Historiography of Jesuit Cartography

(14.561 Wörter)

I. Introduction: The Absence of a Field

II. Missionary Cartographers, 1584–1773
III. Abolition and Reestablishment: Jesuit Missions and
Observatories in the Nineteenth and Twentieth Centuries
IV. Conclusion
Robert Batchelor
batchelo@georgiasouthern.edu
Last modified: February 2019

I. Introduction: The Absence of a Field

Jesuit cartography, a vast and lively area of historical scholarship, does not as yet have a
proper history. Some have questioned whether such an enterprise could ever encompass the
global variety of early modern and modern productions by members of the order. Only in 1991
did the historian of cartography John Brian Harley (1932–91) first try to sum up the Jesuit
cartographic project as an extension of Renaissance “arts of persuasion,” noting that “it is clear
that the Jesuits more than other religious orders of early modern Europe valued maps and
geography for the control of missionary space.” Harley also expressed skepticism about the
cross-cultural nature of such projects, borrowing a phrase from the sinologist Jacques Gernet
(1921–2018) to call this an “enterprise of seduction.” 1 More recently, the philosopher Peter
Sloterdijk (1947–) has suggested that the terrestrial cartography and even the celestial maps of
the missionaries more directly attempted to come to terms with the collapse of the Aristotelian
cosmology of spheres and envision a new terrestrial globe. Thoroughly “modern,” such maps
represented a kind of network phenomenon of displaying earthly connections, one perhaps
connected with the effort to develop new forms of subjectivity in the context of the Counter-
Reformation.2 These two poles—missionary persuasion derived from confident universalism
versus a new global subjectivity emerging from disruption—have largely shaped the broader
historiographic debate about the significance of Jesuit mapping projects.
Rather than outward intentions of persuasion or inward questions of self and cosmos, recent
scholarship has investigated more epistemic qualities related to Jesuit mapping, the conditions
under which Jesuit cartography developed. 3 Attentiveness to language and locality in this
scholarship returns the possibility of mapping as an interactive and iterative process driven in
many cases by the periphery rather than a centralized strategy of control or a crisis in
representation as put forward by Harley and Sloterdijk. Indeed, Jesuit mapping seems to have
had its most lasting effects in creating open-ended cartographic imaginaries out of such
relations. Examples include former Spanish colonies where Jesuit maps shaped nationalist
historical conceptions; places like India, Russia, and Eastern Europe where Jesuit efforts were
quietly folded into imperial projects; East Asian countries like Korea and Japan, where the
actual presence of Jesuits was limited, and yet their maps helped shape understandings of
foreign polities; and Europe itself, where integrative aspects of Jesuit cartographic education
and globalist approaches had important effects in otherwise politically and linguistically
fragmented regions.

This new work reveals a certain tension between the many histories of Jesuit cartographers working on
regional mapping projects and the broader headings of Jesuit science or Jesuit education under which
Jesuit cartography has usually been treated. A long tradition exists of writing about the cartographic
enterprises of particular missions as isolated phenomena—most notably the China mission beginning
with the famous world maps created by Matteo Ricci (1552–1610) from 1584 and equally significantly
the Spanish and French empires in the Americas. Historical accounts of the role of cartography and
geography in Jesuit education and its influence on European, Asian, and creole American cartographers
who were not themselves Jesuits, especially in relation to the study of geometry as instituted by
Christoph Clavius (1538–1612) from 1574 and the Ratio studiorum (1599), have with a few exceptions
been more anecdotal.4 The period after the refounding of the Jesuits during the nineteenth century, in
which a global network of observatories emerged that produced astronomical, geophysical,
meteorological, and hydrological maps, has largely been neglected until very recently.

Regional scholarship as well as studies of particular Jesuit cartographers, described under the specific
headings that follow, have created a nuanced if geographically and temporally fragmented account.
Considered as a whole, the Jesuit cartographic enterprise appears open-ended and diverse enough to
have played a significant role in the definition of spatial “modernities” that connected complex
negotiations among institutions, groups and individuals with more abstract and “global” geometries.
These connections defined through cartography in many cases outlasted the missionary efforts of the
order itself.

II. Missionary Cartographers, 1584–1773

A. The Efforts and Effects of the China Mission in Asia
The most extensive literature on Jesuit cartography concerns the person who was arguably its founding
figure, Matteo Ricci.5 The impressive translation and woodblock printing efforts that enabled the
various editions of his Chinese world map starting in 1584 included notable collaboration efforts with Li
Zhizao (1565–1630), Zhang Wentao, and others, setting up a recurring pattern of collaborative and
syncretic work in Jesuit cartography. Ricci saw the basis of Jesuit cartography in the geometric
education outlined by Clavius in his various textbooks published in Rome, and Clavius’s work also
provided the basis for Gregorian calendrical reform (1582). Ricci also relied heavily on the imperial
atlas making project Theatrum Orbis Terrarum (1570–98) of Abraham Ortelius in Spanish Antwerp and
Luo Hongxian’s (1504–64) atlas of the Ming Empire, Guang yu tu (1561). As such, Jesuit cartography
was very much a project rooted not only in Jesuit and Catholic science in the late sixteenth century, with
ambitions to use geometry as a way of articulating a universal account of space and time, but also in the
imperial efforts of empires like the Spanish and the Ming to gain both regional and global
leverage.6 Cartography also became an important tool for generating discussions and connections with
late Ming and early Qing intellectual circles and printing practices, with such efforts spilling over and
inspiring further mapping in Korea, Japan, the Philippines, and Southeast Asia.7

Beyond Ricci, the broader China mission was significant in its efforts to help comprehensively map one
of the largest and most populous empires on the planet, a project that gained further momentum as the
Qing dynasty essentially doubled the size of the Ming Empire after the conquest of 1644 and directly
patronized such projects. Efforts by the Jesuits to become involved in mapping the empire began during
the late Ming with the maps of Ricci’s early working partner Michele Ruggieri (1543–1607).8 Over the
course of the next two centuries, at least thirty-five Jesuits participated actively in cartographic projects
in China, with numerous others playing subsidiary roles. These efforts also had important effects on the
development of cartography in Japan, Korea, the Philippines, Southeast Asia, India, and Russia. Some
have highlighted the limits of Jesuit influence and the continuation of traditional practices in
China.9 More recent scholarship on figures like Giulio Aleni (1582–1649), Francesco Sambiasi (1582–
1649), and Francesco Brancati (1607–71) sees an increasing divergence between localized missionary
efforts that involved only occasional use of cartography and attempts at court to persuade late Ming
emperors directly, the latter making the Ming court into a source for maps that travelled to Korea and
Japan.10 The gap between local missionary efforts and courtly cartography only widened after the
Manchu conquest of 1644 as Jesuits became more directly tied into Qing imperial efforts to consolidate
of geographical knowledge about both the empire and foreign locations, astronomical knowledge related
to calendrical reform, and more generally advertising on both a regional and a global scale the new Qing
empire’s cosmopolitan achievements and sheer size.

Jesuit mapping in China could also be used to demonstrate the achievements of their enterprise to
various groups in Europe, making it a useful tool in forging alliances, particularly from the late
seventeenth century, with the French monarchy and more broadly with both Protestant countries and
Orthodox Russia during the eighteenth century. Their efforts became, first through Martino Martini’s
(1614–61) maps published by Joan Blaeu (1596–1673) as the Novus Atlas Sinensis (1655) and later
through the translation of the Emperor Kangxi’s (1654–1722) atlas in Jean Baptiste Bourguignon
d’Anville’s (1697–1782) Nouvelle Atlas (1737), the standard cartographic depiction of China in Europe
and elsewhere. A significant amount of scholarship has addressed the complex institutional and personal
collaborations involved in creating Ricci’s world map, Álvarez Semedo’s (1585–1658) map of China,
Johann Adam Schall von Bell’s (1591–1666) maps and charts, Michał Piotr Boym’s (1612–59) and
Martini’s contrasting atlases, Ferdinand Verbiest’s (1623–88) world map, and the imperial maps
involving multiple Jesuits under Kangxi (1717, 1719, 1721), Yongzheng (1725) and Qianlong (1757–
75).11 In the 1990s and 2000s, cartography became central to the “new Qing history,” which emphasized
the role of cartography in early modern empire making more generally.12 The most recent scholarship,
such as Mario Cams’s work on the Kangxi Atlas or Matthew Mosca’s on the Qing frontier with India,
which includes Michel Benoist’s (1715–74) work with other Jesuits for Qianlong in the 1760s and
1770s, has shown it to be a complex product of institutional convergence and integrative approaches
demanded by a growing awareness of the need for a “foreign policy.” The collaborative work done on
the Kangxi mapping project by the Jesuits Antoine Thomas (1644–1709), Xavier Ehrenbert Fridelli
(1673–1743), Jean-Baptiste Régis (1663/4–1738), Pierre Jartoux (1669–1720), Joachim Bouvet (1656–
1730), Dominique Parrenin (1665–1741), Pierre-Vincent de Tartre (1669–1724), Francis Cardoso
(1677–1723), Roman Hinderer (1668–1744), Joseph-Anne-Marie de Moyriac de Mailla (1669–1748),
and the Lazarist Matteo Ripa (1682–1746) with a wide variety of people and institutions was indicative
of the new kinds of projects pursued in the eighteenth century that were by no means simply “Jesuit.” 13

Jesuit astronomers also made substantial efforts at celestial cartography in China, and in a similar
collaborative manner, although in general this has not been studied in tandem with terrestrial
cartography. Such work began with the translation of Clavius’s astronomical work by Manuel
(Emanuel) Díaz (1574–1659) in the Tian wen lue (Explicatio sphaerae coelestis, Beijing, 1615),
gaining substantial momentum with the work of Sabatino de Ursis (1575–1620) and Schall von Bell at
the late Ming court. Because of their role in astrological ceremonies and the calendar important to
imperial legitimacy, star charts were even more important than terrestrial maps and globes. Schall von
Bell’s star charts printed between 1630 and 1634 for the Chongzhen Emperor (1611–44) were the first
important publications to come out of Jesuit collaboration with the Beijing Observatory. His work was
continued in Beijing by Verbiest, Ignatius Kögler (1680–1746), Antoine Gaubil (1689–1759), André
Pereira (1689–1743), and others.14 By contrast, the astronomer François (František, Franciscus) Noël
(1651–1729), remembered today more for his translations of Confucian classics and role in the Rites
Controversy, made field observations and maps of stellar magnitudes from China (Macao), India (Goa),
and Brazil (Bahia) from 1684 to 1708, publishing his charts in Prague in 1710.15

Finally, the presence of the Jesuits in China and their efforts at mapping led to increased interest in
cartography as a representational strategy in Korea, Japan, the Philippines, Vietnam, Siam, India, and
maritime East Asia more generally. The early Jesuit presence in Japan was followed by a fascination
with the Ricci world map after they and other Catholics were expelled, while Korean envoys at the
Beijing court brought back manuscript copies of Ricci’s map as well as those of Aleni and
Verbiest.16 The Sicilian Jesuit Girolamo de Angelis (1567–1623) mapped Hokkaido, while Antoine
Gaubil in the eighteenth century mapped the Ryukyus and southern Japan.17 Jesuit cartography in the
Philippines, Vietnam, and Siam played an important role in heightening the prestige of mapping in these
areas as well as in later nationalist discourses.18 The Jesuit role in Philippine cartography was
particularly important, not only in the famous “Carta Hydrographica y Chorographica” (1734) of Pedro
Murillo Velarde (1696–1753) and Nicolás de la Cruz Bagay (1701–71) but also as a staging point for
the mapping of the Carolines, Palau and Marianas by Juan Cantova (1697–1731) and others.19 Likewise,
the Selden Map of China (c.1619), the outlines of which indicate possible indirect Jesuit influence,
suggests that overseas Min-speaking Chinese were also influenced by this growing prestige of
mapping.20
When the French mission to Siam was expelled in 1689, they moved to Pondicherry in India, thus
pushing these East Asian patterns of Jesuit cartographic practice westward. For India, cartography has
become a metaphor for analysis of the overall Jesuit mission there. Although she does not analyze actual
Jesuit cartography, Ines Županov writes metaphorically of the “cultural cartography” of Jesuit early
modernity in India, locating Jesuit “itineraries” under the umbrella of the royal patronage (padroado) of
Portugal and Spain and finding them to be polycentric and varying importantly over time.21 Yet,
astronomy and cartography were closely tied together in a cosmographic project inherited from the
Siamese mission that also involved significant amounts of translation. Prior to 1689, the main exemplar
of Jesuit mapping in India was the small and sparsely detailed 1590 map of Anthony Monserrate (1536–
1600). After 1689, Jean-Venant Bouchet (1655–1732) and other mathématiciens du roi moved to
Pondicherry to establish the Carnate mission under the assistance of France (Gallia). From there,
however, practices branched out in a much more decentralized fashion than they had in China under the
auspices of both Enlightenment and a French imperial imaginary.22 For both China and India, the
publisher D'Anville capitalized on the work of Jesuits to create comprehensive maps for the French
market. This French project as well as the work of later Jesuits like Joseph Tief[f]enthaler (1710–85)
proved highly important for English efforts to map India like those of James Rennell (1742–1830).23

