Volume 2 Theology and Culture

Theology & Culture
The Academic Journal of the

Department of Theology and Culture
University College Logos
Theology & Culture

Volume 2, June 2021
ISSN: 2708-6755
Department of Theology and Culture

Publication information:
Theology & Culture is the Academic Journal of the Department of Theology &
Culture, Univeristy College Logos and is published online two times per year.
The Department is located at Saint Blaise, 5 minutes outside Durrës, Albania.
Volume 2, June 2021
ISSN: 2708-6755
Aims and Scope:

Theology & Culture is an international peer-reviewed open access journal
dedicated to publishing high-quality research articles in the field of Theolo-
gy, Study of Religion, Education, Literature and Social Sciences. The journal
publishes reviews, original papers, conference announcements, book reviews
and research reports trying to provide a platform for experts and scholars
worldwide to exchange their latest researches and findings. Another goal of
the Journal will be the promotion of case studies that concern religion, history,
culture and society in Albania and the Balkans in general. The official lan-
guage of the Journal is English and only in special cases will be printed articles
in German, French or Italian.
Editorial Board Members:

1. Dr. Georgios Gaitanos, Lecturer of Religious Studies (Head of the
Department of Theology and Culture, University College Logos)
2. Dr. Georgios Keselopoulos, Lecturer of Liturgical Studies (Department of
Theology and Culture, University College Logos)
Manuscripts and correspondence are invited for publication. You can submit
your papers via e-mail to theolculture@gmail.com. Submission guidelines
and Web Submission system are available at https://theolkulogos.wordpress.
com/2020/01/30/theology-culture/
Copyright© 2021 by the Department of Theology & Culture, Univeristy Col-

lege Logos and individual contributors. All rights reserved. The Department
of Theology & Culture, Univeristy College Logos holds the exclusive copy-
right of all the contents of this journal. In accordance with the international
convention, no part of this journal may be reproduced or transmitted by any
media or publishing organs (including various websites) without the written
permission of the copyright holder. Otherwise, any conduct would be consid-
ered as the violation of the copyright. The contents of this journal are available
for any citation, however, all the citations should be clearly indicated with the
title of this journal, serial number and the name of the author.
Contents
Acknowledgements 7
Nikolaos Tsirevelos
1. The awakening of the Orthodox witness to the nations.
Communication approach in the missionary magazine Porethentes 11
Georgios Keselopoulos & Charalampos Machairas
2. Christ, Melchizedek and David. A Sinaitic Icon of the Prothesis? 35
Georgia Sarikoudi
3. Albanian Immigrants in Thessaloniki:
Relations between the Generations 51
Georgios Gaitanos
4. The Roman Religious Policy at the time of Polycarp of Smyrna 65
Thoma Çomëni
5. Christian morality and political morality
from the orthodox perspective 81
Thoma Shkira
6. The Contribution of Konstantin Kristoforidhi to the Albanian
Transcription and the Acquisition of the Biblical Word
among the Albanians 97
Acknowledgements
T
his edition is the second volume of the Journal “Theology & Cul-
ture” (ISSN: 2708-6755), which is the official academic Journal of
the Department of Theology & Culture, University College Logos.
This academic journal is published two times per year in print and online.
Theology & Culture is an international peer-reviewed open access journal
dedicated to publishing high-quality research articles in the field of Theolo-
gy, Study of Religion, Education, Literature and Social Sciences. All research
articles in this journal undergo rigorous peer review, based on initial editor
screening and anonymous refereeing by at least two anonymous referees. And
also, our reviewers and editorial board members are from different countries
all over the world.
The journal publishes reviews, original papers, conference announcements,
book reviews and research reports trying to provide a platform for experts,
scholars and researchers that has started their career now to exchange their
latest researches and findings. Another goal of the Journal is be the promotion
of case studies that concern religion, history, culture and society in Albania
and the Balkans in general. The official language of the Journal is English and
only in special cases will be printed articles in German, French or Italian.
The journal will be indexed by Google scholar, DOAJ (Directory
of Open Journals) and is hosted to our Issuu page (https://issuu.com/
departamentiitheologjisedhekultures). Also, the journal has its own Academia
(https://independent.academia.edu/AcademicJournalTheologyCulture)
and Researchgate (https://www.researchgate.net/profile/Theology_Culture)
account and every article is accompanied by a Doi number.
For this second volume, we are publishing 6 articles that refer to History
of Religions, Christian Ethics, Orthodox Missionarism, Social Anthropology,
Immigration, Bible studies in Albania, Liturgy and Christian Iconography and
Art. We would like to thank our contributors for this second edition and espe-
cially Adjunct Lecturer Dr. Nikolaos Tsirevelos-“The awakening of the Ortho-
dox witness to the nations. Communication approach in the missionary mag-
azine Porethentes”, Lecturer Dr. Georgios Keselopoulos & Dr. Charalampos
Machairas-“Christ, Melchizedek and David. A Sinaitic Icon of the Prothesis?”,
Adjunct Lecturer Dr. Georgia Sarikoudi-“Albanian Immigrants in Thessalon-
7
Acknowledgements
iki: Relations between the Generations”, Lecturer Dr. Georgios Gaitanos-“The

Roman Religious Policy at the time of Polycarp of Smyrna”, As. Lecturer Msc.
Thoma Çomëni-“Christian morality and political morality from the orthodox
perspective”, and As. Lecturer Msc. Thoma Shkira-“The Contribution of Kon-
stantin Kristoforidhi to the Albanian Transcription and the Acquisition of the
Biblical Word among the Albanians”.
The Editorial Board
Dr. Georgios Gaitanos
Dr. Georgios Keselopoulos
8
1
The awakening of the Orthodox witness to
the nations. Communication approach in
the missionary Journal Porethentes
Nikolaos G. Tsirevelos
Adjunct Lecturer of Department of Theology & Culture,
Corespondence:
e-mail: ntsirevelos@hotmail.com
Abstract
The study of the journal, named Poreft- Keywords:
hedes (Go Ye) emphasizes its historic Archbishop of all Albania Anastasios,
contribution to the transmission and in- Communication approach, Porefthedes,
take of the Gospel’s message worldwide. Christian witness (mission).
Additionally, it resulted in the recrudes-
cence of Greeks’ interest in The Mission.
Citation:
Tsirevelos N. The awakening of the
The current Archbishop of Tirana and
Orthodox witness to the nations.
all Albania Anastasios was the founder
Communication approach in the
of this journal. The former, Porefthedes,
missionary Journal Porethentes. Theology
arose from the processes of “Syndesmos”
& Culture. 2021; 2: 11-33.
(Association) in 1959, and was pub-
Doi: 10.13140/RG.2.2.34487.24482
lished from 1961 up to 1969 under the
care of the “Inter-Orthodox Missionary
Centre Porefthedes”, setting the founda-
tions for the revival of The Mission. This
paper’s first attempt is to record the jour-
nal’s publishing history and secondly to
describe the publication process of the
journal Porefthedes (artistic elaboration,
linguistic means) and to investigate the
specific features of the editors (transmit-
ters); it also provides facts concerning
the readers (receivers). Moreover, the
theological documentation of the Or-
thodox martyria (message) has been re-
corded, divided into thematic categories.
11
The awakening of the Orthodox witness to the nations ©2021 Tsirevelos
Coverpage of the Journal Porethentes, designed by the artist Ntinos Xylopoulos
12
Introduction
I
n the Orthodox Christian world, the interest in preaching the Gospel
to the nations arose in the late 1950s and early 1960s. It has increased
to the present day. This event led to the gradual establishment of new
ecclesiastical communities in various countries of Africa, America, Asia and
Oceania, with the support of the Churches of Greece and Cyprus, but also
from the coordination of the Ecumenical Patriarchate of Constantinople and
the Patriarchate of Alexandria. Nowadays, the culmination of this awakening
is the missionary character that governs the texts of the Holy and Great Synod
of the Orthodox Church, which took place in June 2016 in Crete (Great and
Holy Synod, 2016).
Greek-language missionary journals published by the Church of Greece and
by various private missionary associations (Tsirevelos, 2014:12), undoubtedly
have contributed to the revival of this interest in mission in the modern his-
tory of Orthodoxy.
The first missionary journal printed in Greece was Porefthedes/Go Ye and
published in 1959. The publication of the journal is associated with specific
events of that time that led to the gradual missionary awakening in Greece
and later in the wider Orthodox world. However, the starting point for the
awakening of the Greek-speaking missionary witness can be traced to the
Fourth Congress of the Organization “Syndesmos” in Thessaloniki in 1958
(Association; Meyendorff, 2003). In this, the “Committee for Foreign Mis-
sion” was elected with theologian Anastasios Yannoulatos (current Archbish-
op of Tirana and all Albania) as General Secretary (Maczewski, 2002: 138).
The following year, the General Secretariat released the Duplicate edition of
Porefthedes in Greek and English.
The founding of the journal that year (1959) marked the historic milestone
in the revival of Orthodox witness. According to the apt observation of the
theologian Thanasis Papathanassiou, “the awakening of the missionary con-
science and the systematic activity in the field of foreign mission was triggered
in our country by this nucleus (ie of the Marching)” (Papathanasiou, 2009:
372). He also notes that “the image that dominates today for the emergence
of missionary thinking starring the ‘Walking’, is that of rising from a sleep”
(Papathanasiou, 2009: 373).
The publication of Porefthedes contributed to the primary missionary en-
13
lightenment of Greeks and foreign Orthodox. It made known the theology of

the Orthodox witness (martyria) in Christ to the nations and took care of the
primary journalistic information of the readers about the events in the few
new missionary churches. Simultaneously, it took care of the mobilization of
the people, in order to assist in various ways and to support further continua-
tion of the missionary work.
Of course, the work of those in charge and its authors was not limited to
missionary articles. It worked much more as a movement-initiative to awak-
en interest in Orthodox witness. According to the journal’s articles, during
1959-60 missionary tutorials were created, a special staff of young scientists,
lectures, Bible study circles with missionary focus, speeches in parishes and
Christian fraternities were organized, while contacts of the Greek Church
were developed and the Archdiocese of Athens (Yannoulatos, 1960).
Concurrently, the editors of the journal Porethentes founded in 1961 the
“Inter-Orthodox Missionary Center ‘Porethentes’”. The work of the Center in-
creased the previous missionary activity with more mobilizations, more sys-
tematic scientific work, as well as the preparation and training of the mission
of the first missionaries in Africa, such as that of Archimandrite Anastasios
Yannoulatos in 1964.
The basic purpose of this article is to capture the theology of the mission,
as it was codified in the journal Porefthentes during its ten-year publication.
Special emphasis is given to the theological documentation of the testimony
in Christ, which is recorded in the articles of the journal, in addition to the
care of the columnists for the theological study of the readers. Furthermore,
this article aims to highlight the contribution of this theological form to the
revival of missionary witness in the nations.
For the needs of the research, all the texts of the ten-year edition of the
journal from 1959 to 1969 (issues 1-44) were studied. The basic methodology
is based on the form of human communication (Koukoura, 2006: 12), which
has been adapted to the needs of this research and is developed in the fol-
lowing factors: the transmitter (writers), the message (basic theological and
historical positions), the subject (central concept), the conduit (the journal
Porefthentes) and its form (for example the text and the layout of the materi-
al), the code (Greek language) and the recipients (Greek-speaking Orthodox
readers). At the same time, the genesis and dissemination of the journal is part
of its historical context in order to make their action more understandable.
14
1. Editorial elements of the journal
The title of the journal is inspired by the first word of the verse: “Go ye there-
fore and make disciples of all the nations” (Mt. 28:19), in Greek: “πορευθέντες
οὖν μαθητεύσατε πάντα τὰ ἔθνη”. Its publication arose through the processes
of the “International Orthodox Youth Organization Syndesmos” in 1959 and
continued in 1961 with the support of the “Inter-Orthodox Missionary Center
‘Porefthenes’”. The founder and general manager of the journal was theologian
and current Archbishop of Tirana Anastasios (Yannoulatos).
The journal was published in two languages, Greek and English. Common
modern Greek is the language he used to convey his messages, although pur-
gatory was the official language in public life at the time. This marks the jour-
nal’s commitment to getting its message across in a way that is understandable
to a wide range of readers.
The collaborating writers represent a multinational team. The majority is
Greeks and the participation of Greek women for that time is equally import-
ant. At the same time, the contribution of orthodox foreign writers is consid-
ered remarkable, who emphasize its orthodox character and heterodox foreign
columnists who point out the opening of the journal in the inter-Christian
(ecumenical) space. The balanced cooperation of clergy and laity reveals its
ecclesiastical character, while the participation of academic theologians re-
veals its scientific dimension.
The editorial team of the journal included the current Archbishop of Al-
bania Anastasios Yannoulatos (Tsirevelos, 2015), the theologians (later archi-
mandrite) Eusebius (pronounced Asterios) Vittis and Elias Voulgarakis (Voul-
garaki-Pisina, 2001). Also working together were the later Bishop of Acheloos
Efthymios (Stylios), the current Metropolitan of Mount George (Khodre), as
well as the professors of Faculty of Theology in Athens Nikos Nisiotis, Leoni-
das Filippidis etc.
The aims of the journal were the pioneering study of the theology of Chris-
tian witness at that point in time and the cultivation of missionary interest in
the Orthodox clergy and people, with the ultimate goal of reviving Christian
witness in the nations. In this context it tried to connect the Orthodox read-
ers with the new churches of Uganda, Korea and Japan that were then newly
established. Also, from the first issue, the institutional Church was invited to
give the “trumpet of the expedition” to the workers of the Gospel. At the same
15
time, the “movement” of the “Porefthedes” from the beginning was placed
“under the blessing of the Church” (Mourouka, 1959), awaiting the official
undertaking of the missionary work.
These goals were served through its material, which was distinguished in
theological articles of scientific documentation and news journals.
The theological positions aimed at awakening the Church for its mission to
the nations, which go hand in hand with the re-evangelization of the baptized
Orthodox. The message clearly stated that indifference to mission means de-
nial of Orthodoxy. In particular, it emphasized that the Church’s mission to
the world begins with the love of the Triune God and obeys Jesus’ commands
to preach the Gospel by the grace of the Holy Spirit throughout the universe.
At the same time, the missionary nature of the Church and the importance
of sharing in the sacrament of the Eucharist, pushes the believer to the testi-
mony of the Kingdom of God in the world, are highlighted. In addition, this
theological discourse invites all the members of the Church, and especially
younger ages, to assist in the missionary ministry.
Special reference is made to the methods of organized witnessing (mar-
tyria). This theme emphasizes the respect for the peoples preached about in
the Gospel, and underlines the need to “incarnate” the word of God in every
language and culture and to support new communities in native leaders. The
social dimension of Christian witness is understood as a practical manifes-
tation of love in Christ to everyone. In addition, the common Orthodox tes-
timony of the nations is proposed, in order to reveal the unity of the Ortho-
dox and to cure ecclesiastical nationalism. The above theological positions
are further documented by the historical example of the Christian missions
throughout the centuries.
The need for pan-Orthodox participation in ecumenical events is clearly
stated. At the same time, the missionary theology of Western Churches and
the work of the World Council of Churches (WCC) are presented with a sober
approach.
Many of the above positions appear in the first article of the journal, en-
titled “The Forgotten Commandment” signed by the current Archbishop of
Tirana and all Albania Anastasios (Yannoulatos). This article really served as
the first theological “declaration” of the revival of Orthodox witness to all the
nations (Yannoulatos, 1959). The author within a few pages handed over the
theological documentation of the Gospel of the nations based on the biblical
16
and historical foundation, while he reconstructed the objections to the exer-

cise of the apostolic work. Concurrently, his anguish about the practical apos-
tolic awakening of all the Orthodox and their witness throughout the universe
is diffused. Essentially, this text was the guide to the entire subsequent circu-
lation of the journal. The quintessence of his theological direction is reflected
in the following passage. “It is not a question of ‘Can we?’, but of an imperative
command: We must! ‘Go ye therefore and teach all the nations’. ‘“Go ye to the
entire world and preach the gospel to every creature.’. There is no ‘consider if
you can’, there is only a definite, clear-cut command of our Lord”(Yannoula-
tos, 1959).
In addition, the image plays an important role in coding the journal’s mes-
sages. The paintings of Ntinos Xylopoulos and Apostolos Filippou, which
adorn the covers, have a strong symbolism and aim to convey the message of
the universality of Orthodoxy.
The photographs on the covers and articles, which are the first superviso-
ry missionary material, capture the ecclesiastical life of the new ecclesiastical
communities, with special emphasis on the cult experience of the neo-enlight-
ened. The corresponding activities of the “Inter-Orthodox Missionary Cen-
ter” Porethentes” aim at the presentation of his work and the activation of the
interest for the mission.
The journal ceased publication in the winter of 1969. Later, his scientific
team undertook the editing of the present journal “Panta ta Ethni (All the
Nations), the official missionary publication of the Church of Greece” (Tsirev-
elos, 2014: 49)
2. The theological documentation of Orthodox witness
The journal Porefthentes essentially created the conditions for the devel-
opment of modern missionary theology that follows the spirit of the Church
Fathers (Tsirevelos, 2014:101). The messages of the articles aimed the “study”
of the readers to the theology of the mission of the Church. The total num-
bers of relevant texts that refer to the mission through the research of various
scientists are 40 and their percentage is 23.4% of the total publications. The
following is the imprint of the message per conceptual sub-section, which is
written in italics.
17
2.1 Misio Dei and Christian witness
This group of articles includes texts with the central idea of the mission of
the Church as a manifestation of the actions of the Holy Trinity for the salva-
tion of the world.
A common point of the message in the articles is the infinite love of the
Triune God, which is manifested as a call for salvation of all people. In this
context, it is noted that the plan of the divine economy expresses a timeless
work of salvation of the universe (Voulgarakis, 1965), with a simultaneous
testimony of the experienced love of the Triune God by the Church (Panos,
1961). At the same time, the mission of the Son of God spreads the practical
example of unity, building the reconciliation of the human race with God. But
the completion of the historic mission of Jesus is carried out by the Holy Spirit,
who instructs all the Disciples of Christ and guides them in building the unity
of all. Characteristically, Elias Voulgarakis observes that “It is this voice of the
Spirit and the Church’s prayers ‘for the union of all’, that give us our assurance
that finally the unifying love of God will conquer human smallness humility
and bring the unity desired.” (Voulgarakis, 1965b:47).
2.2 Christology and Christian witness
The mission of the Church is based on the emergence of the historical

