THE JAZZ ARCHIVIST A NEWSLETTER © ISSN 1085-8415 THE WILLIAM RANSOM HOGAN JAZZ ARCHIVE, VOL. XXI 08) Buddy Bolden’s Blues by Vie Hobson \, Almost everything that is known about the life and music of Buddy Bolden is based upon le testimony and hearsay. With t exception of a photograph that first appeared in Jazzmen (1938), 4 single invitation to a Mardi Gras ball in 1903 where “Prof. Bolden's provided the music, and two press reports of Bolden attacking his mother with a ‘water pitcher in March of 1906,? there is litle hhard evidence that pre-dates Bolden’s eommit- ment to the Insane Asylum of Louisiana in June Contributors Vie Hobson ‘Ann Woodruff Per Oldaeus Tulane | University then he had lost his crown as the comet king of New Orleans, but his influence on the develop- ment of jazz has heen lasting. Today Buddy Bolden is remembered as the “first man of jazz.” ‘The phrase “first man of jazz” comes from Donald M. Marquis’ in Search of Buddy Bolden: First Man of Jazz (1978), a title which was not his first choice, as he explains: “My personal choice for the title was ‘In search of the Bolden Legend.” As the name ‘Bolden’ was rel Editorial Board: Dr, John Joyse, Eiitor Dr. Brice Boyd Raeburn, Curator Dé. Lance Query, Dean of Librariesunknown in 1978, an editorial deciston was made to usc “Jazz! in the title, Such a claim is rot made in the book,” Marquis took what little evidence there ‘was, and combined it with interviews conducted with the few early musicians old enough to remember Bolden, in order to piece together a picture of his life. Revised in 2005, this is still the most comprebensive account of Bolden available. In the last ten years a number of books have appeared which also explore the Bolden legend. A particularly colourful aecount is given by Danny Barker in Buddy Bolden and the Last Days of Storyville (1998). Barker, a New Orleans guitarist and banjo player, was born in 1909 and therefore had no firsthand knowledge of Buddy Bolden, but he compiled his story from the many accounts that he had heard over the yeas,’ Focusing on the music of Buddy Bolden, Daniel Hardie, The Loudest Trumpet: Buddy Bolden and the Early History of Jazz (2001) oaks at Bolden’s style of playing. Using oral histories and revivalist recordings, Hardie places Bolden and his band within the changing musical tastes at the turn of the twentieth century:® In The Birth of Jazz: Reviving the Music of the Bolden Fra (2007),” Hardie further discusses Bolden’s repertoire and the ragtime tunes of the period. The connection between ragtime and Bolden’s repertoire is also consid cred in Thomas Brothers’ Louis Armstrong's ‘New Orteans (2006), which includes a chapter ‘on “Ragtime and Buddy Bolden," ‘tis in the role of “first man of jazz that Bolden is remembered by New Orleans musi- cians of his generation, Peter Bocage, bom on July 31, 1887, in Algiers, was asked by Richard Allen, “Who do you think was the first band to ever play any jazz or ragtime?” Well, attribute it iv Bolen, you know: I ‘mean, cause ~the simple fat, the way that thing ‘come about — you see. Bokden was a fellow. be side t know a note big as thisihouse you understand what I mean: and whatever they played, they caught (leamed by hearing]! oF 2 The Jazz Archivist made up, you see? Say they made their own music, and they played it their own way, you understand? So that’s the way jazr started, you understand? — just through the feeling ofthe ‘man, you understand? = just his, his improvison improvisation)" you see, And then the surroundings ~ the surroumelings a that time was mostly people of — oh, you might say of fast type. you know ~ exciting. you understand? And those old blues and all that stuff, you know just came in there. you see, Arc! eventually the jaz brusiness started to going, you sce.” ‘The first known publication to mention Buddy Bolden in the role of a jazz pioneer ‘comes from the Loufsiana Weekly in 1933. E. Belfield Spriggins, as part of his study, "Exca- vvating Local Jazz,” reported that, “Many years ago jazz tunes in their original form were heard in the Crescent City. Probably one of the earliest heard was one played by King Bolden's band.” ‘The tune in question being “Buddy Bolden’s Blues:" a tune that William Russell and Stephen Smith in their essay on “New Orleans Music” would go on to describe in Jazzmen as Buddy Bolden’s “theme” song." This song is consistently remembered by those who heard Bolden perform in the early years of the wenti- eth century. Known variously as “Funky Butt” “| Thought I Heard Buddy Bolden Say,” and "Buddy Bolden’s Blues,” this was Bolden’s signature tune. I Thought J heer'd Mr. Bolden say. “Funky but furky butt Take it away.” Itis clear that Buddy Bolden played a significant role in the emergence of a music that ‘would become known as jazz: therefore, “Buddy ‘Bolden’s Blues” isa highly significant tune in the development of jazz. My purpose in this paper is to took at how and when “Buddy Bolden’s Blues” became a part of Bolden’s repertoire, Much of the evi dence that is available about the circumstances in which “Buddy Bolden’s Blues” appeared dates from many years after Bolden’s death and Vol. XXI (2008)froma time that the Bolden legend had already become self-reinforcing, as informants simply elaborated on previous versions of the Bolden ‘myth. The transcripts of interviews held at the Hogan Jazz Archive contain a good number of insertions by the interviewers, indicating that information may have been gleaned from the pages of Jazzmen oF other secondary sources, rather than from any firsthand knowledge. Mast of the Hogan Jazz. Archive interviews were collected in the 1950s, when few of Bolden’s contemporaries were stil alive, and these who did remember Bolden and his musie were recalling events that took place some fifty years before. Despite these caveats there is a surprising ‘consistency in the details surrounding the song 1uddy Bolden’s Blues.” One point of consis- at agreement is that the song was associated th the peak years of Bolden’s popularity, from around 1904 t0 1906. This is significant because “The St. Louis Tickle” (1904) was published with a second strain that is highly reminiscent of “Buddy Bolden’s Blues.” The association of these two tunes was recognized long ago by Rudi Blesh and Harriet Janis in They All Played Ragtime: The True Story of American Music (1950), saying that “The St. Louis Tickle” was “later immortalized as of 1895-1900 New Orleans origin by Jelly Roll Morton. He re- corded it as Buddy Bolden’ Blues." Blesh and. Janis also say that “a very early published appearance of this folk melody is Ben Hamey's The Cakewalk in the Sky, issued by Witmark & Sons in 1899,"" which contains a similar chorus theme. Jelly Roll and “Buddy Bolden's Blues” According to Jelly Roll Morton, “Buddy Bolden’s Blues,” a song that he dates to 1902, “is about one of the earliest blues. This is, no doubt, is the earliest blues that was the real thing. That is a variation from the real barrelhouse blues.” He goes on to say: ‘The composer was Budy Bolden, the ‘Vol. XXI (2008) ‘most powerful trumpet player I"ve ever heard or ever was known, The name of this was named bby some old honky-tonk people. While he played this, they sang a little theme to it, He was a favorite in New Orleane atthe time. 1 thought F heard Buddy Bolden sa Dirty nasty stinkin” butt, cake it away: Adiny nasty stinkin’ but, tage it away, Oh, Mister Bolden, play. thought T heard Bolden play: Dirty nasty stinkin” bun, take it away, A funky but, stinky but, take away ‘And let Mister Bolden play." Morton