B. The Frontiers of the French, Spanish, and Portuguese Empires in the Americas

1 New France

In contrast with the Ming and Qing empires, where Jesuits had direct access to woodblock printing
presses and Chinese map archives, cartography in the French and Spanish empires was centralized in
manuscript archives in Seville and Paris and printed in Antwerp, Leuven, and Paris, resulting in less
collaboration by the missionaries themselves. In the Americas, Jesuit mapping took place mostly on the
frontiers of empire. Because they played an important role in mapping the Great Lakes and the
Mississippi, French Jesuit cartographers like Claude Allouez (1622–89), Claude Dablon (1619–97),
Jacques Marquette (1637–75), and Jean-Baptiste Franquelin (1650–c.1700) were the first to receive
attention by historians in the nineteenth century, even before interest in the work of Ricci and the China
mission developed.24 The historiography of French Jesuit cartographers begins with the work of the
famous nineteenth-century American historian Francis Parkman, who in an appendix to the third volume
of his France and England in North America (1869) gave a short history of French Jesuit cartography.
Parkman was followed by the much more extensive accounts by Henry Harrisse (1872) and Justin
Winsor.25 This historiography helped inspire the English translation and publication of the Jesuit
relations about New France in 1894, which relied upon and greatly expanded the relatively scarce 1858
Quebec edition of the Jesuit relations.26 These Jesuit maps, especially those related to the United States,
became important for state geographers from the early twentieth century in identifying place names that
had Native American origins.27

Recent literature on French Jesuits has gone from an emphasis on expertise to highlighting their role in
empire building. A large amount of discovery literature makes reference to Jesuit cartographic efforts,
especially in relation to the mapping of the Great Lakes and Mississippi Basin.28 A map discovered
among the papers of Jacques Marquette, thought by some to be a forgery, emerged as a kind of
flashpoint over the question of how important French Jesuit cartography actually was.29 Some effort has
been made to use Jesuit maps to find the locations of the actual missions.30 More recent accounts, such
as those of Michael Witgen and Jean-François Palomino, tend to see Jesuit cartography as going hand in
glove with the imperial efforts of the French state, as an effort to simplify Native American identities
and display French mastery of them.31 Others have described more complex and layered motivations of
Jesuit cartographers.32

2 The Spanish Americas

Exploring the Casiquiare canal, which connects the Orinoco and Negro Rivers and thus the Orinoco and
Amazon Basins, Alexander von Humboldt wrote of how, “the missionaries [the Jesuits], who were then
[in 1760], as they are at present, the only geographers of most of the inland parts of the
continents.”33 Despite early interest in the Jesuit cartographers of the Spanish and Portuguese empires,
the historiography of their efforts took longer to develop. While the Spanish crown showed interest in
indigenous cartography, especially with the Relaciones geográficas (1577–86) that were conducted at
the same time Ricci and Ruggeri began their mapping projects in China, Jesuits were not
involved.34 The Jesuit naturalist and geographer José de Acosta (1540–1600) does not seem to have had
a strong interest in cartography when compiling his De natura novi orbis (Salamanca, 1588) or the
enlarged Historia natural y moral de las Indias (Seville, 1590), even though he played an important role
in debates about the physical connection between Asia and the Americas and used his work as well as
his Ortelius’s atlas to critique Ptolemy (d.160 CE) and other classical geographers. 35 Alonso de Ovalle’s
(1603–51) “Tabula geographica Regni Chile” (Rome, 1646), composed in 1641, was perhaps the first
map to appear in a text that followed Acosta’s approach to natural history. It celebrated the 1641 peace
conference during the Arauco War between Francisco López de Zúñiga, Marquis de Baides, and
Antehueno, the spokesman for the Mapuche toqui Lincopinchon, and more generally Baides’s support
for Jesuit missionary efforts in Chile.36

Jesuit cartography in the Spanish Americas thus began in the mid- to late- seventeenth century, as Jesuit
missionaries pushed southward into Chile; northward into Sonora, Sinaoloa (Pimería Alta), and Baja
California under Eusebio Kino (1645–1711) and others; and into the upper Amazon and Orinoco under
Samuel Fritz (1654–c.1725/30). It continued to develop in the eighteenth century with the
Jesuit reducciones de indios along the “triple frontier” of Paraguay, Brazil, and Argentina (including
Bolivia and Uruguay). Historiographical interest in this Jesuit mapping of the Spanish Americas began
among Jesuit historians working in Argentina and Spain during the 1900s and 1910s.37 A number of
missionary maps of Central and South America were exhibited in a pavilion in the Vatican gardens in
1925, in one of the first efforts to comprehensively collect and display them.38 But more rigorous studies
of the archives only appeared with Guillermo Fúrlong Cárdiff’s Cartografía jesuítica del Río de la
Plata (1936) and Ernest Burrus’s La obra cartográfica de la Provincia mexicana de la Compañía de
Jesús (1967), landmark works designed to show the variety of mapmaking in both areas. Digging in a
variety of archives, Cárdiff found 98 Jesuit maps of the River Plate region between 1647 and 1798,
while Burrus identified 36 Jesuit mapmakers working between 1600 and 1794 in northern Mexico.39 As
Burrus noted, most of these maps were manuscripts that accompanied reports that acted as summary
illustrations for superiors, and for the Jesuits who made them, they were also tools, “For the Jesuit
cartographer a map was an instrument to help him in his work.”40

Perhaps because Jesuits were clearly more independent from imperial designs in the Spanish and
Portuguese empires than in the French, the historiography has subsequently developed along more
nuanced lines, although still emphasizing similar themes of enlightenment and empire. 41 There has also
been an attentiveness in the scholarship on Philippine Jesuit cartographers, described previously in the
section on the China mission and Asia, to connections between Philippine Jesuit cartography and Jesuit
cartography in the Spanish Americas.

C. Europe and the Jesuit Educational Program

Somewhat paradoxically, given the extensive scholarship on Jesuit cartography in the rest of the world,
the Jesuit contribution to terrestrial mapping in Europe is still not very well understood. The
development of Jesuit science was profoundly spatial in nature. Two figures stand out in Europe who
were not themselves cartographers but contributed to making cartography a significant element in Jesuit
practice. Clavius was not only Ricci’s teacher at the Collegio Romano but the fountainhead of a vast
number of works by Jesuit geometers, 631 by the count of Carlos Sommervogel.42 Acosta, notably in
his De natura Novi Orbis / De procuranda indorum salute (Seville and Salamanca: 1588, 1589)
and Historia natural y moral de las Indias (Seville: 1590), developed what Anthony Pagden called
“comparative ethnology” and indeed universal history as ways explaining how the Americas were
populated through migration from Asia.43 Acosta who began his work in Lima, Peru and later became
the rector of the Jesuit college in Salamanca in Spain, had like Clavius a broad influence not only among
the Jesuits but also for broader Baroque and Enlightenment understandings of culture and “mores”
(customs). Acosta began his Historia natural with a critique of Ptolemy and the classical tradition,
which “knewe not the halfe,” setting up the basis for a broad reassessment of both geography and
mapping practices44 By the 1590s, therefore, the stage was set in Europe for a flourishing of Jesuit
cartography in both schools and in practice. However, neither Clavius nor Acosta had suggested the
teaching of or themselves practiced cartography.

A second element of this flourishing was an emphasis on the globe itself as a kind of overarching
metaphor. Both the Ratio studiorum (1599) curriculum and Athanasius Kircher’s diagrammatic
“Horoscopium catholicum Societatis Iesv” (from Ars magna lucis et umbrae [Rome: Hermann Scheus,
1646]) suggested the importance of geography and the globe (or “sphere”) as ways of organizing the
world and its multiplicity of languages. This was an education appropriate for an organization that relied
upon a global network or what Steve Harris has called a “geography of knowledge.”45 As was the case
with mathematics, in which the main suggestion was to teach Euclid, the Ratio said little about the
content of such education aside from Giovanni de Sacrobosco’s De sphaera
mundi (c.1220).46 Geography itself seems to have been a technique for making geometry lessons
interesting and meaningful.

Despite the fact that these early developments took place in Spain and the Italian states, it would be in
France that Jesuit education, and in particular education in cartography, developed in the seventeenth
century.47 A notable early example was Philippus Brietus (Philippe Briet, 1601–68), who taught
geography both at Rouen and at the Collège de Clermont in Paris.48 Not surprisingly, as Jesuit education
in cartography developed, more Jesuit cartographers or cartographers trained by Jesuits played
important roles in the development of French cartography more generally as was the case with Nicolas
Sanson (1600–67), Claude Delisle (1644–1720), and d’Anville. There also may have been some
indirect influence on the mapmakers Willem and Joan Blaeu (1571–1638, 1596–1673), who in addition
to maps and atlases published the work of the Antwerp Bollandists and Cologne Jesuits as well as that of
Martino Martini and Athanasius Kircher.49 The first atlas of the Jesuit order itself emerged in France
under the editorship of Louis Denis in 1764, precisely because of what Lucia Nuti has called “cultural
and technical maturity.”50
Beyond terrestrial cartography, Jesuits played a leading and well-documented role, often through their
work in observatories, in mapping sunspots, the moon, planets and stars as well as physical features of
the ocean, especially in the seventeenth century. From Rome and Ingolstadt, Christoph Scheiner
(c.1573–1650) and Johann Baptist Cysatus (1586–1657) worked with a network of Jesuits in Lisbon,
Freiburg, Parma and the Caribbean for the sunspot maps in the book Rosa ursina (1631), having
disputes with Galileo. Charles Malapert (1581–1630) and Simon Peruvius (c.1580–1656) did similar
work at Kalisz in Poland. Scheiner (1614), Malapert (1619) as well as Giuseppe Biancani (1619) all
included maps of the moon in their cosmographic works. Yet it was another sunspot watcher, Giovanni
Battista Riccioli (1598–1671) and his collaborator Francesco Grimaldi (1618–63) whose moon drawing
has proven the most influential. It accompanied a large number of celestial maps and diagrams in
the Almagestum novum (1651).51 Following Tycho Brahe’s lead, Christoph Grienberger was a pioneer
in star chart atlases (1612) along with his colleague Orazio Grassi (1619) at the Collegio Romano, while
the star atlas of Ignace-Gaston Pardies, published posthumously in France in 1674, proved important for
both atlases and celestial globes.52 Athanasius Kircher’s map of ocean currents (1665), while fanciful in
claiming they were caused by volcanoes, was nevertheless the first of its kind.53

By the eighteenth century, thanks to fruitful work in the Jesuit schools and by Jesuit scientists, localized
practices began to diverge substantially. Early eighteenth-century Jesuit classrooms in Coimbra
included azulejos tiles depicting diagrams from André Tacquet’s edition of Euclid and a world map by
Joan Blaeu.54 The English Jesuit Thomas Lawson developed textbooks for teaching geography while
residing at Bruges.55 The first Catholic atlas, Atlas novus (1702–10), was made by the Jesuit Heinrich
Scherer (1628–1704) at Munich. Scherer was the teacher of Eusebius Kino while at Ingolstadt. He thus
helped spur cartography in the Americas, and the atlas itself influenced the development of a kind of
Enlightenment cartography among Jesuits, especially those working for absolutist princes.56 The
unfinished work of Carlos Martínez (1710–64) and Claudio de la Vega y Terán (1680–1748) at the
Imperial College of Madrid for creating a comprehensive map of Spain later proved essential for Tomás
López de Vargas Machuca (1730–1802) Atlas geográfico de España (Madrid: 1802).57 Likewise,
Johann Baptist Zauchenberg (n.d.) and Carl Andrian (1680–1745) in the early eighteenth century at
Graz and Joseph Liesganig (1719–99) and Maximilian Hell (1720–92) in the second half of the
eighteenth century in Vienna spurred the development of cartography in Habsburg Austria.58 Roger
Boscovich (1711–87) became the most famous cartographer of the Papal States, and his correspondence
reached across Europe.59 At the time of the suppression from 1773, Jesuit cartography was already
interwoven with broader trends in the Enlightenment in Europe as well as Asia and the Americas. At
least some former Jesuits could continue with their own work in local contexts.60

III. Abolition and Reestablishment: Jesuit Missions and

Observatories in the Nineteenth and Twentieth Centuries
Jesuit cartography did not end because of the papal suppression (1773) and restoration (1814) of the
order. If anything, cartography became an even more important aspect of Jesuit identity as a way of
demonstrating coherence and relevance in the face of cultural and religious challenges. One of the first
of the new Jesuit missions was in Ottoman Syria (1831–64), where Jesuits practiced as Chantal Donzel-
Verdeil argues, a “confessional geography” in which Christian minority communities were portrayed as
under siege and needing refuge and new spaces.61 After the Kulturkampf and Jesuits Law (1872) in
Germany, Jesuits such as Oscar Werner revived the cartographic project of Catholic atlas making. 62 The
culmination of this was perhaps the Atlas Geographicus Societatis Jesu (Paris: George Colombier,
1900) by Louis Carrez (1833–1920).63 These efforts occurred simultaneously with the first significant
historical accounts of Jesuit cartography.64

The most important cartographic contribution of the Jesuits in the late nineteenth and early twentieth
centuries emerged from a series of observatories built around the world, which became key centers for
data collection at the time when national governments had just begun to take on this task. By 1910,
there were twenty-four Jesuit observatories had been established, including Georgetown in Washington,
DC (1841–1972), Tananarive in Madagascar (1864–1923), Manila in the Philippines (1865–1942,
rebuilt 1948), Xujiahui in Shanghai, China (Sicawei, Zikawei, 1872–), and Ksara in Lebanon
(1902/1907–79). Because of communication and travel made possible by the industrial revolutions, the
observatories were not only in contact with each other but also with global scientific efforts.
Astronomical, geophysical, meteorological, hydrological, ethnographic and linguistic maps emerged out
of these centers.65 Manila in particular became an important center of research on geophysical activity
and typhoons, and publications frequently included data-driven maps.66 Ethnography and ethnographic
mapping also became important. Although linguistics had been a topic of missionary interest from the
earliest days of the Jesuit order, Gaston Valn Bluck’s Les recherches linguistiques au Congo
belge (1948) may have been the first true linguistic map by a Jesuit.67

After the decline of Jesuit observatories in the 1970s, only isolated examples of Jesuit cartography
appear. Perhaps the most significant were the works of Ricardo Falla, working with indigenous people
to document massacres in Guatemala during the late 1970s and early 1980s.68 The work took place with
refugees in Mexico as well as in the liberation theology settlement of Ixcán. On a very different scale,
the “Global Network of Jesuit Schools” (2015) map by Educate Magis, an Irish company that includes
no Jesuit cartographers but works with the Secretariat for Education and the International Commission
on the Apostolate of Jesuit Education (ICAJE).69 Their goal was to give a sense of the vast extent of
contemporary Jesuit educational activities, including 805 Jesuit schools, 1,343 Fe y alegría schools and
eighty-three projects of the Jesuit Refugee Service (JRS). The map as a tool for defining global
educational networks and the map as a tool for dialogue with indigenous peoples remain common
themes drawn from the long history of Jesuit cartographic efforts. In both of these cases, however, the
culture of Jesuit mapmaking has moved to the margins of the Jesuit order itself, involving increasingly
lay efforts to create a world picture of both the mission and activities of the Jesuits in the late twentieth
and early twenty-first centuries.

