Archipel

A Mosque of Arab origin in Singapore : History, Functions and

Networks
Mona Abaza

Abstract
Mona Abaza
This paper attempt to draw a close picture on an Arab origin mosque in Singapore, the Ba'alawi mosque. It attempts to bring
detailed material on the physical and social setting of the mosque to reveal the networks with the Middle East and the
cosmopolitanism of its Imam. This paper will briefly highlight the history of the Arabs and this mosque. It will moreover focus on
everyday activities of the mosque and upon the hawl (the commemoration of the death of the father of the Imam).

Citer ce document / Cite this document :

Abaza Mona. A Mosque of Arab origin in Singapore : History, Functions and Networks. In: Archipel, volume 53, 1997. pp. 61-
83;

doi : https://doi.org/10.3406/arch.1997.3392

https://www.persee.fr/doc/arch_0044-8613_1997_num_53_1_3392

Fichier pdf généré le 21/04/2018

 NOTES

Mona ABAZA

A Mosque of Arab origin in Singapore

History, Functions and Networks a>

Introduction
There is a growing appeal in the study of the biographies, life-worlds of
religious scholars and the channels of transmission of religious knowledge
which is to be observed in the writings of Middle Eastern specialists in recent
years. W With the success of the Iranian revolution and the expanding impact
of the 'ulama, a renewed interest in the significance and ambivalence of the
role of "traditional intellectuals" can also be observed. There is much debate
among social scientists regarding the dual system of education in Muslim
countries. It is seen as having generated an antagonism between the 'ulama,
who are the product of the traditional religious educational system, and the

1. 1 would like to thank imam H. Hasan al-Attas in Singapore for his patience in nurturing me with
generous information about his family background and his mosque. Naimah Talib, Institute of
Southeast Asian Studies Singapore, commented thoroughly the paper and provided me with
references on the Arabs in Southeast Asia, I am most thankful to her. I have shared intensive
discussions with Professor Yusof A. Talib, National University of Singapore, to whom I am very
thankful. I would also like to thank Sharon Siddique for her comments. Professor Syed Naguib al-
Attas and Professor Werner Ende, the University of Freiburg, Germany, commented both
extensively on the final version of the paper, I am indeed very thankful to them. I nevertheless
bear the sole responsability for any mistakes.
2. To quote a few examples see for instance the recent joint work of Marc Gaborieau, Nicole
Grandin, Pierre Labrousse and Alexandre Popovic, Dictionnaire biographique des savants et
grandes figures du monde musulman périphérique, du XIXe siècle à nos jours, Paris, Groupe de
Recherche du CNRS-EHESS, 1992. Of particular importance is the work of Nikki R. Keddie (éd.),
Scholars, Saints and Sufis : Muslim Religious Institutions since 1500. Berkeley/Los Angeles :
University of California Press, 1972. See also Roy Mottahedeh, The Mantle of the Prophet,
Religion and Politics in Iran, New York, Simon and Schuster, Inc. , 1985, and Dale F. Eickelman,
Knowledge and Power in Morocco. The Education of a Twentieth-Century Notable. Princeton,
New Jersey, Princeton University Press, 1985.

Archipel 53, Paris, 1997, pp. 61-83

 62 Mona Abaza

Western-trained intelligentsia, who dispute with them about legitimate

interpretations of religious texts. The paradoxical position of the 'ulama in
changing societies has been widely discussed by Eickelman, Kepel and
Richard. (3) Dale Eickelman considers that although traditional intellectuals
place a particular value upon the past they are not necessarily stagnant, and
that traditional social thought is revealed to be politically dominant. From
another perspective, Michael Gilsenan's Recognizing Islam depicts a vision of
the differing symbolic utilizations of spatial locations such as mosques and
markets, and how the public space is being revised as a field of action and
politics. W
While introducing detailed material on the physical and social setting of a
mosque, the main topic is the modernity. Although many studies on Islamic
ritual attempt to emphasize spirituality, I, wish here to stress the
interconnection between mundane, everyday practices and the sacred realm
associated with a space such as a mosque.
This essay thus focuses on a mosque of Arab origin in Singapore : the Ba-
'alawi Mosque (5), located in Lewis Road in the area of Bukit Timah. My
reasons for choosing to explore this mosque among the ninety-two mosques in
Singapore are many. First, because of the interesting family history of its
imam, H. Hasan al-Attas, who is a first generation Singaporean Hadhrami. (6)
He was born and grew up in Singapore, he represents a concrete illustration of
Hadhrami influence, and he entails a good case in point, regarding cross-
regional exchanges and the expansion of Muslim international networks
between the Middle East and Southeast Asia. Second, the lively activities
provided and the significance this mosque holds for the Muslim community in
Singapore, is another point which I will highlight : in particular the fact that its
founder is esteemed for having disseminated all over the Archipelago a text of

3. See for instance Gilles Kepel and Yann Richard (éd.), Intellectuels et militants de l'islam
contemporain, Paris, Seuil, 1990.
4. Michael Gilsenan, Recognizing Islam, London and Sydney, Croom and Helm, 1982, see in
particular pp. 165-180.
5. 1 knew imam Habib (hereafter H .) Hasan during my first stay in Singapore in 1990-1992. 1 have
conducted with imam H. Hasan a series of long interviews and meetings during the months of
October-November 1994, and later checked the accuracy of information gathered at various
meetings during the months of March-May 1995. 1 also attended the ceremony of the howl in 1991
and various Thursday evening prayers at his mosque. The language used in interviews was mainly
English, but it was filled, and quite often intruded by, a large body of Arabic terminology. In fact,
my field notes are a mixture of both languages.
6. Hadramawt is today located in Yemen. The Hadhramis are known as eminent scholars, Sufis,
travelogues and migrants. This is probably due to the very harsh climatic conditions of
Hadramawt, which entail long seasons of draught and heavy rains. The Hadhramis created many
colonies in different parts of the world, such as in the Middle East (Egypt, Mecca), in Africa (in
Ethiopia, Zanzibar, Djibuti, Somalia and Madagascar). In the world of Southeast Asia we are told
that Hadhrami sailors reached the Southern China Sea already before the 13th century. There are
also Sultanates that were founded by Hadhrami emigrants, among others, the Sultanate of
Pontianak in Borneo; see Alain Rouaud, "L'émigration yéménite" in Joseph Chelhod (éd.),
L'Arabie du sud, histoire et civilisation : culture et institutions du Yemen, Paris, Maisonneuve et
Larose, Vol. III, 1985, p. 243. For more details about the region see Joseph Chelhod (éd.),
L'Arabie du sud, histoire et civilisation : le peuple yéménite et ses racines, Vol. I, L'Arabie du
sud, histoire et civilisation : la société yéménite de l'hégire aux idéologies modernes, Vol. II,
1984.

Archipel 53, Paris, 1997

 A Mosque of Arab origin in Singapore 63

religious incantation called ratib al-'Attas. Third, there is the striking fact of
the considerable number of women who visit and seek consultation with the
imam. This is a point which I should like to address in detail in this paper. The
imam's modernist outlook in counselling women about familial problems
regarding polygamy and divorce, and in taking their side, has made him
popular. Although he is himself a saiyid and is addressed as a habib (7) he does
not object to Singaporean sharifas (female title of saiyid and sharif) marrying
non-saiyids among the Malay male population. (8) All of these reasons
prompted me to look more closely at the institution of the mosque and at the
person of the imam H. Hasan himself.
According to Che Man, Singapore has 92 mosques which serve about
412,000 Muslims. These are divided into "old generation" and "new
generation" mosques. The old generation mosques were constructed during the
period since the turn of the century up to 1975, while the new generation
mosques were constructed from 1975 up to the present day. There are 77
mosques which are classed as old generation mosques, which were constructed
with funds resulting from various donations, and the Ba'alawi Mosque is one
of those. W Before expanding on the history and daily functions of the
Ba'alawi Mosque, let me first give the reader a general overview of the history
and the present position of the Arabs in Singapore. (10)

A Brief History of the Arabs in Singapore

Without denying the significance of the maritime empires, and the
extensive trade relations which existed in the Malay world before British
penetration/11) Singapore's modern history is associated with its founder, Sir
Stamford Raffles, who was an agent of the East India Company. In the year of
its foundation, 1819, we are told that Singapore included around a thousand
inhabitants. (12) When settlement was encouraged there were about five
thousand inhabitants, including: " ...three thousand Malays, more than a
thousand Chinese and five or six hundred Bugis, together with Indians, Arabs,

7. The sharif (plur. ashraf), saiyid (sadah) are titles to call the Hasani branch of the Prophet's
offsprings; see Robert Bertram Serjeant, The Saiyids of Hadramawt, London, Luzac and Co.,
1957. Both imam H. Hasan and Syed Naguib al-Attas added that the term saiyid equally applies to
the Husaini branch.
8. Regardless of imam H. Hasan's open mind towards marriage, I have nevertheless, noticed that
when people visit imam H. Hasan's house, they still perpetuate the tradition of bending and
kissing his hand.
9. For further details about mosques in Singapore see W.K. Che Man, The Administration of
Islamic Institutions in Non-Muslim States, The case of Singapore and Thailand, Singapore,
Southeast Asian Studies Program, Institute of Southeast Asian Studies, (ISEAS), 1991, p. 12.
10. For a general overview of the role of the Arabs in the Malay World see Yusof A. Talib,
"Les Hadramis et le monde malais", in Archipel 7, 1974, pp. 41-68. As for a more detailed
study of the Arabs in Indonesia see Chantai Vuldy, "La communauté arabe de Pekalongan", in
Archipel 30, 1985, pp. 41-68.
11. Not to deny equally the significance of Dutch influence in the Riau-Lingga archipelago before
the arrival of the British.
12. Which consisted of around 500 Orang Kallang, 200 Orang Seletar, 150 Orang Gelam and
twenty to thirty Malays as well as the same number of Chinese ; see C. M. Turnbull, A History of
Singapore 1819-1975, Kuala Lumpur, Oxford University Press, 1975, p. 5.

