative Burmese Buddhist prac- tice values generosity, restraint, equanimity, cial harmony, detachment, mental discipline, and the good karma that results from such be- haviors. The veneration of nats gives social real- ity to 2 host of emotions Buddhist practice dis- courages explicitly: hatred, greed, and desire; attachments, licentiousness, and jealousies; un- happiness over misfortune, illness, and the loss of social power more generally ‘The nature of the annual ritual veneration paid ro nats, especially the songs glorifying their lives, lore, and personal attribuces of power, suggests that the Burmese cule of nats has been shaped by Hindu and Buddhist tradi- tions as much as by local or animist practices. Similavties with Hinduism are evidenc in the deities involved, the notion of divine kingship, and the bhakti (devotion) seen in ritual venera- tion, Some nats ate identified as Hindu gods, such as Indra, King of Gods, and Ganesh, the Remover of Obstacles, but they never appear involved when mediums experience possession. Other nats are of Muslim or Chinese origins, bbuc most of them are of Shan, Mon, and Burmese descent. In principle, nats arc an open-ended category of spirit beings, and new cones may reveal themselves at any time, ‘The Royal Cult of the Thirty-Seven Nats and Authority of Spirit Lords ‘The Thirty-Seven Royal Nats constitute a class of powerful proteesive spits (ee iconographic illustrations in Temple 1906 and Rodrigue 1992). The number of positions within the Royal Cult parallels che thirty-two realms in ‘Theravada Buddhisc cosmology, along with four Quarter Guardians and 2 center, usually represented by Mount Meru (Shorto 1967) ‘The identities of the thirty-seven nats fluctuate, as Burmese often include different spirit lords among them. Many agree, however, on subsets among the thirty-seven. The Duttabaung Cycle includes seven nats linked to the Pyu period, 803804 such as Thagya Min (Indra) and Mahagisi Min They are thought co predate the formative period of Burmese political idencity during the Pagan period. Thhe nine lords of the Anawratha Gyde include the two Taungbyon Brothers, sons of Popa Macdaw (described below) and a minister at Anawratha’s court. Others in the list of Thirty-Seven Royal Nats have less fixed daces of origin. Local chronicles identify nats closely wich Burmese history, social identicy, and regional myths. The Glass Palace Chronicles, a nine- teenth-century compilation of carlcr histories, mention Popa Maedaw, the ferocious and fickle mother of the Taungbyon Brothers, who is an ogre nat who resides atop a volcanic mountain by the same name (Pe Maung Tin and Luce 1976). Other chronicles claim tha King Min- don (&. 1857-1878), buried four men alive in order to turn them into guardian spirits at the four gates of his newly constructed palace in Mandalay, Couns local nas ae tad ote im objects, such as cars and machinery, or reign over villages aad features in the Lande scape, such as mountains or lakes. Still other hats protect specific territories and kin lineages (Nash 1966). All tend to be known for their mythic deeds, specific powers, personal attrib utes, and capriciousness. Even the most casual veneration of nats takes account of these per- sonal quirks in negotiating exchanges and rela- tions with spici lords. Although Burmese rec- ognize the power of nats in solving everyday problems, they also are aware of limitations on their powers. Nats are not omnipotent, univer- sal deities, Instead, their personal traits, experi ences, and connections to kings give them well defined powers and attributes. Most nats are said to have met with an untimely, violent death, which according to Buddhist belief cre ates continued attachment ro the people and contexts of one’s previous life and a ghostlike existence that cannot be reborn (Spiro 1978). Stuck in the cycle of rebirth spirit lords nev- ertheless wield power and. authority over spe- «fc regions. Prominent spirit lords continue w be worshiped at ‘palaces”” Devotees travel chere ‘on pilgrimage to negotiate fevors, gain prom- ises of protection, and make good on obliga- tions, repaying them during ritual audiences by a spiric lord. These regional palaces are che sites of annual festivals. Some Burmese claim to BURMESE SPIRIT LORDS AND THEIR MEDIUMS have an inherited obligation passed to them from their parents’ generation through either or both of their kin lineages. Many deem ita pare of this obligation to make annual pilgrimages to their nars palace, attend the royal audience, and offer their tribute lest misfortune befall them and their kin, Others claim t0 come to these festivals mainly for popular entertain. ment, music, and fairs. ‘Thousands travel to Taungbyon, a small vil lage near Mandalay, to participate in popular celebrations over three days. This nat festival is dedicated to the two Taungbyon Brothers, the sons of Popa Maedaw and a minister at the Anawrathas court. Their father became a nar when he was put to death by the king. The sons fell victim to palace intrigues and later also died at the hands of this king. Ritual activities at che annual palace festival proceed at multiple levels simultaneously. The gilded wooden stat tues of the nats are carried in procession through the palace grounds and down ro the river in royal splendor. Meanwhile, at the palace, high-ranking spirit mediums make pri- ‘vate offerings for them and organize large pub- lic rituals in which the brothers are ritually bathed and