mission of the Incarnate Son and Word of God, who is considered “the First
Apostle in the Church” (Yannoulatos, 1968: 51).
In the first theological article of the journal “The Forgotten Command-
ment”, Anastasios Υannoulatos directly connects evangelism with the work of
the Lord. “Christ entrusted His cause –the spreading of His Kingdom upon to
earth- for which He came down to us and sacrificed Himself, to His disciples”
(Yannoulatos, 1959: 2). Mission of Christ is closely related, not morally but
ontologically, to His sent disciples. All the historical events of Jesus’ life - the
Birth, the Crucifixion and the Resurrection - are signs and examples of the
way to call for salvation of all nations. “Even the Cross: again looked upon as
an emblem, can signal the comprehensive crossroads where two personalities
accost each other, the catechist’s and the catechumen’s, who meet at the heart
of both the Cross and the Crucified” (Romaios, 1968: 54). However, there
remains intense concern about the missionary inaction of His modern-day
disciples, who constitute His Secret Body, without truly realizing the respon-
sibility of their mission as a continuation of Jesus’ own mission (Yannoulatos,
18
1960b).
2.3 Holy Spirit and Christian witness
This group includes articles highlighting the leading role of the Holy Spirit
in Christian witness. The influence of the Holy Spirit on the members of the
ecclesiastical event is prepared by Christ himself through the Father, accord-
ing to His explicit promise that after His Ascension into Heaven he will not
leave the Church alone (Jn 16:7). Thus, on Pentecost, “when the Holy Spirit, in
the form of fiery tongues, was instructed in the Apostles, they acquired a new
dynamic: to be occupied by all the peoples of the commune” (Meyendorff,
1959: 2). The Holy Spirit forms and unites the Church, transforming it into a
living community that testifies to the existence of God. With His enlighten-
ment, its members are constantly called upon to generously give His fruits to
all people. Ultimately, the Spirit of God is the force responsible for sustaining
and transforming the whole world, as it is energetically conveyed in a prayer.
2.4 The biblical foundation of Christian witness
The beginnings of the Church’s testimony are described in the Bible. This
view is divided into three axes, which correspond to the three phases of the
plan of the divine economy, as they unfold in the books of the Bible.
The first axis highlights Israel’s primary mission in the Old Testament, as
the “prehistory” of testimony in Christ (Vittis, 1969). The theological foun-
dation begins with the preaching of Monotheism, as historically proclaimed
by the Patriarchs, Moses and the Prophets, and was typologically interpreted
in the New Testament. This course, which is considered irrational and impos-
sible, was finally achieved from one generation to another generation “and it
reached the stage where the mace was taken over by the Son of God Himself ”
(Vittis, 1969: 21-22).
The face of the Son of God, in whom the prophecies of the Old Testament
were fulfilled, expresses the second axis on which these articles move. In this
context it is noted that “Jesus’ path is a path through Jerusalem to the Father”
(Vittis, 1969: 25), where His sacrifice on the cross was the example of the way
of life of His disciples. By His Resurrection and His unquestionable authority
He gives the command to the disciples to begin the witness to the universe.
The mission of the Church expresses the third axis of the issue. The com-
mand of those who “walked” to the disciples is a call for “fellowship” with the
Lord in the Holy Spirit and is delivered to the later disciples-missionaries of
19
every age. In particular, the Acts of the Apostles highlights the self-sacrificing
mind and preaching of the Apostles, while special emphasis is given by all
columnists to the diligent and organized missionary work of the Apostle Paul.
2.5 Ecumenism – Christian witness
This central idea refers to texts that study the ecumenical character and
universality/catholicity of the Church, based on the monuments of the Old
and New Testaments, as well as the patristic tradition.
In particular, the multinational salvage character of the Psalms and the
messianic preaching of the Prophets are described. It is important to note that
the above positions are understood as opposed to “the racial beliefs of the
people about a national kingdom and proclaim the universality of the mes-
sage of salvation” (Hatzimihalis, 1962: 52). However, “the Gospel of Jesus ulti-
mately gives the true dimension of prophetic ecumenism, which is none other
than the ecumenism of heaven” (Vittis, 1969b: 54). Christ’s entire life from His
birth to His Ascension is a supernatural call, so shortly before His conception,
“He prayed for all Christians, for all nations and centuries and asked of His
heavenly Father for their Unity.” (Hatzimihalis, 1962b: 28).
According to Nektarios Hatzimichalis, the book that is characterized “as the
Book of ecumenism of the external mission is that of the Acts” (Hatzimihalis,
1962b: 28). Starting from the truly universal event of Pentecost, the universal
character of many events from the life of the Apostles is interpreted, who,
thanks to their testimony all over the world, are characterized as “the reform-
ers of all mankind” (Hatzimihalis, 1962b: 30). However, special emphasis is
placed on the tours and the words of the Apostle Paul, who pointed out that
“God’s wealthy people are all people who will freely accept the discipleship at
the feet of Jesus and the sacrament to join Him” (Vittis, 1969b: 53).
In addition, the subject is examined on the basis of paternal sources, where
various annotated passages are quoted for the universality, catholicity and
mission of the Church by Maximos the Confessor, John Chrysostom, Gregory
of Nyssa, Ambrose of Mediolana and the Great Vasilius. The common de-
nominator of all this is the connection of universality with the mission of the
members of the Church, with the attainment of unity and the salvation of all
peoples in Christ (Hatzimihalis, 1962b: 52-55).
Another common denominator in all studies is that the mission expresses
the love to every human being, regardless of gender, ethnicity, religion and
social class. This position is particularly emphasized in the essay “For the
20
complete man” by the Metropolitan of Calabria Emilianos (Timiadis): “This

is the Gospel that Christians are obliged to preach. […] The preaching of the
Gospel is a case of trumpeting the love of God, in such a way that it is possible,
through words or deeds, or even both” (Timiadis, 1969b: 44).
2.6 The nature of the Church and the Christian witness
The relationship between nature and the mission of the Church is illumi-
nated from various aspects with articles that have already been published from
the first pages onwards. The studies with this message are 5 in total, which oc-
cupy a large number of pages and present four common points:
The first concerns the identification of the “being” of the Church with its
mission. The second, as a natural continuation of the first, mentions that the
mission is not a separate piece of work or “external” function of the Church.
The third refers to the participation of the Orthodox in the ecumenical dia-
logue, as a form of witness. The latter follows the way of the Fathers; that is, it
describes the Church without any priori definition. The message is immedi-
ately imprinted in five semantic levels, in the order of publication numbers to
be issued.
a) According to Georges Khodre, the existence of the Church aims at the
loving recapitulation and redemption of all in Christ Jesus. “The mission is
the Church itself in action. Thus there is no question of the mission as an
‘institution’ of the Church. One could not speak of the Church and of the
Mission as being different things. Everything within the Church: theology,
liturgy, pastoral, youth movements must be conceived in terms of universal
love” (Khodre, 1961: 41). In this context it is emphasized that the nature of the
Church is apostolic, “because, like the Apostles, it is also an apostle, (Khodre,
1961: 56), that is, it expresses the very existence of Christ, who is chosen in
time in the universe.
b) “The life of Church is salvation, communion with God, external and in-
ternal unity and mission” (Nisiotis, 1963: 3-6). In this way, the Church oper-
ates the manifestation of the Holy Trinity and the transmission of the Holy
Spirit’s grace, as Nikos Nisiotis claims. In particular, he emphasizes that the
Church, as the Body of Christ, “cannot cease to be apostolic and evangelical”
(Nisiotis, 1963: 4-5), because experiencing the fruits of the Holy Spirit trans-
mits them to every man. Ultimately, “life of the Church means life within the
Church and life outside of it; life for the universe, which is also contained
within the Church by power, and which awaits, as men expected to do in the
21
Pre-Pentecostal period, the coming of salvation” ( Nisiotis, 1963: 6).

c) The position that the Church identifies with the Kingdom of God and
collectively calls for the salvation of all people, without secularized criteria.
In this context, it is noted that the Church expresses the continuation of the
mission of Christ, whose quintessence of work is the witness of the Kingdom
of God. However, he immediately clarifies who has this mission within the ec-
clesiastical event.” The internal and external missionary work is primarily the
work of the Church, assisted in this by believers according to each one’s power
and talent” (Demetropoulos, 1965: 21). Therefore, the mission is the duty of
all members who participate in the Body of Christ.
d) The archimandrite (current Archbishop of Albania) Anastasios Yannou-
latos describes the “being” of the Church with universal, ecumenical and sal-
vage conditions that lead to the revelation of the glory of God in the universe.
His view is based on all the saving events of the plan of the divine economy,
but focuses on the Resurrection of Christ. “Moreover, gazing on the face of the
resurrected Lord and His glorious presence, and being transfigured ‘from one
degree of glory to another’, they are called to live, to be ‘themselves’ - ontolog-
ically- ‘for the praise of God’s glory’ (Eph. 1:6,12)” (Yannoulatos, 1967: 9). The
resurrection experience shocks the members of the Church psychosomatical-
ly through the sacramental rituals and, overcoming all kinds of selfishness,
pushes them with existential command and from an inner necessity to the
glorious testimony of God. God’s testimony is not an egocentric requirement
of Himself, but arises as an existential need of Christians who wish to pass on
their redemptive experience to their neighbor.
“Church without mission is a contradiction in terms. The Church ‘has
been anointed’, ‘has been sent’, as Christ was, to continue His work. […] Our
Church’s call to mission must be preached, not only or not so much, in terms
of external reasons (such as the existence of still uncivilized tribes, the spread
of hunger, the expansion of illiteracy), but explicitly, as a call to repentance, to
the rediscovery of the real meaning of the Church; for the experience of the
mystery of our incarnation in Christ; to a true orientation in the face of both
the immediate and the ultimate future, and to the right doxology (orthodox)
of God (sic)” (Yannoulatos, 1967: 35-36).
Consequently, the “being” of the Church is described as an announcement/
testimony and a simultaneous call (mission) of all people to the empirical
share of the saving (for each man) glory of the Triune God.
22
e) The latest approach to the issue is in an article by the Metropolitan of

Calabria Aimilianos (Timiadis). His analysis is based on the Christological
view of the testimony: “The foundations of all missionary work must not be
rooted in a passing impulse of momentary enthusiasm […] redemption that
has been given once and for all in Christ, must become invariably relevant to
the daily life of every Christian and of the Church as a whole. It must be made
concrete within history by spreading the message to all people. Only in this
way can the Body of Christ, the Church, be built” (Timiadis, 1969: 12). It also
excludes the work of the synergy of the laity with the clergy within the limits
of orthodox canon law, against any covert clericalism. Finally, he considers the
testimony as a share in the life in Christ that transforms and pushes every be-
liever to “open” his nearby ministry and personal acceptance of the “common
responsibility of all to build the kingdom of God” (Timiadis, 1969: 13).
2.7 Worship and Christian witness
The missionary extensions of the worship act of the Church are the main
theme of these texts. The effort of the writers aims to highlight the close rela-
tionship between the meanings of worship and everyday life.
In this context, the article “A Prayer campaign” linked the dynamics of
prayer as communication with God and spiritual exercise, with missionary
draft. In particular, the request was made to orient the content of individual
and collective wishes to achievement, as a practical concern of the evangeli-
zation of nations (Yannoulatos, 1959b). This position was reinforced by the
publication on the same page of a modern prayer with the same message.
In the following articles, the central idea is interspersed through the mean-
ing of the liturgical-worship texts themselves. First of all, the missionary sig-
nificance of the Holy Eucharist was highlighted. The basic message is that Di-
vine Liturgy of the Presanctified Gifts with its hymns and prayers cultivates
the development of the universal apostolic consciousness in the faithful. Si-
multaneously, the formalistic “external” obsession of Lent is stigmatized, espe-
cially when it is accompanied by conscious indifference to the evangelization
of nations (Yannoulatos, 1962).
Moreover, in the same surrounding liturgical atmosphere of Great Lent
writers of Porefthedes, the missionary call of the book Trinity was examined.
By researching specific hymns, it was pointed out that the Church with its
experience calls the world to the crucifixion truth of Christ. The quintessence
of this experience is the social ministry, which contributes “to the perspec-
23
tive and the ultimate purpose of Christ’s mission: The realization of the ‘One,
Holy’ through the participation of all the people of the universe into ‘one flock
under one shepherd’.” (Jn. 10:16), the Lord Jesus Christ, ‘the Light of the world’
(Jn. 8:12)” (Stylios, 1962: 12).
In this context of these messages, the harmonious connection of the sacra-
ment of Holy Eucharist with the testimony was also studied. As archimandrite
Anastasios Yannoulatos notes, “it is impossible to consciously participate in
Christian worship without reference to the world mission, and it is impossible
to engage in a true Orthodox mission without conscious participation in Holy
Communion” (Yannoulatos, 1964:58). This proposal moved on a double axis.
In the first it is analyzed that the participation in the mystery of the mysteries
(Holy Eucharist) creates a new family, the one according to Christ, which is
athletically fighting for the unity of the world. The second emphasizes liber-
ation from selfishness, in order to cure evil in the world. However, the suc-
cessful realization of this effort is judged in the mysterious connection of the
faithful with the first missionary, the Incarnate Word of God (Yannoulatos,
1964: 59).
2.8 Eschatological extensions of Christian witness
This theological issue was fully analyzed in one study. Dimitris Coutroum-
bis, following the patristic theological tradition, considers the Church as an
image of the Kingdom of God in the present. Through its sacraments, Chris-
tians have the opportunity to taste the New World of God, experiencing this
future world in the present. As Coutroumbis aptly observes: “In order to ex-
press and describe the theological content of this ‘spiritual’ Sabbath, Fathers
called Sunday the eighth day, a day which takes us beyond the ordinary time,
beyond the life of the rest of the week, beyond the life of the ‘world’ and ‘flesh’,
and introduces us from here, after the resurrected Christ, in the life of the
Triune God” (Coutroumbis, 1960: 8). However, this in no way implies a fun-
damentalist attitude of isolation from the world, due to eschatological beliefs.
On the contrary, it highlights the time of witness in Christ to the surrounding
Christian social environment and nations. “It is this new creation and this
time of Resurrection, that the Church reveals every Sunday when she gathers
together; it is from that which she draws her strength and energy, it is its life
that she lives and it is its peace that she rests in, in the middle of the struggles
and the sorrows of this world. And it is this Sunday –the eighthly day- that
she is called upon to witness, not only in the environment that God’s will has
placed her, but –at least through chosen children of hers, the missionaries, ‘to
24
the end of the earth’ “(Coutroumbis, 1960: 13).

2.9 The role of the laity in the Christian witness
Another group of articles is related to the missionary awareness of the pop-

ular element with the promotion of the “global apostolic responsibility” (Yan-
noulatos, 1968: 20) of the royal priesthood.
A common web of the messages of this group is the manifestation of the
variety of gifts of the whole ecclesiastical body (A Cor. 12:4-14). The first view
focuses on the work of the youth, as Porefthedes had as its starting point the
initiatives of the Association. The youth are looking for ideals, especially in
the 60’s at the international and pan-Hellenic level, of the ideal of peace. Thus,
it is emphasized that the witness of Christ works for the supremacy of peace
in the world, “and the missionaries have been described by the Spirit of God
as messengers of peace: ‘how beautiful are the feet of those proclaiming good
news of good things’ (Rom. 10:15)” (Stylios, 1960: 4) Therefore, in this way the
youth is called to cooperate in the mission, in order to prevail the unity of all.
The second is addressed to lay people, such as doctors and nurses, who
can offer their services, following the example of Christ. “Lord always com-
plemented His saving work, the evangelization of souls, with the healing and
passions of the body. […] The model of the Good Samaritan and the One who
created it, has always found many imitators” (Piperakis, 1960: 12). At the same
time, these encouragements are strengthened by the examples of modern and
historical initiatives of popular service (Yannoulatos, 1961) as well as by a
prayer in the vernacular language, which calls for the promotion of Gospel
workers (Porefthedes, 1961).
2.10 The contribution of monasticism to Christian witness
The contribution of monasticism to Orthodox ecumenical testimony is de-

veloped in two studies. Both document the contribution of monasticism to
orthodox witness. Their arguments are supported by many historical exam-
ples of monks-missionaries. The following are particularly emphasized: a) the
self-sacrificing-ascetic life, the cultivation of virtues and the unceasing prayer
of the monks are a model for all believers around the world. b) The historical
tradition that shows the contribution of monasticism to the mission high-
lights the practical tactics and ways of teaching the monks-missionaries, so
that with correctness and completeness a new Church is built (Hatzimihalis,
1962: 14-15).
25
The fivefold message is delivered in the following passage: “When one stud-
ies monastic life, one ascertains an astounding differentiation in the mission-
ary activation of their desire for the coming of the God’s Kingdom, viz. from
Alexander’s embattled form of action, to the dynamic immobility of Stylites,
who by their presence alone and their mind all enwrapped in the life of prayer,
availed to attract numerous Arabs to the faith”(Yannoulatos, 1966: 58).
2.11 The missionary call
The central idea of the two texts is the missionary awakening of the Church
as a whole. In the first, Metropolitan Germanos Polyzoidis calls on the Ortho-
dox to “go out” to give the world the witness of Christ’s life. “In other words,
we must not remain unaccompanied, closed to ourselves, but expand our-
selves, live for others. Each of us is a small part of the whole. And we must
ALL offer our power for the full enlightenment of humanity (sic)” (Polyzoidis,
1965: 3). The same positions are found in the short poem “Difference of Per-
ceptions” by Anastasios Yannoulatos. The lyrical style expresses the dissatis-
faction for the avoidance of the mission and the selfish “closure” of the Ortho-
dox to themselves, completely forgetting the Lord’s commands for witnessing
in the world (Yannoulatos, 1961b: 48).
2.12 The distinction between internal and external mission
To this pervasive atmosphere of missionary call of the whole Church be-

longs the answer given by the journal to those who reacted and insisted on the
development of the “internal mission”. The reactions were based on a double
argument. First they highlighted the need to re-evangelize Christians who be-
longed to the Greek society and then stressed the lack of financial capacity of
the Orthodox Churches and states (Yannoulatos, 1959). The reconstruction of
these posts does not correspond to specific texts but was done with the overall
articles of the journal. However, sometimes some clarifications had to be giv-
en about the missionary work, which can be understood as indirect responses
to the reactions.
The direct answer was printed mainly in texts about “Inter-Orthodox Mis-
sionary Central of Porefthedes”. Through logical, theological, historical argu-
ments, characterized by sobriety, respect for dialogue and the absence of apol-
ogy, was presented the purpose of the mission which directly intertwined with
the Church. First of all, the universality of the Church was emphasized, which
works for the salvation of the whole world, in combination with the special
26
gift of each of its members, such as that of the missionary (Yannoulatos, 1959:
4-5). Moreover, pioneering the mission of the Church, whether internal or
external, was considered united, “in all directions” (Yannoulatos, 1968: 52). In
this context, the main argument was that the “exit” of the Church to the uni-
verse would function as self-criticism and re-evangelization of Christians and
in no case as an escape from internal problems. More specifically, Anastasios
Yannoulatos observes that “it may be accepted as redemptive for the interior
as well”, because it will bring “the rebirth of our spiritual being” (Yannoulatos,
1968: 52). Finally, the quintessence of all arguments is included in the motto
“Church without evangelism is α Church without mission”.
2.13 Imperialism and Christian witness
In the context of a more sociological view of the mission, Demosthenes

Savramis highlights the urgent need for the missionaries of all Christian
Churches to exercise their self-criticism towards the colonial exploitation of
the peoples of Africa. He considers that the purpose of the Church is separate
from all kinds of interests, political, economic, national and cultural. Its duty
refers to the promotion of freedom, equality and love. He concludes “that ‘un-
derdeveloped’ nations constitute the mirror in which we see the truth that the
civilized peoples are by and large morally ‘underdeveloped’ “ (Savramis, 1963:
11).
Conclusion
Porethentes/Go Ye was the first missionary journal published in Greece. It

received its title from the first word of the Quote Mt. 28:19. Its publication
emerged through the processes of the “Association of Syndesmos” in the year
1959 and continued in 1961 with the support of the “Inter-Orthodox Mission-
ary Center Porefthedes” until the year 1969, when it ceased to circulate.
The theologian (current Archbishop of Tirana and all Albania) Anastasios
Yannoulatos was the founder, general manager, author of many news texts and
scientific studies, as well as coordinator of both the journal Porefhtedes / Go
Ye and the “Inter-Orthodox Missionary Center Porefthedes”. The theologian
and later professor at the University of Athens Elias Voulgarakis was one of the
main contributors and columnists of the journal. The editorial team consisted
of many popular members among who were Asterios (later Archimandrite
Eusebius) Vittis, George Patronos (later professor at the University of Athens),
Argyro Kontogeorgi, Kalliopi Karanikola, Eleni Ganouri and Sotiria Dogani.
27
The aims of the journal were the pioneering study of the theology of Chris-
tian witness at that time and the cultivation of missionary interest in the Or-
thodox clergy and people, with the ultimate goal of reviving Christian witness
in the nations. In this context Porefhtedes tried to connect the Christian Or-
thodox readers with the new churches of Uganda, Korea and Japan that were
then newly established.
The journal was published in two languages, Greek and English. Common
Modern Greek is the language he used to convey his messages, although pur-
gatory was the official language in public life at the time. This highlights the
journal’s concern to get its message across in an understandable way to a va-
riety of readers.
All writers represent a multi-faceted and multinational team. The major-
ity is Greeks and the participation of Greek women for that time is equally
important. At the same time, the contribution of Orthodox foreign writers is
considered remarkable, who emphasize its orthodox character and heterodox
foreign writers who point out the opening of the journal in the inter-Christian
and ecumenical space. The balanced cooperation of clergy and laity reveals
its ecclesiastical character, while the participation of academic theologians
reveals its scientific dimension. Anastasios Yannoulatos, Elias Voulgarakis,
Efthymios Stylios and Asterios (Eusebius) Vittis are registered as permanent
collaborators of the journal.
Its readers were Orthodox, of Greek and foreign origin, from every educa-
tional level, who showed a gradual increase during the years of its publication.
The articles are distinguished for their theological and informative content.
The theological content emphasizes Orthodox theology and the history of
Christian witness, without the absence of texts of ecumenical theology as well
as articles that transmit the missionary theology of other Christian Church-
es-Confessions.
The orthodox theological positions of Porefhtedes aim at awakening the
self-consciousness of the Church for its mission to the nations, which goes
hand in hand with the re-evangelization of the baptized Orthodox. The mes-
sage is clearly stated that indifference to mission means denial of Orthodoxy.
In particular, it is emphasized that the Church’s mission to the world begins
with the love of the Triune God and obeys the commands of Jesus to preach
the Gospel by the grace of the Holy Spirit throughout the universe. At the
same time, the missionary nature of the Church and the importance of shar-
28
ing in the sacrament of the Eucharist, pushes the believer to the testimony of
the Kingdom of God in the world, is highlighted. In addition, this theological
discourse invites the entire Church staff, and especially the younger ages, to
assist in the missionary ministry.
Finally, the first missionary journal Porefhtedes contributed to the revival
and practical development of Orthodox Christian witness in the world. In
particular, through his pages he highlighted the theology of Christian mission
with articles that are scientifically substantiated. It pioneered the news cover-
age of the events in the first missionary churches of Africa and Asia, cultivated
the awareness of Greek readers about missionary work and was the model for
the publication of later Greek-language missionary journals. Essentially, the
journal Porefhtedes was the voice, while the homonymous “Inter-Orthodox
Missionary Center” was the action for the missionary revival.
Through the journal Porefhtedes and the homonymous “Inter-Orthodox
Missionary Center” an explosion was created that rapidly restored the interest
in the evangelization of nations in the theological space and at the same time
in society. His missionary ministry in modern ecclesiastical history expressed
the harmonious coupling of theory and practice. Finally, and according to the
characterization of the founder of the current Archbishop of Tirana, Anasta-
sios, Porefhtedes was “the candle that lit the flame of the mission within the
Church of Greece” (Yannoulatos, 2014: 18).
Nowadays, the evangelization of nations but also the re-evangelization
of traditional Christian societies is continued by the Orthodox Church.
The transmission and reception of the message concerning the theology of
Christian witness and the news coverage of the events in the new missionary
churches continue to be channeled through the printed missionary journals as
well as their electronic publications.
Certainly the reception and response to the call of the missionary printed
and online lawsuits now depends on each reader (recipient) and his/her will-
ingness to relay in practice to his neighbor that with the resurrection of Jesus
Christ “The last enemy to be abolished and put to an end is death”!
29
Coverpage of the Journal Porethentes-Archbishop Anastasios when he was a priest
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33
2
Christ, Melchizedek and David. A Sinaitic
Icon of the Prothesis?
Georgios Keselopoulos Charalampos Machairas
Lecturer of Liturgy, Department of Doctor of Byzantine Art,