Archipel 53, Paris, 1997

 64 Mona Abaza

Armenians, Europeans, Eurasians and other minority groups ".(13) We are also
told that during that time the first Arabs <14) to come were two wealthy
Palembang merchants, Saiyid Mohammed bin Harun Al-Junied and his
nephew, S. Omar bin Ali Al-Junied. They settled in Kampong Glam, where
Saiyid Mohammed died a very rich man in 1824. Omar lived on until 1852, as
leader of the Arab community. Another important name among the Arabs was
S. Abdul Rahman Alsagoff, who came to Singapore with his son, Ahmed, in
1824. He traded in spices in Java and the neighbouring islands and established
the firm of Alsagoff and Company in 1848. His son, Saiyid Ahmed, married
Raja Siti, daughter of H. Fatimah, Sultana of Gowa in the Celebes, who owned
many vessels. Saiyid Ahmad thus extended the family business. The
concession of Kukup in the State of Johore, was given to Saiyid Mohamed,
Saiyid Ahmed's son, who also acquired properties such as the Raffles Hotel
buildings in Singapore. We are also told, that during that period of time, trade
between the Middle East, Indonesia and Malaya declined, owing to European
monopoly. In contrast, the Arabs traded in the coastal line and inter-island
shipping, centred at first on Palembang, Pontianak and Gresik and later in
Singapore and Surabaya. The Arabs who settled in Singapore often became
petty shop-keepers, small traders, and owners of real estate. (15) Buckley
provides us with details apropos the economic activities and property of other
Arab families, such as the Alkoffs (al-Kaff), the Al Sagoff and the Al Joeffrie
(al-Jaffri) families in Singapore/16)
The end of the nineteenth century witnessed (17) a notable improvement in
sea communication as a result of the opening of the Suez Canal. It has been
argued that the flowering of Islamic reformist ideas was mainly due to the
increase in the number of pilgrims who benefited from the new sea road/18)
This coincided with the flourishing of economic activity, and consequently a
huge number of Arab Hadhramis migrated to the Indian Archipelago/19)

13. C. M. Turnbull, A History of Singapore 1819-1975, Kuala Lumpur, Oxford University Press,
1975, p. 14.
14. Concerning the most recent writings about Arab maritime influence in Southeast Asia which
dates from the tenth century see Huub de Jonge, " Discord and Solidarity Among the Arabs in The
Netherlands East Indies 1900-1942", in Indonesia 55, 1993 (April), p. 74.
15. Ahmad Bin Mohamed Ibrahim, The Legal Status of The Muslims in Singapore, Singapore,
Malayan Law Journal Ltd., 1965, p. 7.
16. Charles Burton Buckley, An Anecdotal History of Old Times in Singapore, Singapore, Reprint,
Oxford University Press, 1984, pp. 562-565.
17. See L.W.C. van den Berg, Le Hadhramout et les colonies arabes dans l'Archipel indien,
Batavia, Imprimerie du Gouvernement, 1886. Van den Berg estimated that at the time he wrote his
study there were around 200 Arabs in Singapore. In 1874 they totaled 465 and increased in 1884
to 836. He nevertheless estimated that these figures overstated the Arab presence. See, p. 110. For
a detailed census of the increasing Arab population in Singapore between 1821 and 1911, see
Walter Makepeace, Gilbert Brooke, Roland St. J. Braddell, One Hundred Years of Singapore,
Singapore, Oxford University Press, 1991, pp. 355-362.
18. See Bernhard Dahm, Emanzipationsversuche von Kolonialer Herrschaft in S'ùdostasian,
Wiesbaden, Otto Harrassowitz, 1974 p. 65.
19. Concerning the rising number of Hadhramis overseas in the thirties see William R. Roff, "The
Malayo Muslim World of Singapore at the Close of the Nineteenth Century", in The Journal of
Asian Studies, Vol., XXIV, 1, Nov. 1964, p. 81.

Archipel 53, Paris, 1997

 A Mosque of Arab origin in Singapore 65

Roff demonstrated how the Arab community in the Southeast Asian

Archipelago and in particular in Singapore as a cross-road point, controlled the
management of the pilgrimage industry. Hadhramis often sent their children to
study in Mecca and Hadramawt but also brought ulama from the Middle East
to teach in their schools, and created organizations and schools. (2°) The Arabs
also played an important role in the publication and distribution of religious
writings and the spread of orthodox and reformist ideas from the Middle East.
Southeast Asia has played a prominent role in spreading Orthodox Islam and
reformist ideas from the Middle East/21) What is also interesting is the fact
that the Arab community during the 1930s controlled the press in the Malay
language to a significant extent. <22)
Another important characteristic of the Arabs was the question of the
exclusive perpetuation of matrimonial strategies. Bujra mentions the incident,
in 1905, of the marriage of a sharifa in Singapore to an Indian Muslim (with
the consent of her family), which raised great controversy within the
community and in Hadramawt. The validity of the marriage was questioned
and a fatwa (the legal advice of an Islamic scholar) from Cairo was sought,
while the mufti of Singapore at that time said the marriage contradicted the
Kafa'a system (equality of marriage partners)/23) This event was a prelude to
the Irshadi/'Alawi conflict in Indonesia. The incident itself symbolized the
growing social conflict between the stratum of saiyids, who tried vehemently
to defend their status and wealth, against the non-saiyid migrants/24) Serjeant
likewise elaborates on the fact that: "...the Saiyids mostly show an ideological
prejudice for the Khatiri dynasty versus the Qu'aitis, though this remark does
not apply to certain outstanding Saiyid houses which are linked to the
Qu'aities"/25) In addition, Serjeant analyses the contents of the newspapers
and pamphlets of the saiyids and their role in this conflict. <26)
The detailed description of the social stratification in Hadramawt, which is
divided into: saiyid, mashayikh shaykh, then kaba'il, or gabai'l (tribesmen)
and the masakin and du'afa (the poor and weak), and the way the kafa'a

20. Concerning this point see Roff. Ibid., p. 83 and equally Anthony Reid, "Nineteenth Century
Pan-Islam in Indonesia and Malaysia", in The Journal of Asian Studies, Vol. XXVI, 2, 1967, p.
269.
21. The first reformist journal, al-Imam, was launched in 1906. The connection and resemblance
between the Egyptian magazine al-Manar, which was published by Muhammad Àbduh and Rashid
Rida, and the Singaporean al-Imam, has been highlighted by Roff. See William R. Roff, The
Origin of Malay Nationalism, New Haven and London, Yale University Press, 1967, p. 59. For a
detailed analysis of the contents of Al-Imam, see also Abu Bakar Hamzah, Al-Imam, Its Role in
Malay Society, 1906-1908, Kuala Lumpur, Pustaka Antara, 1991.
22. CM. Turnbull, A History of Singapore 1819-1975, Kuala Lumpur, Oxford University Press,
1977, p. 147. For a general overview of the Malay Press at the turn of this century until the late
fifties see Nik Ahmead Bin Haji Nik Hassan, "The Malay Press", in Journal of the Malayan
Branch Royal Asiatic Society, Vol. XXXVI, Part I, May, 1963, pp. 37-79.
23. See Abdallah S. Bujra, The Politics of Stratification, a Study of Political Change in a South
Arabian Town, Oxford, 1971, p. 94.
24. Nevertheless Serjeant points that it would be an oversimplification to draw a clear cut line
between Irshadis, comprising only non-saiyids, and 'Alawis as saiyids.
25. R. B. Serjeant, " Historians and Historiography of Hadramawt", in BSOAS 25, 1962, p. 249.
26. Ibid., 1962, pp. 249-250.