further notes that, “Later on this tune was, uh, 1 guess I'd have to say, stolen by same author I don’t know anything about — don’t remember his name — and published under the title of ‘St. Louis Ticker.” But with all the proof in the world, this tune was wrote by Buddy Bolden, Plenty old musicians know ‘The publication of “The St. Louis Tickle in 1904 coincided with the World's Fair in St Louis that year. Composed by Bamey and ‘Seymore, it uses a version of “Buddy Bolden’s Blues” for the second strain of this “Rag Time ‘Two Step.” Its this strain that Mortan be- lieved had been “stolen” from Buddy Bolden. Its thought that “Bamey & Seymore” was «pseudonym for Theron C. Bennett (1879- 1937), a Missouri pismist best known for pur- chasing W.C. Handy’s “The Memphis Blues” 1912." It is not inconceivable that Bennett may have employed a pre-existing tune such as “Buddy Bolden's Blues” in his “The St Louis Tickle.” Itcould also be that he came to know the tune from some other source. It is suggested by Donald M. Marquis that variants of the tune \were in general circulation along the Mississippi River: “The tune of the song was catchy and ‘conductive to parodies and extemporaneous words. It was sung in the towns up and down the Mississippi and had probably been carried to New Orleans by upriver boatmen.”® ‘The example that Marquis gives isa variant that was sung in Gretna, opposite New Orleans. The Jazz Archivist 3Roy Carew reported hearing a white office boy singing, “I though heave Miss Sucte shout, / Open up the windows and let the breeze blow out,” at some time after he moved there in 1904. Another version of the song. from New Orleans, was recalled by Edmond Souchon, MLD,, whens a child of four or five years old, ‘around 1901 or 1902, his nanny would sing: “Ain ¥ that man got a funny walk, the “Ping-Pong round Sousherm park. seer mar, white mau, take hint away, Lahoughs& heard him say. Doi Ik may be that Theron C, Bennett had adapted a song that was in general cinculation, oF that he had adapted “Buddy Bolden’s Blues” and published it as “The St. Louis Tickle.” It is also possible that Bolden may have adapted a popu- Jar song that was in general circulation, which ay of may not have been based originally on Bennett's composition John Robichaux ‘At the time that Buddy Bolden was at the peak of his popularity his principle musical rival was John Robichaux, a Creole who lived Uptown in Tehoupitoulas Street: Robichaux was in many ways the epitome of the New Orleans Creole of Color. Bor January 16,1866, in the bayou country town of “Thibodaux, he was older than Bolden and had the athvantage of an excellent musical education ‘When he moved to New Orleans in 1891 he promptly became the drummer for Theogene ‘Baquer's highly regarded Excelsior Comet Band; shorly thereafter he organized his own band, By 1893 those playing for hi were fame ‘Williams and James MeNeil on cornet; Charles ‘McCurdy, clarinet; Baptiste Delisle, trombone; [Edward “Dee Dee Chandler, drums: Henry Kimball, bass; and Wendell MeNeil violin, ‘Robichatx himself played violin and led the band, though he came to be more concemed ‘with amanging music and managing the group.” 4 The Jazz Archivist Manuel Manetta recalled hearing Robichaux’s band playing in Lincoln Park in New Orleans: heard Robichou’s band when Iwas stil in short pants and attending school. | would borrow my brother's long pants to goto Lincoln Park in Carrollton, where Robichaux’s band was the usual atrastion, He was the famous band of the town. Dancing at Lincoln Park, held on Sunday, began ai 4 pm. The personnel of Robichaux’s band which was a full band: Robichawx-violin, Jim Williamstrumpet, Batiste Delisle-trombone, George Baquet-clarinet. The band strictly played from music. including Scott Joplin numbers, The only number they played by-ear was “Home Sweet Home." The Robichaux Band played in the open weather permitting, from 4 pm until 7 pm. After a break of one hour for meals, etc they played in the dance hall at the park from 8 xntil 4 am* Bud Scott recalled one of the legendary ‘contests that took place in Lincoln Park between Buddy Bolden and John Robichaux: ‘joined John Robichaux in 1908, There ‘were seven men in the band (no piano): guitar, violin, Jim Williams was on trumpet (he used to ‘use a mute), comet, Battice Dellile on trombone, Dee Dee Chandler on drums, and the greatest bbass player I ever heard in my life-Henry Kimball. They played for the elite and had the town sewed up. In about 1908, {this date is ‘wrong: Bolden vais commited to Jackson ‘won. For the contest added Manuel Pere Bolden got hot-headed that night, as Robichaus really had his gang out. It is fortunate for jazz scholars that John Robichaux’s musical library was donated to the ‘Hogan Jazz Archive, There are more than 5,000 orchestrations, Within this col seen the complete evolution of dance and jazz styles from 1877 to-the 1940s.” One of these arrange- ‘ments from 1904 is “The St. Louis Tickle.” which Morton claimed was “stolen” from Buddy Bolden. Given that Bolden’s principle musical ‘Vol. XXI (2008)rival was playing “The St. Louis Tickle” at much the same time that Bolden was playing “Buddy Bolden’s Blues.” it does raise the ‘question, is it possible that Bolden leamed the ‘tune from Robichaux? It is believed that Buddy Bolden and his ‘band were poor readers, but nevertheless they managed to play a mixed repertoire of the dance tunes of the day. We leam from Beatrice Alcor, a member of the Blue Ribbon Social Club around 1904, that Bolden’s band “played waltzes, quadrilles, the two-step and slow drag — all dance music and no fast or ‘jazzed-up stufl?."* If Bolden and his band were poor readers, they would have needed to lear these waltzes and quadrilles by ear, or have leamed the tune from someone who could read musie. ‘This raises the possibility that Bolden may have Jeamed what became known as “Buddy Bolden’s Blues” by listening to John Robichaux cor other reading bands play “The St. Louis Tiekle- it is likely that Bolden played his signature bh before 1904 and before “The St. Louis Tickle” ‘was published? If he was playing his theme song before 1904 it would seem that Telly Roll Morton could be correct and Theron C. Bennett may indeed have “stolen” Bolden’s theme song. If, on the other hand Bolden only played "Buddy Bolden’s Blues” after 1904, this could argue for the reverse conclusion - that Bolden may have adapted Bennett's composi ‘The Lyries of “Buddy Bolden’s Blues” “Buddy Bolden’s Blues” is a song, and songs may not have been typical of Bolden’s dance repertoire in 1904, as Beatrice Aleom say's that when Bolden played, “no-one sang lyrics as they might have done at other dances."®” On the other hand, it may well be that Bolden adapted his repertoire for different venues. Being a song, we do have the advantage of being able to see what the lyrics may tell us that would help in the dating of “Buddy Bolden’s Blues.” Vol. XXI (2008) If we review the lyries toa version of “Buddy Bolden’s Blues” recorded by Morton in 1939, it includes the lines: J thought I heant Judge Fogarty say, Thirty days in the market, take him away. Give him a good broom to sweep with, take hima Thought heard him say The lytic is a reference to Judge John J Fogarty, who was born in New Orleans in 1865, and became the presiding judge of the First Recorders Court in 1904, In the Behrman Administration Biography published in 191 was noted that, “He and his fame have been celebrated in poetry and song and a certain popular ditty may be heard every day on Canal Street.”"" Judge Fogarty's grandson Joseph also recalled: remember the song that was latcere- corded by Jelly Roll Morton. 