Theology & Culture, Department of History, Archaeology and
Univerity College Logos, Tirana Social Anthropology,Volos
Corespondence:
e-mail: gkeselop@gmail.com, xaralampos.maxairas@gmail.com
Abstract
The current paper studies a Sinaitic Keywords:
icon depicting Christ in a roundel and byzantine liturgical commentary, icon,
two other persons. They are identified
prothesis, Sinai.
as Melchizedek and David. According
to byzantine liturgical commentators Citation:
Melchizedek and David are connected Keselopoulos G. & Machairas Ch.
with the rite of the Prothesis so the icon Christ, Melchizedek and David.
could have decorated the Prothesis of a A Sinaitic Icon of the Prothesis?.
church. Theology & Culture. 2021; 2: 35-49.
Doi: 10.13140/RG.2.2.26098.63688
35
Melchizedek and David. A Sinaitic Icon of the Prothesis? ©2021 Keselopoulos & Machairas
Introduction
A
relatively small icon is now kept in the reach collection of byzan-
tine icons of the Sacred Monastery of the God-Trodden Mount of
Sinai [Fig. 1]1. Two important researchers of byzantine art and of
Sinai studied in the previous century the icon and each of them proposed a
different dating. First Kurt Weitzmann proposed that the icon dates from the
beginning of the 12th century (Weitzmann K. 1975). Later Doula Mouriki
suggested that it should be dated to the beginning of the 13th century (Mouri-
ki D. 1994). Although the present article does not focus on the dating of the
icon rather to its iconography and theological meaning it should be noted
that modern researchers find more possible a dating to the beginning of the
12th century2. In addition both of the former researchers recognized in the
figures of the two represented standing persons those of Abraham to the left
and Melchizedek to the right. Their identification was mainly based on the in-
scriptions of the icon. The person on the left side is flanked by the inscription ὁ
πατριάρχ(ης) Ἁβραάμ (patriarch Abraham) while that on the right side by the
following inscription (Με)λχισεδέκ ἱερεὺς τοῦ Θεοῦ τοῦ Ὑψίστου (Melchizedek
priest of the most High God). In an effort to recognize the depicted persons
it is necessary to begin with a thorough description of the icon’s iconography
which will also allow understanding better the illustrated subject matter and
its theological meaning. As we will also see the iconography reflects the the-
ology of several texts of Byzantine liturgical commentators and is connected
with the service of the Prothesis thus making possible that the icon decorated
the prothesis of the church where the holy Gifts are prepared.
1. The Icon’s Iconography
A roundel of Christ, who looks frontally, is depicted in the middle of the

upper part of the central panel. He blesses with His right hand while He holds
a closed roll with His left hand. Under this roundel are depicted two full-
length figures that are turned three-quarters to the right and left accordingly
and look at each other as if they communicate. The figure at the right is shown
as an elderly man with long grey hair and a pointed white beard. He wears
a tunic (chiton) and a cloak (chlamys, mantle). The cloak passes through his
shoulder and covers his left hand with which he holds a patten while he blesses
with his right hand. The other figure at the left is dressed as a king. He has a
1 The size of the icon in its outer sides is 47,7×38,8 cm.
2 See for example (Parpulov G. R. 2010), 379, X.I.145 with previous bibliography.
36
gemmed crown under which grow long grey hair. He has also a pointed beard
as his companion. He wears a tunic which is decorated with precious stones
at its hem and has also sleeves with gold cuffs. His cloak is adorned with an
embroidered tablion. His right hand is raised towards the bust of Christ in a
gesture of supplication and his left hand is stretched towards the figure of a
bishop who prostrates at his feet. The bishop is identified by an inscription as
abbot Abramios of Mount Sinai3.
But are the two subtended to Christ holy persons those of Abraham and
Melchizedek? The key point to the identification of one of these persons is the
patten that holds the figure on the right. According to the Book of the Gene-
sis of the Old Testament when the king of Salem Melchizedek met Abraham
offered as a sacrifice bread and wine4. The representation of the meeting of
Abraham and Melchizedek can be found for example in a miniature on fol. 68r
of the codex Vat. gr. 746 that is dated to the middle of the 12th century [Fig.
2] (Weitzmann K., Bernabò M., Tarasconi R. 1999). Yet this scene is in general
more complex than the one in the icon as it includes more persons although
one could support that the small dimensions of the icon would have made it
difficult to represent more than two full-figures. Another point is that it was
Melchizedek who made the offering of bread and wine and not Abraham and
thus he should have held the patten in the icon instead of Abraham. Howev-
er these are only two indications for the argument. Further evidence can be
found in illustrated manuscripts and specifically in miniatures of marginal
psalters that in fact form a pictorial commentary on the psalms.
2. Iconographic Parallels
A miniature, which has a similar iconography with that of the icon, can be
found on fol. 4v of the codex 265 which is now kept in the National Library
of Russia in Saint Petersburg [Fig. 3] (Dufrenne S. 1966). In fact this leaf be-
longed to the Pantocratoros 61 manuscript of Mount Athos which is dated to
the end of the 9th century (Dufrenne S. 1966). The miniature, that illustrates
the margin of Psalm 109, depicts two full-standing persons who turn toward
3 Ἁβράμιος ἐπίσκοπος το(ῦ) Σινᾶ ὄρους (καὶ) τῆς Ραϊθοῦ. Although the inscription
dates also from the 18th century. For a general discussion of the subject matter of the icon and
the person of Abramios see (Μαχαίρας Χ. 2015), 43-47, 49-50.
4 «καὶ Μελχισεδὲκ βασιλεὺς Σαλὴμ ἐξήνεγκεν ἄρτους καὶ οἶνον· ἦν δὲ ἱερεὺς τοῦ Θεοῦ
τοῦ ὑψίστου. καὶ εὐλόγησε τὸν ῞Αβραμ καὶ εἶπεν· εὐλογημένος ῞Αβραμ τῷ Θεῷ τῷ ὑψίστῳ, ὃς
ἔκτισε τὸν οὐρανὸν καὶ τὴν γῆν» (Now Melchizedek the king of Salem brought out bread and
wine; he was the priest of God Most High. He blessed Abram and said, “Blessed be Abram of God
Most High, Creator of heaven and earth), Genesis, 14:18-20.
37
a medallion of Christ. They are identified by inscriptions as king David to the

left (Δα(υί)δ) and the king-priest Melchizedek to the right (Σὺ ἱερεὺς εἰς τὸν
αἰῶνα κατὰ τὴν τάξιν Μελχισεδέκ, οὐ κατὰ τὴν τάξιν Ἀαρών, ἀλλὰ κατὰ τὴν
τάξιν Μελχισεδέκ, You are a priest forever, after the order of Melchizedek, not
in the order of Aaron, but in the order of Melchizedek). We observe that in the
scenes of the icon and manuscript the holy persons make almost the same
gestures and they are dressed with nearly the same clothes. David is dressed
as a king and points to the roundel of Christ and Melchizedek is dressed as a
priest and holds a patten with his hands which are covered by a mantle. The
only difference is that the persons are depicted at a different side of Christ, a
detail which, as we shall see, can be found also in other miniatures.
The Pantocratoros 61 Psalter is often connected with two other manuscripts
that are also dated to the 9th century. They are the Chludov Psalter and the
Paris gr. 20 (Anderson J. C. 1998). However in these two manuscripts the me-
dallion of Christ in the middle of the scene is replaced by a representation of
the Communion of the Apostles.
The Chludov Psalter (Hist. Mus. Man. D. 129), now in the State Histori-
cal Museum in Moscow, is a richly decorated marginal psalter dated to the
middle of the 9th century (Schepkina M. V. 1977). The Communion of the
Apostles is depicted among two figures on fol. 115 [Fig. 4]. The inscription of
the miniature refers that the figure in the left is David who prophesizes that
‘You are a priest for ever after the order of Melchizedek’ (Psalm 109). David
is represented in the same way as the figure at the left of the icon. He wears
a crown and a long mantle and one of his hands is extended. Melchizedek is
depicted at the right of the Communion of the Apostles. He holds with both
hands a patten and a ewer. His head is covered with a diadem in the form of a
phylactery and he is dressed with a tunic and mantle.
Another example can be founded in Paris gr. 20, which is dated to the end
of the 9th century (Dufrenne S. 1966). On the edge of folio 25r we see David
to the right and Melchizedek to the left [Fig. 5]. The center of the miniature is
missing yet we can easily understand that it would have been decorated with
a depiction of Christ who offered bread and wine to the Apostles because a
group of them bow with reverence to receive the Body of the Lord. Once more
David is represented as a king with his hand raised and Melchizedek holds
with both hands a patten and a ewer while in his head he wears a phylactery.
The Barberini Psalter (Barb. gr. 372) of the Bibliotheca Apostolica Vaticana
that is dated to the second half of the 11th century preserves also a miniature
38
with the same subject on folio 194r (Anderson J. C. 1983). This time Melchize-
dek, depicted as in the other miniatures, stands to the right of the Commu-
nion of the Apostles and King David to the left [Fig. 6].
A last example can be found in the Theodore Psalter (Add. 19.352) now
kept in the British Library, a work dated to 1066 (Barber C. 2000). The margin
of folio 152r is decorated with the figures of David to the left and Melchizedek
to the right and also with the scene of the Communion of the Apostles [Fig. 7].
There is also another indication that supports our argument. The figure
dressed as king on the left side of the icon extends his arm pointing to the bust
of Christ. King David makes this same or almost the same gesture in other
representations. For example in a miniature on fol. 12 of the Chludov Psalter
David looks toward the medallion of Christ while an inscription states that
‘David foresaw the Son of God’ [Fig. 8]. Another example can be found on
fol. 3v of the Par. gr. 20 in which David speaks in front of a gathered crowd
while pointing at a medallion of Christ [Fig. 9]. The text above him, as in the
Chludov Psalter, clearly states that he prophesises for the coming of Christ. In
this case David makes exactly the same sign towards the roundel of Christ as
in the icon where too he is extending his hand as if in a predictive speech by
which he speaks for Christ. There is of course no better place for the illustra-
tion of such a ‘speech’ than the margins of the text of Psalm 109. All minia-
tures that represent Melchizedek and David decorate the folio with the text of
this specific Psalm the 4th verse of which is: «Σὺ ἱερεὺς εἰς τὸν αἰῶνα κατὰ τὴν
τάξιν Μελχισεδέκ» (“You are a priest for ever after the order of Melchizedek”).
3. Theological Context
Until now we have supported that the icon, which is dated to the beginning
of the 12th century, portrays Melchizedek and David. It is then possible that
the preserved inscriptions of the icon were overpainted at a later date and
thus David was recognized as Melchizedek and Melchizedek became Abra-
ham. Mouriki proposed that the inscriptions were probably added during
the 18th century but she also recognized the two persons as Abraham and
Melchizedek (Mouriki D. 1994). If the inscriptions are not contemporary with
the painting it is possible that the depicted persons were reidentified by the
person who rewrote the inscriptions. This person was possibly confused from
the verses 18-20 of the 14th chapter of the book of Genesis which refers: «καὶ
Μελχισεδὲκ βασιλεὺς Σαλὴμ ἐξήνεγκεν ἄρτους καὶ οἶνον· ἦν δὲ ἱερεὺς τοῦ Θεοῦ
τοῦ ὑψίστου. καὶ εὐλόγησε τὸν ῞Αβραμ καὶ εἶπεν· εὐλογημένος ῞Αβραμ τῷ Θεῷ
39
τῷ ὑψίστῳ, ὃς ἔκτισε τὸν οὐρανὸν καὶ τὴν γῆν» (Now Melchizedek the king of
Salem brought out bread and wine; he was the priest of God Most High. He bless-
ed Abram and said, “Blessed be Abram of God Most High, Creator of heaven and
earth). According to this biblical verse the priest of the charismatic priesthood
Melchizedek offers to Abraham bread and wine and this offer is a clear prefig-
uration of the Holy Communion.
The study of the iconography has shown that the depicted persons should
be Melchizedek, who holds bread and wine, and David. We have here to
stress that all miniatures that were brought as examples decorate the mar-
gins of Psalm 109 verse 4 that refers «Σὺ ἱερεὺς εἰς τὸν αἰῶνα κατὰ τὴν τάξιν
Μελχισεδέκ» (“You are a priest for ever after the order of Melchizedek”) which
is obviously a statement about the charismatic priesthood. Accordingly, this
time with a promise of God for the salvation of humans, the verse 11 of the
Psalm 131 begins «ὤμοσε Κύριος τῷ Δαυΐδ ἀλήθειαν καὶ οὐ μὴ ἀθετήσει αὐτήν·
ἐκ καρποῦ τῆς κοιλίας σου θήσομαι ἐπὶ τοῦ θρόνου σου» (“The Lord swore an
oath to David, a sure oath He will not revoke, one of your own descendants I will
place on your throne”) a reference to the charismatic kingship of David that is
bestowed by God. The First book of Kings and specifically the 6th verse of the
21st chapter refer also to King David. David takes from the priest Abimelech
the breads of the Prothesis which could only be eaten by the priests. Here we
see that according to the plan of God the breads of the Prothesis were des-
tinated also for his chosen ones and not only for the priests as the Hebrews
believed. Christ also reminds this biblical event to the Pharisees in the New
Testament.
There are two mentions in the New Testament to the Prothesis of the bread.
Three of the Evangelists narrate that the Pharisees accused Christ that He did
not follow the laws of Sabbath5. Christ answered to them by reminding what
have David done with the breads of the Prothesis which typically only the
priests had the right to eat. By this way Christ wanted to show that He is above
the Law and that He rules also the Sabbath. The last mention to the breads of
the Prothesis in the New Testament is found in the 9th chapter verse 2 of the
Epistle to the Hebrews. Here Apostle Paul compares the Old with the New Tes-
tament. The sacrifice of Christ is the highest act that confirms the new agree-
ment of God with His people. The Old Testament is the prefiguration and also
a preliminary work and a preparation for the New. The breads of the Prothesis
are a prefiguration of the new worship which celebrates the Holy Passion and
the Resurrection of Christ. In this new worship people receive bread and wine
5 Mathew 12:4, Mark 2:26 and Luke 6:4.
40
which is converted into the Body and Blood of Christ. The worship of Christ is
beyond any formalism and is based on the real connection of the faithful with
God, a relation that is no longer a ritual under the shadow of the Law but in
the endowment of the Divine Grace. It is an essential communion of God with
man, which in his repentance accepts and follows the will of God.
As we said the Sinaitic icon was painted at the beginning of the 12th cen-
tury. In the same period Nicholas-Theodore bishop of Andida wrote a trea-
tise that is called Protheoria, which is an interpretation of the holy liturgy
(Κεσελόπουλος Γ. 2018)6. The paragraph 8 of this work, always according to
the edit of Migne’s Patrologia Graeca, is a comment on the Prothesis. At first
the writer poses a rhetorical question and asks for the prophetical evidence
which show that bread and wine should be offered in the Holy Communion.
Then he recalls the example of the charismatic priest Melchizedek, which can
be found to Psalm 109 verse 4, who is a typos of Christ and offers the sacrifice
with bread and wine. Also the example of David is brought into the discus-
sion as the Saviour will come from the sperm of David according to Psalm
131 verse 117. Thus we understand that this specific passage of the Protheoria
completely describes the theme of the Sinaitic icon and the persons who are
there represented.
A century later (13th century) another commentary of the liturgy was writ-
ten that is wrongly attributed to the Patriarch of Jerusalem Sophronios and has
6 Προθεωρία κεφαλαιώδης περὶ τῶν ἐν τῇ θεία λειτουργία γινομένων συμβόλων καὶ