Archipel 53, Paris, 1997

66 Mona Abaza

system operates has been very well described, with variations in detail by
Bujra, Chelhod, van. den Berg and Serjeant. (27) Rouaud subdivides the
Hadhramis in the Archipelago into different strata : namely the walayati (who
are natives of Hadramawt), the mawallad (natives of the Archipelago), the
'Alawi saiyids and the IrshadisA2^ Huub de Junge^29) elaborates upon the
discord between the Saiyids and non-Saiyids regarding the holding of titles and
the perpetuation of kafa'a in the Archipelago in the twenties and thirties. This
created a deep division among the community that lasted for many years. He
reveals the controversies which occurred between the descendants of mixed
marriages, who are called muwalad or peranakan Arabs, versus the newcomers
(wulaiti or totok Arabs).
Some members of the Arab community in Singapore maintain close links
with the Middle East to the present day/30) One can meet today, in the houses
of Arab families and the shops of Arab street in Singapore, relatives of the al-
Junied family who established themselves in Saudi Arabia and Tanzania, and
who while maintaining contacts with Hadramawt, have perpetuated the
tradition of religious scholarship/31) Some members of the al-Attas family for
instance, maintain family ties with Saudi Arabia. For example, in September
1990, Shaikh Amin Aqeel Attas, the Assistant Secretary General of Rabitat al-
Alam al-Islami (The World Islamic League), in Mecca visited the Islamic
Centre Jamiyah [Jami'yya ad-da' wa al-islamiyya Singhafura - (Arabic),
Persekutuan Seruan Islam Singapura - (Malay)] of Singapore, and was
received by the President of the Centre, together with the imam habib Hassan
Mohammed Al-Attas/32) There exists today a Singapore Arab Association
{Rabitat al-Wehda al-Arabiyya) which celebrated its fourtieth anniversary in
1986.(33)
Arabs also play an important role in perpetuating madrasah education. The
most important madrasahs are: Madrasah Al-Junied al-Islamiah, Madrasah
Wak Tanjong,^4^ Madrasah Alsagoff and Madrasah Al-Maarif al-

27. For an interesting understanding of the sacred/profane utilization of space according to various
strata in Hadhrami towns, see R. B. Serjeant, "Social Stratification in Arabia", in The Islamic
City, R. B. Serjeant (éd.), UNESCO, 1980.
28. Alain Rouaud, "L'émigration yéménite" in Joseph Chelhod (éd.), p. 247. Rouaud furthermore,
gives detailed information about Hadhrami communities in diaspora all over the World.
29. Huub de Jonge, "Discord and Solidarity Among the Arabs in The Netherlands East Indies
1900-1942", in Indonesia 55, 1993 (April), pp. 75-79.
30. In, 1988, the population of Singapore numbered 2,647,100. The Chinese constituted 76% of
the population, the Malays 15.1 %, the Indians 6.5 and persons of other ethnic groups figure 2.4 ;
see Singapore, Facts and Pictures 1989, published by The Information Division Ministry of
Communication and Information, 1989. Islam is the religion of the majority of the Malays ; there
are also Indian Muslims.
31. One can meet in Arab Street in Singapore Saudi Arabian traders who constantly travel between
the Middle East and Singapore.
32. Voice of Islam, Periodical Magazine published by The Muslim Missionary Society, Jamiyah,
Vol. III. 31,2, 1990, N° 183.
33. Activities of Arab Association in Singapore (pamphlet), no date.
34. Nevertheless, Mohammad Noor Taib, the founder of Madrasah Wak Tanjong was a Malay,
while Shaykh Muhammad Fudlullah Suhaimi who founded the Madrasah Al-Maarif al-Islamiah
was an Indian. I would like to thank Naimah Talib for pointing to this information.

Archipel 53, Paris, 1997

 A Mosque of Arab origin in Singapore 67

IslamiahA35) Nevertheless, one has to bear in mind that, until the early
eighties, the Malays were considered as the least privileged ethnic group, in
terms of educational opportunities. <36) However, in the late eighties, there
seems to have been an improvement, with increased Malay participation in
economic development, through the establishment of the MENDAKI (Council
of Education for Muslim Children) and government support of this
institution. (37)
In today's Singapore, Arabs are considered a minority group among others
such as the Parsis, Jews, Armenians, Dawoodi Bohras, Khojas, Persians,
Syrian Christians, Sindhis, Sikhs, Jains Gujeratis, Nepalese, Dutch and
Portuguese Burghers. They are classified under the category of "Others".
Nevertheless, this does not explain all the story because in surveys many
Arabs are registered as ethnic Malays so as to benefit from the University fees
exemption which Malays have enjoyed since Singapore separated from
Malaysia. <38) As Siddique (1990) points out, to give a more complicated
version of the ethnic diversity in Singapore, the major census categories which
are Chinese, Malay, Indian and Others - CMIO - can be still subdivided into
further sub-groups. Although the Chinese represent the majority, they for
instance maintain different dialects. The Indian minority has a majority of
South Indian Tamils, but there are also Malayalis, Punjabis, Gujeratis and
others. The Malays could also be subdivided into those of Malay origin and
Indonesians which include, Javanese, Boyanese, Bugis and others. (39) In
addition, Roff has pointed to the fact that the Arab population in Singapore has
been ethnically mixed due to the embargo on female emigration from
Hadramawt(4°), which meant that many Arabs intermarried with the Malay
population. Furthermore, intermarriage and concubinage with Chinese slaves
seems also to have existed, as C. Snouck Hurgronje's note on the slave trade in
Singapore appears to suggest. (41)

35. Straits Times, (Singapore daily), 8 April, 1989. For further details about the madrasahs of
Singapore and their relationship to the Middle East see my "Islamic Educational Networks
Between Singapore and the Middle East" in Internationales Asien Forum, Vol. 23, 3-4, 1992, p.
289-298.
36. For instance the Malay community entailed the highest percentage of persons aged over ten
years who had less than a secondary education. They also had a low enrollment in institutions of
higher learning and the lowest percentage of enrollment in secondary education. See Wan Hussin
Zoohri " Socio-Economic Problems of the Malays in Singapore", in Sojourn, Social Issues in
Southeast Asia, (Singapore, ISEAS) Vol. 2, N° 2 (August) 1987, p. 179.
37. Ibid., p. 204.
38. Ann Peters, "Dwindling Minorities", in Asia Magazine 15-16, (October) 1988. Nevertheless,
Malays are no longer exempt from paying university fees.
39. Sharon Siddique, "The Phenomenology of Ethnicity: A Singapore Case-Study", in Sojourn,
Vol., 5, 1, February, 1990, p. 36.
40. Roff, op. cit., 1967. p. 41.
41. For a discussion of the colonial culture of saiyids in Singapore and the question of Arabs
"mixing
Slave with
Trade,
imported
Multiculturalism
Chinese women
and Islam
at the in
endColonial
of the nineteenth
Singapore:century,
A Sociological
see GeorgNote
Stauth,
on
Christiaan Snouck Hurgronje 1891 Article on Slave Trade in Singapore", in Southeast Asian
Journal of Social Science, 20, 1, 1992. Stauth points to C. Snouck Hurgronje's comments upon
afatwa that deals with the status of Chinese girls and boys bought by Muslims from Chinese

Archipel 53, Paris, 1997

68 Mona Abaza

Today, the exact number of the Arabs in Singapore is unknown. According

to Asiaweek, in 1990, Arabs were officially numbered at 5,923, or only about
0,2% of Singapore's population. On the other hand, the President of the Arab
Association, Abdullah Aljunied, claims that their number is closer to
10,000. (42) Official accounts and estimates of the population by community
leaders can vary as much as three times. The 1980 census showed that the
Arab population was 2,491 (figures from the 1990 census are not available). It
was furthermore argued that the 1980 figure was only 305 more than 1970. (43)
Nevertheless, if one speaks of Arabs, it is important to note that the
Ba 'alawi Mosque is also attended by Muslims of other communities such as
Malays, Chinese and Indians. In 1992, an article in the Singapore daily, the
Straits Times(44\ raised the issue of whether Arabs had a distinct identity from
the Malays. This question of whether Arabs should be considered as
"Malays", or be labelled as "Malays of Arab descent", stirred controversies,
which, according to imam H. Hassan and other Arabs I spoke with, are useless
and confusing. One possible explanation concerning the importance of such
labels, as Lim Lu Sia sees it, is the Arabs' fear of loosing social status; and
belonging to a high culture as traders and public affairs leaders, which they
enjoyed earlier, while Malays were often depicted as poor and backward. (45)
What is of more interest than just such classifications, is the role such a
mosque as the Ba'alawi plays in the wider Muslim community. With the
amplifying role of community development and the growing demands for
expansion of the civil society in(Singapore, several voluntary associations -
the Association for Muslim Professionals (AMP) and the Association of
Women for Action and Research (AWARE) - saw the light. (46> This not to
discount the fact that, in recent years, Malays have become increasingly aware
of the significance of creating their own institutions, such as the Singapore
Malay Union, The Prophet Muhammad's Birthday Memorial Scholarship Fund
Board, The Council on Education for Muslim Children (Mendaki) and
others. (47) One could argue that the Ba'alawi Mosque resembles such
institutions, in fulfilling the needs of the people but through circumventing the
state, in a society where Muslims constitute a minority and where Singapore is
becoming an increasingly harsh, fast money-making, vast " hotel ".(48) Some

traders. Stauth furthermore argues that the colonial administration of multicultural relations
already set the conditions of post-colonial ethnic relations.
42. Asiaweek, 31 July 1992.
43. " How many Arabs here ? ", Straits Times, (Singapore daily), 1 1 July, 1992.
44. "The Arab Dilemma ", Straits Times, 11 July 1992.
45. Lim Lu Sia. The Arabs of Singapore : A Sociographic Study of Their Place in the Muslim and
Malay World of Singapore, An Academic Exercise Submitted in Partial Fulfillment for The degree
of Bachelor of Social Sciences, to the Department of Sociology, National University of Singapore,
1986/87. 1 would like to thank Professor Ende for drawing my attention to this work.
46. For an interesting discussion of the growing demands for a civil society in Singapore see Chua
Beng Huat, "The Changing Shape of Civil Society in Singapore", in Commentary : Civil Society,
11, 1,1993, pp. 9-14.
47. Wan Hussin
Teachers' Union,Zoohri,
1990. The Singapore Malays, The Dilemma of Development, Singapore Malay
48. Singapore has been compared by B.G. Yeo with an alienating hotel : " Singapore is only a hotel