1 ean remember my father singing it. The way T always heard “Tthought I heard Judge Fogany say, *25 dollars cor thirty days."" My father also told me that when they had vaudeville shows atthe Orpheum they were constantly cracking jokes about Judge Fogarty from the tage. And another thing, when people play poker in New Orleans, if they hold three tens, they cal it “Judge Fogarty” — thirty days ‘The amendment of lyrics t0 © to make fun at the expense af local pol and dignitaries was a common practice on the vaudeville stage and elsewhere. Other examples include W. C. Handy’s “Mr. Crump,” an election ‘campaign song for E. H Crump, and the “Two Sweets” with their song "Nothing New Under the Sun,” which included “several stanzas of a local political nature that set the house wikd with Isughter.”=" It could be that the melody of “The St. Louis Tickle” was used as the basis ofa ‘vaudeville song that could be adapted to com- ment on local events and people such as Judge Fogarty. ‘The other reference that Morton makes in The Jazz Archivist 5his recording of “Buddy Bolden’s Blues” that may help to date the song is to the valve trom- bonist Frankie Duson, who took over the leader- ship of Buddy Bolden’s band as Bolden’s health deteriorated. Thowght ¥ heard Frankie Dusen shout, 1, give me the money, I'm gonna Bear it out Lmean give shat money like T explain to you, Tm gonna beat it out. “Cause I heard Frankie Duson say. Although itis difficult to date exactly when Frankie Duson became a regular member of Boken’s band, it was late in Bolden’s playing career. For many years Willie Comish had been Bokden’s regular trombone player and itis possible that he wats still with Bolden as late as 1908. The evidence for this comes from the one surviving photograph of Bolden and his band. The first date ascribed to this photograph by the authors of Jacomen was “before 1895," but this was far too early. According to Marquis, “This photograph has been prieted in neatly every major book on jazz and continues to perplex meticulous jazz scholars. The original came from Willie Comish, who loaned it to Charles E. Smith to use in Jaccmen, Bella Comish tater loaned it to Leonard Bechet, Sidney's brother, and when he died the original ‘was never recovered."* When it was first printed the caption stated ‘before 1895," The date of before 1895 had been given to- the Jazzmen authors by Bunk Jobnson, who succeeded in confusing jazz researchers for many years with his unreliable dating of events. Marquis ges on to say: ‘There are several reasons to believe that the date ‘was actually closer to 1905, one reason being that Bunk Jobnson’s other irformation concern ing Bolden is off by almost exactly ten years. Jimmy Johnson is the key man in dating the photograph. Aceording to his marriage certifi- cate Jimmy was bom in 1884; this date was verified by Louis Cottrell, Jr, who roomed with Johnson for seven years while both were touring ‘with Don Alber’s band in the 1930s.” The 6 The Jazz Archivist ‘quality of the picture is so poor itis difficult to {judge Johnson's precise age, but itis nonetheless. cevident that he is older than eleven."* Marquis’ dating of this picture to 1905 is in part based upon the belief that Bunk Johnson ‘was consistently incorrect in his dating of events by “almost exactly ten years.” Alden Ashforth in his article, “The Bolden Photo ~ One Mare Time,” challenges the precision of this claim, and dates the photograph to “between 1899 and 1903." Given that we cannot be sure when Duson took over from Comish, perhaps a safer dating of the photograph would be between 1899 and 1905. A detailed, if not necessarily historically accurate, version of events relating to Duson joining Bolden's band is attributed to Dude Bottley. The New Orleans guitarist Danny Barker claimed he had interviewed Dude Bottley {ihe brother of balloonist Buddy Bottley, who ‘worked with Bolden in Lincoin Park) in the 1950. When Barker's editor asked him outright if Dude Botley “was real, ora figment of his imagination,” Barker replied that “when he gave the original draft to Martin Williams, [published as "A Memory of King Bolden,” Evergreen Review, September 1965], he'd added ‘a litle monkey'shine,’ but the story was in essence true, and hie had put it together from many accounts collected over the years.” ‘There were dozens of small string groups and bands and af that time among the most popular were Mr. Charlie Sweet Lovin’ Gallo- ‘way, Punkie Valentin, Seftor Butts and PPinchback Toure. Buddy Bolden was the most popular of all, but he was jealous of the great rhythms, showmanship and popularity of Mt Sweet Lovin’ Galloway with his fiddle and ‘mandolin solos, especially since Galloway was a ‘clown and had an engaging personality and a large following. He featured three terrific born blowers who loved fo battle Bolden’s band, ‘They were Edward Clem, cornet; Frankie Dusen, [sic|"" trombone; and Frank Lewis, ‘clarinet. Bolden started scheming and figuring hhow to break up that band, so he fired Brock ‘Mumford, his guitarist, and clarinettist Willie Vol. XX1(2008)Wamer as well as trombonist Willie Cornish Then he connived and hired Galloway's men: he hired Frankie Dusen, Frankie Lewis and the banjoist Lorenzo Staulte. When Bolden sole Galloway's key men, he took all the steam and fire out of Sweet Lovin’ Galloway's band ‘Galloway just faded from the picture when these men left All that can be said with certainty is that the events Morton described in his lyrics to “Buddy Bolden’s Blues” relate to the later years of Bokden’s playing career. Judge Fogarty was not presiding in New Orleans until 1904, and Frankie Duson was not a regular member of Bolden’s band until around the same time. ‘Morton was probably born in 1890, and would have still been in his early teens when Bolden was at his peak." If he did have first hand knowledge of Bolden and his band performing “Buddy Bolden’s Blues” it would have been later versions of the song. While Morton’s lyrics do relate to events late in Bolden’s playing career, this in itself does not prove conclusively when this song became a part of Bolden’s repertoire. Funky Butt Hall ‘The other lyric that Morton gives in his version of “Buddy Bolden’s Blues” that may help to date the song is the stanza: T thought I heard Buddy Bolden show, Open up that veindow and let that Bad air out ‘Open up that window and let that foul air out, 1 thought F heard Buddy Bolden sary" ‘These are events, which it is believed, refer to an incident that occurred when Bolden was playing at a dance hall in New Orleans. Bolden ordered the windows be opened because the smell was becoming unbearable. The earliest Known appearance of this story was printed in 1933 in the Louisiana Weekly: ‘tscems that one night while playing at the Odd Fellows Hall, Perdido near Rampart St ‘Vol. XX1 (2008) became very hot and stuffy in the place and a discussion arose among the members of Bolden’s band about the foul at. The next day William Comic, the trombonist with the band, ‘composed a ‘tune’ to be played by the band. The real words ane unprintable But these will answer. “Thought heard old Bolden say Rorten gut Rotten gut! Take it away ‘The rendition ofthis number became an ‘overnight sensation and the reputation of Bokden's band became a household word with the patrons of the Odd Fellows Hall, Lincoln and Johnson Parks, and several other popular dance ‘halls around the eity-* It is probable that the lyrics the editor