μυστηρίων, PG 140, 417-468 (11th-12th c.). For historical information for this treatise as well
as for a discussion of the Prothesis see the aforementioned study.
7 η΄. Ἀλλ’ ἴσως ἔροιτό τις τῶν ἀντιθέτων: “Ὑμεῖς δὲ ἐκ ποίων προφητικῶν ἀποδείξεων
τὸν παρ’ ὑμῶν προσφερόμενον ἄρτον καὶ οἶνον εἰς τύπον τοῦ σώματος καὶ αἵματος τοῦ Χριστοῦ
προσφέρειν παρελάβετε;” Φαμὲν οὖν κατὰ πρῶτον λόγον ὡς τὰ παρὰ τῆς αὐτοαληθείας Χριστοῦ
τοῦ Θεοῦ πραχθέντα καὶ παραδοθέντα οὐδεὶς ἀντεξετάζειν δύναται· “Τοῦτο γὰρ ποιεῖτε,”
φησίν, ἵνα καὶ αὖθις ἐρῶ, “εἰς τὴν ἐμὴν ἀνάμνησιν.” Εἰ δὲ προφητικὰς περὶ τούτων προῤῥήσεις
ζητεῖς, ἄκουσον προφήτου καὶ βασιλέως ἀμφοῖν τὸ ἀξιόπιστον ἔχοντος· μᾶλλον δὲ αὐτοῦ
τοῦ ἐπουρανίου Πατρὸς πρὸς τὸν πρὸ ἑωσφόρου γεννηθέντα ἐξ αὐτοῦ ἀῤῥήτως καὶ ἀπαθῶς·
“Ὤμοσε Κύριος, καὶ οὐ μεταμεληθήσεται· σὺ ἱερεὺς εἰς τὸν αἰῶνα κατὰ τὴν τάξιν Μελχισεδέκ.”
[Ψαλμ. 109:4] Καὶ τί τὰ παρ’ αὐτοῦ προσφερόμενα τῷ Θεῷ; Ἄρτος καὶ οἶνος, οἷς τὸν Ἀβραάμ
ἐδεξιοῦτο θεοπρεπῶς, νίκην ἐπεργασάμενον. Εἰ οὖν ἐξ ἑτέρας φυλῆς ὁ Μελχισεδέκ, τύπος δὲ
τοῦ Χριστοῦ καὶ λογίζεται καὶ πιστεύεται, ἐκβέβληται ἄρα ἡ λευϊτικὴ ἱερωσύνη· ἀδύνατον
γὰρ ψεύσασθαι Θεὸν, καὶ ταῦτα μεθ’ ὅρκου ἐπαγγειλάμενον κατὰ τὴν τάξιν Μελχισεδὲκ
ἀναστήσεσθαι τὸν ἐκ σπέρματος Δαβὶδ τὸ κατὰ σάρκα, ἀρχιερέα τὸν αὐτὸν ὄντα καὶ Θεὸν
προαιώνιον. Τῶν ἐκ τῆς λευϊτικῆς τοίνυν φυλῆς ἐκβεβλημένων, ὡς προγέγραπται, ἀναγκαῖον
πάλιν ἐστὶ καὶ τοῦ παλαιοῦ νόμου καὶ τῆς λατρείας γενέσθαι μετάθεσιν· ὥς που καὶ Παῦλος ὁ
μέγας φησί· Πᾶσα γὰρ ἡ τῆς λατρείας τῶν Ἰουδαίων πραγματεία καὶ ἐντολὴ διὰ τῶν λευϊτῶν
καὶ συμφυλετῶν αὐτῶν ἐνεργεῖσθαι τῷ νόμῳ ἐκτέτακται. [Ἑβρ. 7:11], Προθεωρία, PG 140, 428-
429.
41
the title Church History (Ἐκκλησιαστικὴ Ἱστορία)8. Here the writer mentions
also the bread of the Prothesis at paragraph 9 according to Migne’s edition
and connects it with Melchizedek but this time in relation with the sacrifice
of bread that took place when Abraham met Melchizedek9. During the 15th
century Symeon archbishop of Thessaloniki wrote a commentary about the
holy liturgy (Κεσελόπουλος Γ. 2018). The hierarch of Thessaloniki made an
interpretation of the Prothesis and a commentary on the holy bread, which
should be leavened and not unleavened like the one the Latins used, and he
thus recalls the event of the meeting of Abraham and Melchizedek10.
Conclusion
We thus saw that the theme of the Sinaitic icon derives from a subject mat-
ter that is found in manuscripts. At the same time this iconography reflects
theological commentaries on the holy liturgy. Actually the ‘original’ form of
the icon with the persons of Melchizedek and David dates to the same period
with the book of Protheoria that may have influenced the production of such
an icon. The works of commentators of the next centuries could have led to a
restoration with overpainted inscriptions that identify the depicted persons as
Melchizedek and Abraham. At any case it could be possible that the liturgical
use of the icon in the church, either at the beginning as Melchizedek – David
8 For a discussion for this text and its connection with the Prothesis see (Κεσελόπουλος
Γ. 2018).
9 θ΄. Τὸ γοῦν προσαγόμενον πολλοῖς ὀνόμασιν ὀνομάζεται· καλεῖται γὰρ εὐλογία,
προσφορά, ἀπαρχή, ἄρτος· εὐλογία μὲν ὡς τῆς ἀρᾶς τῶν πρωτοπλάστων ἀναίρεσις· προσφορὰ
δέ, ὡς ἐξ ὅλου τοῦ ἀνθρωπείου φυράματος, οἷα τῆς φιλοτιμίας τῷ Θεῷ καὶ Κτίστῃ εἰς τὰ τῶν
ἁγίων Ἅγια προσηνέχθημεν· ἀπαρχὴ δέ, ὡς πάντων τῷ Θεῷ προσενηνεγμένων τυγχάνουσα
ἱερωτέρα καὶ ἀνωτέρα. Ἄρτος δὲ λέγεται, ὡς τὸν οὐράνιον ἄρτον παραδηλοῦν, τροφὴ ἡμῶν
μεταλαμβανόντων γινόμενον.
Τὸ δὲ σφραγίζεσθαι τὴν προσφορὰν ὁ μέγας Βασίλειος παρέδωκεν· προσκομίζεται ἡ
προσφορὰ διὰ τὸ κοινωνεῖν τὸν λαὸν ἕκαστον μερίδα· εἰ δὲ πληθύνει ὁ ὄχλος, χρὴ μελίζειν τὰς
μερίδας, προ(σ)κομίζοντες τὸν ἄρτον καὶ ἀποτιθέντες αὐτὸν ἐν τῷ δίσκῳ, ὡς ἐν νεφέλῃ, λέγομεν
οὕτως: “Ὡς πρόβατον ἐπὶ σφαγὴν ἤχθη.” Ἡ πρόθεσις ἰσοδύναμος πέφυκε τοῖς τῶν ἁγίων Ἁγίοις,
μᾶλλον δὲ καὶ πολὺ ταύτης μείζων· ἢ καὶ τοῦ σπηλαίου τῆς Βηθλεέμ· ἢ τὸ ἐστρωμένον ἀνώγειον,
ἐν ᾧ συνδειπνήσας ὁ Κύριος τοῖς μαθηταῖς ἔφη: “Τοῦτο ποιεῖτε εἰς τὴν ἐμὴν ἀνάμνησιν·” λέγει
δέ: “Εἰς τὸν αἰῶνα κατὰ τὴν τάξιν Μελχισεδέκ.” Ἀλλὰ τίς ἡ τάξις Μελχισεδέκ, καὶ τί παρ’
αὐτοῦ προσφερόμενα; ἄρτος καὶ οἶνος οἷς τὸν Ἀβραὰμ ἐδεξιοῦτο· εἰ οὖν ἐξ ἑτέρας φυλῆς ὁ
Μελχισεδὲκ, τύπος δὲ τοῦ Χριστοῦ καὶ λογίζεται καὶ πιστεύεται, ἐκβέβληται ἄρα ἡ Λευϊτικὴ
ἱερωσύνη· ταύτης δὲ ἐκβαλλομένης, ἀνάγκη πᾶσά ἐστιν καὶ τοῦ παλαιοῦ νόμου καὶ λατρείας
γενέσθαι μετάθεσιν. Σωφρονίου, Ἐκκλησιαστικὴ Ἱστορία ψευδεπίγραφο, PG 87c, 3989.
10 Καὶ κοινωνὸς ἔσω τῆς μεγάλης τοῦ Μελχισεδὲκ θυσίας, ἧς ἄρτος οὐκ ἄζυμος καὶ
οἶνος, προοίμια τῆς τοῦ Μελχισεδὲκ καὶ ἀρχιερέως μόνου Ἰησοῦ Χριστοῦ, περὶ οὗ γέγραπται·”Σὺ
ἱερεὺς εἰς τὸν αἰῶνα κατὰ τὴν τάξιν Μελχισεδέκ.” [Ψαλμ. 109:4]. Συμεών Θεσσαλονίκης, Περὶ
τῆς ἱερᾶς λειτουργίας, (Φουντούλης Ι. 2003), p. 290.
42
or later as Melchizedek – Abraham, may well have been devoted for the holy
Prothesis as a prefiguration of the true worship of Christ since the byzantine
theologians and commentators connect those two specific persons and the
events that have to do with them when they write commentaries about the
holy Prothesis.
Fig. 1 Christ, Melchizedec and David, Sacred Monastery of the God-Trodden Mount of Sinai
43
Fig. 2 The meeting of Abraham and Melchizedec, Vat. gr. 746, Vaticano
Fig. 3 Christ, Melchizedec and David, cod. 265, Saint Petersburg, originally from
Pantocratoros 61
44
Fig. 4 The Communion of the Apostles, Melchizedec and David, Chludov Psalter, Moscow
Fig. 5 The Communion of the Apostles, Melchizedec and David, Par. gr. 20, Paris
45
Fig. 6 The Communion of the Apostles, Melchizedec and David, Barberini Psalter, Vaticano
Fig. 7 The Communion of the Apostles, Melchizedec and David, Theodore Psalter, London
46
Fig. 8 Christ and David, Chludov Psalter, Moscow
Fig. 9 Christ and David, Par. gr. 20, Paris
47
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49
3
Albanian Immigrants in Thessaloniki:
Relations between the Generations
Georgia Sarikoudi
Adjunct Lecturer of Panteio University
Corespondence:
e-mail: gsarikoudi@yahoo.gr
Abstract
The last decades there is a growing Keywords:
literature on intergenerational Albanian immigrants, Thessaloniki,
relationships in immigrant families. second generation.
Different generations perceive Citation:
themselves through a different process Sarikoudi G. Albanian Immigrants
of adaptation and identification in Thessaloniki: Relations between
in the host country. What are the the Generations. Theology & Culture.
changing dynamics and the reasons 2021; 2: 51-62.
of conflict between parents and Doi: 10.13140/RG.2.2.32809.52322
children? How the different level of
integration and the different visions
of the future affect the relationship
between first- and second-generation
immigrants? This paper examines
the relationships between Albanian
immigrants and their children that
live in Thessaloniki. The goal of
this article is to shed light on the
immigrant-related and sociocultural
context that affect and shape second
generation’s identity and provoke the
clash with children’s parents.
51
Albanian Immigrants in Thessaloniki ©2021 Sarikoudi
Introduction
A
t the end of the 1980s, Greece was transformed from a country of
immigration to a host country for populations of the former Soviet
Union and the Balkans countries. The majority of them came from
Albania, and initially settled close to the Greek-Albanian borders and then
moved to urban centers where they could find work. This massive immigra-
tion attracted the attention of social scientists and highlighted the issue of di-
versity and the challenges they posed to Greek society. Studies by sociologists,
economists, psychologists, geographers and political scientists gradually were
produced focusing mainly on the problems of immigrants’ integration into
the labor market and the education system (Παρσάνογλου και Παύλου, 2001;
Λαμπριανίδης και Λυμπεράκη, 2001; Πετρονώτη και Τριανταφυλλίδου, 2003).
The anthropological studies that began to be produced from 2000 onwards
dealt with immigration, not as a problem, but shed light on some aspects of
immigration that were not issued before. Such topics are gender migration,
household migration, the (social, class, political) problems of the country
of origin, bureaucratic procedures, etc (Πετρονώτη, 1998; Παπαταξιάρχης-
Τοπάλη- Αθανασοπούλου, 2009; Νιτσιάκος, 2010; Παπαγεωργίου, 2011;
Voutira, 1991 and 1994; Cabot, 2014; Rozakou 2012). These studies highlight
the multiple and complex aspects of migration and give voice to the immi-
grants themselves. Thanks to these studies it became clear that immigrants are
not a homogeneous group, as is usually presented in public discourse (mainly
by the media) but are distinguished by gender, age, class, religion, politics, eth-
nicity and other characteristics and follow different settlement and integration
strategies.
The ethnographic material1 that supports this paper was collected from
August 2020 until June 2021 in Thessaloniki and was based on qualitative re-
search: mainly participant observation, along with open informal discussions
and semi- structured interviews. However, the pandemic changed my direc-
tion and I had to redefine my methodology. Many of our conversations took
place online and only recently I was able to visit people’s home and be a part of
1 The dada for this paper come from my postdoctoral research that is still in progress
and regard the study of the “Second Generation of Immigrants from Albania and China liv-
ing in Thessaloniki” and is funded by the State Scholarship Foundation (IKY). The aim of the
research is to study the dynamics of the formation of the second generation, the interaction
and conflicts with compatriots and their wider social environment, their relations with their
place of origin, their degree of integration into Greek society, their plans for the future and the
gender components of all of the above.
52
their daily life. During fieldwork research I have made twelve semi-structured
interviews (ten with second generation immigrants and two with children’s
parents) however the range of the people I regularly talked to consisted of
thirty- one people (aged eighteen to fifty-six).
The term second generation refers to children who have one or two immi-
grant parents. Rumbaut (2004) who studied young immigrants in the United
States, suggests the term one and half (1.5) generation for the children who
were born in the country of origin and then moved to another country. In
Greek literature, the term second generation immigrants2 is used referring to
those children who either came to Greece young or were born here. This paper
is based only to children that were born in Greece by Albanian parents. Young
people who were born in Albania probably would experience different con-
ditions as well as the immigration procedure with their parents; thus, these
common experiences would have elaborated a different perception of the new
country and diverse relationship with their parents than those children that
were born in the new country. For this reason, I prefer to focus only on chil-
dren who were born in Greece.
1. Second generation of Albanians in Thessaloniki
Albanian immigration to Greece began in the early 1990s, shortly after the
fall of Hoxha’s regime. During the first years (1990-1993), the immigration
flow took the form of a mass exodus from the country. In the following years,
though it decreased temporarily, the political instability, social unrest and the
economic crisis in Albania caused a new massive wave of migration after 1997
(Μιχαήλ, 2014, pp 21-22). Μost of the newcomers initially settled near the
Greek-Albanian borders and shortly after the first years began moving to ur-
ban centers looking for better working conditions.
Nowadays, almost 30 years later, Albanians are the largest foreign popula-
tion in Greece. Especially in Thessaloniki which is the locus of this research,
Albanians consist the 7,67% (about 480.000) of the registered foreigners of the
city, according to the census of 20113. There is a whole generation of immi-
grants that were born or/and raised in Greece.
Migration flows turned social scientists’ interest on various aspects of
this phenomenon that highlighted the diversity and the challenges it pose to
2 See Michail (2014, pp. 29-30) for the discussion on the different methodological
approaches regarding the second generation immigrants.
3 https://www.statistics.gr/2011-census-pop-hous (last access 2/6/2021)
53
Greek society. The majority of these studies concern the case of Albanians
(Λαμπριανίδης-Λυμπεράκη, 2005; Λαμπριανίδης-Χατζηπροκοπίου, 2008;
Παπαγεωργίου, 2011; Michael, 2010a and 2010b; Kokkali, 2012; Hatziproko-
piou, 2013; Michail and Christou, 2016; Καπετανάκη, 2017; Χατζαρούλα,
2014). Those researches focus on the economic impact of immigration in the
host country, on the networks and strategies they develop at the new place
of residence (Thessaloniki, Argos Orestiko, Patras), on the language and re-
patriation. in Albania. Among them only a few deals with the issues of the
second generation immigrants (Gorgonas, 2009; Vathi, 2019). Both Vathi and
Kokkali depict the low level of collective organization and representation of
Albanian immigrants in Thessaloniki. For Vathi in particular the city identity
and the power of peer groups and family plays important role in the construct
of Albanian youth identity. There is neither extensive collective network nor
places and services addressed only to Albanian migrants; as a result this com-
munity is characterized as “invisible” although it is the most numerous. How-
ever, none of them focuses on the intergenerational relationships and con-
flicts between first and the second generation immigrants. This paper seeks to
present how cultural and immigration-related factors affect relations and the
dynamics in Albanian immigrant families in Thessaloniki.
2. Intergeneration relationships and immigration
According to ethnographic literature, parent–child relationships tend

to change as children enter adolescence, a period when young people look
for autonomy and independence from their family, and identify themselves
more with peers than their parents. (Fuligni, 2006; Suárez-Orozco and M.
Suárez-Orozco, 2001).
Immigration is a process that transforms the family system to a large ex-
tent. The difficulties and the problems encountered in the country of origin
or when fleeing affect family structures deprive children of their familiar en-
vironment and supportive social network. Traumatic experiences during the
crossing of the borders, malnutrition, illnesses, lack of tranquility and stability
are some of the issues that a family can experience entering the new country
(Adams and Kirova, 2006; Heger Boyle and Ali, 2010; McBrien, 2011).
In many cases, when immigrants enter a new social and culturally diverse
environment, they may be confronted with different parenting styles and
practices than the ones they knew and upheld, causing them discomfort and
awkwardness (Renzaho & Vignjevic, 2011). Parents integrate and adjust into
54
the host country slower than their children; therefore, parents face a struggle
relating to how to be a role model for their children. Furthermore, lack of
knowledge of the host country’s language or even lack of knowledge of English
and parents’ concerns to cover the basic survival needs intensify the problem.
The need to address to all these issues that came up in the new and unfamiliar
context can create great enculturation stress and cause tension in parent-chil-
dren relationships (Ainslie, 1998; Yeh, 2003).
The Albanian identity itself was one of the main causes of conflicts between
the second generation and immigrant parents. The way Albanian immigrants
were portrayed by the Greek media played a key role in shaping children’s
ethnic identity. The identification of Albanians with crime and mafia was
identified in the conscience of most Greeks. This stereotypical representation
of foreigners in the hegemonic discourse intensified the stigmatization and
marginalization of these communities that were considered inferior (Γκέφου-
Μαδιανού, 2003). So, the children, when they began to learn their national
identity, they experienced it through the negatively charged “Alvanikotita”
(Albanianess) not only in public speech, but also in the institutional environ-
ment of the school. Giannis’ mother remembers that his son didn’t want to go
to school because his classmates were making fun of his origin. “He was cry-
ing, he was saying that he hates us for coming from Albania. It was very difficult
period. I didn’t mind when people looking at me with mistrust, but seeing my son
suffering was breaking my heart”. Because of these stigmatizing experiences,
many of these youngsters have developed a strong sense of alienation from
their ethnic identity, sometimes hiding their origin and rejecting anything to
do with Albania and Albanians (Vathi, 2019, pp. 34). Giannis confessed to
me that he used to be ashamed of his father due to his foreign “accent”. “I re-
member yelling at him that he lives 30 years in Greece and still can’t speak the
language properly. I didn’t want to go out with him because I didn’t want people
to recognize me as Albanian”.
Since their settlement in the new country, Albanian immigrants followed
some strategies (they speak Greek in public, are baptized Christians and
“change their names to Greek ones) to redefine their collective identity and
be integrated easily. They hope that this tactic will ameliorate their children’s
integration and social mobility into Greek society. However, often they ex-
press their awkwardness when their children adopt habits and attitudes far
away from their culture. This is a typical case of acculturation, when children
get affected and embrace the new culture through contact with peers rather
55
than their parents. This dissonant acculturation challenges parent–child re-

lationships and family hierarchies. Peer-to-peer networks emerge as a very
important and dynamic group in the construction of the identity of second
generation immigrants. “When I was at high-school, it was a difficult time. I
put an earring and wore torn jeans, like everyone at my age, but in our house
this attitude was not acceptable. Every day I fought with my father. He used to
tell me that this is how bums dress. He did not see that most young people in
Greece, and not just here, dress like that, he was anxious that my sister and I
did not deviate from the standards he grew up”, Emre, a 23 years old student of
Philosophy express.
Likewise, Elvina 21 years old student of pharmacy admits that when she
is coming home late, her mother always waits for her asleep and scolds her
because “this is not a proper way of living for a girl”. “She always says that she
never did that when she was my age and if I continue like that no one will take
me seriously. She lives more than 20 years here and she hasn’t understood yet
how people live”. As we see from these examples the youthful urban way of life
sometimes contradicts the story of the parents and their cultural background
(most of them come from rural areas of Albania). “Greekness” is an identity
desired by young people because it is associated with a sense of freedom, au-
tonomy and consumerism. In contrast to their ethnicity, “Greekness” gives
opportunities to belong to a global culture of young immigrants without lim-
itations and shortcomings (Vathi 2019: 36-37). In Elvina’s case though, is not
only the difference between cultures that creates the tension between mother-
daughter; it’s mother’s fear that Elvina’s attitude (going out late with friends
and dates, wearing clothing that seem to her sexually provocative) makes her
vulnerable and easy sexual target. Elvina’s mother raised her alone after her
husband’s death a few years ago, and she feels anxious that if something hap-
pened, she would be unable to protect and help her daughter. To prevent such
a scenario, she prefers to put restrictions on her to keep her safe (Espiritu,
2009; Lopez 2003).
The fact that most of the migrant parents work many hours to make ends
meet diminishes the time they spent with their children. Although the social-
ist regime in Albania tried to impose a value system different from the tradi-
tional Balkan patriarchy, it was not possible to stop the gender segregation of
space, with men dominating public life and women remaining at home. Nev-
ertheless, immigration brought about changes in family hierarchies. From the
beginning of their settlement in Greece, women entered the working sector
56
to supplement the family income; as a result, both parents spent many hours
away from home and from their children. Therefore, this situation decreased
the prospects for parents and children to communicate and connect and also
confined parents’ ability to attend their children’s experiences, happiness or
disappointments. Τhe little time the family spent together gradually led to an
alienation and the children felt that there is no interaction among them.
As Foner and Dreby (2011, pp. 548) explain, it is an oversimplification to
assume that relationships between parents and children are characterized only
by fights and conflicts. Most of the times tension and quarrels are mixed with
caring and support, and rejection of some parental rules and guides goes along
with acceptance of/ and agreement with others. The majority of my infor-
mants acknowledge their parents’ narratives of immigration, the hazards, the
feelings of alienation and the hostility they encountered when they settled in
the new environment. Thus, they express their gratitude towards their parents
for all the sacrifices they made and the efforts they put to provide them all the
necessary things for their upbringing. Thus, they feel the moral obligation to
reciprocate and help their parents improve their quality of life (Suarez-Orozco
et al., 2008; Michail, 2014, pp. 100-101). Aliona, a 27 years old school teacher,
admits that her father’s stories about crossing the borders barefoot and walk-
ing 2 days without food made a great impact on her. As she says, she always
buys him shoes for his birthday. “I swore to myself that I would do my best for
them. He suffered enough in order to offer us a better future, now it’s mine turn”.
Aliona chose to study school teacher because it has better employment pros-
pects. She wanted to relieve her parents from any expenses they had for her
studies. Almost all of my young informants admit that they feel the need to
support emotionally, materially and financially their parents acknowledging
their sacrifices. This is not a unique “Albanian” case though; it is a common
attitude in immigrant families according to ethnographic literature (Espiritu,
2009; Fuligni & Pedersen, 2002).
Conclusions
Relations between the generations are not fixed or stable but change over
time as tensions come up or diminishes as a response to different social, eco-
nomic and political circumstances. Cultural beliefs and background, different
views on future plans and prospects may generate or magnify quarrels be-
tween generations in immigrant families. Children get more influenced from
peers and school than family, especially during adolescence. They get emo-
57
tionally detached from their parents who feel powerless and afraid of losing
the control of their family. Especially in the case of Albanians, the racism and
stigmatization that the second generation experienced made them develop a
strong sense of alienation from its nationality and identify itself not on the ba-
sis of their ethnic identity, but on other, alternative identities. Youth interests
and emotional ties between peers are the most important elements of their
identity. At the same time, those experiences and hardships experienced by
the first generation during the process of moving to the new country are some
of the elements that strengthen the relationships within the family. However,
at the same time, young immigrants feel proud for their parents successful
efforts to make ends meet in the new country despite the difficulties and try
hard to meet their parents standards and support them emotionally and prac-
tically.
Acknowledgment
This research is co-financed by Greece and the European Union (European