Archipel 53, Paris, 1997

 A Mosque of Arab origin in Singapore 69

fear that in recent years the city has been facing a growing " Sinicization " and
alteration in its ethnic structure through the influx of newcomers from China
and Hong Kong. In contrast to Hong Kong, Singapore's pride is manifested in
the rich ethnic variety of the Chinese, Indian, Malay, Eurasians and other
groups, which give it an unique flavor, manifested in food, restaurants and
hawker centres. But how long will such ethnic variety last? It is under such
circumstances that community development associations in general, and
mosques for the Muslims in particular, seem to fulfill a role of fostering social
coherence, adherence to the community and the preservation, but equally, the
" reinvention" of Muslim cultural traits.

History of the Ba'alawi Mosque

"One of the cleanest and best maintained mosques in Singapore is the Ba-
'Alwi Mosque at Lewis Road, Bukit Timah, Singapore. The land and premises
(Lot 99 60 of T.S. XXV) on which the Ba-'Alwi mosque is built was conveyed
by Shaik Abu Bakar bin Mohamed Hassan Ashiblie on the 23rd July, 1947, to
Syed Mohamed bin Salim bin Ahmad bin Hasan al-Attas and himself as
trustees upon trust to be forever used as a mosque for the celebration of divine
worship according to the rites, ceremonies and services of the Muslim religion
for the benefit and use... Sheikh Abubakar bin Mohamed bin Hassan Ashiblie
retired from the trust in 1957 and on the 30th October, 1957, Syed Ali bin
Salim bin Ahmed bin Hasan al-Attas was appointed trustee in his place. The
mosque has been built and maintained through the efforts of Syed Mohamed
bin Salim Al Attas who is also the Imam of the mosque ".(49>
In the following section, I will narrate the biography of the father of imam
H. Hasan, S. Mohammed bin Salem, the founder of the Ba'alawi Mosque,
which was constructed and completed in 1952. What is of particular interest is
the "wanderlust" and cosmopolitanism which is so exemplary of al-' Attas
family, and Hadhramis in general. When D. van der Meulen, the 'Chargé
d'affaires' of the Netherlands in Djedda, and H. von Wissmann travelled in
1931 through Hadramawt, they noted that Hureda was the center of the "El-
'Attas" clan. They wrote the following about the family of their host, S. Hasan
al-' Attas:
"A brother of Hassan and 'Aluwi come to greet us. This brother has had a
Dutch education, 'Aluwi an Egyptian, and Hassan an Indian education. The
uncle was an officer in the Hadrami regiment of the Nizam of Hyderabad ". (5°)
To start with, the father of imam H. Hasan, S. Mohammed bin Salem, was
born in the town of Huraidah (Hureda), al-Fayha', Hadramawt, on a Friday
night at the time of the adhan of Isha'a (the call for the night prayer) in 14 of

however well run the country may be. We cannot make a hotel a home by preventing the guest
from leaving" (Yeo, 1991). Quoted from Sheila Nair, "Political Society", in Commentary : Civil
Society, Vol. 11, 1, 1993, pp. 15-19.
49. Ahmad Bin Mohamed Ibrahim, The Legal Status of the Muslims in Singapore, Singapore,
Malayan Law Journal Ltd., 1965, p. 60.
50. D. van Der Meulen and H. von Wissmann, Hadramaut, Some of Its Mysteries Unveiled,
Leyden, E.J. Brill, 1964, p. 90.

Archipel 53, Paris, 1997

70 Mona Abaza

Rabi'i al-Thani 1324 H.-1906 A.C. He was given the name of (Mohammed)
bin Salem, thanks to the famous 'alim, saiyid 'Ali bin Mohammed al-Habshi
who died in the town of Siun, Hadramawt, in 1333 H.-1915 A.C. He became
an orphan when he was six or seven years old. When S. Mohammed was ten
years old, his grandfather, S. Ahmed bin Hasan al-'Attas, passed away, and he
went to the town of Tarim and studied with Shaikh Mohammed Bin 'Awad Ba-
Fadl. All the family of al-'Attas belonged to ahl-al-da'wa (religious scholars)
and were 'ulama. The father of imam H. Hasan was the first among his family
to migrate to Southeast Asia. The family was poor and conditions were harsh
at that time in Hadramawt.
On his mother's side, the great-grandfather, Abdullah bin 'Alwi, bin Hasan,
bin Saleh, bin Hasan, bin Abdullah, bin Ahmed, bin Hasan, bin Abdullah bin
Hussin, bin 'Omar, bin Abdurrahman al-'Attas, died in 1334 H.-1916 A.C.
Indeed imam H. Hasan, like numerous saiyids overseas, keeps a voluminous
book on the family tree/51) When his grandfathers passed away and his three
brothers, the two older and the youngest, also died before him, al-Habib
Mohammed travelled to the town of Tarim, Hadramawt to study and remained
there for seven years. When he was twenty-seven years old, he travelled to
Hyderabad as an 'alim and da'i (preacher). He became famous for his baraka
(blessing) <52) and was considered to be among ahl-al-kashf (the gift of
unveiling)/53) He was particularly known for his ability to bring rain in
Hyderabad. "Habib Mohammed bin Salem always brought rain" said imam H.
Hasan. He stayed in India three years, then went to Penang (Malaysia) in 1935
and stayed there for four years. He was already in Penang, where he preached
da'wa intensively. He then sojourned in Bogor, Indonesia, where he stayed for
seven years. There he took an ijazah (traditional license to teach) from al-
Habib Abdullah bin Muhsin al-'Attas/54)
Saiyid Mohammed bin Salem came to Singapore during the Japanese
occupation, and became imam of the Mosque Haji Yussof. In 1952 he built the
mosque with donations he collected from his students every month. He thought
originally of building both a madrasah and a mosque, but constructed only a
mosque and conducted informal classes there. He also taught there tasawuf,
fiqh and other religious subjects. He remained in Singapore for more than
thirty years and passed away in 1976. He returned back to Hadramawt a few

51. Imam H. Hasan added a new advantage in the significance of consulting such volumes;
namely to avoid marriage of brothers and sisters living in different countries (from Hadramawt
and Southeast Asia for instance) and to settle inheritance and family matters.
52. For a discussion of the variability and complexity of the concept of baraka and its relation to
modernity in the Middle East, see Michael Gilsenan, Recognizing Islam, Lo'ndon and Sydney,
Croom and Helm, 1982. See in particular chapters four and five.
53. Concerning the concept of ahl-al-kashf in Hadhrami culture as 'illuminati' and the
supernatural gift to read thoughts, and guess events, see L.W.C. van den Berg, Le Hadhramout et
les colonies arabes dans l'archipel indien. Batavia, Imprimerie du Gouvernement, 1886, p. 94.
See also Serjeant, op. cit.
54. It is significant to note here that al-Habib Abdullah b. Muhsin al-'Attas of Bogor is the
grandfather of the Malaysian sociologist Syed Hussein Alatas and the Islamic philosopher Syed
Muhammad Naguib al-Attas. al-Habib Abdullah b. Muhsin al-'Attas was a known wali in Bogor
whose tomb is visited.