of the Louisiana Weekly chose not to print were similar to those recalled by Mrs. Susie Farr. In an interview with Richard Allen she recalled Johnson Park and Lincoln Park, and that the “children in the neighborhood were saying, “Funky butt, funky bust, rake ir away." ‘The song became so popular that one New Orleans venue became known as “Funky Butt Hall,” because of its association with Bolden, But this was not the Odd Fellows Masonic Hall Odd Fellows Masonic Hall was a furniture store until 1897, and “it was leased to Jacob Itzkovitch who eventually bought the building in 1904. [1] Im 1898, Itzkoviteh rented the large Upstairs area (entered at 1116 Perdido Street) to- the Odd Fellows as a concert hall and meeting “* ‘This would suggest that the events that Willie Comish recalls could have taken place at any time froma 1898, when the Odd Fellows had the use of the hall. What this does not explain is why the Union Sons Hall, a couple of blocks down Perdido Street, became known as “Fun Butt Hall?” ‘According to Marquis: Musicians and patrons had other names for Union Sons Hall After Bolden became its most famous occupant it was popularly known as Funky But Hall Before that its nicknames were “Kenna’s Hall” “Kenny's Hall,” and“ Hall” these nicknames quite possibly coming 1from one of the organization's presidents, William S. Kinney. A 1904 amendment to the Union Sons charter included the minutes of a riceting in-which officers were elected, and Kinney. laborer residing at 627 Liberty, as listed as the new president ® A number of the early jazz musicians who remember Bolden use the names “Funky Butt Hall” and “Kinney’s Hall” (or one of the vari- ants) interchangeably.” Manvel Manetta also ‘confirmed in an interview with William Russell that from atime when Frankie Duson was playing with Buddy Bolden “a man named Kenna” operated “Funky Butt Hall,"° What this does tend to suggest is that it was from a time around or after 1904, when William S, Kinney became the president of the Union Sons Relie Association of Louisiana, that the hall became known as “Funky Butt Hill,” rather than at some earlier date, Who Was the Singer? Its interesting that Willie Comish claimed to have written the “tune” to “Buddy Bolden's Blues,” and itis suggested that Willie Cornish could read music and would introduce new tunes. band, It is less clear if he was responsible for the Iyrics."” Although ‘Willie Comish talked and sang nasty,”* it is Lorenzo Staultz who is principally associated with singing “Buddy Bolden’s Blues.” With due regard for the possibility of a liberal sprinkling of “monkeyshine,” according to (the probably fictitious} Dude Bottley: Dusen and Bolden used to get 2 great big happy feeling when Lorenzo sang. He could sing Funky But for an hour: he could sing all day ‘and all night ihe wanted to, because he would sing about all the notoriety whotes, pimps, madam and even about the policeman atthe door. OF course the policeman did not ever hear all the nasty lowdown things that Lorenzo would be singing about hin and the police department, ‘the mayor, the governor, the president. He would ‘even sing about the Civil War; about how ‘General Grant made Jeff Davis kiss nd kiss his 8 The Jazz Archivist bochind and how General Sherman burnt up Georgia riding on Robert E. Lee's back. The crowd would scream and boller but Lorena would stand up and sing about them white folks with his eye watching the policeman on the door. The policeman would not know what he would be singing but Lorenzo was protect ‘and taking no chances. One chorus F remember was: “T thought Fheer'd Abe Lincoln shout, "Rebels, clase dawn them plarations and let them niggers out.” P'm positively sere Fheer'd Me Lincoln shows Tahought {heard Mr Lincoln say, “Rebels, close down them plantasions and let all them niggers oui.” You gonna fose the war: git on your knees and pray You gonna tose the war: gt on your knees and Tha the wont her Mr. Linon sex Ithas been suggested that this isa reference to “Emancipation Day,” a tune that the editors of ted with Bolden, and ‘which they say was “inspired by some “Io ‘woman who had worked an a boat with the band. The words of the song, which later became his “theme” song. wei T shought F heard Buddy Bolden say ‘Fuonky-but, feaky-buas, cake it ava Despite the coincidence in title there is no. ‘obvious connection between this song and “On Emancipation Day” (1902), a song by Will Marion Cook and Lawrence Dunbar, from the musical Jn Dahomey. There are, however, wo: published tunes that are similar to: “Buddy Bolden’s Blues.” “The St. Louis Tickle” William J, Schafer and Johannes Riedel in The Art of Ragtime: Form and Meaning of an ‘Original Black American Ars, argue that: “The melodies of different strains of a rag are apt t0 ‘contrast sharply, but they are similar in that they ‘Vol. XXI (2008)follow lyrical, vocal lines, They can be hummed or sung easily, and they often sound like simple folk songs when isolated from the rag structure In fact, the melodies often are folk tunes or folk rag themes found in many other contexts (. “Buddy Bolden’s Blues’ theme which is appar- ently a levee work song and appears in Barney and Seymore's ‘St. Louis Tickle’ and in a half doren other ragtime contexts)" What we do know is that “The St. Louis Tickle,” when it was published in 1904, found its way ito Joln Robichaux’s musical Hibeaty; ‘which suggests tha it was a popular number in New Orleans and may have been played by other New Orleans bands that had access to the sheet music, A stock arrangement was published by the Vietor Kremer Company in Chicago and was available to any band that wished to include the ‘number in their repertoire. The popularity of “The St, Louis Tickle” appears also to have attracted imitators, By 1905 ‘Scott Joplin had published “Sarah Dear,” a mental love song which nevertheless bore a striking similarity to “The St. Louis Tickle.” Rucli Blesh seems to have believed that "Sarah Dear” and “The St, Louis Tickle” were both descended from the folksong “Funky Butt." “An interesting feature sets Saralt Dear apaet from ‘ther popular songs of the day. The chorus, a variation of the old ribald levee song sung by the roustabouts up and down the Mississippi and elsewhere, will serve as an example of the way the folksong wandered through its own level of society. ‘Another tune based on the same melody that appeared as sheet music after “The St Lov Tickle” was Louis Chauvin's ballad, “Babe, It's “Too Long Of” (1906). By 1905, lyrics that at least have a passing resemblance to “Buddy Bolden’s Blues,” inclusive of the “take it away” phase, were published in a vocal version of “The St. Louis Tickle” (See figure 1). ‘The New York Clipper of November 4, 1905, in a block advertisement for the Victor Kremer Company, Chicago, noted that “The St. Louis Tickle” was a “Rag Time Hit” and was “Absolutely a Novelty in Syncopated Mclody. Played by Bands and Orchestras Everywhere, and that it was available “Published as a Song” with “Lyries by JIM O'DEA." That “The St Louis Tickle” had acquired lyrics by this time is confirmed from a report in the Indianapolis Freeman froth a few weeks earlier It reported on a vaudeville bill from the Pekin Theater, Chicago, saying that, “Fimmy Wall pleased everybody singing, the St. Louis Tickle Song and ‘Everybody Works But Father.”""