IV. Conclusion
Over the past thirty years, two major debates have dominated the historiography of Jesuit cartography.
One concerned the intentional as opposed to accidental nature of the Jesuit cartographic enterprise. Was
it part of a grand missionary plan as Harley suggested? Intention (intendere) is an important part of
Catholic doctrine derived in part from Aristotelian ideas of ends, with cartography being a kind of
means. This debate has been in the last three decades largely overshadowed by one concerning the
religious versus imperial (state building) motivations of Jesuit cartographers. As this essay has shown,
these debates have devolved into discussions of regional patterns and individual efforts. The best and
most recent scholarship has tried to take a step back and to examine Jesuit cartographic efforts as
entangled in particular and overlapping circumstances, institutions, individuals, and collective
enterprises.70
Moving forward, it has become clear that greater attention needs to be paid to the maps themselves, in
their materiality, in their various states, in the data they contain, and in their status as “epistemic things.”
Jesuit maps remain rich artifacts. Even today they help define both the historical traces of indigenous
peoples as well as the imagined communities of nations.71 The French Jesuit historian Michel de Certeau
(1925–86) held fast to the distinction between maps as distancing abstractions and the rhythms and
itineraries of everyday life, the map and the territory. But he also understood the Jesuits themselves as
split between a modernizing of “civil practices” and working within actual localized places of Christian
social life.72 Perhaps the enduring power of Jesuit maps lies precisely in these splits, emblematic of early
modern objects as well as subjects. They reveal the complex and often vast desires, unconscious
navigations, and localized adaptations that emerged during an historical period of profound change for
almost everyone living on the planet, indeed a period of profound change for the planet itself.

Robert Batchelor

Hinweise
1. John Brian Harley, “The Map as Mission: Jesuit Cartography as an Art of Persuasion,” in Jane ten
Brink Goldsmith et al., Jesuit Art in North American Collections (Milwaukee: Haggerty Museum of Art,
1991), 28–30; and more recently Sumathi Ramaswamy, Terrestrial Lessons: The Conquest of the World
as Globe (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2017), 20. Around the same time, at a 1992 Loyola
conference, David Buisseret argued that the prominence of Jesuits as mapmakers was conversely “a sort
of accident” resulting from the emphasis on geography, cartography, and mathematics in Jesuit
education. “Jesuit Cartography in Central and South America,” in Joseph Gagliano and Charles Ronan,
ed., Jesuit Encounters in the New World (Rome: IHSI, 1997), 113–62, here 162.

2. Peter Sloterdijk, Sphären II, Globen, Makrosphärologie (Frankfurt: Suhrkamp, 1999). See also Luke
Clossey, Salvation and Globalization in the Early Jesuit Missions (Cambridge: Cambridge University
Press, 2008), esp. 68–113, “Imagining the Global Mission” and “Space, Time, and Truth in the Jesuit
Psychology.” Clossey notes that “the ending of time and the filling of space coloured the Jesuit
mentality” (113). Miguel de Asúa makes a similar argument in his chapter on maps in Science in the
Vanished Arcadia: Knowledge of Nature in the Jesuit Missions of Paraguay and Rió de la
Plata (Leiden: Brill, 2014), 164–210. In an early essay, Anne Godlewska described Jesuit cartography
as part of a broader European “modernity”—both in terms of imperialism and anthropology and
sociology. “The Fascination of Jesuit Cartography,” in Gagliano and Ronan, eds., Jesuit Encounters,
111. Godlewska took Harley’s place at the 1992 Loyola conference.

3. See the work in the special issue on Jesuit cartography edited by Robert Batchelor, Journal of Jesuit
Studies, 6, no. 1 (2019).

4. The previously cited work of Luke Clossey and Miguel de Asúa are exceptional in this regard.

5. The following historiography of Matteo Ricci’s cartography is listed chronologically. John Frederick
Baddeley, “Matteo Ricci’s Chinese World-Maps, 1584–1608,” Geographical Journal 50, no. 4 (October
1917): 254–
70, http://ebooks.lib.hku.hk/archive/files/bc4461179c52c6c9e43f886e0d9ff694.pdf (accessed December
18, 2018), which reprinted the Royal Geographic Society’s copy of the Ricci Map; Edward Heawood,
“The Relationships of the Ricci Maps,” Geographical Journal 50, no. 4 (October 1917): 271–
76, http://ebooks.lib.hku.hk/archive/files/31cb130b0fbc1006c0a2b93741279ecb.pdf (accessed
December 18, 2018); Lionel Giles, “Translations from the Chinese World Map of Father
Ricci,” Geographical Journal 52, no. 6, 53, no. 1 (December 1918; January 1919): 367–85, 19–30;
Hong Weilian (William Hung), “Kao Li Madou de shijie ditu zhuan hao,” and Chen Guangsheng
(Kenneth Ch’en), “Li Madou dui Zhongguo dilixue zhi gongxian ji qi yinxiang,” Yugong 5, no. 3–4
(April 1936): 1–50, 51–72; Pasquale d’Elia, Il mappamondo cinese del P. Matteo Ricci S.J. (Vatican
City: Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, 1938); Kenneth Ch’en, “A Possible Source for Ricci’s Notices on
Regions Near China,” T’oung pao 34 (1938): 179–90; Kenneth Ch’en, “Matteo Ricci’s Contribution to,
and Influence on, Geographical Knowledge in China,” Journal of the American Oriental Society 59, no.
3 (1939): 325–59; Ayusawa Shintaro, “Mateo Ritchi no sekaizu ni kansuru shiteki kenkyu,” Yokohama
shiritsu daigaku kiyo 18 (1953): 1–239; Bolesław Szcześniak, “Matteo Ricci’s Maps of
China,” Imago mundi 11, no. 1 (1954): 127–36; Pasquale d’Elia, “Frammenti di due antiche carte cinesi
presso l’Osservatorio Astronomico di Bologna,” Coelum 26 (1958): 41–50; Pasquale d’Elia, “Recent
Discoveries and New Studies, 1938–1960, on the World Map in Chinese of Father Matteo
Ricci,” Monumenta Serica 20 (1961): 82–164; Helen Wallis, “The Influence of Father Ricci on Far
Eastern Cartography,” Imago mundi 19 (1965): 38–45; Funakoshi Akio, “Konyo bankoku zenzu to
sakoku Nihon: Sekai teki shaken no seiritsu,” Toho gakuho 41 (1970): 595–710; Zhou Kangxie, Li
Madou yan jiu lun ji (Hong Kong: Chongwen shudian, 1971); Funakoshi Akio, “Zaika Iezusu kaishi
sakusei chizu to sakoku jidai no chizu: ‘Konyo bankoku zenzu,’ ‘Kôkizu’ no hyôka, jûrai no kenkyû
hōhō o meggute,” Jimbun-chiri 24, no. 2 (1972): 187–207; Marcel Destombes, “Une carte chinoise du
XVIe siècle découverte à la Bibliothèque Nationale,” Journal asiatique 262 (1974): 193–212; William
Hung, Hung Ye lunxue ji (Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1981): 174–78; Marcel Destombes, “Wang Pan,
Liang Chou et Matteo Ricci: Essai sur la cartographie chinoise de 1593 à 1603,” in Actes du IIIe
colloque international de sinology, Chantilly 1980: Appréciation par l’Europe de la tradition
chinoise (Paris: Les Belles Lettres, 1983): 47–65; Lin Tongyang, “Li Madou de shi jie di tu ji qi dui
Ming mo shi ren she hui de ying xiang,” in Lo Kuang, ed., Collected Essays of the International
Symposium on Chinese-Western Cultural Interchange in Commemoration of the 400th Anniversary of
the Arrival of Matteo Ricci, S.J. in China (Taipei: Fu Jen Catholic University Press, 1983), 311–78;
Theodore Foss, “La cartografia di Matteo Ricci,” in Maria Cigliano, Atti del convegno internazionale di
studi ricciani, Macerata–Roma (Macerata: Centro Studi Ricciani, 1984), 177–95; Minako Debergh, “La
carte du monde de P. Matteo Ricci (1602) et sa version coréenne (1708) conservée à
Osaka,” Journal asiatique 274 (1986): 417–54; Kawamura Hirotada, “Osutoria kokuritsu toshokan
shozo no Mateo Ritchi sekaizu ‘Konyo Bankoku Zenzu,’” Jimbun-chiri 40, no. 5 (1988): 403–23; John
Day, “The Search for the Origins of the Chinese Manuscript of Matteo Ricci’s Maps,” Imago mundi 47
(1995): 94–117; Wang Mianhou, “Lun Li Madou ‘Kun yu wan guo quan tu’ he ‘Liang yi xuan lan tu’
shang de xu ba ti shi,” in Cao Wanru, Zhongguo gu dai ditu ji: Ming dai (Beijing: Wenwu chubanshe,
1995), 107–11; Oda Takeo and Akiyama Motohide, ‘Kun yu wan guo quan tu’: Miyagiken toshokan zō
Ri Matō ‘Konyo bankoku zenzu’ bessatsu kaisetsu (Kyoto: Rinsen shoten, 1997); John Day and Yu
Dong, “The mappamundi of Matteo Ricci,” in Jorge Mejía et al., eds., Collectanea in honorem Rev.mi
patris Leonardi Boyle, O.P. septuagesimum quintum annum feliciter complentis (Vatican City:
Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, 1998), 707–32; Unno Kazutaka, “Min Shin ni okeru Mateo Ritchi kei
sekaizu: Shu to shite shin shiryô no kentô,” in Unno, Tōzai chizu bunka kōshōshi kenkyū (Osaka:
Seibundo, 2003); Huang Shijian and Gong Yingyan, Li Madou shijie ditu yanjitu (Shanghai: Shanghai
guji chubanshe, 2004); Unno Kazutaka, “Li Madou 'Kun yu wan guo quan tu' no sho han (Ri Matō
'Konyo bankoku zenzu' no sho han),” Toyo gakuho 87, no. 1 (June 2005): 101–43; Yang Yulei, “Li
Madou shijie ditu chuan ru han guo ji qi ying xiang,” Zhongguo li shi di lie lun cong 20, no. 1 (2005):
91–98; Margherita Redaelli, Il mappamondo con la Cina al centro: Fonti antiche e mediazione
culturale nell’opera di Matteo Ricci (Pisa: Edizine ETS, 2007); Jennifer Purtle, “Scopic Frames:
Devices for Seeing China, c. 1640,” Art History 33, no. 1 (January 2010): 54–73; Zhou Yunzhong, “Li
Madou ‘Yu tu zhi’ yi wen kao shi ji qi ta,” Ziran kexue shiyan jiu 29, no. 4 (2010): 437–55; Philippe
Pelletier, “Une innovation majeure: La cartographie de Matteo Ricci; La conception géographique
riccienne; Les impacts de la cartographie riccienne,” L'Extrême-Orient: L'invention d'une histoire et
d'une géographie (Paris: Gallimard, 2011), 326–54; Li Zhaoliang, Kun yu wan guo quan tu jie mi: Ming
dai ce hui shi jie (Taipei: Lianjing, 2012); Ann Waltner, “The Map of Matteo Ricci: Some Preliminary
Observations,” Chinese Cross Currents 9, no. 3 (July 2012): 80–89; Gianni Criveller, “Did Ricci Put
China at the Centre of His World Map,” Chinese Cross Currents 9, no. 3 (July 2012): 90–95; Wang
Yongjie, “Li Madou, Ai Rulue shi jie di tu suo ji ze chuan shuo kao bian,” Zhongguo lishi di li lun
cong 28, no. 3 (July 2013): 124–41; Filippo Mignini, ed. La cartografia di Matteo Ricci (Roma:
Libreria dello Stato, 2013); Zou Zhenhuan, “Shu fang yi shou yu Zhong Xi dui hua: 'Kun yu wan guo
quan tu' zhong de hai lu dong wu,” Li Qingxin, ed., Haiyang shi yan jiu 7 (Beijing: Shehui kexue
wenxian chubanshe, 2015), 292–333; Natasha Reichle, China at the Center: Ricci and Verbiest World
Maps (San Francisco: Asian Art Museum, 2016); Hsu Kuang-tai, “Ming mo Qing chu xi fang shi jie di
tu zai di hua: Xiong Mingyu Kun yu wan guo quan tu yu Xiong Renlin Yu di quan tu kao xi,” Qinghua
xuebao 46, no. 2 (2016): 319–58; Song Gang, “Relocating the ‘Middle Kingdom’: A Seventeenth-
Century Chinese Adaptation of Ricci’s World Map,” in Martijn Storms et al., Mapping Asia:
Cartographic Encounters Between East and West (Cham, Switzerland: Springer, 2019): 185–206;
Roderich Ptak, “The ‘Land of Dogs’ on Ricci’s World Map,” Monumenta Serica 66, no. 1 (2018): 71–
89. Notable biographies and relevant work on the life of Ricci include Henry Yule, “Matteo
Ricci,” Encyclopedia Britannica, 9th edition (Edinburgh: A. & C. Black, 1886), 20:536–37; Katharine
Renich, “The Life and Methods of Matteo Ricci, Jesuit Missionary to China, 1582–1610” (MA thesis,
University of Illinois, 1914); Henri Bernard, Le père Matthieu Ricci et la société chinoise de son temps,
1552–1610 (Tianjin: Hautes Études, 1937); Cao Wanru et al., “Zhongguo xian cun Li Madou shi jie di
tu de yan jiu,” Wenwu 12 (1983): 57–70; Jonathan Spence, The Memory Palace of Matteo Ricci (New
York: Viking, 1984); Chen Weiping and Li Chunyong, Xu Guangqi ping zhuan (Nanjing: Nanjing
daxue chu ban she, 2006); Michela Fontana, Matteo Ricci: A Jesuit in the Ming Court (Boulder:
Rowman and Littlefield, 2010), orig. Matteo Ricci: Un gesuita alla corte dei Ming (Milan: Le Scie,
2005); Chen Hui-hung, “The Human Body as a Universe: Understanding Heaven by Visualization and
Sensibility in Jesuit Cartography in China,” Catholic Historical Review 93, no. 3 (July 2007): 517–52;
Gianni Criveller and César Guillén-Nuñez, Portrait of a Jesuit: Matteo Ricci (Macao: Ricci Institute,
2010); Christopher Shelke and Demichele Mariella, eds., Matteo Ricci in China: Inculturation through
Friendship and Faith (Rome: Gregorian and Biblical University Press, 2010); Ronnie Po-chia Hsia, A
Jesuit in the Forbidden City: Matteo Ricci, 1552–1610 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2010); Qiong
Zhang, “Matteo Ricci’s World Maps in Late Ming Discourse of Exotica,” Horizons: Seoul Journal Of
Humanities 1, no. 2 (December 2010): 215–50; Mary Laven, Mission to China: Matteo Ricci and the
Encounter with the East (London: Faber and Faber, 2011); Zou Zhenhuan, Wan Ming Han wen xi xue
jing dian: Bian yi, quan shi, liu chuan yu ying xiang (Shanghai: Fudan daxue chubanshe, 2011); Song
Liming, Shen fu de xin Zhuang: Li Madou zai zhongguo, 1582–1610 (Nanjing: Nanjing daxue
chubanshe, 2011); Gianni Criveller, “Matteo Ricci’s Demise as Narrated in His First Chinese Biography
(1630),” Chinese Cross Currents 9, no. 2 (April 2012): 90–103; Isabelle Landry-Deron, ed., La Chine
des Ming et de Matteo Ricci (Paris: Institut Ricci, 2013); Haun Saussy, “Matteo Ricci the Daoist,” in
Qian Suoqiao, Cross-cultural Studies: China and the World; A Festschrift in Honor of Professor Zhang
Longxi (Leiden: Brill, 2015), 176–93; Florin-Stefan Morar, “The Westerner: Matteo Ricci’s World Map
and the Quandaries of European Identity in the Late Ming Dynasty,” Journal of Jesuit Studies 6, no. 1
(2019): 14–30. References to Ricci can also be found in scholarship footnoted elsewhere in this article.
6. Qiong Zhang, Making the New World Their Own: Chinese Encounters with Jesuit Science in the Age
of Discovery (Leiden: Brill, 2015), esp. “Mapping a Contact Zone,” 27–87.