their status is reconfirmed Evenings are devoted to public audiences, where throngs of devotees crowd into the audi- ence pavilion and offer Eugenia leaves, co- conuts, bananas, shawls, and expensive fra grances to invoke the protection of the Brothers. In return, they hope to receive tokens of blessing from them. These are times of in- tense public drama heightened by the hypnotic effec ofthe rhythmic, high-pitched music of traditional Burmese orchestra, The air is heavy and drenched with the sweet smell of jasmine flowers and perfumes. Oxygen is thin, and the temperature rises as the sca of devotees inun- dates the small audience hall, Individuals are submerged in the shoving of crowds moving toward the images of the nats seated on thrones in the inner confines of the audience hall. This emotionally charged, delirious atmos phere can create in some a cognitive and emo- tional dissociation from the ordinary social contexts of life. Spontaneous possessions occur when the spirit lords deign to show theie affec tion to individual devorees. For many pilgrims however, these rituals are not only contexts in hich personal ailments and anxieties may be— ation passed to. chem ation through cither or . Many deem ita part ke annual pilgrimages nd the royal audience, lest misforcune befall ners claim to come co or popular entertain. aungbyon, @ small vil. participate in popular ays. This nat festival is angbyon Brothers, the and a minister at the + father became a nat ath by the king. The incrigues and later also king. Ritual activities val proceed at multiple 1e gilded wooden stat- arvied in. procession inds and down to the - Meanwhile, at the ic mediums make pric nd organize large pub- brothers are ritually reconfirmed. | to public audiences, ss crowd into the audi- 1 Eugenia leaves, co ss and expenive fe € protection of che hope to receive tokens These are times of in prened by the hypnotic righ-pitched music of pestta. The air is heavy sweet smell of jasmine Deygen is chin, and the sea of devotees inn e hall, Individuals are ing of crowds moving nats seated on thrones he audience hall. ged, delirious atmos- e-a cognitive and emo- m the ordinary social yeous possessions occur ign to show their alfex ces. For many pilgti™s, fe not only contexts it s and anxieties may be BURMESE SPIRIT LORDS AND THEIR MEDIUMS 805 resolved. A general lack of social restraint is permitted, if noc expected, and many enjoy Gancing, amusement, theatrics, drinking, and Ticentious sexual joking, “The most senior spirit mediums there carry the titles of queens and ministers of the Taung- ‘yon Brothers. They are clad in traditional royal dress and begin to perform highly scripted and srylized dance performances. Public dances are the prerogatives of established mediums, who clsplay in the dances their intimare knowledge of the spirits. The choreography narrates their mythic lives, trickery, and powerful feats, and clisplays their emblems of power and personal «qualities. The personality of each nat becomes ent through characteristic costumes, em- than, bebaviows, songs, and their favorite food offerings, which are given to them during the performances. For instance, Kou Kyi Chaw en- joys drinking and gambling, the capricious liele Ma Nge-le likes boiled eggs, and Popa Mac Daw devours fruit and flowers. The perfor- mances also incorporate ostentatious offerings, as mediums often accept large sums of money from clients in the audience. Similar rituals of yeneration and solicitation are performed at he in neighborhoods, or by pro- fessional associations. Some of them are espe- dially dedicated to offerings made to the nine lords (Brac de La Perrigne 1989). Mediums and Clients The shamanistic practices of Burmese spirit mediums are based on marriage to a spirit lord they may include elements of alchemy, sorcery, healing, and divination. Mediums are known 2s nathadaw; literally, spouses who dance for spit lords. Through trancelike possession, they be- come conduits for the spirit’s communications with a client, offer privace counsel, and guide those who are spontaneously possessed through the experience of altered states of consciousness Social marginality, unusual physical features, and the desire to transform difference into so- cial validation and a steady sousce of income may be among the motivations for becoming a spirit medium. Recurrent spontaneous posses- sion may signal thatthe spirit lord is coueting a now spouse, and incurable illness may befall the bride until the sprit is placated. Many admit to initial embarrassment and apprehension, if not resistance, at being the object of love and desire for 2 spirit lord, The spirit lord is thought co become infatuated with the butcerly-like “souls’ of a human being. During this ac times traumatic tial period, the new recruit may si rmultaneously express resistance and reccive in- struction during an apprenticeship under a se- nior medium, Once conflicting desires and obligations to one’s family, including perhaps marriage to a human spouse, are resolved, a mock wedding may be performed to indicate the rights and new stacus of the medium. Sexual allusions and joking are common. place in the cultural contexts of nats, in stark contrast to the usual restraint of Buddhist soci- ety. Although, in traditional Burmese sociery, men ustally outrank women in social standing, this general social ranking of gender roles can be inverted in the marriage to a spirit lord. Re- gardless of the medium’s gender, the