* “The Cake Walk in the Sky” ‘Theron Catlen Bennett (1897-1937) was Missouri born pianist who first published in 1902 and by 1904 was working as a composer and arranger for the Victor Kremer Co. The question is, how did he come to know the melody that he published as “The St. Louis Tickle"? One credible explanation is that he was alresdy familiar with “The Cake Walk in the Sky” (1899), by Ben Harney.” Ben Hamey is perhaps best known for composing “You've Been a Good Old (1895), The circumstances surrounding the Publication of this song provide an insight into Hamey's musical background. According to bis Publisher Bruner Greenup: “It was no trouble for Hamey. to play this piece according to ragtime principles, but the great difficulty which beset us when we started out to publish the song was to get the ‘rag’ in print, Harney had no more idea than a monkey how to write rag time, though he could play and sing it better, perhaps, than anyone has ever yet sueceeded in doing.™® ‘Harney was both a composer and performer who worked in vaudeville and by 1899 was being billed as the “Originator of Ragtime.”** In Wont you playthat ume, I say, Stlowsis ticle, oh, takeit a- way, FM bom ba - shay tlm Figure 1: Chorus, “The Si. Louis Tickle,” 1905 (Hogan Jazz. Archive) Vol. XX1 (2008) The Jazz Archivist 91899 Witmark and Sons published “The Cake ‘Walk in the Sky” in two versions: an instrumen- tal in the key of F, described as an “Ethiopian “Two-Step” and arranged for piano by F. W. Meacham, and.a version in the key of Eb, which included lyrics anda "RAG CHORUS a lib,” & ‘comparison of the opening bars of the chorus of “The Cake Walk in the Sky” with the version of “Buddy Bolden's Blues” that Jelly Roll Morton performed in 1939, confirms that the chromatic descending melodies and their accompanying harmony are almost exactly the same. The only significant difference is that Morton’s finishes the phrase on an E flat 9 (See figures 2 and 3) CHORUS, ‘own and other song collectors work in Afro- American Folksong: A Study in Racial andl Nationad Musie. In the book he analysed the melodic features of more than five hundred ‘African American folksongs. These songs had been collected by members of the American Folklore Society, which had been established in 1888 with one of its principle aims being to collect the “fast-vanishing remains" of the folklore of “Negroes in the Southern S the Us sof a ‘An analysis of the $27 songs in respect of the intervallic structure of their melodies is set Pa a mile on ach face oy” ~ ry coon now take your place Figure 2: “The Cake Walk in the Sky." 1899 (Library of Congress) ® Flin Br Bed - » od Bol - den Figure 3: “Buddy Bolden’s Bluew” (Library of Congress) In 1939 J, Lawrence Cook transeribed Jelly Roll Morton's “Buddy Bolden’s Blues” for copyright. What is striking is the complexity of he harmony. If“The Cake Walk in the Sky” or any of its derivatives did indeed originate as a folksong, it is unlikely that the Folksong was performed accompanied with such complex harmony. The distinctive descending semi-tone ‘melody is also quite unlike the diatonic melodies usually found in African American folksong, In 1914 the folklorist Henry Edward Krehbiel made an analysis of African American folk melodies, summarising the findings of his 1 The Jazz Archivist the following table; Ordinary Major... ..oe cess eeeen ee Ordinary Minor. Mixed and vague. - Penta... sesnsesneesesen Major with Flatted seventh, Major without seventh : Major without fourth... Minor with raised sixth... Minor without sixth nor with raised seventh (leading-tone)....19 Of the 527 melodies analyzed in the above table, Tess than 12 per cent are minor, the remainder either major or pentatonic. with a slight infusion, negligible a this stage ofthe Vol. XXI (2008)‘argument, of melodies in which the mode is ‘unpronaunced,"* Clearly chromatic melodies such as “The ‘Cake Walk in the Sky” were extremely rare if they were encountered at all in African Ameri- ‘can folksong. But there is a version of a folksong, the words of which, do bare a striking resemblance to the lyrics of “Buddy Bokden's Blues,” collected by Newman 1. White, Blesh andl Janis reported that: ‘The Composer Virgil Thomson remembers it asa river song hear in his bay hood in Kansas City, and De. Newman Ivey White reports it in his book American Negro Fobk-Songs in the following form, sung asa work song by Negro Laborers in Augusta, Georgia: Thought J heard = buch! Fudge Pequene say — huh? Forty-five dollars ~ huh! Take him away — huh Dr. White adds his own memory of the tune a8 a sireet song in 1908 in Statesville, North Carolin. Newman I, White collected the song in 1920 and commented: “Judge Pequette, of the Recorder's Court, had 2 reputation among the Negroes for severity of sentences. His usual sentence was “forty-five dollars fine or 90 days com the roads." (See figure 4). sireet song in Statesville, N. °° Stock Arrangements ‘One thing, | think, is clear. The melody of “Buddy Bolden’s Blues” did not originate with Buddy Bolden. This melody had been published under the ttle “The Cake Walk in the Sky" in 1899. Unless we are to believe that Buddy Bolden was playing this same melody before this date (and there is nothing that I have found to support this view), then the melody of “Bueldy Bolden’s Blues” was derived from “The Cake ‘Walk in the Sky.” ‘The question is, how could this melody have entered his repertoire? One possibility is that “Buddy Bolden’s Blues” was based directly con “The Cake Walk in the Sky.” Ifthis was the case, then Bolden or someone else in his band would have had to have either have learned the tune by ear of learned it from the published sheet ‘music. There is also the possibility that the tune was being played by other bands Kid Ory remembered from his early years at Woodland Plantation that when Charlie Galloway's band visited, “They played mostly all Buddy Bolden tunes."®* Frankie Duson and Lorenzo Staultz were with Galloway before joining Bolden. As this was from a time before the publication of “The St. Louis Tickle,” and before there is any evidence that the tune was associated with Bolden, they may have played Thewght heard dpe pe-quete say igure 4: “Thought I Heard” (Newman I White, American Negro Folk Somes) White also notated the melody: which is cemtely diatonic, and without the distinctive descending semi-tones melody of “Buddy Bokden’s Blues. this song was being sung around 190: was probably sung to a very similar diatonic melody, because White recalled, “Twenty-five years ago [heard this same tune and almost the same words, with ribald variations, as a Negro Vol. XXII (2008) For -ty-fore dol- ders Take him a - way the folksong “Funky Butt” or a version of “The Cake Walk in the Sky.” When Duson and Staultz joined Bolden they may have taught Bolden the song. ‘Alternatively, Bolden may have had access to the piano arrangements of the tune or song. «A search of the records at the Library of Congress indicates that a stock arrangement of “The Cake The Jazz Archivist u‘Walk in the Sky was not deposited for copy- right and consequently they do not hald a copy. ‘There were, however, two recordings made of “The Cake Walk in the Sky” by brass bands.” ‘The first of these was by Kenalle’s First Regi- ment Band in 1903." The second from 1905 was recorded by the Vietor Dance Orchestra, under the baton of Walter B. Rogers.”” Whether these bands played from their own arrangements ‘oF from commercially available stocks is not known, It is doubtful that John Robichaux had a stock for “The Cake Walk in the Sky.” The Robichaux library does not contain a copy, although this could be because a number of arrangements are thought to have been removed before the collection was deposited with the Hogan Jazz Archive. Whether of not “The Cake Walk in the Sky” contributed to the lyrics of “Buddy Bolden’s Blues” is another question. The published lyries of 1899 are not connected to any of the various Iyries that have been sung to “Buddy Bolden’s Blues” or any versions of “Funky Butt” that I have found, There was, however, a recording of “De Cakewalk in the Sky” sung by Marguerite Newton for the Edison Company.”