Archipel 53, Paris, 1997

1.-2. The Ba'alawi Mosque
72 Mona Abaza

times in the sixties to visit his relatives and to repair his grandfather's house,
and also renovated the mosque of his grandfather, al-Habib Muhsin bin Hasan
al-'Attas in Huraidah.
Saiyid. Mohammed bin Salem did not teach a particular book and did not
write much, but had printed in Penang the Miftah al-Amdad, which was the
dhikrlzikir book of his grandfather. There are no written records about Saiyid
Mohammed bin Salem. He has helped to build around more than a hundred
schools and mosques in Indonesia. He also built the al-'Attas Mosque of
Singapore which the government pulled down at a later period. His main
teachers were: his two grandfathers, H. Ahmed bin Hasan al-'Attas, and H.
Abdullah bin Alawi al-'Attas, Habib Ahmed bin Hamza al-'Attas (his main
teacher), Shaikh Mohammed 'Awad Bafadel in Tarim, and Shaikh Abdullah
bin Muhsin al-'Attas, in Bogor, Indonesia. He took the tariqa al-'alawiyya
from his grandfather, Shaikh Ahmed bin Hasan al-'Attas. He was considered a
wall (saint) in Singapore, and from ahl-al-Kashf, he was consulted for matters
once it was beyond the reach of doctors, such as mental cases of possession,
and illness. He gave baraka to counteract sihr (malefic magic) which is
commonly practised among the Malays. He was known for his efficient
reading of the Qur'an to cure people. (55) These talents, as well as being a
leader of al-tariqa al-'alawiyya, together with the right to instruct, run in the
family from father to son. In fact one could easily argue that in his case the
family maintained a monopoly on baraka, and on being an "illuminati". So
for instance, in the biography of imam H. Hasan's great-grandfather (56)
enormous care is taken in distinguishing the real wali from the charlatan. The
grandfather was known for miracles, such as finding texts of fiqh (law) that
others would spend hours looking for. He was once in Qaydun, Hadramawt,
where a majlis (meeting) was taking place. A group of tulab al-'ilm (students)
were searching desperately for hours for a text on fiqh. The Shaikh took a book
and found the text immediately. <57) He was equally gifted with a subtle sense
of scenting, such as sensing spirits, sensing the scent of a coming wali (saint)
and salafi books in some houses, and he had the miraculous gift of often
seeing the Prophet (al-Mustafa, one of the many names of the Prophet
Mohammed). He would see him seven times in one night. (58) He also had the
intuitive power of discerning liars, and distinguishing real science from
fanaticism. (59)
Nowadays, imam H. Hasan has inherited the popularity, as well as the
baraka, of his father. However, in present times, imam H. Hasan's baraka has

55. In fact it happened that very often whenever I spoke with the older generation Malay taxi
drivers in Singapore, they all brought up vehemently Syed Mohammed bin Salem al-'Attas's
baraka and deeds. Two taxi drivers said that they went to see him regularly for solving their
personal problems.
56. 'Uqud al-almas bimanaqib shaikh al-tariqa wa imam al-haqiqa al-'arif billah murabbi al-
salikin wa murshid al-talibin al-habib Ahmed bin-Hassan bin- Abudullah al-'Attas, Singapore,
1991-1412 H., p. 22.
57. Ibid.
58. Ibid., p. 23.
59. Ibid., p. 24.

Archipel 53, Paris, 1997

 A Mosque of Arab origin in Singapore 73

been transformed into intensive social work for the Malay community. But
also the context and conditions seem to have changed : Imam H. Hasan's father
gained his reputation through wandering in remote, rural areas in Indonesia,
while imam H. Hasan functions in a completely urban and modernized setting.
His smiling face, hospitality and modesty are certainly one reason for the
popularity of his mosque. In fact, one of the problems one encounters in
attempting to meet imam H. Hasan is that he is constantly busy receiving
people in his house (6°) and in the mosque, attending marriages and funerals,
counselling the Malay community (in particular women), organizing
conferences in international hotels, where scholars and religious figures give
talks about contemporary issues in Islam, organizing seminars and majlis for
studying religious subjects and in accommodating 'ulama from different parts
of the Muslim world. Equally, he may be receiving friends, relatives and
religious scholars from Jakarta, Penang and Johor and accommodating
musicians who arrive from Morocco to sing religious dhikr. Thus, it becomes
practically impossible to organize an interview with imam H. Hasan without
the interruption of long-distance calls from Singaporeans who have migrated
to Australia, from people just coming to seek advice, or from the daily
activities of the mosque.
In contrast to his father, imam H. Hasan was born in Singapore and spent
most of his life there, with long sojourns to the Middle East, in particular,
Saudi Arabia. Imam H. Hasan did his elementary studies in Singapore. He
went to Hadramawt for one year when he was 18 years old. In Hadramawt he
received the ijazah from the monseb of 'Yinat, H. Ahmed bin Shaikh
Abubakar, and Shaikh Fadil bin Muhammed Awad Bafadel. He was reluctant
to stay longer there, aware that his father was growing old. When he returned
back to Singapore he started to follow his father - his principal teacher and
initiator to the tariqa - on all his trips to Malaysia and Indonesia. (61) Imam H.
Hasan received from his father the word of la Hah ilia allah" (God is One,
there is no deity except God) which is traditionally passed from one 'alim to
another, in order to become the khalifat al-Ratib (the successor of the ratib).
The ijazah (62) is the permission to teach and read the ratib in various mosques

60. Imam H. Hasan maintains an open house during religious feasts for guests. The privileged
location of the house, its considerable size, the luxurious style of furniture reveal that imam H.
Hasan belongs to the very well off of Singapore.
61. Syed Naguib al-Attas has pointed out that the silsilah in tassawuf in the tariqa al-'alawiya is
also genealogical through which the father instructs the son. Syed Naguib al-Attas, Some Aspects
of Sufism as Understood and Practised Among the Malays, Singapore, Malaysian Sociological
Research Institute, 1963.
62. According to imam H. Hassan, there are three types of ijazah (permission) in the tariqa : 1.
Ijazah al-musafaha (ijazah obtained through hand shaking); 2. Ijazah al-mushabakah (ijazah
obtained through rubbing the hand) ; 3. Ijazah al-tasbih (ijazah obtained through remembrance of
God). Imam H. Hasan incorporated nevertheless other ijazahs such as the Ijazah al-dhikr ; 4. Libas
al-khirgah (Hadhrami dialect), khirqa (the symbolic Sufi mantel, the symbol of baraka). In
material terms the leader, shaikh and initiator removes the kufiyya (head dress) from the initiated
"student's
albasnakhead
wa and
lam puts
nulbis
it on.
ghayraka
He then",puts
I dressed
it back you
on the
andinitiated
dress nobody
and would
else sometimes
but you". utter
The
Encyclopaedia of Islam, designates libas as the rough woolen robe, a rag or dishcloth which was
worn by the pious ascetics. See libas, in Encyclopaedia of Islam, New Edition, Leiden, E.J. Brill,
London, Luzac and Co., 1979-86, Vol. 5, p. 737.

Archipel 53, Paris, 1997

74 Mona Abaza

in Singapore. Other teachers who had a great impact on the education of imam
H. Hasan were Habib 'Abdel Qader al-Saqqaf who taught him in Mecca, and
habib Hasan Bin Abdullah al-Shateri. When his father passed away, he met the
latter and studied at his feet. In Singapore, he studied under shaikh 'Omar al-
Khatib, as well as under Habib Shaikh Bin Abdullah Alhabshi and shaikh
Youssef Zawawi, his father-in-law. Most interesting is the fact that imam H.
Hasan's wife's family originated from Pontianak. Her father who was a
venerated 'alim, grew up and studied in. Egypt, at al-Azhar University. When
Imam Hasan's father in-law was forty, his father brought him a bride to Egypt
who was seventeen years old. Imam H. Hasan's father in-law shaikh Youssef
Zawawi, was an azhari who was highly knowledgeable in the four schools of
law. While following the maliki rite, he worked as a shafi'i mufti in
Terengganu (Malaysia) for many years. He was known for liberal fatwas
which approved of Muslim female flight attendants and he kept a dog in his
house, which was a striking behaviour for Malays, who are very strict
concerning this issue. Shaikh Youssef studied in Egypt and Saudi Arabia and
later went to Singapore. The Zawawi family originated from Mecca and his
grandfather was the mufti of Ta' if in Saudi Arabia.

The Hawl (the Commemoration of the Death of H. Shaikh Mohammed bin

Salem bin Ahmed al-'Attas)
Hawl means circuit or rotation. (63) To be more precise, it is the year's
commemoration of imam H. Hasan's father's death. (64) The hawl takes place
once a year, on the last Thursday of the month of Rabi' al-Thani (Muslim
calendar). Imam H. Hasan originally had no intention of celebrating the hawl
every year. Yet after his father passed away, in 1977, he performed sessions of
tahlil (the repetition of la illah ilia Allah). The sessions took place on the first
three days after the death, then the seventh and the fortieth day after the
funeral. Imam H. Hasan invited his friend, Mohammed 'Ali al-Habshi, the
Head of the Islamic Centre of Jakarta, to the funeral. He spread the news, and
devotees came from all over. It was not until 1980 that Meccans such as 'alim
and mu'athin (the singer of the call to prayer) M. bin 'alwi al-Maliki, from al-
Masjid al-Haram, and other Middle Eastern 'ulama came to the hawl.
According to imam H. Hasan the 'ulama dislike keeping quiet ! Once they
arrive in Singapore, they are delighted to give talks and establish contacts with
Muslims from Malaysia and Indonesia. Imam H. Hasan also contacted Syed
Nasir, the then speaker of parliament. At the time of the hawl, he informed the
government and made Maliki the guest of the then Prime Minister Hussein

63. Denys Lombard refers equally to the hawl in the context of pesantren (boarding religious
schools) culture in Java, when the students return back to the original mother-pesantren during
various feasts, after having established pesantren branches. He points to the fact that this
phenomenon maintains religious networks. Denys Lombard, Le Carrefour javanais. Essai
d'histoire globale, Paris, 1990, Éditions de l'École des Hautes Études en Sciences Sociales, Tome
II, pp. 119.
64. Syed Naguib al-Attas communicated to me that the commemoration of the Hawl, is equally
practiced around the tomb of the al-Habib Abdullah b. Muhsin al-'Attas in Bogor. It takes place
once a year, during the last Wednesday of the month of Rabi' al-awal (Muslim calendar).