7. On the role of world cartography see Angelo Cattaneo, “World Cartography in the Jesuit Mission in
China: Cosmography, Theology, Pedagogy,” in Artur K. Wardęga, ed., Education for New Times:
Revisiting Pedagogical Models in the Jesuit Tradition (Macau: Macau Ricci Institute, 2014), 71–86. For
Jesuit interventions in Chinese geography see Chen Minsun, Geographical Works by Jesuits in Chinese,
1584–1672 (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1959); and Clossley, Salvation, 103–10.

8. Wang Qianjin, “The New Discovery of Source Material for Michele Ruggieri’s Atlante della
Cina,” Journal of Beijing Administrative College 3 (2013): 120–28; Eugenio Lo Sardo, Atlante della
Cina di Michele Ruggieri (Roma: Istituto Poligrafico e Zecca dello Stato, 1993). The 1606 original,
completed after Ruggieri returned to Europe in 1588, is State Archive of Rome, Ms. 493.

9. Cordell D. K. Yee, “Traditional Chinese Cartography and the Myth of Westernization,” in John Brian
Harley and David Woodward, eds., The History of Cartography, vol. 2/2: Cartography in the
Traditional East and Southwest Asian Societies (Chicago: The University of Chicago Press, 1994), 170–
202; Yee, “A Cartography of Introspection: Chinese Maps as Other Than European,” Asian Art 5, no. 4
(Fall 1992): 29–48; Theodore N. Foss, “A Western Interpretation of China: Jesuit Cartography,” in
Charles Ronan and Bonnie Oh, eds., East Meets West: The Jesuits in China, 1582–1773 (Chicago:
Loyola University Press, 1988), 209–50; Foss, “Jesuit Cartography: A Western Interpretation of
China,” Review of Culture 21 (1994): 133–56 (with translations in Chinese and Portuguese); Foss,
“Cartography,” in Nicolas Standaert, Handbook of Christianity in China, volume 1: 635–1800 (Leiden:
Brill, 2000), 752–70; Richard Smith, Chinese Maps. Images of “All under Heaven” (New York:
Oxford University Press, 1996); and Smith, Mapping China and Managing the World: Culture,
Cartography, and Cosmology in Late Imperial Times (New York: Routledge, 2013). For the earlier
foundational literature see William Huttman, “On Chinese and European Maps of China,” Journal of
the Royal Geographic Society of London 14 (1844): 117–27; Henri Bernard, “Les étapes de la
cartographie scientifique pour la Chine et les pays voisins depuis le XVIe jusqu’à la fin du XVIIIe
siècle,” Monumenta Serica 1 (1935): 428–77; Bolesław Szcześniak, “The Seventeenth-Century Maps of
China: An Inquiry into the Compilations of European Cartographers,” Imago mundi 13 (1956): 116–36;
Wallis, “Missionary Cartographers to China,” Geographical Magazine 47 (1975): 751–59; Chen Cheng-
siang, “The Historical Development of Cartography in China,” Progress in Human Geography 2, no. 1
(1978): 101–20; Lin Tongyang, “Études sur l’introduction des méthodes et des connaissances
géographiques européennes en Chine” (PhD diss., Sorbonne, 1982); Cheryl Ann Semans (Northon),
“Mapping the Unknown: Jesuit Cartography in China, 1583–1773” (PhD diss., University of California,
Berkeley, 1987). On Huttman’s work see Ines Eben von Racknitz, “Mapmakers in China and Europe
1800–1844: The Perspective of William Huttmann, Royal Geographical Society,” in Storms et al.
eds., Mapping Asia, 233–46. There is also important material in Endymion Wilkinson, Chinese History:
A New Manual (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2015); the Ming and Qing volumes
(Mingdai and Qingdai) of Cao Wanru et al., eds., Zhongguo gudai ditu ji (Beijing: Cultural Relics
Publishing House, 1995 and 1997); Donald Lach, Asia in the Making of Europe (Chicago: University of
Chicago Press, 1965–93); and Joseph Needham, Science and Civilisation in China, volume
3: Mathematics and the Sciences of the Heavens and the Earth (Cambridge: Cambridge University
Press, 1959), as well as scattered references throughout the other volumes of Needham. See also the
bibliographies in Standaert, ed., Handbook of Christianity in China; and Standaert et al., Bibliography
of the Jesuit Mission in China (Leiden: Centre of Non-Western Studies, 1991).
10. On the late Ming work of Giulio Aleni, Sabatino de Ursis (1575–1620), Diego de Pantoja (1571–
1618), Manuel Dias (1574–1659), and Nicolò Longobardi (1559–1654) inspired by Ricci see Cheng
Fangyi, “‘Pleasing the Emperor’: Revisiting the Figured Chinese Manuscript of Matteo Ricci’s
Maps,” Journal of Jesuit Studies 6, no. 1 (2019): 31–43; Gianfranco Cretti and Huang Xiufeng, eds., La
Cina nella cartografia da Tolomeo al XVII secolo: I mappamondi di Matteo Ricci e Giulio
Aleni (Brescia: Fondazione Civiltà bresciana, 2011); Paolo de Troia, “L’opera geografica di Giulio
Aleni e il suo contributo alla formazione del lessico del cinese moderno” (PhD diss., Università La
Sapienza, 2003); Bernard Hung-kay Luk, “A Study of Giulio Aleni’s ‘Chih-fang wai chi’ 職方外
紀,” Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies, 40, no. 1 (1977): 58–84; Helen Wallis and E.
D. Grinstead, “A Chinese Terrestrial Globe, A.D. 1623,” British Museum Quarterly 25, nos. 3 and 4
(June 1962): 83–91; Giuseppe Caraci and Marcello Muccioli, “Il mappamondo cinese del padre Giulio
Aleni,” Bollettino della R. Società Geografica Italiana 7, no. 3 (1938): 385–426. On Francesco
Sambiasi at the Southern Ming court, see Ann Heirman, Paolo de Troia and Jan Parmentier, “Francesco
Sambiasi, a Missing Link in European Map Making in China?” Imago mundi 61, no. 1 (2009): 29–46;
John V. Mills, “The Sanbiasi [sic] Chinese World-map: A Printed ‘Ricci-type’ Map of the World
(Canton, c. 1648),” in A Selection of Previous Manuscripts, Historic Documents, and Rarer books…
from the Renowned Collection of Sir Thomas Phillipps, Robinson Catalogue 81 (London: W. H.
Robinson, 1950). An exception would be the local work of Francesco Brancati in the Yangzi Delta, see
Noël Golvers, “Jesuit Cartographers in China: Francesco Brancati, S.J., and the Map (1661?) of
Sunchiang Prefecture (Shanghai),” Imago mundi 52 (2000): 30–42; and for a Qing example see Mario
Cams, “Restituting Church Buildings and Negotiating Church Factions: Missionary Mapmakers and the
Making of Local Networks (1712–1716),” Frontiers in the History of China 9, no. 4 (2014): 489–505.

11. On Boym’s maps see Paul Pelliot, “Michel Boym,” T’oung Pao 31 (1935): 95–151; Walter Fuchs,
“A Note on Father M. Boym’s Atlas of China,” Imago mundi 9 (1952): 71–72; Szcześniak, “The Atlas
and Geographic Description of China: A Manuscript of Michael Boym (1612–1659),” Journal of the
American Oriental Society 73, no. 2 (1953): 65–77; Szcześniak, “The Mappa Imperii Sinarum of
Michael Boym,” Imago mundi 19 (1965): 113–15; Edward Kajdański, “The Ming Dynasty Map of
China (1605) from the Czartorski Library in Poland,” Yves Raguin et al., eds., Echanges culturels et
religieux entre la Chine et l'Occident: Actes VII (Paris: Ricci Institute, 1995), 183–90. On Martini see
Henri Bernard, “Les sources mongoles et chinoises de l’atlas Martini (1655),” Monumenta Serica 12
(1947): 127–44; Jan Julius Lodewijk Duyvendak, “Review of Henri Bernard S.J's Les sources mongoles
et chinoises de l'atlas Martini, 1655,” T'oung Pao 39, nos. 1 and 3 (1950): 199–203; Giorgio Melis,
ed., Martino Martini: Geografo, cartografo, storico, teologo (Trent: Museo Tridentino di Scienze
Naturali, 1983); Franco Demarchi and Riccardo Scartezzini, eds., Martino Martini umanista e
scienziato nella Cina del secolo XVII (Trent: Università di Trento, 1995); Noël Golvers, “Michael Boym
and Martino Martini: A Contrastive Portrait of Two China Missionaries and Mapmakers,” Monumenta
Serica 59 (2011): 259–71; Stanislas de Peuter, “Martino Martini’s Jesuit Cartography of the Middle
Kingdom,” Brussels International Map Collectors’ Circle Newsletter 39 (2011): 16–24, 40 (2011): 11–
17, and 41 (2011): 8–12; and Mario Cams, Companions in Geography: East–West Collaboration in the
Mapping of Qing China (c. 1685–1735) (Leiden: Brill, 2017), 15. On D’Anville see John W. O'Malley
and Roberto Ribeiro, eds., Jesuit Mapmaking in China: D'Anville's Nouvelle Atlas de la
Chine (1737) (Philadelphia: St. Joseph’s University Press, 2014); Isabelle Landry-Deron, La preuve par
la Chine: La “Description” de J.-B. du Halde, jésuite, 1735 (Paris: Editions de l'École des hautes études
en sciences, 2002); Claudia von Collani, “The Report of Killian Stumpf about the Case of Father
Joachim Bouvet,” Zeitschrift für Missionswissenschaft und Religionswissenschaft 83, no. 3 (1999): 231–
51, Cams, “The China Maps of Jean-Baptiste Bourguignon d’Anville: Origins and Supporting
Networks,” Imago mundi 66, no. 1 (2014): 51–69.