Social Fund- ESF) through the Operational Programme «Human Resources
Development, Education and Lifelong Learning» in the context of the project
“Reinforcement of Postdoctoral Researchers - 2nd Cycle” (MIS-5033021), im-
plemented by the State Scholarships Foundation (ΙΚΥ).
58
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4
The Roman Religious Policy at the time of
Polycarp of Smyrna
Georgios Gaitanos
Head of the Department of Theology & Culture, Lecturer of Religious
Studies, University College Logos, Tirana
Corespondence:
e-mail: gaitanosg@yahoo.gr
Abstract
The purpose of the paper is to present Keywords:
the data on the religious policy of the Emperor, Polycarp of Smyrna,
Roman Empire at the time of Saint Martyrdom, Persecution, Religious
Polycarp of Smyrna and to indicate Policy.
whether there were particularities Citation:
in the treatment of Christian com- Gaitanos G. The Roman Religious
munities by the central Roman state. Policy at the time of Polycarp of
To this end, reference will be made Smyrna. Theology & Culture. 2021; 2:
to the religious context of the time, 65-78.
Doi: 10.13140/RG.2.2.36164.96641
but also to the general attitude of the
Roman authorities towards the reli-
gious communities in general. This
presentation will help in our attempt
to understand whether Polycarp of
Smyrna’s martyrdom can be incor-
porated into a more general Roman
state policy or can be considered as
an isolated event.
65
The Roman Religious Policy at the time of Polycarp of Smyrna ©2021 Gaitanos
Introduction
R
eligion in the Roman Empire was a force for both integration and
an expression of great diversity and variety. Many common opin-
ions and beliefs about the divine world formed the basic framework
for discussions and exchanges of views. Of particular interest was the fact
that many people participated on local or regional religious events of vari-
ous deities, while some chose to join and devote themselves to some of them,
without having to worry about whether these deities were necessarily of their
national tradition. Thus, many people were practicing foreign to them and to
their people traditions and deities, which were spread by traders, immigrants,
soldiers, or officials. Many of these cults attracted interest and became partic-
ularly popular. In essence, a religious syncretism prevailed, as many deities
not known could be recognized now through the use of images, symbols, and
forms of earlier deities, a practice that helped reduce the distance between
the various cults but also led to the use of common practices in worship. Of
course, the Emperor was the most popular figure, as he was the religious focal
point that everyone should have shared in the Empire (Pachis, 2003a; 2003b;
Martin, 1987; Rives, 2007; Burkert, 1984).
1. Imperial Cult
As we have mentioned, the Roman Empire was an amalgam of different re-

ligious traditions despite the political system’s attempt for general religious in-
tegration (Garnsey, Saller & Goodman, 1987). The personality that united the
Empire and everything that happened in its territory was the Emperor, who
symbolized the unity of the Empire and was more than a mere symbol. The
Emperor was the supreme commander of the army and the center of imperial
bureaucracy. At the same time, he was at the top of the social hierarchy and
managed the complex patronage system (Garnsey & Saller, 1987; Garnsey,
Saller & Goodman, 1987). In every sense the Emperor was the empire itself;
given the fact that the political, social, economic, and religious factor in the
Greco-Roman world was closely intertwined and constituted a single system,
it comes as no surprise that the Emperor had to play and a central role in the
religious life of the Empire.
However, it is necessary to make a clarification as to the Emperor’s reli-
gious role, because the conventional term, “Imperial cult”, may eventually
prove misleading, as it implies that there was an organized cult system that
66
promoted the Emperor as a God. There were, therefore, different perspectives

through which the Emperor appeared in religious life. In particular, it was
sometimes ambiguously claimed as a god, sometimes as a mortal, and in some
cases a combination of the two identities was applied. Many times this was
done on a general scale by the imperial authorities, while in other cases it was
applied locally. In any case, one should not forget the influence of Alexander
the Great and his successors on the Hellenistic kingdoms, where the Emperor
was the object of worship. Indeed, some Roman generals of the 1st century BC
had claimed to have had special relationships with the divine. Although Julius
Caesar had promoted some self-apotheosis efforts, his successor, Octavian
Augustus, eventually established these methods, followed by most of his suc-
cessors. Thus, the official public calendar included a number of dates related
to the Emperor’s birthday, succession anniversaries, major military successes,
or other milestones. Indeed, public ceremonies and festivities were instituted
for this purpose with a specific format, just as was the case with traditional
deities. Another practice was the official deification of the deceased Emper-
or. Thus, Octavian after Caesar’s death in July established and promoted the
worship of Divus Iulius, for whom he built a temple and appointed a priest.
The same thing happened after the death of Augustus in 14 AD, where the
formal process of his deification began. More generally, the Senate decided to
officially recognize an Emperor as a god and was subsequently awarded the
title of Divus, followed by the construction of a temple, the appointment of a
priest, and the establishment of annual public offerings. Of course, the Roman
authorities had attempted to make a distinction between the divine emperor
and the living, non-worshiped god, except in certain cases of tyrannical em-
perors, such as Caligula or Commodus, who demanded to be worshiped as
gods while they lived (Rives, 2007; Garnsey, Saller & Goodman, 1987).
Since August, all provincial assemblies have been obliged to worship the
Emperor, where the annual feast in honor of the Emperor was held at a temple
in the province. These ceremonies were organized by the official bodies of the
province, not officially instituted by the Empire, but organized with the offi-
cial permission of the Emperor. In essence, their organization and execution
were promoted by the local elite with the aim of expanding their influence
on local society and their rise to social hierarchy. Certainly, the imperial au-
thorities had some control over these ceremonies, which were held in parallel
with official public worship events in favor of the Emperor (Garnsey, Saller &
Goodman, 1987).
67
For sure, worship was not the only means of expressing the Emperor’s of-
ficial religious role. The image of the Emperor was present through statues in
public buildings, but also through their images on coins. Indeed, the portray-
al of the Emperor as a god next to the traditional and popular deities of the
time dictated a connection and relationship with the divine, while sufficiently
defining public opinion for the status they held (Martin, 2003; Green, 1990;
Shipley, 2000).
Overall, it should be emphasized that the image of the Emperor was partic-
ularly ambiguous, because in other cases he was treated as a god while in oth-
ers he was presented as a human being. In some ways, the Emperor was both
human and divine, so that one or the other could be used as appropriate. For
this reason, there were different approaches and manifestations on his person
concerning his religious role. Thus, there were dedicated temples and appoint-
ed priests in his honor, just as they did for the various deities, while offering
sacrifices for his health rather than for them. They portrayed the Emperor as a
deity or sovereign of the gods, but at the same time as a pious faithful.
It may not be easy to fully and clearly illustrate this ambiguity in the variety
of images of the Emperor, but there were some characteristics in the mental-
ity of the Greco-Roman culture that justifies this tendency. Specifically, the
boundaries between divine and human in the Greco-Roman tradition were
not so clear, since a mythology had developed that approached any difference
(Beard, North & Price, 1998), while many philosophers spoke of the immor-
tality of the human soul, so the presentation of the Emperor, such an import-
ant figure, with divine characteristics was not so provocative and strange. The
religious role of the Emperor also had the characteristics of the intermediate
between the divine and the human sphere, as the Emperor appeared to sacri-
fice to the gods and was allegedly acting on behalf of the Empire. In essence,
the Emperor was the symbol of prosperity and progress of the empire, so peo-
ple would pray to the gods for his health, as they would prosper themselves as
well (Rives, 2007). At the same time, the value of the Emperor’s religious role
was increased by the mention of his name by different religious traditions,
which increased his influence on the subject of religious integration that he
sought to achieve. Thus, public worship towards the face of the Emperor fur-
ther expressed a wish for the prosperity and unity of the Empire, which inev-
itably gained a religious expression1.
1 For example, the Jews sacrificed two lambs and one calf daily in honor of the Emper-
or at the Temple of Jerusalem, while similarly Jewish communities in other parts of the empire
devoted their rallying places to the health of the Emperor. Similarly, Christians prayed for the
68
2. The Roman Religious Policy
Roman religious policy was not intended to persuade or force the subjects
of the empire to believe and worship the Emperor, as is generally understood
to be. Although governors and government officials issued decrees establish-
ing formal celebrations of the victory or succession to the throne, essentially
only the local authorities shouldered the burden of implementation. Indeed,
it was the local upper class that furthered this status of the emperor purely
aimed at serving the political careers of local patrons. Under no circumstances
were the local and government authorities intended to pressure, enforce, and
inspect citizen participation in these ceremonies, as in other public worship
events (Rives, 2007). However, it is not wrong to point out that the worship
of the Emperor was indirectly supported and promoted. At the same time,
government agencies intervened and banned specific traditions and religious
practices and behaviors. These interventions concerned more general percep-
tions of inappropriate religious behavior, situations that disturbed the peace
and security of an area, and of particular cases that aroused the interest of
society.
Specifically, there are two characteristic terms to the issue of inappropriate
religious behavior. The first term was about the person who failed to partici-
pate in acceptable forms of worship or didn’t show any respect to the divine.
Of particular value was the fact that some were not consistently making sac-
rifices, which was also the most important and widespread way of expressing
piety. The Latin term is impius or sacrilegus, while the Greek is disrespectful
(ασεβής) and atheist (άθεος), in the sense of not accepting the traditional ways
of worshiping the divine. Indeed, it is necessary to note that in Greek-Roman
tradition the emphasis was on worship practices rather than on personal be-
liefs. The second term associated with an unacceptable relationship with the
divine was superstitio (superstition), and it was related to relationships with
the divine, which were divergent. Any religious behavior that was considered
inappropriate, inaccurate and unacceptable was characterized by this term.
In general, anything related to worshiping divine values was presented differ-
ently, characterized as superstition, and gathered attention (Bremmer, 1994;
Beard, North & Price, 1998; Ogden, 2007; Wilt, 1954).
Certainly, Roman officials did not have a central interest in the proper ob-
servance of religious expression or in examining whether the citizens partic-
Emperor’s health and the prosperity of the Empire, as we can note in several texts of the Early
Christian Literature.
69
ipated on public ceremonies. The most important issue of Roman bureaucra-

cy was the collection of taxes and the maintenance of social peace. However,
the interest in the proper observance of religious duties was mainly of con-
cern to the local elite, who usually made these complaints. The main reason
for the complaint of non-compliance with the religious rules was the risk of
overthrowing the social hierarchy and the prevalence of anarchy. This kind of
complaint raised the concern of government bodies, who took action if they
found that these practices could cause disturbance and eventual overthrow of
the social order (Rives, 2007).
As we mentioned, controlling the society of each province and maintaining
the peace and balance between the social classes was a very important task
for the Roman authorities. This approach also included religious traditions, as
Rome either incorporated deities associated with the Greco-Roman tradition
into the public cult or instituted rules to control the hierarchy of religious
traditions that had nothing to do with the Greco-Roman world. Indeed, the
local upper class, which had developed political and economic relations with
Roman power, was always suspicious of the attitude of these priests because,
as we have noted above, they did not in any way wish to create a climate of
reversal. Therefore, when there was an emerging personality outside the sys-
tem of hierarchy that could gather the interest of the public and possibly to
overturn the situation and disturb the peace, then the Roman authorities did
not hesitate to send as many forces as needed to suppress any movement of
revolutionary action. Of course, this notion concerned not only charismatic
religious or non-religious personalities, but also various texts, prophetic or
apocalyptic that foretold the destruction of Rome and its punishment through
the coming of a Messiah or a supernatural being (Russell, 1964; Nickelsburg,
1972; Boccaccini, 1991; Collins, 1974). Thus, the Roman authorities restricted
the circulation of these texts, but also identified those who were responsible
for disseminating these ideas2. So, this case is also directly linked to the greater
concern of the authorities, whether someone from the religious cloak out-
side the socio-economic system overthrows the situation and disturbs public
peace.
However, there is a third possibility of interference by the Roman authori-
ties in matters of a religious nature. There are special cases that have aroused
the interest not only of the wider society, but also of some Emperors who de-
cided to intervene and attempt the immediate solution of the problem. Clear-
2 It is characteristic that Augustus at 12 BC had collected more than 2,000 prophetic
texts in Greek and Latin and burned them (See Suetonius, De vita Caesarum, 31.1).
70
ly, these cases also need to be studied in the light of the general philosophy of
Roman religious policy, as the Roman authorities decided to intervene when-
ever there was a danger of disturbing the peace and overthrowing the social
hierarchy and system. Such special cases were the subject of magic3, Jews4 and
Christianity.
The general conclusion is that Roman power did not implement a partic-
ular religious policy program, but rather addressed these cases in the general
context of maintaining public peace and social balance in every province and
region of the empire.
3. The Roman state treatment of Christianity
During the early period of the emergence and spread of Christianity, its
3 It should be emphasized that the practice of magic in the Roman Empire was illegal.
Of course, the Roman authorities were not responsible for looking for suspects in perform-
ing magic, but they were examining public complaints of people accused of this practice.
Usually people were accused of having habits and lifestyles that did not fit with the rest of
the community, but also cases where an accident or an unexpected event was associated with
individuals possessing a particular ability, power or knowledge. Indeed, these accusations
were taken seriously because it was perceived as an attempt or provocation of criminal activity
against another person. This situation created a social anomaly for the Roman authorities,
and as a result they were seriously involved in such accusations. See J. Harrisson, Religion
in the Roman World: Gods, Myth and Magic in Ancient Rome, London: I.B.Tauris & Co Ltd,
2017. J. Z. Smith, “Great Scott! Thought and Action one more time”, in P. Mirecki & M. Meyer
(eds.), Magic and Ritual in the Ancient World, Leiden: Brill, 2002, pp. 75-91. Ν. Zarotiades,
Μαγεία και Δαιμονολογία: Η αντιμετώπιση των μαγικών τεχνών από τους εκκλησιαστικούς
συγγραφείς της Δύσης μέχρι και τον 5ο αι., Θεσσαλονίκη: Ostracon, 2016.
4 The Jewish nation was a special group, maintaining a very different way of life from
the more general Greek-Roman culture. Despite significant differences, the respect for the
Roman upper class in ancient traditions and the maneuvering of the Judaic diplomacy helped
ensure that the Jews continued to carry out their ancient worship traditions without inter-
ference. In fact, Augustus with a decree allowed the Jews to continue to follow their religious
traditions. However, at the beginning of the 1st century A.D. after continued revolutionary
movements, the Romans expanded their military presence in the region, resulting in the Ro-
mans to destroy the Temple of Jerusalem and the city itself after the First Jewish War (66-73
AD), to found in its place a new city (Aelia Capitolina), and after the suppression of a Jewish
revolution of the Diaspora in Cyrene and Egypt (115-117 AD) and the Bar Kokhba move-
ment (132-135 AD) was the mark of the change of Jewish presence and tradition within the
empire. See, Josephus, Antiquities of the Jews, 16,162-165. M. Barclay, Jews in the Mediterra-
nean Diaspora: From Alexander to Trajan (323 bce–117 ce), Edinburgh: T&T Clark, 1996. S.
Cohen, “The Political and Social History of the Jews in Greco-Roman antiquity: The State of
the Question”, in R. Kraft & G. Nickelsburg (eds.), Early Judaism and its Modern Interpret-
ers. Atlanta: Scholars Press, 1986, pp. 33-56. L. Feldman, Jews and Gentiles in the Ancient
World: Attitudes and Interactions from Alexander to Justinian, Princeton: Princeton University
Press, 1993. A. Gunneweg, Η Ιστορία του Ισραήλ έως την εξέγερση του Βαρ – Κοχβά (trans. Ι.
Μούρτζιος), Θεσσαλονίκη: Πουρναράς, 1997.
71
legal position on the official state was unclear, as it was initially regarded as
a sect of Judaism. This meant that it was in principle aligned with the legal
framework applicable to Judaism, so that no recognition or intervention by
the Roman state was needed immediately. However, once Christianity with
the new communities began to separate from Judaism, the situation changed.
Specifically, official complaints from Jewish communities, such as in the case
of the Apostle Paul, forced the official state to treat Christians differently, orig-
inally from the Nero era with small scale persecutions (Pheidas, 2002). Of
course, no formal legislation was adopted to endorse such a practice, since
persecutions were committed locally and Christians were treated as common
disturbances.
Through the network of the Roman Empire and initially centered on the
Jewish communities of the Diaspora, Christianity spread to all the provinces
of the empire (Sanders, 1992). There may be various theories for the successful
expansion of Christianity that focused on either the psychology of individuals
or the superiority and quality of Christianity’s teaching over other cults or even
“divine providence”, but we appreciate that the answer can rather be found on
the “strange” system of religious policy developed by the Roman state and
the network of relations developed among the new Christian communities.
It is, therefore, a ‘strange’ system, because the Roman authorities allowed for
religious change at a private level - since it did not impede the functioning
and course of the state - and not in the public sphere. Thus a public “official”
cult was formed that promoted stability and peace under the protection of
the Emperor, while in the interim he did not control religious innovation and
the expansion and dissemination of new worship traditions through the net-
work of the empire at an unofficial level. Thus, since the Roman authority had
formed a cult of “public image” and was only concerned with the maintenance
of peace and order, it was reluctant to steer the course of new religious tradi-
tions. Groups that could better manage this policy of the Roman Empire and
form a network of relationships in the private sphere had better chances of
developing and gradually establishing awareness in the wider society. The first
Christian communities belonged to this category.
The period of the 2nd century, which is the focus of this paper relating to the
treatment of Christians by the official state, includes a few official documents.
Perhaps the correspondence of Pliny the Younger5, Governor of Bithynia, with
Emperor Trajan in the early 2nd century A.D. is the most indicative example
of the situation at that time and the attitude of the state towards the Christians.
5 Pliny the Younger, Letters, 10,96-97.
72
According to the letters, the conclusion is that obviously being a Christian was
a problem, but if a Christian publicly followed the usual religious practices,
such as sacrifice, then he would not face any charges and remain free. If by
any chance there was a refusal of the requests of the Roman authorities, then
would suffer martyrdom (Croix de Ste, 2005).
The official letters of Pliny the Younger to Emperor Trajan thus indicate
that the persecutions against Christians took place locally and were due to the
fact that Christianity was characterized as a new superstition and its faithful
members were persecuted as members of an illegal society (illicita collegia)6.
From this information we reaffirm that there was no generalized persecution
of Christians - this attitude was interrupted by Decius afterwards - as a formal
impeachment for individual prosecution is required on a case-by-case basis.
Obviously, confession of faith was punishable by death, but at that time Chris-
tianity did not seem to be the biggest problem of the daily life of the empire7.
4. The case of the Martyrdom of Polycarp of Smyrna
The case of Polycarp of Smyrna martyrdom, as described in the work Mar-