status of the human spouse is always inferior to that of the spirit lord. Thus a female nar like Popa Mae Daw may be spoken of as choosing a male as a “bride.” While most mediums are fermale, many are male. Some mediate for more than one spirit lord, and they may think of chemselves 2s living in polygamous marriages. Others stress an asexual relationship to the nat. Sill others are openly homosexual or dress as eransvesties Clients who seek consultations with spizic mediums are motivated by personal or practical concems, such as stress, anxieties, illness, or a family ctisis that may be out of control. Others seek advice to ensure suecess in business or pro- tection against potencial risks or misforcunes. Soliciting the spirits goodwill, clients may promise lavish offerings once their vencures are successfully completed. The tone in negotiating with nats ranges from fearful supplication ro skilful currying of favors, boisterous bartes, and boastful promises. Many cultivate personal relationships wich the medium and the spirit lord. This familiarity gives social reality to a range of emotions that Buddhist practice ex- plicitly seeks to ameliorate. Rumors of intrigue or misuse of power can, however, fuel allega- tions of sorcery, which constitutes an inversion of power structures in the practice of the Bud- hist Lower Pach, Natkadaws generally empha- size that their practice helps clients negotiate this-worldly concerns, and is encompassed by Buddhist ethics and cosmology.806 HMONG SHAMANISM. Relations with nats entail an elaborate sys- tem of exchange. Spirit wives also frequently compete with each other for prestige, status, and recognition. As mediators, they receive money and other offerings intended for the spitic lord. The flow of offerings and other rit- exchange berween nats, their mediums, clients, and a host of others, and may include the hire of beauticians and orchestras, or the upkeep of palaces. Living up to the demands of the spirit fords as well as to those of peers and clients can lead to significant expenditures for a natkadaw. Some nats have extravagant rastes for liquor, gambling, or lavish luxuries. In addition, & mediums conduct and reputation are impor- tant factors in the exchange berween spit lord and client and constieute symbolic capital in 2 profession that relies on divination, rumors, and trance to produce a steady income, if not considerable wealth and influence among an lite set of clients The shamanistic experience of mediums gives socially sanctioned expression to emotions and various mental states of dissociation. It can also create an experience of community often called communitas, to spontaneous trance, pre- dicrable seizures, and perhaps even the manifes- tation of multiple petsonalities. The exchange with spisie lords creates social identity empow- cred by imagined and traditional authority and ritual forms, including pilgrimage, royal audi- ences, and annual tribute, Communicating ‘with spirit lords is a socially consticutive experi- cence that may integrate experiences of misfor- tune or social marginality and helps construct personal identity, social memory, and cultural continuity Juliane Schober See also: Buddhism and Shamanism; Spisi Possession References and further reading: Brac de La Periée, Bénédicte. 1989, Les rituels de posession en Birmanie: du cute Eta awe cérémonies privée, Pais: Editions Recherche sures civilisations. Mortis, Rosalind C. 2000. In the Place of ‘Origins: Modernity and Its Mediums in Northern Thailand. Durhamn/London: Duke University Press. Nash, June. 1966. “Living with Nats” ‘Anhropological Sadies in Theravada Buddhison, Cultural Report Series, no. Yale University Southeast Asia Series, New Haven. Pe Maung’Tin and G, H. Luce, translators and compilers. 1976. The Glas; Palace Chronicle ofthe Kings of Burma, New York: AMS Press, Rodrigue, Yes. 1992. Nar Pre: Burma ‘Supernatural Subculture. Translated by Roser Floats. Gartmore, Scotland: Kiscadale Shorto, H. L. 1967. “The Dewatan Surapan, a Mon Procotype ofthe 37 Nas.” Bulletin of the Schoo! of Oriental and Aftican Studies 30: 127-141. Spito, Melford E. 1978. Burmese Supernanuralism: A Seudy inthe Explanation and Reduction of Sufering. Englewood Cliff, NJ: Prentice-Hall. “Temple, Richard Carnac. 1906. The Thirgy Seven Nas, a Phase of Sprit- Worship Prevailing in Burra. London: W. Griggs. HMONG SHAMANISM. (THAILAND, LAOS) Hmong shamanism, generally considered a “dassic” form of Shamanism, very close to the Siberian forms to which ic is probably related, provides a rich field of study, especially because itis stil practiced among those of the Hmong who have settled in the United Sraes. Background ‘The Hmong are a large ethnolinguistic group originating in China, where the vast majority of approximately six million Hmong still e- side, In China, the Hmong, known to the Chi- nese as the Mizo, are among the fifty-six g emmentally recognized minza, “nationalities.” ‘This designation disguises a grear deal of eth- nolinguistic complexity since there are thitty 19 forty distinct, mutually unintelligible Hmong languages in China (belonging to the Meo-Yeo branch of the Austo-Thai linguistic family), and Hmong communities are widely scartered in the west and south, particularly in Guizhou, Sichuan, and Yunnan Provinces. Beginning in the early nineteenth century, Hmong groups have been migrating southward into Laos and ‘Thailand, with smaller incursions into Vietnam and Myanmar, and since the Vietnam Wat