12. Peter Perdue, “Boundaries, Maps, and Movement: Chinese, Russian, and Mongolian Empires in
Early Modern Central Eurasia,” The International History Review 20, no. 2 (Jun. 1998): 263–86;
Perdue, China Marches West (Harvard: Harvard University Press, 2010), 447–57; Laura
Hostetler, Qing Colonial Enterprise: Ethnography and Cartography in Early Modern China (Chicago:
The University of Chicago Press, 2001); Florence Hsia, Sojourners in a Strange Land (Chicago:
University of Chicago Press, 2009), esp. 77–92; Benjamin Elman, “Ming–Qing Border Defense, the
Inward Turn of Chinese Cartography, and Qing Expansion in Central Asia in the Eighteenth Century,”
in Diana Lary, The Chinese State at the Borders (Vancouver: UBC Press, 2007), 29–56; Elman, On
Their Own Terms: Science in China, 1550–1900 (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2005);
Elman, “The Jesuit Role as ‘Experts’ in High Qing Cartography and Technology,” Taida lishi
xuebao 31 (2003): 223–50.

13. Cams, Companions in Geography; Cams, “Not Just a Jesuit Atlas of China: Qing Imperial
Cartography and Its European Connections,” Imago mundi 69, no. 2 (2017): 188–201; Matthew
Mosca, From Frontier Policy to Foreign Policy: The Question of India and the Transformation of
Geopolitics in Qing China (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 2013); Zhang, Making the New World
Their Own; Artur Wardega and Antonio Vasconcelos de Saldanha, eds., In the Light and Shadow of an
Emperor: Tomás Pereira, S.J. (1645–1708), the Kangxi Emperor, and the Jesuit Mission in
China (Newcastle upon Tyne: Cambridge Scholars Publishing, 2012); Catherine Jami, “Kangxi, les
mathématiques et l’empire,” Critique 68, no. 779 (April 2012): 329–42. See also more generally Sun
Zhe, Kang-Yong-Qian shiqi yutu huizhi yu jiangyu xingcheng yanjiu (Beijing: Zhongguo Renmin Daxue
Chubanshe, 2003); Walter Fuchs, “Ueber einige Landkarten mit Mandjurischer Beschriftung,” Manzhou
xuebao 2 (1933): 1–17; Fuchs, “Materialien zur Kartographie der Mandjuzeit I,” Monumenta Serica 1,
no. 2 (1935): 386–427; Fuchs, “Materialien zur Kartographie der Mandjuzeit I,” Monumenta Serica 3
(1938): 189–231. On the Verbiest map as a kind of transition between Ricci and eighteenth-century
Qing mapping projects see Shen Yi’an, “Nan Huairen de Kunyu tushuo yanjiu” (Masters thesis,
Foguang University, 2011); Song Gang and Paola Demattè, “Mapping an Acentric World: Ferdinand
Verbiest’s Kunyu Quantu,” in Marcia Reed and Demattè, eds., China on Paper (Los Angeles: Getty
Research Institute, 2007), 71–88; Wang Qianjin, “Nan Huairen kunyu quantu yanjiu,” in Cao Wanru et
al., eds., Zhongguo gudai ditu ji, 3:102–4; Chen Minsun, “Ferdinand Verbiest and the Geographical
Works by Jesuits in Chinese, 1584–1674,” in John Witek, ed., Ferdinand Verbiest (Nettetal: Steyler,
1994); Lin Tongyang, “Aperçu sur le mappemonde de Ferdinand Verbiest le K’un-yü-ch’üan-tu,” in
Edward Malatesta and Yves Raguin, eds., Succès et échecs de la rencontre Chine et Occident du XVIe
au XXe siècle (San Francisco: Ricci Institute, 1993); Minako Debergh, “Cartographie jésuite et
perspectives missionnaires,” and “Le Père Verbiest et la cartographie des pays chrétiens: Oeuvres
originales et postérité,” in Historiography of the Chinese Catholic Church (Leuven: Ferdinand Verbiest
Foundation 1994), 357–63, 364–80; Minako Debergh, “Écrits géographiques et cartes du monde
illustrées du P. Verbiest: Transformations de l’image du monde,” L'Europe en Chine: Interactions
scientifiques, religieuses et culturelles aux XVIIe et XVIIIe siècles (Paris: Collège de France, 1993),
206–16; Hartmut Walravens, “Father Verbiest’s Chinese World Map (1674),” Imago mundi 43 (1991):
31–47. See also Ummo Kazutaka, “Tang Ruowang oyobi Jian Youren no sekaizu ni tsuite,” in Jinbun-
Chirigaku no shomondai (Tokyo: Taimeido, 1968), 83–93. And on Verbiest’s successor Antoine
Thomas, see Eugenio Lo Sardo, “Antoine Thomas’s and George David’s maps of Asia,” Willy F. Vande
Walle and Noël Golvers, eds., The History of the Relations between the Low Countries and China in the
Qing Era (Leuven: Leuven University Press, 2003), 75–88; Daniela Dumbrava, “La Tabula
geographica Orientis di Antoine Thomas: Note sulla sua genesi storica ed epistemica,” Sulla via del
Catai 11 (June 2013): 97–108.

14. A large amount of this literature is devoted to more general questions of the history of science rather
than celestial mapping per se, but see Henrique Leitão, “The Contents and Context of Manuel
Dias’s Tianwenlüe,” and Rui Magone, “The Textual Tradition of Manuel Dias’ Tianwenlüe,” in Luís
Saraiva and Catherine Jami, eds., The Jesuits, the Padroado and East Asian Science (Singapore: World
Scientific, 2008), 99–136; Pasquale d’Elia, “The Double Stellar Hemisphere of Johann Schall von
Bell,” Monumenta Serica 18 (1959), 328–59; Roman Malek, ed., Western Learning and Christianity in
China: The Contribution and Impact of Johann Adam Schall von Bell SJ (1592–1666), Monumenta
Serica Monograph Series 35 (Nettetal: Steyler Verlag, 1998); Sun Xiaochun, “On the Star Catalogue
and Atlas of Chongzhen Lishu,” in Catherine Jami et al., Statecraft and Intellectual Renewal in Late
Ming China (Leiden: Brill, 2001), 311–20; Efthymios Nicolaïdis, “Verbiest, Spathar and Chrysanthos:
The Spread of Verbiest’s Science to Eastern Europe,” in Walle and Golvers, eds., History of the
Relations, 37–58; Richard Pegg, “The Star Charts of Ignatius Kögler (1680–1746) in the Korean
Court,” Journal of Jesuit Studies 6, no. 1 (2019): 44–56; F. Richard Stephenson, “Chinese and Korean
Star Maps and Catalogues,” Harley and Woodward, eds., History of Cartography, 2/2:511–78; Joseph
Needham, Science and Civilisation in China: Mathematics and the Sciences of the Heavens and the
Earth (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1959).

15. Deborah Warner, The Sky Explored: Celestial Cartography, 1500–1800 (New York: A. R. Liss,
1979), 194 (misleadingly labeling Nöel as Czech rather than Walloon); Hsia, Sojourners, esp. chapter 7.

16. See Wallis, “The Influence of Father Ricci”; Evelyn Rawski, Early Modern China and Northeast
Asia: Cross-Border Perspectives (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2015), 91–96, 101. On
Japan see Joseph Loh, “When Worlds Collide: Art, Cartography, and Japanese Nanban World Map
Screens” (PhD diss., Columbia University, 2013); Hiro’o Aoyama, “Le mappe geografiche del mondo
di Matteo Ricci e il loro influsso sul Giappone in epoca moderna,” in Mignini, ed., Cartografia di
Matteo Ricci, 121–37; Maria Yonemoto, Mapping Early Modern Japan (Berkeley: University of
California Press, 2003), 16; Goto Tomoko, Emergent Consciousness about the Self Depicted in the
World Maps Screens (Vancouver: University of British Columbia Press, 2000); Oji Toshiaki, Echizu no
sekaizo (Tokyo: Iwanami shoten, 1996); Ronald Toby, “The ‘Indianness’ of Iberia and Changing
Japanese Iconographies of the Other,” in Stuart Schwartz, ed., Implicit Understandings (Cambridge:
Cambridge University Press, 1994), 323–51; Funakoshi Akio, Sakoku Nihon ni kita “Koki zu” no
chirigakuteki kenkyu (Tokyo: Hosei Daigaku Shuppankyoku, 1996); Marie Jacob, “The Redhaired in
Japan: Dutch Influence on Japanese Cartography (1640–1853)” (MA thesis, University of British
Columbia, 1983); Funakoshi Akio, “Kon’yo bankoku zenzu to sakoku Nippon,” Toho Gakuho 41
(1970): 595–710; Ayusawa Shintaro, “Geography and Japanese Knowledge of World
Geography,” Monumenta Nipponica 19, no. 3–4 (1964): 275–94; Ayusawa, “Mateo Ritchi no sekaizu ni
kansuru shiteki kenkyu–Kinsei Nippon ni okeru sekai chiri chishiki no shuryu,” Yokohama shiritsu
daigaku kiyo 18 (1953): 404–10; Ayusawa, “The Types of World Map Made in Japan’s Age of National
Isolation,” Imago mundi 10 (1953): 123–27. On Korea see Cheng, “Pleasing the Emperor”; Shi Yunli,
“The Yuzhi lixiang kaocheng houbian in Korea,” in Saraiva and Jami, eds., Jesuits, the Padroado and
East Asian Science, 208; Han Young-wo, Ahn Hwi-Joon, Bae Woo Sung and Choi Byonghyon, The
Artistry of Early Korean Cartography (Larkspur, CA: Tamal Vista, 2008); Soon Mi Hong-Schunka and
Roderick Ptak, “Die koreanische Weltkarte in St. Ottilien: Ein Beitrag zur Kartographie des Ferdinand
Verbiest,” Zeitschrift der Deutschen Morgenländischen Gesellschaft 154, no. 1 (2004): 201–21; Lim
Jongtae, “Li Madou cosmografo: Le mappe del mondo di Matteo Ricci nella Corea del tardo periodo
Chosôn,” in Mignini, ed., Cartografia di Matteo Ricci, 139–56; Lim Jongtae, “Matteo Ricci’s World
Maps in Late Joseon Dynasty,” The Korean Journal for the History of Science 33, no. 2 (2011): 277–96.

17. On de Angelis see Koreto Ashida and Shinichiro Takakura, “Waga kuni ni okeru Hokkaidō hondō
chizu no hensen,” Hoppō bunka kenkyū hōkoku 7 (Sapporo: University of Hokkaido, 1942); Kay
Kitagawa, “Map of Hokkaido of G. de Angelis, ca. 1621,” Imago mundi 7 (1950): 110–14; Joseph
Schütte, “Map of Japan by Father Girolamo de Angelis,” Imago mundi 9 (1952): 73–78; Chohei Kudo,
“A Summary of My Studies of Girolamo de Angelis’s Yezo Map,” Imago mundi 10 (1953): 81–86;
Hubert Cieslik, ed., Hoppo tankenki: Genna nenkan ni okeru gaikokujin no Ezo hokokusho (Tokyo:
Yoshikawa Kobunkan, 1963). On Gaubil, see Bolesław Szcześniak, “Antoine Gaubil Maps of the
Ryukyu Islands and Southern Japan,” Imago mundi 12 (1955): 141–49.

18. On Vietnam see Alexei Volkov, “On Two Maps of Vietnam by Alexandre de Rhodes,” in Luis
Saraiva and Catherine Jami, eds., History of Mathematical Sciences: Portugal and East Asia
V (Singapore: World Scientific, 2018), 99–118; Harold Meinheit, “Unveiling Vietnam: The Maps of
Alexandre de Rhodes,” The Portolan 65 (Spring 2006): 28–41, Barbara Maggs, “Science, Mathematics,
and Reason: Missionary Methods of the Jesuit Alexandre de Rhodes in Seventeenth-Century
Vietnam,” The Catholic Historical Review 86, no. 3 (July 2000): 439–58.