tyrdom of Polycarp of Smyrna, should be included in the context described
above. That is, there are acts of violence and persecution at the local level, an
accusation of atheism, which concerns the disrespect on the Emperor and the
6 The letters provide important information on the local persecution of Governor at
that time Pliny in Bithynia, while record the entire process of questioning, punishing or ac-
quitting Christians and Roman citizens. We should mention that they are probably the most
important Roman sources of the time, as they demonstrate the official Roman state policy on
this issue. Pliny seemed generally concerned about the way of interrogations, the tortures and
punishments Christians would have to face if they confessed or repented. The Emperor Trajan
had praised the way the governor acted, since those who repented later should have been for-
given, while anonymous complaints should not have been accepted. See, Pliny the Younger,
Letters, 10,96-97.
7 Indeed, Emperor Hadrian in a decree rescued by Eusebius of Caesarea stated that a
person should be brought to trial after a thorough investigation so as to avoid unnecessarily
disturbing honest people. To be convicted, one would have to do so in accordance with the
law and not on the basis of information from someone who might have slandered for their
own purposes. This political approach was echoed in yet another decree by Emperor Anton-
inus Pius, in which it seems that those who proved to slander would eventually end up in
the defendant’s position. It is noted, however, that whatever hardship the people faced was
not necessarily the responsibility of the Christians and the worship of their own God. Chris-
tians were particularly made an impression to the Emperor Marcus Aurelius, who during
his campaigns was able to get to know their faith. He was a stoic and through his personal
diary he commented on their attitude, as he could not comprehend their zeal moments before
their punishment in front of the Roman authorities. He even commented on the attitude of
Christians as flamboyant and selfish. See, Eusebius of Caesarea, Ecclesiastical History, Book 4,
Chapter 9 and 13. Marcus Aurelius, Meditations, 11,3.
73
offerings to him, and the need for atonement and appeasement of social peace
by the demand of the local population the issue of the “illegal society” to be
arranged.
In general, Christians of the first centuries have expressed a willingness to
imitate Christ through their participation in the martyrdom and to somehow
repeat the sacrifice of the Son of God, the last human sacrifice (Stroumsa,
2009; Moss, 2010). In the New Testament, the term became even more im-
portant as it stated the confession of the nature and work of Christ (Petiki,
2009). Specifically, the term “martyr” referred to the Christian, who willingly
endured physical death, in order to remain faithful to the confession of his/
her faith in Christ (Act. 22,20. Rev. 1,5; 2,13; 3,14; 17,6). From the 2nd centu-
ry, the concept of martyrdom has acquired the meaning of voluntary physical
death to declare faith in Christ (Ferguson, 1990). The early Christian texts,
which dealt with the issue of persecution of Christians locally at the expense
of Christians, provided some examples of the attitude of Christians, as well as
the rationale for their persecution for the sake of their faith. In an extensive
level, metaphors are made to describe the martyrdom as a sacrifice for Christ’s
sake. This notion was not a special case that appeared only in one text, but it
is found that the meaning and the characteristics that were attributed to the
martyr are also found in other texts of the time, leading us to conclude that the
martyr in particular was a means of Early Christian Literature for imitation of
Christ, the central face of Christian worship (Petersen, 2013).
We also have a similar reference to the martyrdom of Bishop Polycarp, as
recorded in the Martyrdom of Polycarp of Smyrna, which contains the com-
plete development of martyrdom theology as an expression and testimony of
faith in Jesus Christ. In particular, the formal charge brought by the bishop to
trial was atheism. In the text it is clear that Polycarp rejected this accusation,
while at the same time obeying neither the threats nor the exhortations to
deride Christ and to profess faith to the Emperor8. The text also presents the
8 Martyrdom of Polycarp of Smyrna, 8-12: “… Τί γὰρ κακόν ἐστιν εἰπεῖν· Κύριος
Καῖσαρ, καὶ ἐπιθῦσαι καὶ τὰ τούτοις ἀκόλουθα καὶ διασώζεσθαι; ὁ δὲ τὰ μὲν πρῶτα οὐκ
ἀπεκρίνατο αὐτοῖς, ἐπιμενόντων δὲ αὐτῶν ἔφη· Οὐ μέλλω ποιεῖν ὃ συμβουλεύετέ μοι. οἱ δὲ
ἀποτυχόντες τοῦ πεῖσαι αὐτὸν δεινὰ ῥήματα ἔλεγον καὶ μετὰ σπουδῆς καθῄρουν αὐτὸν ὡς
κατιόντα ἀπὸ τῆς καρούχας ἀποσῦραι τὸ ἀντικνήμιον. καὶ μὴ ἐπιστραφεὶς ὡς οὐδὲν πεπονθὼς
προθύμως ἐπορεύετο ἀγόμενος εἰς τὸ στάδιον, θορύβου τηλικούτου ὄντος ἐν τῷ σταδίῳ ὡς
μηδὲ ἀκουσθῆναί τινα δύνασθαι. Τῷ δὲ Πολυκάρπῳ εἰσιόντι εἰς τὸ στάδιον φωνὴ ἐξ οὐρανοῦ
ἐγένετο· Ἴσχυε, Πολύκαρπε, καὶ ἀνδρίζου. … Ὁ δὲ ἀνθύπατος εἶπεν· Θηρία ἔχω· τούτοις σε
παραβαλῶ ἐὰν μὴ μετανοήσῃς. ὁ δὲ εἶπεν· Κάλει. ἀμετάθετος γὰρ ἡμῖν ἡ ἀπὸ τῶν κρειττόνων
ἐπὶ τὰ χείρω μετάνοια, καλὸν δὲ μετατίθεσθαι ἀπὸ τῶν χαλεπῶν ἐπὶ τὰ δίκαια. ὁ δὲ πάλιν
πρὸς αὐτόν· Πυρί σε ποιήσω δαπανηθῆναι εἰ τῶν θηρίων καταφρονεῖς, ἐὰν μὴ μετανοήσῃς.
74
torture in every detail, while Bishop of Smyrna was willing to receive the mar-
tyrdom, presenting himself as a sacrifice dedicated to God (Martyrdom of
Polycarp of Smyrna, 13-16). It is clear that confession of faith in Christ is the
only criterion that leads to martyrdom.
Conclusion
In conclusion, the Roman authorities did not seek to identify who is a

Christian or not, but only proceeded after a public accusation. Clearly, there
is uncertainty as to whether the prosecutions concerned only the imposi-
tion of police measures or even the criminal part, as the persecution against
Christians was due to their name and not to any proven criminal act. In total,
according to their accusers, Christians rejected all the traditional features of
piety and were not active members of society, as they had always found the
opportunity to isolate themselves. Thus, they refused to offer sacrifice to other
deities or any kind of sacrifice in general, did not participate on the public
worship of the cities, did not honor the Emperor, their worship did not come
from an ancient tradition, and always met in secret, thus being accused of
politics conspiracy or other immoral acts. Consequently, they were obliged to
declare faith in the Emperor, to worship the statue of the emperor, or to offer
sacrifices to the gods. Those who accepted one of those requirements were
then released, while those who refused would then be punished for treason.
ὁ δὲ Πολύκαρπος εἶπεν· Πῦρ ἀπειλεῖς τὸ πρὸς ὥραν καιόμενον καὶ μετ’ ὀλίγον σβεννύμενον.
ἀγνοεῖς γὰρ τὸ τῆς μελλούσης κρίσεως καὶ αἰωνίου κολάσεως τοῖς ἀσεβέσι τηρούμενον πῦρ.
ἀλλὰ τί βραδύνεις; φέρε ὃ βούλει. … Πολύκαρπος ὡμολόγησεν ἑαυτὸν Χριστιανὸν εἶναι.
τούτου λεχθέντος ὑπὸ τοῦ κήρυκος, ἅπαν τὸ πλῆθος ἐθνῶν τε καὶ Ἰουδαίων τῶν τὴν Σμύρναν
κατοικούντων ἀκατασχέτῳ θυμῷ καὶ μεγάλῃ φωνῇ ἐπεβόα· … ὅτε ἰδὼν αὐτὸ καιόμενον
προσευχόμενος εἶπεν ἐπιστραφεὶς τοῖς σὺν αὐτῷ πιστοῖς προφητικῶς· Δεῖ με ζῶντα καῆναι”.
75
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78
5
Christian morality and political morality
from the orthodox perspective
Thoma Çomëni
As. Lecturer of Christian Ethics, Department of Theology & Culture,
University College Logos, Tirana
Corespondence:
e-mail: thomacomeni@hotmail.com
Abstract
The paper deals with an analysis of Keywords:
the relationship between ecclesias- Morality, politics, church, person,
tical and political morality from the freedom.
orthodox Christian perspective. The Citation:
analysis begins based on the notion, Çomëni T. Christian morality and
perception and thought that the political morality from the orthodox
Church and Politics have about man. perspective. Theology & Culture.
This point is important because from 2021; 2: 81-94.
the concept of man defines both the Doi: 10.13140/RG.2.2.10579.71204
political systems and their morality,
and the attitude to the salvation of
man and the morality that accom-
panies it. The second element has
to do with freedom. Freedom is im-
portant for Christian morality, but at
the same time it is trumpeted loudly
by politics. If for Christian, the mo-
rality of true freedom is formed by
the transition from heteronomy to
autonomy with the faith, hope, and
grace of God, for politics freedom is
based on human ability and becomes
reality through the political system.
81
Christian morality and political morality from the orthodox perspective ©2021 Çomëni
Introduction
C
hurch and politics are two essential elements of social reality. This
importance is related to the role, mission and objectives they have
within society. It is difficult to define these two terms, as each defi-
nition creates gaps, which means that each definition limits the content, di-
mension and reality of each term or phenomenon. If we refer to the term
Church it becomes even more difficult to define, because its existence and
function is found within the two worlds, the visible and the invisible, between
the divine and the cosmic.
For the memorable Prof. Matsouka, Church is a divine institution on earth,
having its origin by Jesus Christ and the apostles, who transmit power to the
bishops (Matsoukas, 2001, p. 351). The church in this society is a divine in-
stitution, but an institution that returns and embraces man with the exclu-
sive purpose of his salvation, connecting him mysteriously with the grace of
the Holy Spirit (Yioultsis, 1999, p. 329). According to Aristotle, politics is the
whole effort of society and community in the pursuit of a good life (Aristotle,
1252a 2-7) thus we see that the purpose of political organization is the com-
mon utility (Υioultsis, 1999, p.174).
These two definitions show us the content, the mission and the purpose of
these two institutions for society and the event. Both of these institutions have
at their center of action man (along with man and all creation). As they have
other commonalities with each other, the exercise of their mission is in the
world, but these commonalities have particular characteristics. The Church is
from God, has been founded by the will and initiative of God and is an institu-
tion in history, but at the same time out of history. While politics, which is rep-
resented by state power, is an institution that has its existence at the initiative
of the human race. The State was created with violence in the world of sin and
exists only with the tolerance of God (Berdyaev, 2002, p. 96). These differences
that exist between these institutions also determine their mode of operation
within society, as they determine their attitude towards man and consequently
their moral content. To understand their moral content or their morality we
must analyze the anthropological thinking of these institutions.
82
1. Man within these institutions
From the definitions we understand that the Church and politics have dif-
ferences in the view and the role of man in society. On the occasion of what
we have said above, we must say that the morality of the church and politics is
closely related to the thought they have about man. For the Church man is a
creation “in the image and the likeness” of God” (Gen. 1:26). God is not only
the Creator of creation, but also the Father of all human beings. People do not
have the same origin, but the same destination (Anastasios, 2000, p. 79-82).
While for politics and power in different times and situations the perspec-
tive for man changes, or rather man is often identified with the needs of the
world. Its attitude towards man is often based on secular contexts and is called
prosperity, which has taken on different dimensions in relation to the goal of
ideology. Politics move in an unstable and dangerous space between idea and
reality, vision and realism, and lives by the illegal relationship between the
feasible act and the unattainable ideal of utopia (Bugas, 1990, p. 2007).
In Hegel the energies of man and society are connected in a dialectic be-
tween nothing and some (Stumpf, p.321), in Marx this idea is transformed
into dialectical materialism. This dialectical materialism is a conflict between
oppressors and the oppressed. That is, a conflict within the human race, a con-
flict that takes the social, legal and political form. While for the hegemony the
state or the tribe is as sovereign, Marxism accepts the ruling class, which will
be replaced during the legislative process by an orderly society. Within this
spirit of Hegelianism and Marxism see the progress of the world in dialectic,
a conflict of the people of society, a class conflict. It is these abstract ideas
that in the form of myth can subvert history, but also radically subvert society
(Berdyaev, 2002, p. 160). The Church does not base its mission on myth, but
on the truth that is discovered in history.
To understand the catastrophic consequences of the myth, we will refer to
the myth of the Aryan race, which became a destructive instrument for the
world. It is a myth that politics created and became an ideology, from which
it gave birth to fanaticism, as is the case with ideologies based on faith (Mil-
lon-Delsol, 2000, p.94). This theory of ethno-socialism in Germany is inspired
by Darwin’s theory of the origin of man. This is an element that shows us the
importance of a view of the human race. Here we have the view of the per-
son. While for the Church the person is a unity of psycho-spiritual elements,
which are above any natural or biological necessity (Υioultsis, 1999, p.15).
83
2. Church, politics and freedom
One of the words we hear in everyday life has to do with freedom. Many
thoughts, attitudes and discussions are associated with this word. In fact, de-
bates are present in our daily lives, where the freedom of thought, of life, of
the economy, of the profession, of the woman of property has a bearing on
the constitutions of most peoples. These people’s conversations about freedom
also express the quality of freedom that is found in the world. This means that
the problem of freedom is an internal problem that is felt externally and for
man qualitative freedom is the freedom of conscience. This has two dimen-
sions; the denial by man of the caesarean authority, which has to do with the
external authority, and the denial of the inner authority of the passions, which
with the conscious or unconscious actions of man becomes sinful energies.
This is where the difference between Christian and political morality begins.
While for the church freedom is related to the freedom of conscience and is a
freedom of the person, while the freedom claimed by man, within the secular
context, is the freedom of individual or individual rights (Mantzaridis, 2002,
p. 165). For the Orthodox faith, morality is not an objective measure for the
evaluation of character and behavior, but is a dynamic response to personal
freedom, to the existing truth and authenticity of man (Yannaras 2002, p. 26).
In political ideologies we have a difference in relation to freedom. It is the
freedom that exists in democratic countries and the freedom that exists in
countries where dictatorship fruits. In democracies, an effort is made for the
liberation of man, in general in all strata of society and more in strata that
have been pressured. But again man is trapped in the effects of economic, po-
litical and social interests. It is the pressure of unemployment, the insecurity
of the members, the market, the advertising, the political invitations, and the
pressure of ideology. In this situation man lives at the same time a paradoxical
feeling with freedom, so-called politics, social freedom and the oppression
of social reality. In this sense we understand that the state while challenging
some oppression at the same time creates some other oppression, which at
first glance are non-existent, but in the depths of society and people living in
it are real.
All these political efforts for the liberation of the people, although they have
some positive element, if we make a comparison with the situations of the past
centuries, cannot liberate the people. This is because absolute freedom cannot
exist as a human achievement. But it exists as a share in divine freedom (Man-
84
tzaridis, 2002, p.167). The difference between Christianity and liberalism is

profound. For liberalism, freedom is formal and indifferent to the truth and
the true content of existence. But Christianity wants freedom as the content
of Christian truth and of course the content of human life (Berdyaev, 2002, p.
65).
On the other hand, we have the attitude of dictatorial regimes, the attitude
they have towards freedom. Nazism, fascism and communism are some of
these dictatorial regimes. All three have their peculiarities, but at the same
time they have in common, the relationship with freedom.
For Marxism, the idea of human freedom has to do with the enthusiasm
that comes from the messianic idea. Marx, the inspirer of communist ideolo-
gy, defined all human life on the basis of economics. This economy was a bad
thing for the past, but in the future man will secure control of the economy,
subdue it and become free (Berdyaev, 2002, p. 162) Thus freedom and human
actions in the ideology of communism are linked to the economy. Here we see
a big difference between communism and the Christian faith. Marx gave rise
to this process of liberation from a moral problem, the exploitation of man by
man. But the way to fight this moral evil cannot be done with secular elements
and weapons, otherwise called class struggle. The opposite happens with the
Christian faith and morality. First for Christianity, evil is non-existent in itself;
it acquires existence in self-governing beings who abandon good. The second
has to do with the fight against evil. The fight against evil in the Christian faith
cannot be done by immediate confrontation but by devotion to the love of
Christ (Mantzaridis 2003, p. 65).
The concept of freedom, the way it is considered and acquired, shows the
great difference between Christian and political morality. This is because for
Christianity freedom is found within man. An element of the “image” is hu-
man freedom. This will mean that the demand for human freedom is also di-
rected to another degree, the pursuit of inner freedom, which is a preliminary
condition for the general evolution of the human personality (Anastasios,
2000, 79-82). This freedom is a heteronymous freedom. That is, the absolute
freedom of man does not come from within him, but has its origin in God in
cooperation with man. This relationship gives us the opportunity to make a
reference to freedom in relation to authority. While for Christianity authority
is God for politics and the world in general, authority is a secular factor. For
Christianity it has nothing to do with freedom of thought, politics, property,
expression, but absolute freedom is real when man puts aside external coer-
85
cion and external authority (Mantzaridis 2002, p.165).

3. The concept of the person of Christianity and politics
Freedom is a term related to the condition of the person. The latter term is
a term related to the term individual. For Christianity the person is the being
of human essence or nature, it sums up in its existence the universal human
nature and at the same time it transcends it, because the way of its existence
is freedom and otherness (Yannaras, 2002, p.31). For Christianity, person is a
central theme of the spiritual life. The person is related to the value of the per-
son, with all his activity, meetings, events, communication and action. These
actions for the Christian faith have the external, and more the internal dimen-
sion of man. This will say that these human actions cannot be limited to the
biological, ideological dimension, that the person is identified with existence,
biology with consciousness. This attitude of Christianity towards the person is
very different from the attitude of politics. This difference is based on the re-
lationship between politics and propaganda. The propaganda has its essential
support in submission. That is, through symbols, images and ideas, it directs
an invitation to the person to accept with pleasure what they offer him and
to follow the path that they suggest to him. Propaganda is a dynamic tool for
politics. It is a tool that with its effect on people creates what is called political
slavery. Through propaganda man is in a state of bombardment of promises to
complete his prospects. Through this process the political myth in man comes
to the surface or is created. Propaganda intensifies the stimuli. In this way man
degrades critical analysis, is indifferent to the rationality of things and gives
hope for the realization of his purpose. These three elements allow man to
merge with the crowd and experience the collective will. It eliminates personal
data from itself and allows the collaborations of the unconscious (Botzonis,
1985, p. 61). Thus propaganda considers people as individuals and the polit-
ical group as a sum of individuals and not a group of persons. Herein lies the
difference between Christian and political morality.
The political morality influenced by the theory of modernity, which had
begun in recent years, by the Industrial Revolution and followed by the En-
lightenment, introduces a perception of the person, the person is the person,
who can self-destruct (Thermos, 2008, p.57). From the political thought of
Plato and Aristotle to the present day we have a big difference. We have a ro-
mantic thought, which does not include practice within it in the present age
that emphasizes knowledge or logic or the senses, but all these theories project
86
the individual and not the person.