* Marguerite Newton, known in her youth as “The Little Annandale,” is said to have specialised in “comic numbers.”” It would be interesting t0 see if her lyries provide any new information on the provenance of “Buddy Bolden’s Bi Unfortunately, [ have been unable to di a copy of this recording survives. The recording is listed in Allen Koenigsberg’s Edison Cylinder Records, 1889-1912. The recording number indicates that it was recorded between June and September 1899, Unless a reconding of “De ‘Cakewalk in the Sky” is found, and the lyrics do contain references to the Iyries of "Buddy Bolden’s Blues,” [am inclined to think that there is.a more eredible explanation for how Bolden and his band came to know “The Cake Walk in the Sky.” The presence of “The St. Louis Tickle,” which is clearly based on “The Cake Walk in the Sky." in the music library of John Robichaux 12 The Jazz Are! suggests that it was this later 1904 composition that was the basis for “Buddy Bolden's Blues." ‘There is no doubt that the melody of “The St Louis Tickle” was known in New Orleans, as it was performed by John Rebiehaux and his orchestra, We also know that Jelly Roll Morton remembered “The St. Louis Tickle” and recognised that it was the same tune as “Buddy Bolden’s Blues.” Bunk Johnson, whose recollec- tions need to be treated with some caution (particularly concerning dates), also claimed that tne had played “The St. Louis Tickle” with Buddy Bolden. Saying, “I joined Bolden’s band in 1895 [..] We played such tunes as St, Louis Tickle, Didn't He Ramble, Sammy Sampson, Lazy Moon and Brewery Buck in addition to 4quadrilles and all kinds of blues." As “The St. Louis Tickle” was not published until 1904, obviously Johnson didn’t play the tune with Bolden in 1895, But itis not inconceivable that he could have played “The St. Louis Tickle” with Bolden after 1908, or perhaps he played the tune with the Eagle Band when Duson took over the leadership. ‘This raises the question, if Bolden and his bvand did play “The St. Louis Tickle,” how did they learn it; was it by hearing Robichaux or some other band play it, or did they have access to the sheet music? To explore this we need to take a closer look at the parts that Robichaux had for the “St, Louis Tickle,” as arranged by F, E_ Day for the Vietor Kremer Company of Chicago.” ‘The arrangement is scored for two violins, a Viola and cello, bass, Mute, a clarinet in A, two comets in A, trombone and drums (snare and bass drum). The reason for the transposing instruments in Ais that the arrangement isin concert key of D major. This is a key that is favoured by the string instruments but is less suitable for comets and elarinets in Bb. The solution to this problem is to use comets and ” clarinets that transpose to the key of A. ‘The Montgomery Ward Catalog of 1895 lists “Solo Bb Comets” for sale from 8,50 for a brass piston valve instrument to $10,25 for a nickel plated version of the same. The addition Vol. XXI (2008)‘of an ““A’ set piece” increases the price to $18.00 and $20.00 accordingly. The clarinets on offer are priced between $11.00 and $28.00 and the advertising states that, “Clarinets are made in the following keys only: A, Bb, C, D and Eb.” Wind players with Robichaux, who rou played in sharp keys, would consequently have needed instruments that could play in both flat and sharp keys. Buddy Bolden reputedly played the more expensive Conn comet, which was supplied as standard with the parts necessary to transpose the instrument to the key of A.”” But whether Bolden played in all Keys is a matter of some controversy, Peter Bocage recalled that “Bolden didn’t know what he was doing [i.e., didn’t know written music] nor did he play in many keys, preferring the keys of F and B flat.”” ‘These flat keys are miost suitable for standard Bb instruments. On the other hand Bunk Johnsan is, reported as saying that Bolden “could and did play in any key.”* To do this with any ease they ‘would have needed access to a range of trans- posing instruments. Because we have so little hard evidence, we are once again compelled to return to the one surviving photograph of Bolden and his band ‘The editors of Jacomen interpreted the line-up (with the help of Willie Comish) to say that “[ William] Wamer had a C clarinet, white [Frank] Lewis played the usual B Flat instru- ment." The question is, why would Bolden’s band have a clarinet in C? One possible explana- tion is that William Wamer was taking the role normally taken by a violinist. This was an issue that was discussed with Emile Bares. “The violinist was the leader, because he played the lead [melody] if there was no violin, the clarinet was supposed to play lead. [... EB is asked (by RC) what two clarinets in a band ‘would do, as the questioner has seen a picture of the [Buddy] Bolden band, which shows Frank Lewis and Willie Warmer both holding clarinets EB says the use of two clarinets was not usual. EB says that when there are two clarinets, one is supposed to play tenor sax, the sax playing Variations and the clarinet leading.” Vol. XXII (2008) One possible explanation is that Willie ‘Wamer used a C clarinet so that he could play the violin melody part that was written at concert pitch, allowing Frank Lewis to play variations on his Bb instrument. Daniel Hardie, ‘on the other hand, questions the Jaz2men Interpretation of the photograph Clove examination of the only photograph of the band does show the clarinettsts hokling instruments that appear to be of slighty different ss with that of Frank Lewis being alittle shorter than that of Willie Warner in a ration of about 87% though there isa difference in . Warner being slightly further away from the camera than Lewis. A clarinet pitched in C would of course be shorter than that in B Flat, but such a small difference in length is not ‘unusual between elarinets of the same pitch by different makers as the pitch also depends on ‘inal differences of bore, length of tuning barrel and other details. This evidence is not therefore conclusive though Lewis is clearly holding a normal B flat instrument.” Apparently putting aside his doubts on this ‘question, when Hardie assembled a band to play Bolden's music he used both Bb and C clari- nets." The issue is further complicated because there is some doubt as to Whether Frank Lewis and William Warmer were identified correctly by Willie Comish in the photograph, For Alden Ashforth, in his analysis of the photograph: “All sounees agree that while Lewis played the longer Bb instrument, Wamer played the shorter ‘clarinet in C. [...] Thus Lewis stands; Warner sits."