Archipel 53, Paris, 1997

 A Mosque of Arab origin in Singapore 75

Onn. The Prime Minister was away in London at the time and imam Hasan
dealt instead with the then acting Prime Minister Dr. Mahathir Mohammed
(The current Prime Minister of Malaysia), who organized a trip for the imam
al-Maliki to Kuala-Lumpur, to Melaka then to Johor and to Indonesia. A few
years later the news spread and other 'ulama came, such as habib Abdul-Qadir
bin Ahmed al-Saqqaf from Saudi Arabia. When the number of 'ulama
increased, Imam Hasan started to collaborate with another Arab, S. Ali al-
Attas, in Johor Baharu, who is the head of the Malay Chamber of commerce
and of PERKIM <65), and who also founded an organisation called Yayasan 'Ali
al-Attas. They decided to combine the hawl of his grandfather, Ali bin
Mohammed bin Hasan bin Ahmed al-Attas, with the one of imam H. Hasan's
father. They have thus celebrated both hawls jointly for the last ten years.
Today, it has become a habit to commemorate it on Thursday in the Ba'alawi
Mosque in Singapore, while in Johor Baharu in Malaysia, it is commemorated
on Saturday. In recent years many people have begun coming from Malaysia
by bus from Pahang, Terengganu, Melaka, Penang, Perlis, and Negeri
Sembilan. Numerous da'i and 'ulama demand the floor in various majlis and
the organization requires complex planning. The well-off 'ulama who come
from Saudi Arabia pay their own expenses, the administrators in Johor Baharu
and the various Muslim organizations offer some contributions, and imam H.
Hasan provides food and accommodation in Singapore.
There are around eighty majlis that take place during the hawl, where
religious preachers from Johor, Sarawak, Brunei, Sudan, and Egypt as well as
from other Middle Eastern countries, would give speeches, Qur'an readings,
sessions of dhikr, and poetry readings by munshid al-kasa'id (poetry singer).
The organization of the hawl requires three months preparation, to arrange
familial visits, ensure the availability of cars and contacting various
madrasahs and mosques for further preaching. The hawl reflects the
internationalization of contemporary Muslim networks, with the Hadhrami
presence in Singapore serving as the link to the Middle East and the Muslim
World in general. For example, in 1991, an imam from what was previously
Yugoslavia (more precisely, from Bosnia), was invited. Another imam from
Sudan came in 1992, while in 1993, an imam from Moscow, originally from
Tatarstan, preached in the mosque. The main purpose was to inform
Singaporeans and Malaysians about Muslims in Russia. In 1994, 'alim M. bin
Salih al-Mihdar from Madina, and saiyid Mohammed al-Barraq, from
Morocco, who is a Qur'an reader and religious singer, came. In addition,
'ulama from Saudi Arabia, Syria, Egypt, Indonesia, and Malaysia were invited
to perform.
Another important aspect of the event is the distribution of food, and the
festivities connected with the hawl. The mosque offers around 6,000 packets
65. PERKIM, Pertubuhan Kebajikan Islam Se Malaysia was created by Tunku Abdul Rahman in
1960 as the All-Malaya Muslim Organization. Its aim was to propagate Islamic teaching and to be
involved in Social activities. For more information about PERKIM and its relation with the
Malaysian government, see Hussin Mutalib, Islam and Ethnicity in Malay Politics, Singapore,
Oxford university Press, 1990, pp. 89-98.

Archipel 53, Paris, 1997

76 Mona Abaza

of rice for the needy, which are distributed by helpers. The imam prepares
huge quantities of food for those who would like to dine. More important,
though, is the fact that the street where the mosque is located is transformed
into a large, busy market-place which incorporates female food vendors, young
men who sell religious music, booklets and perfumes, and halal (pork-free)
products such as shampoos, soap and sweets.

The Significance of the Ratib

Every Thursday night, just before the maghrib (sunset) prayer, the street of
the Ba'alawi Mosque becomes a bustling centre where numerous cars and
large groups of women and men come to attend the incantation of the ratib.
The mosque, which still enjoys its reputation for cleanliness, tidiness, beauty
and simplicity, is divided in two realms by large white curtains. One can
observe considerable groups of Malay women attending the ratib ; Indian and
Arab-looking women also figure among the visitors to the Mosque. They dress
in white prayer robes, when entering the mosque, and bring with them the
small booklet of the ratib. They come in groups with children, family members
and neighbors. The scene is quite impressive because they can transcend the
number of men. The reading of the ratib lasts for the duration between
maghrib and is ha' (night) prayers. Quite often, women who can find no place
inside end up praying in the garden surrounding the mosque.
Syed Naguib al-Attas's inquiry on Sufism among the Malays, a study
which
" A he
non
undertook
obligatory
in the
formfifties,
of worship
definedperformed
the ratib (plur.
and valued
rawatib)
for asitsfollows
mystical
:
significance. As the term implies, it is 'that which is fixed', by which is meant
that the ratib is of a fixed nature to be recited at certain times, usually after the
evening or night prayers. " (66>
He furthermore suggested that there is little difference in Malaya between
dhikr and ratib, except that the former is known as such because it is
performed individually, while the latter is known for being performed
collectively. In his study on the Achehnese, C. Snouck Hurgronje classifies the
ratibs under the title of 'games' and pastimes. <67) The most well-known ratibs
according to Syed Naguib al-Attas, are those of the 'Alawiya order, such as the
ratib al-Hadad, al-Attas and al-'Idrus, and the ratib of Shaykh Abdul-Qadir al-
Jilani, the founder of the Qadariyyah order. (68>
The al-Attas ratib is entitled: 'Aziz al-manal wafath bab al-wisal, ratib al-
'ilm al-nibras al-qutb al-rabbani Sayyed al-anfas al-habib 'Omar bin Abdel
Rahman al-'Attas. The opening page starts with two trees, two silsilahs, one
consisting of the family tree, showing how the ratib has been passed from the
two grandfathers (mother's and father's side) and the silsilah of the order. The
ratib consists of seventeen dhikr, mainly the dhikr al-nabi (of the Prophet),
and is read five times. The fatiha (opening verse of the Qur'an) is read seven

66. Syed Naguib al-Attas, op. cit. p. 69.

67. Ibid., p. 70.
68. Ibid., p. 74.

Archipel 53, Paris, 1997

 A Mosque of Arab origin in Singapore 77

times. It was made for children and pupils would remember the baraka. The
logic of the ratib is to recall good and purifying effects through repetition.
There are numerous folk-tales about followers of the Prophet who have been
delivered from illness after reading the ratib. Indeed, there is a collection of
magical stories, which date from the time of the Prophet, related to the benefits
of reading the ratib to avoid illness and misery, and seeking prosperity.
Imam H. Hasan would insist that the ratib is one of the most simple rituals
to practise, alone or in congregation, aloud, and without requiring particular
conditions. Sometimes students come to ask for an ijazah when they want to
follow the tariqa and need the silsilah. There are many who come and ask for
the ijazah. The father of imam H. Hasan was a leading figure in Singapore
around twenty years ago in encouraging women to conquer the space of the
mosque and read the ratib.
The ratib al-Attas was written by S. 'Omar 'Abdul- Rahman <69), the
founder of this ratib, while the ratib al-Haddad was founded by S. Abdullah
bin Alawi al-Haddad. In fact, the father of imam H. Hasan only disseminated
it. The teacher of 'Omar 'Abdul-Rahman was Shaikh Hussein bin Abi Bakar
bin Salem from the town of 'Iynat, a "Shaikh known to be 'min ahl al-kashf".
S. 'Omar originated from the village of al-Lisq. The ratib al-'Attas has been
translated into Malay and Tamil and copies in the three languages are available
in Singapore. The ratib is widely read in Singapore, Indonesia, Malaysia,
Saudi Arabia, Hadramawt and parts of Africa and England. The father of Imam
H. Hasan, Shaikh Mohammed bin Salem bin Ahmed al-'Attas, was the first to
diffuse it, and to create a majlis for reading it in Singapore. Nowadays, the
ratib is spread through various mosques in Singapore. It is, for example,
chanted on Saturdays and Sundays in the Masjid Sultan and Masjid Mujahidin
in Singapore. In Johor, some mosques started to read it when imam H. Hasan's
father was alive, and some have only recently learned it. The ratib is also read
in India, Cambodia and Burma. In these countries, the readers of the ratib are
also known as practitioners of al-tariqa al-'Attasiyyah, and there also exists a
zawiyyah al-'Attasiyyah. In Rangoon the great-grandfather of H. Hasan spread
the tariqa al-'Attasiyyah. The tariqa was introduced by imam H. Hasan's
great-grandfather on his mother's side. Imam H. Hasan made it a point to
emphasise that no conditions need to be met by followers wishing to adhere to
the tariqa. Imam H. Hasan would also read the ratib al-Haddad individually
which is quite similar to the ratib al-Attas.