If we look carefully at the Marxist ideology for man, we will see that we are
talking about the reconstruction of the “new man”. It is a theory that outward-
ly resembles the Christian theological thought of the “rebirth of man”, but they
have nothing in common. They have nothing in common because in order for
there to be a spiritual rebirth of theology and the reconstruction of the new
man for communism, there must be a fall of man at the same time. While for
theology the cause of the fall is original sin, for communism it is “assignment”,
which is a consequence of the application of an unjust economic system. It is
an unjust economic system based on individual persecution (Manastireanu,
2009, p.17). In this way communism sees the human problem only from a
social point of view, simple as a social problem and not a spiritual one. So,
the solution that communism gives, is revolution. That is, one social class to
oppose another social class, which is very different from the Christian faith.
For the Christian faith, the rebirth of man takes place in the true society that
exists only in Christ. It is the Church, as a god-human society, which includes
communion with God and between them (Mantzaridi, 1996, p. 92). This is
the society of persons, a society in which individuals experience the value
and dimension of themselves and their fellow human beings. Thus man and
his morality are related to the anthropological dimension they give to him. In
the present age man has lost the true dimension of the face and has become a
person in an existential, biological dimension.
4. The Moral of man as a member of the State and the
Church
In the discussion of the political and Christian morality it would be impos-

sible not to analyze it in the relationship of the State with the Church, as two
institutions that express these terms. Ethics is a term that expresses a recur-
ring morality, which is a habit. Initially it expresses the space, where the exis-
tence of man is revealed and developed. It then indicates man’s relationship to
his God, his inner character, or the permanent way he treats his fellow human
beings (Nikolaidis, 1994, p.7). That is, since morality is related to all human
animal activity and expresses all internal and external human beings, an anal-
ysis needs to be made of the relationship between state power and the Church.
This analysis must be made because man is at the same time a member of the
Church and the State.
In the New Testament we have a reference to the relationship between
87
Church and State. This reference is with Christ, who, answering a question
from the Pharisees about their tax, says that they attribute to Caesar what
belongs to Caesar and to God what belongs to God (Matt. 22:21). This answer
of Christ focuses on the relationship between political power and the Church.
This report is not intended to theoretically discuss this relationship, but to
express the impact it has on the religious and social morality of man. This
phenomenon of the Christian as a member of the Church and the State often
comes to the surface. This is because first the Christian does not achieve his
salvation by “escaping” from matter or by liberation from the body (Karavi-
dopoulos, 1990, p.149), and second, the political system is undergoing many
changes. This means that man cannot avoid his privacy as a member of the
State as well as without discussion his privacy as a member of the Church if he
desires his salvation. To understand how this relationship affects the morality
of the Christian we will refer to the case of communist regimes.
The Christian in the first years of communism is in relation to the Chris-
tian faith, but at the same time to the influence of communist ideology. He
is in the dual influence that contains references to man, equality, law, which
are common themes for the Christian faith and communism, like any other
political ideology. Ideological propaganda with the help of many times and
the social reality becomes more accepted in the world through its promises.
It is the form of practical atheism that has a change of theology from truth to
an objective knowledge, which finds logical forms to be understood in hu-
man receptivity. Thus existential ethics is reproduced in types of social ethics.
It is an ethic that focuses on external elements, an ethic of cultural magni-
tude and evolving into tendencies of individualism. In the former communist
countries, the communist ideology that took the form of practical atheism
had a dangerous effect on the faith and morals of the faithful. We have “true”
believers who for various reasons act as atheists or indifferent to the faith, at
the same time they are people who have lost their faith, but behave as “true”
believers (Youltsis, 2004, p. 193). This is a reality of atheistic and dictatorial
regimes that man operates in two different ways, internally and externally. It
is the mode of operation that man “plays” with his existence, because in the
same person there is a big difference in how he forms and how he acts. It is
the way an intellectual in Albania describes it as a “schizophrenic doubling”
(Misha, 2008, p.113). This characterization has a lot to do with people who
have lost their faith but behave like “true believers”. This is an indication of
how political power works in the lives and morals of the people.
88
In the theory of class struggle, which was common in communist countries,

and in fact many times a dogma, it was given more importance to the origin
of man and not to what he believed in. It is a way for a person to lose the qual-
ity of a person. It is a way of applying the theory of mass and not of persons.
Communism is a religion, that is why it has fought and is fighting against reli-
gion, which as the mediator, liberator and savior of humanity is the proletariat
(Berdyaev, p.23) Here is the difference between the Church and communist
power, which also shows the difference between Christian morality.
Political movements and organizations gather around them a large number
of people without identity. It is a common phenomenon in communist and
dictatorial countries. It is a phenomenon based on the idea that the Creator
and Sovereign of the world is not God, the Holy Trinity, but a secular element,
the proletariat, the leader, the kingdom and everything else. It is a thought
that is followed by another thought, of a personal communication of man not
with God, but with the worldly elements, which is nothing but idolatry. It is
idolatry because possession is considered not a means but an end. Communist
morality pursues an “eschatological” expectation, which is identified with so-
cialism, that is, an earthly paradise (Millon-Delsol, 2000, p.220).
Otherwise it happens with the Christian faith that the Christian with the
faith in the Absolute is endowed with an inner certainty and is more easily de-
tached from the grabs of necessity (Karagiannis, 1994, p.308). In the Christian
faith the measure is not the man and everything else acquired, but the God
man. The existence of the Trinity God, the otherness, the repetition and the
possibility for man’s personal communion with God are some elements that
show the fundamental difference between the Church and atheistic, commu-
nist and dictatorial regimes. It is the way of human existence, the personal
otherness, which depicts God in man and makes man a shareholder of His
Being (Yannaras, 2002, p.31). This dimension of the Christian faith abolishes
any morality that glorifies the massification of people through political and
secular ideas. The life and morality of the Church is concentrated around the
Eucharistic worship of the Holy Trinity. In this worship the Church is interest-
ed in the world, but the central point of its life and morality is outside of them.
It does not give priority to the management of political forces or masses, but
to an existential attitude that aims to help each person free from passions and
learn to open up to others with love (Karras, 2001, p. 230).
It is in these thoughts that we understand the importance of religious free-
dom and Christian worship for the Christian faith and Christian moral. And
89
how difficult and unacceptable it is when a political regime not only imposes
its morality through propaganda, but does not allow you to be shaped by the
morality of the faith, the Christian moral. While the moral that is formed by
the Christian worship, by the divine communion, is a morality that has in it
the thanksgiving, that the man transcends the individual limits, becomes a
member of the “Body of Christ”, carries within him the whole of humanity.
He reconciles and harmonizes with the world, with all creation. It is a morality
that shocks man and returns to everyday life the hope for the realization of
love, for a universal society (Anastasios, 2000, p.47-48).
The relationship of the Church with state power and the consequences on
human morality is an issue that is not limited only to atheistic and dictatorial
regimes, but also to societies where there is a freedom of religion. Here, as in
any society, man has both qualities, a member of the Church and the state. In
this situation, where man has the identity of the believer and the citizen, he
often finds himself in a dilemma, whether he should have the morality of wis-
dom or the morality of responsibility. This dilemma has to do with the reason
on the one hand how much one can have the morality of responsibility when
there is no personal opinion and on the other hand how much one can have
the morality of the mind when alienated from political responsibility (Man-
tzaridis, 1994, p. 125). A politicization of their man takes them away from the
truth and makes the man a machine. It is the process by which the machine
dehumanizes life and man no longer wants to be an image and likeness of
God, but an image and likeness of the machine. While at the same time we
must emphasize that the elements of world and human life go beyond the
framework of politics.
Man is thus in the call of faith, as well as in the pressure of politics. This pro-
cess or situation in which the believer lives also creates confusion within him.
It is a confusion which spiritually affects the faithful and the world in general.
The political leadership in the world with the recognition of the rights of the
people have made a great effort for the recognition of the rights of women,
children, etc. These political actions are inspired by the Christian spirit. But
there are policy initiatives that profoundly affect the lives of believers. One
case is the resumption of same-sex marriage through the laws of each country.
It is this initiative that upsets and affects the morality of the faithful. With this
initiative, politics inspired by the spirit of liberalism tries to include as much
as possible in this institution called marriage and family. But at the same time
with this movement the institution loses its nature and consequently loses its
90
sanctity. This attitude goes against the Christian morality based on the Bible,
which God created man “male and female” (Gen. 5:2). As in the same spirit
are other verses of Genesis (Gen. 2: 23 and 24). But over time, this initiative
turns into pressure for religious faith, that is, to be legislated by religious faith.
The concept of human rights plays a big role in this initiative of the politi-
cal leadership. But this initiative also has a support from the vine that exists
among the faithful for marriage. The alienation of the sacrament of marriage
from the Divine Liturgy, the recognition of civil marriage are two important
reasons that “helped” in shaping this vine for marriage. It is secularization,
the conventional expediencies of utilitarianism, that stripped the ecclesiasti-
cal marriage of its sacramental content. The sacrament has a ritual eulogy of
the physical and social union of two heterosexual persons (Yannaras, 2002,
p.237).
The other legislative initiatives of the political leadership are of the same
nature. The ecological problem, the bioethical problem, the war in the name
of freedom and human rights, the economic reforms to the detriment of the
middle and lower classes, the education programs, the attitude towards unem-
ployment, the property are some of the issues that of its initiatives and actions
the political leadership influences the morality and Christian life of the people.
She often creates through her propaganda a popularized form of hypnosis, as
she creates the misconception that through her actions she expresses the most
interesting feelings of individuals and social groups. Political power is based
on passions and collective subconscious feelings (Berdyaev, 2002, p. 102-103).
It is necessary to overcome this situation, which really creates the dilemma
for the moral of the mind or the moral of responsibility. It is the charismatic
moral of the cross mole (Mantzaridis, 1994, fq. 125) what gives us a solution to
the dilemma. It is the morality that breaks down any conventional moral that
appears before man. It is a morality that humility, love, hope, faith take their
true dimensions from the communion of man with God. It is the morality
created by cooperation with the grace of God and which leads to deification.
Conclusion
The church and political power not only have their presence in the world,
but they also have their missions. The church deals with man and his salva-
tion, while political power takes and aims at the management of society. Thus
the Church is interested in the person, while politics sees him as an individual.
The Church focuses on Divine Thanksgiving and its morality is Eucharistic
91
and saving, while politics focuses on ideologies, which change whenever the
representative political group changes and its morality is based on the power
of power and not on the power of divine grace. Even politics, having its power
in its hands, has repeatedly tried to impose itself on the moral Church, which
often contradicts the principles of Scripture and the Tradition of the Church.
It is these cases that have often influenced the confusion in the identity of peo-
ple who are both members of the Church and citizens of the state. The moral-
ity of both representations, the Church and Politics, depends on the principles
on which they are based. Where that ecclesiastical is based on the revelation of
God and has divine origins, while the political one is based either on human
thought and sometimes on the divine, but is either secularized or has an ex-
treme form being identified as politico-religious morality. Religious morality
does not exclude political power, but it cannot be equated with ecclesiastical
morality.
The Church is not afraid of politics and its morals, but tries to offer an al-
ternative within the world through the presence and message of salvation, es-
pecially in today when ignorance of church morality has indifference to know
it and sometimes a negative feedback. The Christian morality offered by the
Church is not based on utopian sources, nor is it utopian, while political mo-
rality is not utopian. Christian morality initially offers acceptance to find and
experience its morality and this search to find it is accomplished with effort.
The opposite happens with political morality. It relies on propaganda, where
from the beginning it creates the idea of paradise, but that constantly people
find despair, torment, disappointment and negativity. Christian morality is
not interested in the massification of people and their consideration as a num-
ber, but as persons who belong to the divine society. It has the same attitude
towards people outside the Church, as it considers them to be images of God.
This is because the characterization of the Church in the world is service, while
for politics it is power. In this view we understand that service has humility,
while politics has power. Despite this attitude of politics or society, Christian
morality is formed and expresses internal freedom, because no external power
can bind and neutralize it (Archbishop Anastasios, 2000).
92
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Berdyaev Nikolai (1980), To Pepromeno tou Anthropou sto Sychrono Kosmo
(translate Ευτηχίας Β. Γιούλτση), Thessaloniki, P. Pournara.
Berdyaev Nikolai (2002), Basileio tou Pneumatos kai Basileio tou Kaisara
(translate B. Youltsis), Thessaloniki, P. Pournara.
Berdyaev Nikolai, O Christianismos kai to Provlima tou Kommounismou, I.
Sideris.
Bozoni, A. G. (1985). Dokimio Koinoniologias, Athens.
Buga Tasos (1990), Politik, Mithos, Logos, Ideologia – I Politiki dhe Politikos,
Athens, K. Boulouris.
Giddens Anthony (1997), Sociologjia (translate T. Starova και K.Myftiu),
Tiranë, Çabej.
Karavidopoulos D. Ioannis (1990), Meletes Erminias kai Theologias tis Kainis
Diathikis, Thessaloniki, P. Pournara.
Karagiannis Stef. Georgios (1994), Dokimia Filosofias, Larisa.
Karras Kostas (2001), Agia Triada, Ekklisia kai Politiki – Zontani Orthodoxia
ston Synchrono Kosmo, Athens. Estia.
Manastireanu Danut (2009), Nga Skllavëria në Shkretëtira, Tiranë, Word
Vision Albania.
Mantzaridis I. Georgios (2002), Christianiki Ithiki I’, Thessaloniki, P. Pournara.
Mantzaridis I. Georgios (2003, Christianiki Ithiki II’, Thessaloniki, P. Pournara.
Mantzaridis Georgios (1994). I Empeiriki Theologia stin Oikologia kai Politiki,
Thessaloniki, P. Pournara.
Mantzaridis I. Georgos (1996), Orthodoxi Theologia kai Koinoniki Zoi,
Thessaloniki, P. Pornara.
Matsoukas A. N. (2001), Dogmatiki kai Simboliki Theologia B’, Thessaloniki,
P. Pournara.
Millon-Delsol Chantal ( 2002), Idetë Politike në shekullin e XX-të (translate
Esmeralda Selita), Tiranë, Onufri.
93
Misha Piro (2008), Arratisja nga Burgjet e Historisë, Tiranë, Toena.

Nikolaidis B. Ap. (1994). Themata Christianikis Zois A’, Athens.
Stumpf Enoch Samuel, Filozofia – Historia dhe Problemet, Tirana, Toena.
Thermou Basileio (father) (2008), Na vro tin psychi mou, Athens, Armos.
Yiannaras Hristos (2002), I Eleftheria tou Ithous, Athens, Ikaros.
Youltsis T. Basilios (1999), Pneumatikotita kai Koinoniki Zoi, Thessaloniki, P.
Pornara.
Youltsis T. Basileios (2004), Koinoniologia tis Thriskeias, Thessaloniki, P.
Pournara.
Yioultsis. B. (2005), I Alli Theasi tou Koinonikou, Thessaloniki, P. Pournara.
94
6
The Contribution of Konstantin
Kristoforidhi to the Albanian Transcription
and the Acquisition of the Biblical Word
among the Albanians
Thoma Shkira
As. Lecturer, Department of Theology & Culture,
University College Logos, Tirana
Corespondence:
e-mail: thomashkira@yahoo.com
Abstract
The article examines the contribution death of this personality, mainly
of Konstandin Kristoforidhi to through the bibliography of the
the Albanian Transcription of the National Library of Albania, Tirana.
Biblical Word and its impact on Keywords:
the Albanian people, through the Kostandin Kristoforidhi, Holy
research of his biography, creativity Scriptures, Bible translations,
and philological, social and religious Orthodox Christianity, British Bible
Society.
contribution. In addition, the
article presents the multifaceted Citation:
Shkira T. The Contribution of
contribution of Kristoforidhi,
Konstantin Kristoforidhi to the
in the Spiritual Tradition of the Albanian Transcription and the
Albanians based on the previous Acquisition of the Biblical Word
biblical translation tradition in the among the Albanians. Theology &
Albanian language; the qualities Culture. 2021; 2: 97-109.
of his personality, so necessary to Doi: 10.13140/RG.2.2.17290.59841
conduct his work, the main moments
of which, as far as we are permitted
are mentioned in this study related to
its biographical elements. Moreover,
this study highlights the influence
and evaluation, or neither of these, of
his work at the time before and after
97
The Contribution of Konstantin Kristoforidhi to the Albanian Transcription ©2021 Shkira
Introduction
T
he nineteenth century constitutes an important period of biblical
translations which relied on the previous writing and the biblical
translation tradition in the Albanian language1, and exceeded it,
because the complete translation of the New Testament was never finalized
before, when for several times it was published in the Tosk dialect with Greek
letters, first by Grigor Gjirokastriti in Corfu in 1827 and then in both Alba-
nian dialects by Konstandin Kristoforidhi, in 1867 in the Gheg dialect with
Greek letters and in 1872 in the Tosk dialect with Latin letters.
Konstandin Kristoforidhi became the most prominent personality of the
Albanian language during the XIX century. His multifaceted and enormous
work shaped the period of the Albanian National Renaissance, mainly en-
riching the spiritual tradition of the Albanians through the inclusion of the
Biblical Word among them, transcripted so masterfully by him. Kristoforidhi
supported and continued the previous biblical and linguistic translation tra-
dition in both dialects of the Albanian language. It is a fact that, up to date, no
one has exceeded the limits of his creative works. Needless to say, his talents
and the contributing work achieved by him can only be understood by know-
ing his stations and biographical elements.
Kostandin Nelko (Kristoforidhi) was born in Elbasan, Albania in 1827. He
completed his primary education in the Greek school of the Kala neighbor-
hood and his secondary education in the Greek gymnasium Zosimea in Ioan-
nina during the years 1847 - 1850. During high school he was a distinguished
student and he was appointed as a tutor and taught Albanian to the deputy
consul of Ioannina, named J. G. Hani, using as a basic book the New Testa-
ment of Grigor Gjirokastriti. Thanks to this collaboration J. G. Hani managed
to compile an Albanian-German dictionary. Both of them together conducted
philological expeditions through Albania to collect linguistic material, which
served as valuable material for the later dictionary of the Albanian Language
compiled by Konstandin Kristoforidhi (Lloshi, 2002, p. 22-23).
1 The tradition of writing the Albanian language begins in the Arberian ecclesiastical
spaces in the period before the Turkish occupation and takes place on the same grounds in
the XIV-XIX centuries. This effort is driven by the desire of members of the Arbero-Albanian
Christian community to pray to God in the Albanian language. Pjetër Budi, Frank Bardhi,
Pjetër Bogdani, Lekë Matrënga, Grigori i Durrësit, Dhaskal Todri (Haxhifilipi), Grigor Gji-
rokastriti, Konstandin Kristoforidhi etc. have translated or written in Albanian the biblical
and liturgical literature, which has been put to use by the same ecclesiastical community and
available to the entire social community of the country.
98
Kostandin’s acquaintance with the New Testament, his philological knowledge