*" Marquis on the other hand argued, “The way I chose to idemtify them properly was through six musicians who knew William Wamer and Frank Lewis personally, plus the word of Willie Comish, who was in the photo. Warmer is the one standing and Lewis the one sitting!" Clearly Willie Comish either incor- ly identified the men or he incorrectly identified the instruments they played. Another possibility is that William Warmer is standing holding a longer A clarinet. Thi ‘would make no musical sense, but if the photo= The Jazz Archivist 13raph is only posed, as Ashforth suggest, it ‘would seem to resolve all the contradictions, For the purposes of this discussion, what matters is that Bolden’s clarinetists used transposing instruments. This does suggest that, for at least part of their repertoire, they may have used notation Reading and Faking Accounts differ as to the extent to which Bolden and his band could read and write music, bbut according to Marquis, although Botden’s band was “not as technically proficient as the ‘Creoles, [...] most were readers, and Bolden and Lewis, at least, could write music." Manuel Manetta confirms in an interview for Bife ‘Magazine that, “Bolden could read; so could Frank Lewis.” It may also be that Frank Lewis ‘gave lessons in playing clarinet. Willie El Humphrey, bom May 24, 1879, said that he started playing clarinet at the age of twenty. thee” and that “Frank Lewis taught him,” and hh lists Lewis among the “best clarinet players in those days. Tt would be surprising if Humpbrey had taken lessons from someone who ‘could not read or write music. His own father James Brown Humphrey (born November 25, 1859) had pioneered the teaching of brass bands in South Louisiana, using notation.” Another member of Bolden’s band who was musically literate was Willie Cornish, His wife Bella (wh: married him in 1922) was adamant that in the time she knew him “he played by note; he never played by ear.” The transcript goes on to record that “he could fix [2rrange}" too — you know, he'd take them chords, he could fix the notes, you know, all on them ‘chords and all — he eould do that. Where you ~ 1 guess be leamed all that when he was Jeane ing”™ It scems likely that all of the wind players in Bolden’s regular band could read, at least well -enough to learn the choruses of popular songs, Il that they were required to do to ‘convert the second strain of “The St. Louis “Tickle” into “Buddy Bolden's Blues.” This 4 The Jazz Arche melody, which was derived from “The Cake Walks in the Sky,” had been in circulation since 1899 and perhaps before as a fotksong and was sung with a number of lyrical variants. All that Bolden and his band needed to do was to bring these elements together in “Buddy Bolden's Blue Conclusions It would perhaps be unwise to draw any large conclusions from the investigation of a single piece of musie; but it does seem that a detailed examination of the other tunes that Bolden is reported as playing may shed light on Bolden’s role in the development of jazz Bolden’s repertoire appears superficially to ide into two parts, the popular dance tunes of the day and also his repertoire that has been (probably in retrospect) identified as blues. But inthe case of "Buddy Bolden’s Blues” this divide is not clear cut, “Buddy Bolden's Blues” has attracted! many different lyrical variants over the years. Perhaps the most recent variant is suggested by Daniel Hardie. He asks, “What then did Buddy Bolden say in Funky Butt Hall?” I Thought J Heard Buddy Bolden Say: “Dont want na.score sheer, take itaway! 1 Thoveglt Heard Mr. Bolden Shot: You don't need no-nnusic, jst beat it out "Gimme a good tune to rag with, 1'U fake all day!” Takought I heard hien say. Hardie wrote this before he had experi- cenced the difficulties involved in organising a band to play Bolden’s music. Having “decided to make a start with some of the simpler tunes, played by the Bolden Band.” they chose “Funky Butt.” Hardie goes on to say: “However my simple notions of how the carly musicians “adapted to new material needed somie revision, It was necessary to transpose piano scores to suit the Bb instruments and I was to find that simple distinctions between Fakers and Readers needed some adjustment. Some reading players wanted the melody written in treble elef, others in bass, st Wol. XXI (2008)‘some in concert pitch, others as for Bb pitch. ‘Som relied entirely on chords, others wanted bboth lead sheet and chords. Some were car players, who could read chords but wanted to hear the melody.” Perhaps in the light of this experience Daniel Hardie would be prepared to join me in a supplementary chorus of “Buddy Bolden's Blues” Thought I heard Buddy Bolden say "The Si. Lowis Tickle that’s what PU play” thought f heard Buddy Bolifen shout "Wel just play the chores, and bea it out,” "Gimme a good cakewaik, and I'll play allay! That's what Fahoughe 1 heared him say. Acknowledgments ‘Thanks to Lynn Abbott and Brose Racburn for ‘enabling such a privileged aceess to the Hogan Jazz Archive collestions, and for their help and advice. ‘Thanks to Alden Ashfonth for his clarification on some ofthe issues raised by the Bolden photograph, | am also grateful to John Joyce for his useful informa. tion and editorial comments. Primary Sources ‘The William Ransom Hogan Jazz Archive, Tul University: The Performing Arts Reading Room, Library of Congress, Washington D.C, Bibliography ‘Abbot, Lynn, “Remembering Mr. E. Belfield Spriggins: First Man of Jazeology.” 78 quarterly 1.0. 10: 13-51. ——.""A Worthy Copy of the Subject He Mimics." Ben Hamey in Context, 1896 - 1898." The Rag-Tane Ephemeralst, no, 3 (2002): 42 47, ‘American, Folk-Lore Society. “On the Field Work of Journal of American Folk-Lore.” The Jouat of American Folklore \ 10. No. 1 (1888). ‘Ashforth, Alden. “The Bolden Photo « One Move “Tins.” Annial Review of Jazz Studies 3 (1985). ‘Barker, Danay, and Alyn Shipton, Buddy Bolden and Vol. XX1 (2008) the Last Days of Storyville, London ; New York: Cassell, 1998, Bares, Emile. “Interview Digest, December 20 1960." edited by William Russell and Ralph ‘Collins. New Orleans: William Ransom Hogan Jaca. Archive. Tulane University Blesh, Rudi, and Hartiet Janis. They All Played Ragtime: The True Story of an American Music, London: Sedgwick and Jackson, 1950. Reprint, 1960. Bocage, Peter. “Interview Digest, February $, 1962." by Barry Martyn and Richard ‘Knowles. New Orleans: William Ransom Hogan Jazz Archive. “Interview Transcript January 29, 1959." edited by Richard B. Allen and William Russell. New Orleans: William Ransom Hogan Jazz Archive. Brothers, Thomas. Louis Arastrone’s New Orteans. New York dt London: W, W. Norton & Company. 2006. ‘Commish, Bella. "Interview Transcript Fanuary 13, 1959." edited by William Russell, New Orteans; Wiliam Ransoen Hogan Jazz Archi Dawson, Eddie. “Interview Digest une 28, 196} ‘edited by William Russell and Ralph Collins. New Orleans: William Ransom Hogan Jazz Archive, Tulane Univers Farr, Susie “Interview Notes, July 25, 1967." edited by Richard Allen. New Orleans: The William Ransom Hogan Jazz Archive Fogany, Joseph E. “Interview Transcript June 18, 19689." edited by William Russell and ‘William Hogan. Tulane University: Willian Ransom Hogan Jazz Archive, ‘Garland, Baie, “Interview Digest August 8, 1958." cited by William Russell, New Orfeans: lia Ransom Hogan Jazz Archive, ‘Tulane University Hardie, Daniel. The Birt of Jazz: Reviving the Music of the Bolden Era. New York, London, Shanghai: Universe Ine, 2007. The Loudest Trumpet: Buddy Bolden arc the Early History of Bazz. Lincoln: toExcel, + 2001 Humphrey (the elder), Willie E. and Willie 3. Humphrey (the younger). “Interview Digest March 15, 1959." edited by William Russell and Ralph Collins, New Orleans: William Ransom Hogan Jarr Archive, Tulane University The Jazz Archivist 15Jasen, David A., and Trebor Jay Tichenor, Rags and Ragtime: A Musical History, New York: The Seabury Press, 1978. Karl. The Plantation Belt: The Musicat Hiscary of Plaguernines Parish, Louisiana: Basin Sweet Books, undated. Trinity of Early Jazz Leaders: John Robichawx, “Toots” Johnson, Claiborne Williams: Basin Street Books, undated, Koenigsherg, Allen, Edison Cylinder Records, I889- 1912. New York: Stellar Productions, 1969. Krehbiel, Henry Edwand Afro-American Folksong: A ‘Study in Racial and National Music New ‘York and London; G. Schirmer, 191 Manetta, Manuel. “Interview Digest March 1957." edited by Nesuhi Ertegun William Russell, Richard B, Allen, Robert Campbell, New Orleans: Hogan Jazz Archive. ——. "Imerview Digest, March 28, 1957.” edited by William Russell, Robert Campbell Nesuhi Ertegun and Richard B. Allen, New ‘Orleans: William Ransom Hogan Jaze Archive, Tulane University, Marquis, Donald M. n Search of Busldy Bolden: First Man of Jazz. Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 1978, Reprint, 2007. Muir, Peter C. “Before Crazy Blues’: Commercial ives in America 1850-1920.” PAD, City University of New York, 2004 ‘Nicholas, Joseph "Wooden Joe”. “Interview Digest, November 12, 1956." edited by William Russell and Charlie DeVore. New Orlea ‘William Ransom Hogan Jazz Archive, Tulane Universit Ramsey, Fredrick J, and Charles Edward Smith Jazcmen. New York: Harcourt, Brace and ‘Company. 1939. Reprint, 1972. Ramsey Jr, Frederic, and Charles Edward Smith, Jazzmen. London: Sedgwick & Jackson, 1939, Reprint, 1958. ‘New Orleans Style. New Orleans, LA: Jazzology Press, 1994, Schafer, William J., and Johannes Riedel. The Art of Ragtime: Form and Meaning of an Original Black American Art, Baton Rouge: Loui ana State University Press, 1973. Reprint, 1974, Souchon, Edmond. “King Oliver: A Very Personal “Memory.” The Jazz Review 3, no, 4 (1960): 61. ‘Tallmadge, William H. “Ben Hamey: The Middlesborough Years, 1890.93." American Russell, 16 The Jazz Archivist Music 13, no, 21995): 167-94. ‘White, Newman 1. American Negro Folk Songs. (Cambridge, Mass. Harvard University Press, 1928. Endnotes " Fredrick Ht, Ramsey and Charles Edward Smith, Jazzmen (New York: Harcourt, Brace and Company, 1939: reprint 1972). Donald M. Marquis, fa Search of Buy Bolden: First Man of Jazz (Baton Rouge: Louisiana State siversity Press, 1978; reprint, 2007), p 7 4 Marquis. p- 126, Mangus, p. 183. Danny Barker and Alyn Shipton, Buddy Bolden sand the Last Days of Storyville (London: Cassell, 1998). pi Daniel Handic, The Loudest Teumpet: Buddy Bolden and the Early History of Za (Lincoln: {gEsel, 2000 Daniel Hardie, The Birth of lacs: Reviving the Music ofthe Bolden Era (New York: Shanghai: ‘Biverse Inc, 2007. Thomas Brothers, Louis Armstrong's New Orleans (New York & London: W. W. Norton & Company, ). pp. 132168 Peter Bocage, “Interview Transcript, January 29, 1959," ed. Richard B. Allen and William Ruscll ‘Mogan Jaze Archive, Tulane University). The ‘wancript originally read “finest rather than“ this was an erro. The tape was checked by Lyn _Apport and te errr has been corected 1 Transcrber’s notation, Transcriber’s notation, "? Peter Bocage, interview with Richard Allen and ‘William Russell, January 29, 1959 (Hogan Jazz Aghive. Tulane University) E, Belfcld Sprigains, “Excavating Local Jaze.” Louisiana Weekly, Apel 22, 1933, quoted in Marquis, p. 2. See also Lynn Abbot, "Remembering Mr. E. Belfield Spriggins: First Man of Jazzology.” 78 tert, wo, 10, Frederic Ramsey I. and Charles Edward Smith, Jazzmen (London: Sedgwick & Jackson, 1939; peta, 1958, p13 di Blesh and Hlarrct Janis, They All Paved! Ragtime: The True Story of an American Music (London: Sedgwick and Jackson, 1950; reprint, 1960), p. 77 teh aaa, p78. 7 Jelly Roll Morton, Transcript ofthe Library of ‘Vol. XXI (2008)Ggperess Recordings, p51 Bamey and Seymore, “The St Louis Tickle” (1904) (Performing Arts Reading Room, Library of Fneress) Sea tase and ‘Trebor Jay Tichenor, Rags ‘and Ragtime: A Musical History (New York: The Seabury Press, 1978), pp. 46-47. For background about Bennett and discussion of his work see Peter C Muir, Before “Crazy Blues": Commercial Blues in America 1850-1920 (PhD, City University of New ‘pk. 2008). n.352. Marquis, p. 108, Marquis. p. 111 Edmond Souchoa, “King Oliver: A Nery Personal Memory.” The Jac: Review, vol. 3, no, 4 (1960). Kid ‘Ory cairned thatthe balloonist Buddy Botley “was the one { who] invented this dance. the Pig Pong.” Kid Ory Inteview, April 20, 1957 (Hogan Jazz. ‘pve, Tulane University) $a Manaus pp, 79-80. Karl Koenig. Trinity of Barly Jace Leaders: John Robichawx, “Toots” Johnson, Claiborne Williams (asin Street Books, undated), p. 19 3 My insertion. Budd Scot in Nat Shapiro and Nat Hentoff, Hear ‘Me Talkin’ to Ya, (New York: Dover Publications, 185, reprint edition 1966), p. 37. 27 Koenig. p. 21 ** Marquis imerview with Beatrice Alcorn, bine 23, 17}. Marguis, p. 9. ® Marquis interview with Beatrice Alcorn, June 2 1971, Marquis, p. 9, There are reports of Lorenzo Siaulte (guitarist) improvising vocals with Bolden’s band probaly around 1906, Marquis, pp. 78:79: see also p. 108 for other songs Bolden’s band are gpd singing Jelly Roll Morton, “Buddy Bolden’s Blue {Ggrersl B-2570 eNew York, December 16, 1939). *T page from Berman Administration Biography, 1912, in John J. Fogarty vertical file (Hogan Jazz “Archive, Tulane University). Joseph E. Fogarty. “Interview Transcript June 18, 1969," ed. William Russell and William Hogan in Joseph E. Fogarty ‘gtical file (Hogan Jazz Archive, Tulane University) 3 Joseph E. Fogerty. Indianapolis Freeman, November 4, 19UL ‘enierofilm) (The Newspaper and Current Periodical ing Room, Library of Congress). Jelly Roll Morton, “Buddy Bolden’s Blves” 2570 (New York: December 16, 1939), °° [ Marquis" footnote] Allen and Russell, interview ‘with Bella Comish, January 13, 1959, in Hogan Jazz 2 Vol. XX1 (2008) Agi 3° Manis, p. 76. "* [Marguis’ footnote]: Marriage certificate of Jimmy Johnson, Febraury 3, 1904, New Orleans Vital Siatisties Records; author's [Marquis] interview with is Corel, J, July 30, 1973, 30 Marquis, p. 77. 3 Alden Avhforth, “The Holden Photo - One More .” Annual Review of Jazz Studies, vol. 3 (1985). “f Batker and Shipton, 41 The conect speling is Duson. " Dude Botley interviewed by Danny Barker in 1955. Barker and Shipton, p. 9. Lawrence Gushee, "Would You Believe Ferman Mouton? (A Second Look),” Storyville, no. 98. (Pps mber 1981 January 1982), pp. 6-59, Marquis, p. 100 45 E Retficld Spriggins, Louisiana Weekly, April % Excavating Local Jazz.” 1933, quoted in Marquis, Susie Far, “Interview Notes, July 25, 1967." ed. Richard Allen (Hogan Jazz Archive, Tlane Univer sy Marquis, p65 [Marquis Footnote] Edouard Henriques. notary publi. February 6, 1907, minutes of a meeting ofthe Union Sons Benevolent Association that includes a list of officers elected ow November, 1904, in Notarial Archives, Civil Distt Courts Bulking, gw Orleans. Marquis . 68 Eddie Dawson, “Interview Digest June 28, 1961, ed. William Russell and Raiph Collins Hogan Jazz Archive, Tulane University) Edie Garland, “Inter View Digest August 8, 1958,” ed, William Russell (Hogan Jaze Archive, Tlane University) Josephs “Wooden Joe” Nicholas, “Interview Digest, Novem- ber 12,1986," ed, Wiliam Russel and Charlie agVore (Hogan Jazz Archive, Tulane Universi) Manuel Mancita, “Interview Digest, March 28 1957," ed. William Russel, tal, (New Orleans: William Ransom Hogan Jazz Archive. Tulane Ugiversiy 3) Ramsey J and Smith, p15 $2 Barker and Shipton, p. 22 $3 Barker and Shipton, p. 23 Se Ramsey Je and Sith, p. 13, Wiliam J. Schafer and Johannes Riedel, The Art of Ragiime: Form and Meaning of an Original Black American Ari (Baton Rouge: Louisiana State Univers sijy Press 1973, reprint, 1974), 9. Rudi Blesh and Hartet Janis, They AM Played Ragtime: The True Stry of American Music, (Lon- 48 ‘The Jazz Archivist 7