On the *Alawiyyah Tariqa

The 'alawis claim to be the descendants of imam Ahmed ibn 'Isa al-
Muhajir who emigrated from 'Iraq to Hadramawt in the fourth century. His

69. 'Omar Abdul Rahman known as al-'Attas, bin 'Aquil bin Salem ibn 'Abdullah Ibn
Abdurahman al-Saqqaf, born in the village of al-Lisk, in 'Iynat, Hadramawt. He was an 'alim and
da'i (preacher). He took the tariqa and libas al-khirga (The Sufi mantle) from S. imam al-shaikh
al-Hussein bin al-shaikh Abu-Bakr Bin Salem. He died in 1072 H. 1661/1662 A.D. in the village
of Nafhun and was buried in Huraidah. Bahgat al-zaman wa salwat al-ahzan. Sayyiduna al-Imam
al-din Mohammed bin Zain bin alawi Ibn Sumait, by AH bin Issa al-Haddad, Cairo, Matba'at 'Issa
al-Halabi wa Shurakahu, no date, pp. 14-19.

Archipel 53, Paris, 1997

78 Mona Abaza

great-grandfather was imam 'Ali al-'Uraydi, son of Dja'far As-Sadeq, son of

Mohammed al-Baqir, son of 'Ali-Zain-ul-'Abedin, son of al-Hussain, son of
'Ali ibn Abi Talib. Imam 'Ali al-'Uraydi was born in Medina and trained by
his father who was an erudite man. He also learned from his brother, imam
Musa al-Qazhim, and his son imam 'Ali Al-Rida. Imam Al-Muhajir's
grandfather was imam Muhammad ibn 'Ali, who was born in Medina and
taught by his father. Imam Ahmad Ibn 'Isa was born in Basra, in the days
when the Abassids ruled in Baghdad, and the Fatimids ruled in the West/70)
Syed Naguib Al-Attas believes that it is difficult to see the 'alawiyyah order in
the traditional sense of Sufi orders. He distinguishes the 'alawiyyah order from
others through the silsilah (the spiritual genealogy), which in our case here, is
equally of a biological nature, i.e. the silsilah is equally the family tree/71)
Serjeant informs us that Hadhrami saiyids expressed antipathy towards Sufi
movements. While the best tariqa according to them is the 'alawi tariqa, "an
'alawi should join no other tariqa" S12^ It would also seem that in Southeast
Asia the 'alawi tariqa is very much opposed to the other orders ; it expressed
enmity against the naqshabandi tariqa in Johor<73), and against1 the
shatariyyah tariqa. The 'alawis attempt to set the right path in the region by
fighting the other orders/74) They are energetic holders of the shar'ia, and the
Ba' alawi Mosque states that it follows the precepts of the Singapore Muslim
Religious Council Majlis Ugama Islam Singapura (MUIS). Although imam H.
Hasan would insist that the Alawis are not in principle against any other Sufi
orders, we are told that the tariqa has launched strong attacks against others
which are taxed as kufr wa zandaqa, al-turuq al-shaytaniyyah al-mamqutah
(Apostate, devilish and despised orders)/75) They condemn the naqshabandi
and qadiriyyah tariqas and consider their shaikhs in Malaya, Java and India
ignorant and as belonging to the isma'ili sects/76) They have also launched
attacks against the batini gurus (77), whom they labelled as the followers of

70. Abdallah B. Alawi B. Hasan Alattas, The Way ofBani Alawi, translated by Mostafa al-Badawi,
Cairo, Third Impression, no publisher, 1979-1399 H. See Appendix.
71. Syed Naguib al-Attas, op. cit., p. 32.
72. R.B. Serjeant, The Saiyids ofHadramawt, London, Luzac and Co., 1957, p. 20.
73. Nevertheless, imam H. Hasan said that he reads the salawat (prayers) of other tariqas such as
the badawiyyah Tariqa, the tijani, idirisi, and others, and that today such conflicts have been
diminished. In fact he stated that the 'alawis according to him were never against other orders.
They only directed attacks against the "deviationists" (he was vague about who he meant) in the
Malay Archipelago.
74. This view was expressed by Professor Yusof A. Talib, Department of Malay Studies, National
University of Singapore, personal communication, November 1994.
75. 'Uqud al-almas bimanaqib shaikh al-tariqa wa imam al-haqiqa al-'arif billah murabbi al-
salikin wa murshid al- talibin al-habib Ahmed bin-Hassan bin- Abudullah al-'Attas, Singapore,
1991-1412 H, p. 108.
76. Ibid., p. 109.
77. Batiniyya : " a name given (a) to the Isma'ilis in medieval times, referring to their stress on the
batin, the "inward" meaning behind the literal wording of sacred texts and (b), less specifically,
to anyone accused of rejecting the literal meaning of such texts in favour of the batin. - Among
the Isma'ilis and some related Shi'i groups there developed a distinctive type of ta'wil [q. v]
scriptural interpretation, which may be called batini. It was symbolical or allegoristic in its
method, sectarian in its aims, hierarchically imparted, and secret. All branches of the Ismai'iliyya

Archipel 53, Paris, 1997

3. The space for women in the mosque ; the night of the ratib

4. Arab visitors ; Sheikh AH Qadur from Syria

(Photo Imam H. Hasan al-'Attas)
 80 Mona Abaza

Ghandi, and the majousis (Zoroastrians, but they are lumped together with the
Hindus and bahais).^1^ In their attempt to do away with unnecessary
practices, in Southeast Asia they attack the babis, baha'is^9\ and dadianis,
whom they call al-sufiyyah al-ghulah (extremist sufis). They were also against
the kaum muda movement (8°) in Indonesia. Imam S. Alawi Tahir al-Haddad
attacked them in the twenties and thirties as deviationists. The 'alawis also
became open opponents of the Wahabis.
Another important figure of the 'alawiya tariqa is S. Alwi Taher al-
Haddad. Born in 1884, he was a teacher in Hadramawt and a judge. Before he
came to Southeast Asia, he sojourned in Somalia and Kenya. He came to
Indonesia, Bogor, and was a teacher and unofficial mufti. He became head of
the 'alawiyya Tariqa in Jakarta after 'Abdel Qader bin Muhsin al-'Attas. He
was appointed as the mufti of Johor in March 1934 ; his services were extended
until 1961, the year of his retirement. He remained thus as mufti of Johor from
1934 to 1961, and died in 1962. He was buried in Johor Baharu. He played the
role of reminding Muslims of the " real " understanding of Islam and his legacy
remains in his "fatwas " . He was known to have attacked al-turuq al-
shaytaniyyah (the devilish orders), in order to return to a similar path to that of
'Abdul-Qadir al-Jilani. He attacked the ahmadiyyah, the qadyanniyyah and
those believing in re-incarnation. He attacked shi'a who express majusi
tendencies. Even the Sufi mystic al-Halladj (81\ and ismai'ilis^2^ were not
spared from condemnation/83) Imam al-Haddad in fact attacked all tariqas in
Southeast Asia.
Imam H. Hasan provided me with two works, available in English in
Singapore, which enlighten us about the path of the tariqa : one book by imam
'Abdallah Ibn 'Alawi Al-Haddad, The Book of Assistance^}, and one by

as well as the Druze offshoots have retained the batini ta'wil (interpretation) in one form or
another"; see El, New Edition, Leiden, E. J. Brill, London, Luzac and Co, Vol. I., Batiniyya, pp.
1098-1100.
IS. Ibid., p. 112.
79. Baha'is, are the adherents of the new religion which was founded by Baha' Allah, who was
born in 1817 in Mazenderan. The Baha'i religion, while it claims to be scientific and opposed to
dogma, has not been given sufficient attention by Orientalists. See El, New Edition, Brill, London,
Luzac and Co., Vol. I., Baha'is, pp. 915-918.
80. Kaum tua were the old conservative generation as opposed to the young kaum muda.
81. Al-Halladj, Abu'l Muguith al-Husayn B. Mansur B. Mohammad al-Baydawi, is an Arabic
speaking theologian and mystic (244-309/857-922). Al-Halladj was born about 244/857 at Tur, to
the north-east of al-Bayda in Fars. His life and thought and Sufism was highlighted by the French
orientalist Louis Massignon. He underwent persecution and was arrested and jailed by the
Abbassid police. His life ended dramatically, he was flogged, mutilated, crucified and burned. See
al-Halladj, El, New Edition, Vol. Ill, pp. 99-105.
82. Isma'iliyya: "A major branch of the shi'a with numerous subdivisions. It branched off from
the Imamiyya by tracing the imamate through imam Dja'far al-Sadik son Isma'il, after whom it is
named". See Isma'iliyya, El, New Edition, Vol. IV, pp. 198-206.
83. Ismail Mat, Ulama Silam dalam Kenangan, Bangi, Penerbit Universiti Kebangsaan Malaysia,
1993.
84. Imam 'Abdallah Ibn 'Alawi Al-Haddad, The Book of Assistance, translated from the Arabic by
Mostafa al-Badawi, Singapore, Pustaka National, 1989.
85. Imam Ahmad Mashhur al-Haddad, Key to the Garden, translated from the Arabic by Mostafa
al-Badawi, Singapore, Pustaka National, 1990.