19. Mirela Altic, “Jesuit Contribution to the Mapping of the Philippine Islands: A Case of the 1734
Pedro Murillo Velarde’s Chart,” in Storms et al., Mapping Asia, 73–94; Ricardo Padrón, “From
Abstraction to Allegory: The Imperial Cartography of Vicente de Memije,” in Martin Brückner,
ed., Early American Cartographies (Raleigh: University of North Carolina Press, 2011), 35–66; Angel
Hidalgo, “Philippine Cartography and the Jesuits,” Philippine Studies 29, no. 3 and 4 (1981): 361–74;
Carlos Quirino, Philippine Cartography, 1320–1899, 2nd ed. (Amsterdam: 1963), 45–61; Miguel Selga,
“Mapas de Filipinas por el P. Murillo Velarde,” Publications of the Manila Observatory 2, no. 4 (1934):
1–129; Gabriel Marcel, “La carte des Philippines du Père Murillo Velarde,” Bulletin géographie
descriptive et historique 1 (1897): 32–54; “Mapa de las Islas Filipinas del P. Pedro Murillo
Velarde,” Cartas de los padres de la Compañía de Jesús de la misión de Filipinas 6 (1887): 339–41;
Alexandre Coello de la Rosa, Jesuits at the Margins: Missions and Missionaries in the Marianas
(1668–1769) (London: Routledge, 2015); Coello de la Rosa, “Gathering Souls: Jesuit Missions and
Missionaries in Oceania (1668–1945),” Brill’s Research Perspectives in Jesuit Studies 1, no. 2 (2019);
John Gascoigne, Encountering the Pacific in the Age of the Enlightenment (Cambridge: Cambridge
University Press, 2014).

20. The details of this need further research, but see Robert Batchelor “The Selden Map Rediscovered:
A Chinese Map of East Asian Shipping Routes, c.1619,” Imago mundi 65, no. 1 (January 2013), 37–63;
and the important critique in terms of provenance of the Jesuit map by Hsu Kuang-Tai, “A Sixteenth-
Century Jesuit Map of China: Sinarum Regni aliorumque Regnorum et insularum illi adiacentium
description,” in Saraiva and Jami, eds., Portugal and East Asia, 5:81–98.

21. Ines Županov, Missionary Tropics (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 2005), 1–5;
Županov, Disputed Mission (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1999); and Angela Barreto Xavier and
Ines G. Županov, Catholic Orientalism: Portuguese Empire, Indian Knowledge (16th–18th
Centuries) (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2014). See also Ramaswamy, Terrestrial Lessons.
22. Manonmani Restif-Filliozat, “The Jesuit Contribution to the Cartographical Knowledge of India in
the Eighteenth Century,” Journal of Jesuit Studies 6, no. 1 (2019): 71–84; James E. McClellan III and
François Regourd, The Colonial Machine: French Science and Overseas Expansion in the Old
Regime (Turnhout: Brepols, 2011); Rajesh K. Kochhar, “Secondary Tools of Empire: Jesuit Men of
Science in India,” Teotonio de Souza, ed. (New Delhi: Concept Publishing, 1994), 175–83. Dhruv
Raina makes the connection between Jesuit ethnography of religion in the Lettres edifiant and Jesuit
cosmography in “The French Jesuit Manuscripts on Indian Astronomy,” in Florence Bretelle-Establet,
ed., Looking at it from Asia (Dordrecht: Springer, 2010), 115–40, here 121. A number of important early
Jesuit maps of India are to be found under the heading “Usages du Royaume de Siam,” BnF,
Département Estampes et photographie, PET FOL-OD-55.

23. Michaël Severninck, “Geographical Mapping of India in the 18th Century: The Contribution of the
German Jesuit Joseph Tief[f]enthaler (1710–85),” in Anand Amaladass and Ines Županov,
eds., Intercultural Encounter and Jesuit Mission in India (16th–18th centuries) (Bangalore: Asian
Trading Corporation, 2014), 290–320. Such Jesuit efforts are downplayed in Matthew Edney, Mapping
an Empire: The Geographical Construction of British India, 1765–1843 (Chicago: University of
Chicago Press, 1997), 133.

24. For a comprehensive listing of these maps in relation the United States see Vincas Steponaitis,
“Early Maps of the American Midwest and Great Lakes,” Research Laboratories of Archaeology, UNC
Chapel Hill, http://rla.unc.edu/EMAS/EMMGL.html#sec_0 (accessed December 17, 2018). Added to
this list as possible sources are the Delisle sketches, Nelson-Martin Dawson and Charles
Vincent, L’atelier Delisle: l'Amérique du Nord sur la table à dessin (Quebec City: Éditions du
Septentrion, 2000).

25. Francis Parkman, France and England in North America: La Salle and the Discovery of the Great
West, 3 vols. (Boston: Little, Brown and Co., 1869), 1:405–10. See also volume 2, The Jesuits in North
America in the Seventeenth Century (Boston: Little, Brown and Co., 1867), which pays little attention to
cartography. A more rigorous account appeared in Henry Harrisse, “Cartographie,” in Notes pour servir
à l’histoire à la bibliographie et à la cartographie de la Nouvelle France, 1545–1700 (Paris: Tross,
1872); and Justin Winsor, “Joliet, Marquette, and La Salle,” in French Exploration and Settlements in
North America, and Those of the Portuguese, Dutch and Swedes, 1500–1700 (Boston: Houghton,
Mifflin and Co., 1884), 201–46, which relied heavily on Parkman and Harrisse, as well as Windsor,
“Cartography of Louisiana and the Mississippi Basin Under the French Domination,” in Narrative and
Critical History of America, 5 vols. (Boston: Houghton, Mifflin, 1887), 5:79–86, published separately as
an advance chapter in 1886. See also Nellis Crouse, Contributions of the Canadian Jesuits to the
Geographical Knowledge of New France, 1632–1675 (Ithaca: Cornell Publications Printing Co., 1924);
and Louise Kellogg, “The French Regime in the Great Lakes Country,” Minnesota History 12, no. 4
(1931): 347–58.

26. Reuben Gold Thwaites, ed., Travels and Explorations of the Jesuit Missionaries in New France, 73
vols. (Cleveland: Burrows Brothers, 1901); Relations des Jesuites (Quebec: Augustin Coté, 1858).

27. See for example Henry E. Legler, “Origin and Meaning of Wisconsin Place-Names: With Special
Reference to Indian Nomenclature,” Transactions of the Wisconsin Academy of Sciences 14, no. 1
(1903): 16–39; Sara Tucker, Indian Villages of the Illinois Country (Springfield, IL: Illinois State
Museum, 1942); Virgil Vogel, Indian Names in Michigan (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press,
1986); Vogel, Indian Names on Wisconsin’s Map (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1991);
Michael McCafferty, Native American Place Names of Indiana (Urbana: University of Illinois Press,
2008).

28. Expertise is the focus of Louis Karpinski, Bibliography of the Printed Maps of Michigan (Lansing:
Michigan Historical Commission, 1931); Jean Delanglez, “Franquelin, Mapmaker,” Mid-America 25
(1943), 29–74; Delanglez, “The Jolliet Lost Map of the Mississippi,” Mid-America 28 (1946), 67–144;
Robert Karrow, Mapping the Great Lakes Region: Motive and Method (Chicago: Newberry Library,
1977); Louis de Vorsey, “The Impact of the La Salle Expedition of 1682 on European Cartography,” in
Patricia Galloway, La Salle and His Legacy (Jackson: University Press of Mississippi, 1982), 60–80;
Kevin Kaufman, ed., The Mapping of the Great Lakes in the Seventeenth Century: Twenty–Two Maps
from the George S. & Nancy B. Parker Collection (Providence: The John Carter Brown Library, 1989);
Conrad Heidenreich, “Mapping the Great Lakes: The Period of Exploration, 1603–
1700,” Cartographica 17, no. 3 (Autumn 1980): 32–64; Heidenreich, “An Analysis of the Seventeenth-
Century Map ‘Novvelle France,’” Cartographica 25, no. 3 (1988): 67–111; Heidenreich, “Early French
Exploration in the North American Interior,” John Logan Allen, ed., North American Exploration: A
Continent Defined (Lincoln, University of Nebraska Press, 1997), 2:65–148, 403–11; Carl Kupfer and
David Buisseret, “Supersizing Lake Superior,” The Portolan 99 (2017): 49–60; Kupfer and Buisseret,
“Seventeenth-Century Jesuit Explorers’ Maps of the Western Great Lakes and Their Influence on the
Subsequent Cartography of the Region,” Journal of Jesuit Studies 6, no. 1 (2019): 57–70. See also
atlases like William Cumming et al., The Exploration of North America 1630–1776 (New York: G. P.
Putnam, 1974); Derek Hayes, Historical Atlas of Canada (Seattle: University of Washington Press,
2002); Raymonde Litalien, Denis Vaugeois and Jean-François Palomino, eds., Mapping a Continent:
Historical Atlas of North America 1492–1814 (Montreal: McGill University Press, 2007); and Chet Van
Duzer and Lauren Beck, eds., Canada before Confederation (Wilmington: Vernon Press, 2017).

29. The Montreal map first appeared with the discovery of Marquette’s papers in 1844, has been
disputed as a possible nineteenth-century forgery by Félix Martin (1804–86). See Jean Delanglez,
“Marquette’s Autograph Map of the Mississippi River,” Mid-America 27 (1945): 30–35; Lucien
Campeau, “Les Cartes relatives a la découverte du Mississipi par le P. Jacques Marquette et Louis
Jolliet,” Le cahiers des dix 47 (1992): 41–90. For the forgery case, see Francis Steck, Marquette
Legends (New York: Pageant Press, 1960). For the case that the map is authentic, see Carl Kupfer and
David Buisseret, “Validating the 1673 ‘Marquette map,’” Journal of Illinois History 14 (2011): 261–76.
The full archive is Archives des Jésuits au Canada, Montreal, H2P1S6.

30. Conrad Heidenreich, “Maps of the Seventeenth Century and Their Use in Determining the Locations
of Jesuit Missions in Huronia,” The Cartographer 3, no. 2 (1966): 103–26; Martha Latta, “Identification
of the 17th-Century French Missions in Eastern Huronia,” Canadian Journal of Archaeology 9, no. 2
(1985): 147–71.

31. David Buisseret, Mapping the French Empire in North America (Chicago: Newberry Library, 1991);
Michael Witgen, An Infinity of Nations: How the Native New World Shaped Early North
America (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2011), 70–74, 84; and Witgen, “The Rituals of
Possession: Native Identity and the Invention of Empire in Seventeenth-Century Western North
America,” Ethnohistory 54, no. 4 (2007): 639–68; Jean-François Palomino, “Pratiques cartographiques
en Nouvelle-France: La prise en charge de l'État dans la description de son espace colonial à l'orée du
xviiie siècle,” Lumen 31 (2012): 21–39; Palomino, “Cartographier la terre des païens: La géographie des
missionnaires jésuites en Nouvelle-France au xviie siècle,” Revue de bibliothèque et archives nationales
du Québec 4 (2012): 4–113; and Palomino, “De la difficulté de cartographier l’Amérique: Jean Baptiste
Louis Franquelin et son projet sur les limites de la Nouvelle-France (1688),” in Nathalie Vuillemin and
Thomas Wien, eds., Penser l'Amérique: de l'observation à l'inscription (Oxford: Voltaire Foundation,
2017). By contrast Harley’s focus in “The Map as Mission” (28) on the Roman Jesuit Francesco
Bressani’s Novae Franciae accurata delineatio (Macerata: A. Grisei, 1653) suggests more strictly
missionary motives in a different European (Rome) and American (Huron) context. Along those lines,
see Louis Cardinal, “Record of an Ideal: Father Francesco Giuseppe Bressani's 1657 Map of New
France,” The Portolan 61 (Winter 2004–5): 13–28.

32. Leonardo Anatrini, “Between Scientific Research, Mnemotechnic Tradition and Evangelical
Mission: The Role of Francesco Giuseppe Bressani S.J. in the History of Canadian Cartography,” in
Fabio D’Angelo, ed. The Scientific Dialogue Linking America, Asia and Europe between the 12th and
20th Century (Naples: Viaggiatori, 2018), 324–52; François Paré, “Fonctions de l’espace chez trois
missionnaires français de la région des Grands Lacs au XVIIe siècle,” Oltreoceano 14 (2018), 69–81.

33. Alexander von Humboldt and Aimé Bonpland, Personal Narrative of Travels to the Equinoctial
Regions of the New Continent during the Years 1799–1804, trans. Helen Williams (London: Longman,
1821), 5:494–95.

34. See Barbara Mundy, The Mapping of New Spain: Indigenous Cartography and the Maps of
the Relaciones geográficas (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1996)

35. The first edition of Acosta with maps was the German translation, Geographische und historische
Beschreibung der uberauß grosser Landschaft America… Gar artig, und nach der kunst in XX. Mappen
oder Landtaffeln verfasset, und jetzt newlich in Kupffer gestochen, und an tag gegeben (Cologne:
Johann Christoffel, 1598), published with twenty maps derived from Cornelis van
Wytfliet, Descriptionis Ptolemaicae augmentum (Leuven: Joannes Bogardus, 1597), a text dedicated to
Philip III of Spain (r.1598–1621). See Peter Meurer, “Cartography in the German Lands, 1450–1650,”
in David Woodward, ed., History of Cartography, volume 3/2: Cartography in the European
Renaissance (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2007), 1172–245, here 1235; Meurer, Atlantes
Colonienses: Die Kölner Schule der Atlaskartographie, 1570–1610 (Bad Neustadt an der Saale:
Pfaehler, 1988), 47–53; and Rudolf Kroboth and Peter Meurer, eds., Das Gold des Kondors: Berichte
aus der Neuen Welt, 1590 (Stuttgart: Erdmann, 1991).