and his ability to translate the Holy Scriptures into Albanian originate at the
earliest from the age of 202 (Lloshi, 2017, p. 118-119; Lloshi, 2008, p. 118).
His previous philological and translation work made him worthy to take the
meaningful surname “Kristoforidhi” later on.
1. The reason for the self-change of Kostandin’s surname
from Nelko to Kristoforidhi
In 1854 Kostandin wanted and changed his surname from Nelko3 to Kris-
toforidhi. The authors and scholars link the change of his surname in Kristo-
foridhi with the year 1857 onwards, with the beginning of his collaboration
with the British Bible Society, from whom he received orders for the trans-
lation of the Holy Scriptures into Albanian and with the continuation of his
philological work until 1895, which is the year when Kristoforidhi passed
away.
Although authors agree that this change has philological and biblical mo-
tives, except for Dhimitër Shuteriqi, all the others neither ask nor answer,
what was the reason before 1854 when Kostandin, deliberately from this year,
used the new surname Kristoforidhi. In response to that, Shuteriqi is looking
for reasons of changing the surname that have nothing to do with the field
of translations and philology of the young Kristoforidhi. (Shuteriqi, 1950, p.
4-5).
As a reason, we can say that after reviewing the references of these authors
on this issue, we come to the conclusion that this change of surname was done
for biblical and philological reasons in connection with the translation and his
work activity before 1854, which Konstandin Kristoforidhi continued, per-
fected, and managed to publish a good part of his work till the end of his life.
2 ‘To gain experience in writing my native language, I have spent many years of my life
studying it theoretically and grammatically, examining the origin of each word together with
Mr. George Hahn, now Austrian consul in Syra’ (Xhevat, 2008, 118). Z. Georg Hahn was the
first to pay attention to the Albanian language, being at that time Austrian Deputy Consul in
Ioannina (today Consul General), he took the opportunity to study it and compiled an Alba-
nian-German dictionary in these two Tosk dialects of gegërisht, and also made an Albanian
grammar of the two dialects, as well as other interesting works on this language, which were
published in Vienna in 1850. At the time he was dealing with this work, he was his assistant
as a language teacher Albanian. But his efforts were useless for my country, as his writings
were German and so my efforts were in vain. See: Xhevat Lloshi, Treasures for the Albanian
Language of the Bible Society I (1815-1883), Tirana: ISShP, 2017, pp. 118-119
3 This was for generations the surname of his family.
99
The people of Elbasan, related to the change of the new surname Kristo-
foridhi, mention as a reason that the new surname Kristoforidhi literally from
Greek means: he who brings Christ - Christ bearer or Christ bearer, in the
Albanian translation of the New Testament. I think that, until 1854, his trans-
lation work had given enough results that he had to use the surname Kristofor
because he had brought Christ in the Albanian language, which is exactly the
same thing that started to be confirmed by the people.
Another version, according to some scholars, is the reason that Konstandin
used the new surname because through his work - he brought the Albanian
language to light - just as Columbus discovered America and both were called
Christopher. However, all versions of scholars, when referring to the change
of surname by Kristoforidhi, have in common the biblical and philological
motive on the work of this translator (Shuteriqi, 1973, p. 235; Sedaj, 1997, p.
85; Lloshi, 2017, p. 118-119).
The scholar Tomor Osmani mentions that Kristoforidhi in the 50s, before
joining the biblical society of London, worked to solve the problem of the al-
phabet of the Albanian language (Osmani, 1999, p. 188; Osmani, 1982, p. 77).
The above statement is also confirmed by a later fact of 1860, a year af-
ter Kristoforidhi started cooperating with the Bible Society. He gave the final
touch to his translation, which we say he had done this translation before co-
operating with the society, because, as it is well known, the representative of
the Bible Society, Isaac Lowndes, asked Kristoforidhi about the gospel submit-
ted for publication to change the Latin alphabet he had used, with the Greek
one, because the Albanians, in order to understand Latin letters, had to learn
those foreign letters from the beginning, while they had learned the Greek
letters in Greek schools and knew how to read them better. Kristoforidhi ac-
cepted his proposal and so it was done. (Osmani, 1982, p. 87).
Since I. Lowndes changed the alphabet or did not set a deadline for Kris-
toforidhi as to which alphabet would be used for translation, it is very likely
that Kristoforidhi brought for publication the translation completed before
the start of his collaboration with the British Bible Society, which eventually
was published after making the last corrections.
Therefore, we can say that the difficult test of the translation of the biblical
philology, preceded by the change of his surname, is the reason why Konstan-
din in 1854 began to use the new surname Kristoforidhi, because he felt that
with his work he had managed to ‘’ bring Christ ‘’ in the Albanian language.
100
From 1854, Kristoforidhi had taught and helped Han until 1950 and at the
same time from 1854 he was definitely engaged in translating the Holy Scrip-
tures. Although, no translated book had seen the light of publication again his
work had yielded so much result that Konstandin himself had enough reason
to change his surname from Nelko to Kristoforidhi.
He worked in Smyrna (Izmir) in 1856-1857 and then for the first time in
1857 moved to Bebek near Istanbul and began collaborating with the Bible
Society. In July of the same year he went to Malta for a qualification in philol-
ogy and theology, attending the Protestant College under the supervision of
representatives of the branch of biblical society while accepting the translation
of the New Testament into Albanian. He studied for two years and stopped
studying to find work. In 1860 he left for Tunisia, where he became the direc-
tor and head teacher of a Greek school until 1865. In Tunisia he married Eleni
Panayoti, a Greek woman originally from Corfu with whom he had 9 children.
After communicating with the representative of the Bible Society, he re-
sumed his cooperation with it, so he settled in Istanbul in 1866, engaged in
the publication and correction of the books of the Holy Scriptures, a cooper-
ation which would last until 1872. The fruits of this cooperation would be the
translations and works such as: New Testament in Gege dialect in 1872, New
Testament in Tosk dialect in 1872, the Psalms in Gege dialect in 1872, The first
and second ABC-books of the Albanian language in Gege dialect in 1866, in
Tosk dialect in 1868.
Also, his first Grammar in Tosk dialect and compiled in Greek language
was published in Constandinople in 1882 (Shuteriqi, 1950, p. 30).
It should be considered that during the nineteenth century the first complete
translation of the New Testament into Albanian was achieved, after many par-
tial translations done during previous centuries. The person who oversaw and
supervised this work was the Bishop of Evias Grigor Gjirokastriti, appointed
as the representative for this translation by the Ecumenical Patriarchate in col-
laboration with the Bible Society. The New Testament was published in 1927
using Greek letters in Albanian in the Tosk dialect in one column and in the
New Greek language for the parallel column on the same page. The influence
of its publication in the philological study circles was wide, unlike its little use
among Albanians in general. (Kurrilla, 1933, p. 2). The translation of the New
Testament by Konstandin Kristoforidhi would be an important and influential
monumental work on biblical and philological Albanian language in the last
decades of the 19th century.
101
Kristoforidhi was the translator of books but, while he was in Albania, he

became their distributor as well. Despite the religious and educational dispro-
portions of the Albanians, the works translated by him had considerable in-
fluence and sales were made throughout Albania and beyond. In some of the
parts of central Albania, such as Elbasan, Berat, Kavaja, Durrës, and Tirana,
these books were read in the homes and in some Orthodox churches by secu-
lars and in some cases by clergy. Albanians of other religions also showed in-
terest as they were amazed that the Holy Scriptures were read and understood
in their native Albanian language. (Lloshi, 2017, p. 305, 313-14). Although, it
should be mentioned that the New Testament in the Tosk dialect found wider
use than the New Testament in the Geg dialect.
The greatest success of this work belongs to Kristoforidhi. The merit of this
long and tedious work is emphasized by the representatives in the reports and
correspondence of the Bible Society for Albania, attributing it to the uncondi-
tional dedication of Kristoforidhi and his low payment. As they make the same
notice as the Albanians, they mention their appreciation for Kristoforidhi, as a
religiously moral and virtuous man as well as his capacity and being a dedicat-
ed man, without whom this monumental work would not have been possible.
In addition, being an Albanian and of orthodox affiliation, he was seen and
mentioned by the Society as an important asset for achieving their influence
and success among Albanians. (Lloshi, 2017, p. 304).
2. On the work of Konstandin Kristoforidhi
Kristoforidhi’s biblical translations resonated widely to all Albanians, re-

gardless of religion or region. All of his works relied entirely on the Bible or
religious books with religious and biblical motives. Konstandin Kristoforidhi
supervised the publication of his works. He published New Testament books
twenty times and for the first time published the complete New Testament in
the Gheg dialect in 1866 in Greek letters and in 1872 in Latin letters. During
the reprints he perfected the language used according to the new principles
established by him. He also translated and supervised the publication of
books of the Old Testament such as Genesis, Exodus, Psalms, etc. (Shuteriqi,
1950, p. 18-32). Whereas, the works published and republished after his death
(Shuteriqi, 1950, p. 3-13).
Konstandin is the author and the compiler of the first dictionary of the Al-
banian language with 11,200 words, known for its scientific criteria based on
the language of the previous biblical literature of Budi and Bogdani. Despite
102
Kristoforidhi’s efforts to publish it, this work was published in Athens in 1904.
He pursued his work on the continuance of the religious and cultural tra-
dition of Elbasan and the Monastery of Shijon, where is well known the tradi-
tion of manuscripts translated into Albanian and their preservation, such as
the Anonymous of Elbasan. In terms of the saved written works it constitutes
the oldest translation of the Bible in the Albanian language, which is definitely
related to the pre-Turkish tradition of biblical Albanian language (Shuteriqi,
1979, p. 6-13; Shuteriqi, 1976, p. 29).
He was dissatisfied with the improper behavior of some of the representa-
tives of the Bible Society, some of the renaissance people who had power in the
Ottoman Empire but also with the behavior of some of those he considered
as trustworthy. They often made him doubt and keep his head down toward
the persons dealing with common issues for the good of the Albanian Nation.
Konstandin Kristoforidhi was the first initiator of the Albanian society of
Istanbul interested in the issues of the homeland and the alphabet of the Alba-
nian language in 1864, 1867 and 1877, where he had many discouragements
and obstacles caused by them. Despite the failures of these initiatives, we can
confirm that many Renaissance people relied on his work. These injustices
made are clearly comprehended in the dissatisfaction expressed by Konstan-
din Kristoforidhi himself (Shuteriqi, 1950, p. 11-13; Shuteriqi, 1973, p. 243).
3. Preaching in Albanian language
In 1872, following the tradition of Albanian preaching in Elbasan from

1848 by Pope, Kol Popa in the Church of St. Mary of the Kala neighborhood,
Kristoforidhi preached in his mother tongue (Kotherja, 2012, p. 14). The ser-
mons in Albanian performed by him in Elbasan for the orthodox community
of the castle became an ecclesiastical tradition. A part of the women in El-
basan learned the Albanian language (Xhuvani, 1990, p. 450-451). His works
became the reason to try and give sermons in Albanian language based on the
Bible books translated by him in some parts of Albania at that time (Lloshi,
2017, p. 305).
For the second time, Kristoforidhi (first time in 1853) worked as a teach-
er in Tirana, in 1872, at the Greek school of St. Procopius where he taught
Albanian language with the Istanbul’s alphabet to many students; and at the
same time, he read them the Apostle and the Gospel in Albanian language
while teaching the subject of religion. These were used simultaneously in the
103
ecclesiastical celebrations of the churches of St. Procopius and The Evangeli-

zation in Tirana by the clergy and the whole community. The testimonies of
his students and the memory of their ancestors over the years described him
not only as a good teacher but also as a devoted believer (Pano, 1973, p. 433).
4. The persecution of the figure and work of Kristoforidhi
under Communism (1944-1990)
During Communism, in 1948, Enver Hoxha mentioned in the first Con-

gress of the Communist Party that religion is the tool of fascism and the cler-
gy, and took certain measures to abolish the teaching of religion in schools
since the educational reform of 1946-1947 (Enver Hoxha, 1950, p. 65, 120-
123, 178-179). While in 1969, again, the same Dictator writes in the book ‘On
the further revolutionization of our school’ that based on the spirit of the pre-
vious religious literature such as translations of gospels catechisms, liturgical
books and other works with biblical motives, Konstandin Kristoforidhi would
simply be mentioned and not analyzed at the secondary and higher educa-
tion level (Enver Hoxha, 1969, p. 164). This heavily affected the studies of on
the figure of Kristoforidhi because few rare articles were considered sufficient
about him, and most books referring to the period of the national renaissance
did not devote a separate chapter to Kristoforidhi, but were seldom mentioned
or placed anonymously when some figures were mentioned by name, he was
probably anonymously left to be found in ‘... etc’.
Consequently, during the communist period, Kristoforithi’s work and he
himself did not escape from the pressure of this violent and liquidating spirit
of communist atheism, to which some scholars unintentionally influenced by
this spirit tried to conceal Kristoforidhi in the disguise of an atheist, despite
their adverse data to prove this (Plangarica, 2020, p. 160; Shuteriqi, 1977, p.
358-359).
This tendency did not remain only in the spirit of Kristoforidhi’s treatment
as an atheist. However, Shuteriqi, in the same article, analyzes other indisput-
able facts which are handled with the tendency of the anti-religious spirit of
the communist state; but these facts show more than just the deliberate ma-
nipulation of the text. These are exactly the facts that help us be assured of his
religiosity, even though they are treated in the opposite spirit. Some of them
are mentioned in the references below used by other authors, but since they
are repeated, we are not mentioning all of them here, such as Kristoforidhi’s
assertion of his own religion and his last wish that he was to be buried in the
104
Orthodox Monastery of Shijon, facts that unequivocally prove his orthodox

religion (Shuteriqi, 1977, p. 257-362).
In addition, it is Dhimitër Shuteriqi himself who extracts from the State Ar-
chive the data about the change and the meaning of the surname Kristoforidh
by Konstandin himself in 1854. He is also, the one who writes another valu-
able data for us, in which a month before Kristoforidhi died suffering from
cirrhosis, an orthodox priest visited him at his house every day and they talk-
ed about matters of faith together and that on the last day before Kristoforidhi
died, he confessed to the priest.
It would be common for us the expression that described Kristoforidhi as
‘divine providence for the Albanian people’ at a time when Albania was in
great danger of being wiped from the world map. However, this expression
would be so uncommon and out of tradition, extraordinary even, for those
scholars who did not highlight his religion and his religious contribution.
The father of the language was interested in bringing the Holy Scripture
in Albanian for his people. Kristoforidhi translated the Bible since his early
youth years until the last years of his life, published translations and many
unpublished books of The Old Testament. All of these testify for the faith that
motivated him to make the content of the Albanian language known to Alba-
nians, realizing this mainly through scripture and the monumental spiritual
work of Albanians during the centuries of Christianity.
The researcher Engjëll Sedaj has concluded that the cases of reports of the
representatives of the Bible Society where they mention Kristoforidhi as a
Protestant Christian are unsubstantiated and unproven4 (Sedaj, 1997, p. 85;
Lloshi, 2017, p. 373). Related to the same issue in question, we encounter the
assertion of Alexander Thomson that Kristoforidhi belongs to the Orthodox
faith, an assertion also written in the reports of the biblical society.
Although due to heavy rain he was not buried at the Monastery of St. John
Vladimir in Shijon according to his will, he was buried with honors between
the two tombs of despots nearby the Church of St. Mary, in the neighborhood
4 Engjëll Sedaj writes in the subtitle of his article: ‘K. Kristoforidhi never converted
to Protestantism, published in 1997 in the magazine Hylli i Dritës: “Thomson bluntly says
(about Kristoforidhi) that ‘he did not convert to our religion’. - and the citation of the article
continues- Kristoforidhi’s faith was the faith of a scientist, while his Christianity was that of
the Albanian tradition, which in fact, is the most stable and very just faith”. This work is also
evidenced by the words when in a question of Thomson, (do you believe in God? Kristo-
foridhi) says, “would it happen that a man who does not believe, devote so much effort to the
Bible? And how could I most convincingly express my feelings about the value and need of
the Bible to my people?”.
105
of Kala in Elbasan. His interment was characterized by a great participation,

a procession in the streets of the city that had fallen into mourning, and the
overwhelming speech of his student Tushi (Dhimitër) Pina, who among other
things said: ‘Cry you mountains of Albania, the father of Albanian language’
(Shuteriqi, 1977 p. 357).
Conclusion
After his death his gospel works were published and republished. Dhimiter
Shuteriqi has stated that the Konstandin Kristoforidhi’s manuscripts of the
New Testaments were significantly intervened by being corrected and that lat-
er on were published. The translation of the New Testament into Albanian was
highly praised by the Orthodox Social Community, so much so, that the New
Testament in the Tosk dialect has been, is and will possibly always be the only
official use of Albanian language in the biblical readings of the Gospel and the
Apostle, in the religious celebration services, sermons and other mysteries of
the Church.
Copies of this Testament were published on the order of the Holy Synod
of the Orthodox Church of Albania in Tirana in 1930, and were sealed as the
official variant of the Orthodox community. Meanwhile, in the 30s of the 20th
century, the eminent albanologist Eulog Kurilla in one of his work praises
Kristoforidhi’s work and gives his philological assessments and critiques on
the Albanian translation of the New Testament. (Kurrila, 1933).
His work shows that Konstandin Kristoforidhi is not simply the only great-
est linguist of our National Renaissance, having 25 monumental works (Mu-
rati, 2002, p. 230), but he is the Leader and the designer of this movement. He
translated the entire New Testament into both dialects of the Albanian lan-
guage using Greek and Latin alphabets, also, a considerable number of books
of the Old Testament (those that were published and those that were not), and
other Catechism textbooks, etc., because he realized that the independence
from the Ottoman rule and the impact of his work on the Albanian people
could not be accomplished by any means other than by reinforcing the reli-
gious traditions of a nation in its mother tongue. Therefore, Kristoforidhi is
the initiator who offered the first model of the national literary language of the
New Testament. This is used and preserved by the Orthodox Church as the
highest spiritual momentum of Albanian language.
The biblical translation and all his work became the cornerstone of the spir-
106
itual liberation of the Albanians, the act of declaring their independence to-
wards a Christian Europe and an authentic testimonial of the autocephaly of
our Church.
Therefore, Konstandin Kristoforidhi became the forerunner of the Auto-
cephaly of the Church of Albania. For this reason, the Church, to this day, has
as its Testament and official language, the translation and the language trans-
lated by its devoted believer in Christ (Beduli, 2006, p. 117-118).
107
References
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Partisë Punës së Shqipërisë, (1950), Tiranë, “Mihal Duri”.
Kotherja Hyqmet, (2012), Pavarësia e Elbasanit 1912, Tiranë: ``Dy Lindje dhe
dy Perëndime``, 2012.
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is to Alvanikon’, Thesaloniki, M. Triandafillidu ke Sias.
Lloshi Xhevat, (2005), KRISTOFORIDHI përmes dokumentimit, Tiranë, ‘Bota
Shqiptare’.
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Logos.
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109

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Theology & Culture

The Academic Journal of the

Theology & Culture

Department of Theology and Culture

Aims and Scope:

Editorial Board Members:

Copyright© 2021 by the Department of Theology & Culture, Univeristy Col-

iki: Relations between the Generations”, Lecturer Dr. Georgios Gaitanos-“The

Coverpage of the Journal Porethentes, designed by the artist Ntinos Xylopoulos

lightenment of Greeks and foreign Orthodox. It made known the theology of

1. Editorial elements of the journal

and historical foundation, while he reconstructed the objections to the exer-

2.1 Misio Dei and Christian witness

The mission of the Church is based on the emergence of the historical

complete man” by the Metropolitan of Calabria Emilianos (Timiadis): “This

Pre-Pentecostal period, the coming of salvation” ( Nisiotis, 1963: 6).

e) The latest approach to the issue is in an article by the Metropolitan of

the end of the earth’ “(Coutroumbis, 1960: 13).

Another group of articles is related to the missionary awareness of the pop-

The contribution of monasticism to Orthodox ecumenical testimony is de-

To this pervasive atmosphere of missionary call of the whole Church be-

In the context of a more sociological view of the mission, Demosthenes

Porethentes/Go Ye was the first missionary journal published in Greece. It

Coverpage of the Journal Porethentes-Archbishop Anastasios when he was a priest

Bishops), Τhessaloniki: P. Pournaras.

Stylios, E. (1962), “Missionary narratives of the Triodion”, Porefthedes, iss. 13,

Lecturer of Liturgy, Department of Doctor of Byzantine Art,

A roundel of Christ, who looks frontally, is depicted in the middle of the

a medallion of Christ. They are identified by inscriptions as king David to the

6 Προθεωρία κεφαλαιώδης περὶ τῶν ἐν τῇ θεία λειτουργία γινομένων συμβόλων καὶ

Fig. 8 Christ and David, Chludov Psalter, Moscow

Fig. 9 Christ and David, Par. gr. 20, Paris

Parpulov G. R. (2010), “Mural and Icon Painting at Sinai in the Thirteenth

According to ethnographic literature, parent–child relationships tend

than their parents. This dissonant acculturation challenges parent–child re-

This research is co-financed by Greece and the European Union (European

Adams L. D., & Kirova, A. (2006). Introduction: Global Migration and

Εθνογραφική Προσέγγιση. Τμήμα Κοινωνικής Ανθρωπολογίας, Διδακτορική

Childhood 9 (1): 29-41

As we have mentioned, the Roman Empire was an amalgam of different re-

promoted the Emperor as a God. There were, therefore, different perspectives

2. The Roman Religious Policy

ipated on public ceremonies. The most important issue of Roman bureaucra-

The case of Polycarp of Smyrna martyrdom, as described in the work Mar-

In conclusion, the Roman authorities did not seek to identify who is a

Barclay M., Jews in the Mediterranean Diaspora: From Alexander to Trajan

Ι. Μούρτζιος), Θεσσαλονίκη: Πουρναράς, 1997.

London: SCM Press LTD, 1964.

1. Man within these institutions

2. Church, politics and freedom

tzaridis, 2002, p.167). The difference between Christianity and liberalism is

cion and external authority (Mantzaridis 2002, p.165).

the individual and not the person.

In the discussion of the political and Christian morality it would be impos-

In the theory of class struggle, which was common in communist countries,

Anastasios Yannoulatos (Archbishop of Tirana and all Albania).(2000),

Misha Piro (2008), Arratisja nga Burgjet e Historisë, Tiranë, Toena.

Kostandin’s acquaintance with the New Testament, his philological knowledge

Kristoforidhi was the translator of books but, while he was in Albania, he

Kristoforidhi’s biblical translations resonated widely to all Albanians, re-

In 1872, following the tradition of Albanian preaching in Elbasan from

ecclesiastical celebrations of the churches of St. Procopius and The Evangeli-

During Communism, in 1948, Enver Hoxha mentioned in the first Con-