Archipel 53, Paris, 1997

 A Mosque of Arab origin in Singapore 81

Imam Ahmad Mashhur al-Haddad, Key to the Garden.^ These two works
were translated by an Egyptian residing in Mecca and who stays in touch with
imam H. Hasan. Imam 'Abdallah Ibn 'Alawi Al-Haddad, known as the renewer
or mujadid of the twelfth Islamic century, was born in Tarim (Hadramawt) and
known for his erudition. Imam Ahmad Mashhur al-Haddad was born in the
town of Qaydun, (Hadramawt) in 1329 H.-1911 A.C. After having studied
under various 'Alawi shaikhs in the Muslim World, he settled in Mombasa,
Kenya, and commutes between Jeddah and Mombasa. <86) Another precept of
the order is the division between the khasah (the particular, for the few) and
'amma (general, for the masses). They claim to follow the writings of the
mystic al-Suhrawardi and the work 'ihyaa 'ulum uddin' of imam al-Ghazali, as
well as the asha'ari school. While the 'amma tariqa is supposed to
accommodate all believers. (87)
Some scholars would argue that the 'alawiyya tariqa could be understood
as "historical" shi'a A^ The affinity of Hadhrami scholars with the shi'a
tradition in cursing historical figures such as Mu'awiya, who fought 'Ali, has
been highlighted by the German Orientalist Werner Ende.<89) Furthermore, the
perpetuation of the tradition of " hubb ahlul bait" (the love of the descendants
of the house of the Prophet, in particular the party of 'Ali) is another sign of
shi'a remnants in the region. (9°) Syed Farid Alatas elaborates upon the
question of the survival of elements of shi'a culture in Indonesia and goes
further in his argumentation in constructing the liaison between the Iranian
revolution and the growing awareness and conversion to shi'ism in the region.
He nevertheless sees that " it is incorrect to say that the
'alawiyyin, ...introduced shi'a Islam to Indonesia, as suggested by some,
because the 'alawiyyin have been strict shafi'is".W Syed Naguib al-Attas, on
the other hand, refuses to acknowledge any analogy between shi'ism and the
'alawiyyah tariqa arguing that all the practices mentioned above apply equally
to Sunnis. Moreover, tracing the genealogy back to imam Dja'far As-Sadeq
who is highly studied by the shi'a, is not sufficient evidence for shi'a
affinities. (92>
According to imam H. Hasan, the tariqa al-'alawiyah entails four main
principles and conditions :

86. Ibid., Translator's Preface.

87. 'Uqud al-almas, op. cit., p. 61.
88. This view was expressed by Professor Yusof Talib, National University of Singapore (personal
communication October 1994). Nevertheless, imam H. Hasan refuses categorically to draw any
similarity between shi'ism and the 'alawiyyah tariqa. He insists that the 'alawh are strict shafi'is.
89. Werner Ende "Schiitische Tendenzen bei sunnitischen Sayyids aus Hadramaut: Muhammad b.
'Aqil al-'Alawi (1863-1931), in Der Islam, 50, 1, 1973, pp. 82-97.
90. It is nevertheless equally a sunni tradition which exists strongly for instance in Egypt. Equally
for the feast of 'ashura which is also practised among sunnis.
91. Syed Farid Alatas, "The Tariqat al-' Alawiyya and the Emergence of the shi'i School in
Indonesia and Malaysia ", Unpublished paper, Department of Sociology National University of
Singapore, 1995, pp. 9-10.
92. Personal communication from Professor Syed Naguib al-Attas, ISTAC (International Institute
of Islamic Thought and Civilization), Kuala Lumpur, 21.5.1995.

Archipel 53, Paris, 1997

82 Mona Abaza

1. al-' Urn (science, knowledge)

2. al-'amal (work)
3. al-tahalli (embellishment)
4. al-takhalli (giving away, restraint)
Imam H. Hasan argues that if anyone practises these principles, they adhere
to the tariqa without knowing it. Imam H. Hasan, nowadays prefers to
concentrate more upon social work among the Muslims, whom he thinks have
sufficient problems to carry on their shoulders.

Expanding Functions of the Mosque

As mentioned earlier, the Ba'alawi Mosque, like various existing mosques
in Singapore, encompasses multiple activities and fulfils the role of providing
community socialization and assistance. If it is mainly attempting to provide
spiritual assistance to all members of the Muslim community, it is equally
providing material help. Imam H. Hasan receives phone calls constantly, and
is sought for advice. He is also consulted for marriage, conversion to Islam,
and cases of inter-communal marriage (which are becoming frequent in
Singapore) and suicide cases.
But most important, the mosque provides classes for teaching the Qur'an,
Arabic language, and religious subjects. There are ten teachers (three of whom
are of Arabic origin, and two of whom are females) working with the mosque
and teaching at various times religious subjects. There is a ladies' section to
teach women the Qur'an from 'asar (afternoon) prayer until maghrib (sunset)
prayer. One very active female teacher instructs in fifteen other places
including mosques and private houses. The mosque is also open to assist the
Muslim community with marital problems (93> such as divorce and drug
addiction complications (which seems to be an important problem among the
Malays). The imam provides the telephone numbers of lawyers and social
workers to help Muslims and non-Muslims involved in judicial cases.
Basically, people can come and go and consult the imam whenever he is
available. On Sundays, the mosque offers informal classes in religious studies
for children.
There are three important and extremely busy periods in the life of imam H.
Hasan: Thursday night, the night of chanting the ratib, Friday prayers, and
preparations related to the howl. On Thursday night imam H. Hasan usually
comes to the mosque late, at around two o'clock in the afternoon. He starts to
meet people from the time of the 'asar prayer and continues until maghrib to
listen to their problems and discuss their concerns. After the maghrib session,
the reading of the ratib starts, and continues until the 'is ha prayers. Then he
meets people in majlis for marriages, he also sometimes meets new converts,
sometimes teaches, or attends majlis which consists of no less than thirty
people to discuss various matters. Such meetings could last until midnight. On
Friday mornings, imam H. Hasan visits his father's grave, returning to the

93.
addiction
According
and familial
to imamproblems.
H. Hasan, the Malays seem to suffer most from high rates of divorce, drug

Archipel 53, Paris, 1997

 A Mosque of Arab origin in Singapore 83

mosque for the Friday prayer. Among the devotees of the mosque, are several
Ambassadors and staff members of the various Embassies of the Muslim
community in Singapore. Obviously, the Ba'alawi mosque, in recent years, has
been frequented increasingly by various diplomats in Singapore. After prayer,
the imam prepares a huge lunch for twenty to thirty people or more. Lunch
becomes an opportunity for discussion, for maintaining contact among the
various nationalities and with Embassy circles, and for the extension of
networks in the Muslim World. Imam H. Hasan as said earlier, travels often to
Saudi Arabia and other Middle Eastern countries (such as Egypt and Jordan).
Such gatherings become crucial in maintaining links with diplomatic circles.

Conclusion
This paper attempts to depict life histories and itineraries. By describing
the everyday activities of an imam, I have tried to shed some light upon the
significance of a location - a mosque - on the local level as well as in the
wider international Muslim context. The fact that this is a mosque of Arab
origin does not imply any down playing of the Malay-Singaporean dimension.
As said before, imam H. Hasan was himself raised in Singapore; besides
Arabic, he would consider Malay as his mother tongue and English as a second
important language of communication with other ethnic groups. Imam H.
Hasan, like many other Arabs in Singapore, believes that there is nothing to be
gained by striving for an Arab identity which repudiates the Malay component.
He perceives himself as a blend of both cultures. But more important is the
fact that imam H. Hasan runs his mosque in a professional and down-to-earth
manner, where appointments, telephones, photocopying machines for
documentation, availability of tape recorders, books, cars, and sophisticated
organization, are reconciled with the everyday religious functions of the
mosque. Imam H. Hasan's adapts his appearance from the white jallabeyya
(long white robe) he wears in the mosque, to fashionable suits for international
hotels, according to circumstances. It is in the Arab style majlis room of the
mosque where crucial matters happen. This room holds a rich library of Arabic
religious books, and a big mirror. The guests sit on the floor on cushions, to
contemplate a painting of the Arabian bedouins of the desert. It is in this room
where the most important meetings take place. It is here where 'ulama gather
to study fiqh, where women and families come to air their grievances, and
equally, where a researcher like me would be greeted. This room symbolizes
the hybridity of modernity coexisting with the tradition of sitting on the floor.
Imam H. Hasan's conversion of baraka into social work; his "efficiency"
in social dealing - which is a beloved word of Singaporeans and in particular
the Chinese - has become the secret of his success among the Muslim
community.

Archipel 53, Paris, 1997