36. Andrés Prieto, Missionary Scientists: Jesuit Science in Spanish South America, 1570–
1810 (Nashville, TN: Vanderbilt University Press, 2011), 208; Oswald Dreyer-Eimbcke, “Alonso de
Ovalle und die Anfänge der Kartographie Chiles,” Speculum orbis 2 (1986): 75–88. See also “Carta
geográfica del Reino de Chile,” from Histórica Relación del Reyno de Chile (Roma: Francisco Cavallo,
1646), World Digital Library, https://www.wdl.org/es/item/3968/view/1/1/ (accessed December 18,
2018).

37. Vicente Gambon, A través de la misiones guaraníticas (Buenos Aires: Angel Estrada y Cia, 1904);
José Sánchez Labrador, El Paraguay católico (Buenos Aires: Coni Hermanos, 1910–17); Miguel
Barquero, Algunos trabajos de los misioneros jesuitas en la cartografía colonial española (Barcelona:
Morta, 1914); Pablo Hernández, Organización social de las doctrinas guaraníes de la Compañía de
Jesús, 2 vols. (Barcelona: Gustavo Gili, 1913); Pablo Pastells, Historia de la Compañía de Jesús en la
Provincia del Paraguay, 2 vols. (Madrid: V. Suárez, 1912, 1915).

38. See the volumes ARSI, Hist. Soc. 150, I, that are referenced in “Maps of the Jesuit Mission in
Spanish America, 18th Century,” Imago mundi 15 (1960): 114–18.

39. Guillermo Fúrlong Cárdiff, Cartografía jesuítica del Río de la Plata (Buenos Aires: Peuser, 1936),
1:8–9; Fúrlong Cárdiff, “Cartografía colonial,” in Ricardo Levene, ed., Historia de la nación
argentina 4, no. 2 (Buenos Aires: Academia Nacional de la Historia, 1936–), 168–195, here 193; and
Fúrlong Cárdiff, Los jesuítas y la cultura rioplatense (Montevideo: Urta y Curbelo, 1933); Ernest
Burrus, La obra cartográfica de la provincia mexicana de la Compañía de Jesús (Madrid: José Porrúa
Turanzas, 1967), ix–x. See Asúa, Science in the Vanished Arcadia, 165, who highlights this
achievement. Lesmes Frias questions some of Fúrlong Cárdiff’s findings in “Sobre G. Fúrlong
Cárdiff, Cartografía jesuítica del Río de la Plata,” AHSI 7 (1938): 308–15; and see the more recent
assessment, Maríel López, Clara Mancini and María Marcos, “Mapas jesuíticos e imaginarios
geográficos: El territorio de la Quebrada de Humahuaca y su frontera con el Chaco (siglos XVI-
XVIII),” Arte, Individuo y Sociedad 29, no. 2 (2017): 247–63. For the Sonora and Baja California
missions see Constantino Bayle, Historia de los descubrimientos y colonización de los padres de la
Compañía de Jesús en la Baja California (Madrid: Suárez, 1933); and Herbert Bolton, Rim of
Christendom: A Biography of Eusebio Francisco Kino, Pacific Coast Pioneer (New York: Russell and
Russell, 1936); Ernest Burrus, Kino and the Cartography of Northwestern New Spain (Tucson: Arizona
Pioneers’ Historical Society, 1965); Burrus, “A Cartographical Mystery in Kino’s Diary,” Neue
Zeitschrift für Missionswissenschaft 20 (1964): 109–15; Burrus, Kino and Manje: Explorers of Sonora
and Arizona (St. Louis, MO: St. Louis University / Rome: Jesuit Historical Institute, 1971). For Samuel
Fritz, see Fritz, Journal of the travels and labours of Father Samuel Fritz (London: Hakluyt Society,
1922). Much of the work of Cárdiff and Burrus was summarized in David Buisseret’s assessment of the
field, “Jesuit cartography in Central and South America,” in Galiano and Ronan,
eds., Jesuit Encounters, 113–62. See also José del Rey Fajardo, Apuntes para una historia de la
cartografía jesuítica en Venezuela (Caracas: n.p., 1975); Ernest Burrus and Félix
Zubillaga, Misiones mexicanas de la Compañía de Jesús, 1618–1745: Cartas e informes conservados
en la Colección Mateu (Madrid: Porrúa Turanzas, 1982); José del Rey Fajardo, El aporte de la
Javeriana colonial a la cartografía orinoquense (Bogotá: Pontificia Universidad Javeriana, 2003);
Martin Morales, ed., “A mis manos han llegado”: Cartas de los PP. Generales a la antigua provincia
del Paraguay (1608–1639) (Madrid: Comillas, 2005); Rubén Vargas Ugarte, Historia de la Compañía
de Jesús en el Perú (Burgos: n.p., 1963–65).

40. Burrus, Obra cartografica, 2–3, 2*–3*.

41. Miguel León-Portilla, “Trayectoria cartográfica de Baja California Sur,” Memoria de la III Semana
de Información Histórica de Baja California Sur (La Paz: Universidad Autónoma de Baja California
Sur, 1982), 7–57; León-Portilla, Cartografía y crónicas de la antigua California (Mexico City: 1989;
Mexico City: UNAM, 2001); León-Portilla, “Baja California: Geografía de la esperanza,” Artes de
México 65 (2003): 64–71; Ignacio del Río, El régimen jesuítico de la antigua California (Mexico City:
UNAM, 2003); Neil Safier, Measuring the New World: Enlightenment Science and South
America (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2008); Albrecht Classen, “Transcultural Encounters:
German Jesuit Missionaries in the Pimería Alta,” in Steven Martinson and Renate Schulz,
eds., Transcultural German Studies / Deutsch als Fremdsprache: Building Bridges / Brücken
bauen (Bern: Peter Lang, 2008), 269–95; Fuensanta Baena Reina, “De ‘tierra inhóspita’ a ‘tierra de
misiones’: Baja California y la última frontera jesuítica (1683–1767),” Transhumante:
Revista americana de historia social 4 (2014): 88–110; Carmen Manso Porto, “Cartografía de Mar del
Sur de la Real Academia de la Historia y su relación con la historia de las Indias,” Revista de estudios
colombinos 10 (June 2014): 33–44; Tamar Herzog, Frontiers of Possession: Spain and Portugal in
Europe and the Americas (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2015), esp. 70–95; André
Almeida, “Samuel Fritz and the Mapping of the Amazon,” Imago mundi 55 (2003): 113–19; Almeida,
“Samuel Fritz Revisited: The Maps of the Amazon and Their Circulation in Europe,” in Diogo Curto,
Angelo Cattaneo, and André Almeida, eds., La cartografia europea tra primo Rinascimento e fine
dell’Illuminismo (Florence: Olschki, 2003), 133–53; Camila Loureiro Dias, “Jesuit Maps and Political
Discourse: The Amazon River of Father Samuel Fritz,” The Américas 69, no. 1 (2012): 95–116; Carmen
Fernández-Salvador, “Jesuit Missionary Work in the Imperial Frontier: Mapping the Amazon in
Seventeenth-Century Quito,” in Religious Transformations in the Americas, ed. Stephanie Kirk and
Sarah Rivett (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2014), 205–27; Mirela Altic, “Missionary
Cartography of the Amazon after the Treaty of Madrid (1750): The Jesuit Contribution to the
Demarcation of Imperial Frontiers,” Terrae incognitae 46, no. 2 (September 2014): 69–85; Manuel Ruiz
Jurado, “Una carta inédita de San Francisco Javier,” AHSI 75 (2006): 79–87; Santa Arias, “The
Intellectual Conquest of the Orinoco: Filippo Salvatore Gilij’s Saggio di storia americana (1780–
1784),” in the special issue “Troubled Waters: Rivers in Latin American Imagination,” ed. Elisabeth M.
Pettinaroli and Ana Maria Mutis, Hispanic Issues On Line 12 (2013): 55–74; Mirela Altic, “Changing
the Discourse: Post-Expulsion Jesuit Cartography of Spanish America,” Journal of Jesuit Studies 6, no.
1 (2019): 99–114.

42. See Carlos Sommervogel et al., eds., Bibliothèque de la Compagnie de Jésus (Paris: Alphonse
Picard, 1890–1932), 10:coll.823–31. This figure does not include the similar number of books on
“applied geometry” or calendrical science. See generally Joseph MacDonnell, Jesuit Geometers (St.
Louis, MO: Institute of Jesuit Sources, 1989), which deals with fifty–six of the most important
geometers. On Clavius see Ugo Baldini, “Christoph Clavius and the Scientific Scene in Rome,” in
George V. Coyne et al., Gregorian Reform of the Calendar (Vatican City: Specola Vaticana, 1983),
145–251; and “The Academy of Mathematics of the Collegio Romano from 1553 to 1612,” in Jesuit
Science and the Republic of Letters, ed. Mordechai Feingold (Cambridge, MA: MIT, 2003), 47–98;
Peter Dear, Discipline and Experience (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1995), 32–36; Rivka
Feldhay, “The Cultural Field of Jesuit Science,” in John O’Malley et al., The Jesuits: Cultures, Sciences
and the Arts, 1540–1773 (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1999), 107–30. Clavius’s original
teaching program only included algebra, although in China, the Jesuit mission was interested in teaching
Euclidean geometry, see Peter Engelfriet, Euclid in China (Leiden: Brill, 1998); Ugo Baldini, “The
Jesuit College in Macao as a Meeting Point of the European, Chinese and Japanese Mathematical
Traditions,” in Jesuits, the Padroado and East Asian Science, ed. Saraiva and Jami, 33–80.

43. Anthony Pagden, The Fall of Natural Man (Cambridge: Cambridge UP, 1982), 146–97.

44. Anthony Grafton, “Cartography,” The Classical Tradition (Cambridge, MA: Harvard UP, 2010),
170.

45. Stephen Harris, “Mapping Jesuit Science: The Role of Travel in the Geography of Knowledge,” in
John O’Malley et al., The Jesuits: Cultures, Sciences and the Arts, 1540–1773 (Toronto: University of
Toronto Press, 1999), 212–40; see also Harris, “Jesuit Scientific Activity in the Overseas Missions,
1540–1773,” Isis 96, no. 1 (March 2005), 71–79. See more generally Otto Hartig, “Geography and the
Church,” in Charles George Herbermann, ed., The Catholic Encyclopedia (New York: Encyclopedia
Press, 1913), 6:447–53; Thomas Joseph Campbell, The Jesuits, 1534–1921 (New York: Educational
Press, 1921), 371–77; Allan Farrell, The Jesuit Code of Liberal Education (Milwaukee: Bruce, 1938);
Jerome Jacobsen, Educational Foundations of the Jesuits in Sixteenth Century New Spain (Berkeley:
University of California Press, 1938); François de Dainville, Les jésuites et l’éducation de la société
française: La géographie des humanistes (Paris: Beauchesne et ses fils, 1940); Dainville, La naissance
de l’humanisme moderne (Paris: Beauchesne et ses fils, 1940); Dainville, L’éducation
des jésuites (Paris: Les Éditions de Minuit, 1978); Bousquet-Bressolier, ed., François de Dainville; Paul
Grendler, Schooling in Renaissance Italy (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins, 1989), 364–70; Lesley Cormack,
“Maps as Educational Tools in the Renaissance,” in Woodward, ed., History of Cartography, 3/1:628–
30.

46. Paul Grendler, “Jesuit Schools in Europe: A Historiographical Essay,” Journal of Jesuit Studies 1
(2014): 7–25, here 13. See also the scattered references In Woodward, ed. History of
Cartography, 3/2:76, 630, 1081, 1148, 1157.

47. Mary Pedley, The Commerce of Cartography (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2005), 26–29;
Denis de Lucca, Jesuits and Fortifications: The Contribution of the Jesuits to Military Architecture in
the Baroque Age (Leiden: Brill, 2012), 188; Anne Godlewska, Geography Unbound: French
Geographic Science from Cassini to Humboldt (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1999), 23–39,
58; and de Dainville, Jésuites et l’éducation de la société française.

48. Jeffrey Peters, Mapping Discord: Allegorical Cartography in Early Modern French
Writing (Newark: University of Delaware Press, 2004), 29–31, 212–14; Walter Goffart, Historical
Atlases: The First Three Hundred Years, 1570–1870 (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2003), 20–
21, 59, 66; Woodward, ed. History of Cartography: 3/2:1579; Anne Godlewska, Geography Unbound,
23, 37.

49. Paul Begheyn, Jesuit Books in the Dutch Republic and Its Generality Lands, 1567–1773 (Leiden:
Brill, 2014).

50. Lucia Nuti, “La cartographie jésuite: Du plan de quartier à l’atlas du monde,” in Bousquet-
Bressolier, ed. François de Dainville, 187–201, here 193. Denis’s very rare Atlas géographique
renfermant les etablissemens des Jesuites, avec la maniére dont ils divisent le globe terrestre: Il sert
aussi d'introduction au géographique de l'arbre des jesuites (Paris: Chez Denis... la Porte Cochere vis
avis le Collège de Clermont, 1764) was reissued as Atlas universel indiquant les établissemens des
jésuites (Paris: Ambroise Dupont & Cie., 1826) after the reestablishment of the order.

51. Johann Schreiber, “Die Jesuiten des 17. und 18. Jahrhunderts und ihr Verhältnis zur
Astronomie,” Natur und Offenbarung 49 (1903): 129–43, 208–21; William Shea, “Galileo, Scheiner and
the Interpretation of Sunspots,” Isis 61 (1970): 498–519; Ewen Whittaker, Mapping and Naming the
Moon: A History of Lunar Cartography and Nomenclature (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press,
1999); Mario Biagioli, “Picturing Objects in the Making: Scheiner, Galilei, and the Discovery of
Sunspots,” Wolfgang Detel and Claus Zittel, eds., Ideas and Cultures of Knowledge in Early Modern
Europe (Berlin: Akademie Verlag, 2002), 39–95; Janet Vertesi, “Picturing the Moon: Hevelius’s and
Riccioli’s Visual Debate,” Studies in the History and Philosophy of Science 38, no. 2 (June 2007): 401–
21; José Vaquero and Manuel Vázques, The Sun Recorded through Time (Berlin: Springer Verlag,
2009), esp. 103–73; Christopher Graney, Setting Aside All Authority: Giovanni Battista Riccioli and the
Science against Copernicus in the Age of Galileo (Notre Dame: University of Notre Dame Press, 2015).

52. Deborah Warner, The Sky Explored: Celestial Cartography, 1500–1800 (New York: A. R. Liss,
1979), 196–98; John Snyder, Flattening the Earth: Two Thousand Years of Map Projections (Chicago:
University of Chicago Press, 1997), 18–19; Michael John Gorman, “Mathematics and Modesty in the
Society of Jesus: The Problems of Christoph Grienberger,” in Mordechai Feingold, ed., The New
Science and the Jesuit Science (Dordrecht: Kluwer, 2003), 1–120.

53. Joscelyn Godwin, Athanasius Kircher: A Renaissance Man and the Search for Lost
Knowledge (London: Thames and Hudson, 1979), 215–36, which considers all of Kircher’s maps and
plans; John Edward Fletcher, A Study of the Life and Works of Athanasius Kircher (Leiden: Brill, 2011),
173–74.

54. António Leal Duarte and Carlota Simões, eds., Azulejos que Ensinam (Coimbra: Universidade de
Coimbra, 2007); Henrique Leitão and Samuel Gessner, “Euclid in Tiles: The Mathematical azulejos of
the Jesuit College in Coimbra,” Mathematische Semesterbericht 61, no. 1 (2014): 1–5; Jennifer Frazer,
“Origin of Mysterious Portuguese Mathematical and Geographical Tiles Revealed” (November 5,
2014), https://blogs.scientificamerican.com/artful-amoeba/origin-of-mysterious-portuguese-
mathematical-and-geographical-tiles-revealed/ (accessed December 18, 2018). The tiles are preserved at
the National Tile Museum, Lisbon.

55. Thomas Lawson, An Introduction to Geography, to which is added a Short Explanation of the Use
of the Artificial Terrestrial Globe and of the Astronomical System: For the Use of Schools (Bruges:
Joseph van Praet, 1768); and A Method of Geography, as Taught in the Schools of the English
College Now at Bruges (Bruges: Joseph Van Praet, 1770). See Maurice Whitehead, English Jesuit
Education: Expulsion, Suppression, Survival, and Restoration, 1762–1803 (London: Routledge, 2013),
chapter 4 and appendices 3–4.

56. Rainald Becker, “Catholic Print Cultures: German Jesuits and Colonial North America,” in Oliver
Schneiding and Anja-Maria Bassimir, eds., Religious Periodicals and Publishing in Transnational
Contexts (Newcastle on Tyne: Cambridge Scholars Publishing, 2017), 25–48; Peter Meurer, “Oscar
Werner, S.J. and the Reform of Catholic Atlas Cartography in Germany (1884–88),” Journal of Jesuit
Studies 6, no. 1 (2019): 115–131; Johannes Dörflinger, “Heinrich Scherer,” in Neue Deutsche
Biographie (Berlin: Duncker & Humblot, 2005), 22:690–91; Ernest Burrus, Kino and the Cartography
of Northwestern New Spain (Tucson: Arizona Pioneers’ Historical Society, 1965).

57. Agustín Udias, Jesuit Contribution to Science: A History (Dordrecht: Springer, 2015), 119.

58. Madalina Valeria Veres, “Scrutinizing the Heavens, Measuring the Earth: Joseph Liesganig’s
Contribution to the Mapping of Habsburg Lands in the Eighteenth Century,” Journal of Jesuit Studies 6,
no. 1 (2019): 85–98; Per Pippin Aspaas, “Maximilianus Hell (1720–1792) and the Eighteenth-Century
Transits of Venus: A Study of Jesuit Science in Nordic and Central European Contexts” (PhD diss.,
University of Tromsø, 2012); László Kontler, “The Uses of Knowledge and the Symbolic Map of the
Enlightened Monarchy of the Habsburgs: Maximilian Hell as Imperial and Royal Astronomer (1755–
1792),” in Negotiating Knowledge in Early Modern Empires: A Decentered View, ed. László Kontler et
al. (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2014), 79–105; Gerhard Geissl, Joseph Liesganig: Die Wiener
Meridianmessung und seine Arbeiten im Gebiet von Wiener Neustadt (Wiener Neustadt: Verein
Museum und Archiv für Arbeit und Industrie im Viertel unter dem Wienerwald, 2001).

59. Mirela Altic, “Exploring Along the Rome Meridian: Roger Boscovich and the First Modern Map of
the Papal States,” in Elri Liebenberg et al., eds., History of Cartography: International Symposium of
the ICA, 2012 (Berlin: Springer, 2014), 71–90; Ivica Martinović, “Amerika-izazov za geodeta Ruđera
Boškovića,” Anali zavoda za povijesne znanosti 35 (1997): 173–84; Mary Pedley, “‘I due valentuomini
indefessi’: Christopher Maire and Roger Boscovich and the Mapping of the Papal States (1750–
1755),” Imago mundi 45 (1993): 59–76; Rita Tolomeo, Ruggiero Giuseppe Boscovich: Lettere per una
storia della scienza (1763–1786) (Rome: Accademia Nazionale delle Scienze, 1991); Lancelot Law
Whyte, ed., Roger Joseph Boscovich, S.J., F.R.S., 1711–1787: Studies of His Life and Work on the
250th Anniversary of His Birth (London: Allen & Unwin, 1961).

60. Louis Caruana, “The Legacies of Suppression: Jesuit Culture and Science, What Was Lost? What
Was Gained?,” in Jeff Burson and Jonathan Wright, eds., The Jesuit Suppression in Global Context:
Causes, Events and Consequences (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2015), 262–78.

61. Chantal Donzel-Verdeil, “Les jésuites de Syrie (1830–1864): Une mission auprès des chrétiens
d’Orient au début des réformes ottomanes” (PhD diss., Université Paris IV-Sorbonne, 2003), 241–48,
263–64. See the map of Philippe Cuche, ARSI, Syr, 1003, XIV, 6a (reproduced 242) as well as the
“comfortable” and “spacious” plan he made in 1853 for the Zahlé residence, ARSI, Syr, 1003, XV, 13
(reproduced 264).

62. Peter Meurer, “Oscar Werner, S.J.” The Denis atlas (1764) had been recently re-edited in France by
Louis Pfister (1833–91), Cartes des provinces et des missions de la Compagnie de Jésus avant la
suppression (1763–1773) (Laval: n.p., 1866).

63. Nuti, “La cartographie jésuite: Du plan de quartier à l’atlas du monde,” in Bousquet-Bressolier,
ed. François de Dainville, 187–201; Louis Viansson-Ponté, Les jésuites à Metz (Strasbourg: Le Roux,
1897). See the copy of the Carrez atlas digitized by ARSI
at https://archive.org/details/00Atlas (accessed December 18, 2018).

64. The last example, according to Werner, was Jean Chrétien Joseph Kleintjens, Atlas der R. K. Missie
in Nederlandsch Oost- en West-Indië (Maastricht: Van Aelst, 1928), an atlas of Catholic missions in
Dutch colonies and like the observatories designed to compete with Protestant missionary efforts.

65. Agustín Udías, Searching the Heavens and the Earth: The History of Jesuit
Observatories (Dordrecht: Springer, 2011). Udías has a complete list of the observatories, although his
focus is not cartographic efforts. On Georgetown, see George A. Fargis, “Georgetown College
Observatory, 1843–1893,” Publications of the Astronomical Society of the Pacific 7, no. 41 (1895): 89–
97. On Madagascar, see Evelyne Combeau-Mari, “L’observatoire d”Ambohidempona à Madagascar
(1888–1923): Pouvoir jésuite et science colonial,” French Colonial History 12 (2011): 103–21.

66. Agustín Udías and William Stauder, “Jesuit Geophysical Bbservatories,” EOS: Transactions,
American Geophysical Union 72 (1991): 185–87; Udías and Stauder, “The Jesuit Contribution to
Seismology,” Seismological Research Letters 67, no. 3 (May/June 1996): 10–19; Maria Bautista and
Bartolome Bautista, “The Philippine Historical Earthquake Catalog: Its Development, Current State, and
Future Directions,” Annals of Geophysics 47, no. 2 (April 2004): 379–85. See for example, Miguel
Saderra Maso, La sismología en Filipinas (Manila: Establecimiento Tipo Litográfico de Ramírez y
Compañía, 1895) includes isoseismal maps of large earthquakes; Ricardo Cirera y Salce, El magnetismo
terrestre en Filipinas (Manila: Chofré y Cia, 1893); Jose Coronas, The Climate and Weather of the
Philippines, 1903–1918 (Manila, 1920); Miguel Selga, Charts of Remarkable Typhoons in the
Philippines 1902–1934 (1935) and Catalog of Typhoons, 1348–1934 (1935), an important data set
known to scientists as the “Selga Chronology.” For an ethnographic map see Pablo Pastells, “Mapa
etnográfico de Mindanao,” Cartas 7 (1887): 326–49. The Manila observatory had close ties with the
work being done in Shanghai, including that of Marc Dechevrens and Louis Froc on typhoons, and
Pierre Lejay’s Gravimetric Survey of the Philippines (Shanghai, 1939). Hydrography was also an
interest as with Stanislas Chevalier, Atlas du haut Yang-tse, de I-Tchang Fou à P'ing-Chan
Hien (Shanghai: Imprimerie de la Presse Orientale, 1899).

67. Mark Van de Velde, “The Two Language Maps of the Belgian Congo,” Annales aequatoria 20
(1999): 475–89.

68. Matthew Taylor and Michael Steinberg, “Controlling People and Space,” in Jordana Dym and Karl
Offen, Mapping Latin America: A Cartographic Reader (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2011),
254–57; Michael Steinberg, Carrie Height, Rosemary Mosher, and Matthew Bampton, “Mapping
Massacres: GIS and State Terror in Guatemala,” Geoforum 37 (2006): 62–68. For Falla’s maps
see Masacres de la Selva: Ixcán, Guatemala, 1975–1982 (Guatemala City: Editorial Universitaria,
1992); Massacres in the Jungle: Ixcán, Guatemala, 1975–1982 (Boulder, CO: Westview, 1994). The
Bancroft Library, Berkeley, has a good collection of Falla’s printed work, which ranges in scale and is
often diagrammatic.

69. Gellért Merza, Ciara Beuster, Adam Lewis, et al., “Global Network of Jesuit
Schools,” https://www.educatemagis.org/blogs/global-network-of-jesuit-schools-printable-map/ (access
ed December 18, 2018). There is also an interactive version https://www.educatemagis.org/current-
map/ and an interactive map of Jesuit universities, https://www.educatemagis.org/university-
map/ (accessed December 18, 2018).

70. See Cams, Companions in Geography; and Mosca, From Frontier Policy to Foreign Policy.

71. See the efforts towards this in the special issue on Jesuit cartography for the Journal of Jesuit
Studies 6, no. 1 (2019) as well as the evolving database of Jesuit maps, Robert Batchelor, “Jesuit
Cartography.” https://georgiasouthern.libguides.com/digitalhumanities/projects/jesuitcartography/home
(accessed December 18, 2018).

72. For Michel de Certeau on mapping and spatial practice see, The Practice of Everyday Life, trans.
Steven Rendall (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1984), 115–21 [originally L'invention du
quotidien, vol. 1: Arts de faire (Paris: Union générale d'éditions, 1980)]; and on the Jesuits, “The
Formality of Practices: From Religious Systems to the Ethics of the Enlightenment (Seventeenth and
Eighteenth Centuries),” The Writing of History (New York: Columbia, 1988), 163 [originally “La
formalité des pratiques du système religieux à l’éthique des Lumières (XVII–XVIII),” in L’écriture de
l’histoire (Paris: 1975), 153–212].

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Batchelor, Robert, “Historiography of Jesuit Cartography”, in: Jesuit Historiography Online. Online abgerufen am 17 June 2023
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Erste Online-Publikation: 2019