ISSN 2181-8592

BULLETIN
OF THE INTERNATIONAL INSTITUTE
FOR CENTRAL ASIAN
STUDIES

29
PUBLISED TWICE A YEAR

Founded in 2005

SAMARKAND
2020
IICAS
International Institute
for Central Asian Studies (IICAS)
by the UNESCO Silk Road Programme

International Advisory Board

Chairman: dmitry voyakin, PhD. in archaeology, Director of IICAS; Bakhtiyar Babajanov, Dr. Sci. (Hist.), The Abu
Rayhan Biruni Institute of Oriental Studies of the Academy of Sciences of the Republic of Uzbekistan; Jian Ma, profes-
sor of the School of Cultural Heritage at Northwest University, Xi’an, China; Julio Bendezu-sarmiento, PhD. in pre-
history, ethnology and anthropology, University of Paris 1 Sorbonne Pantheon, French National Centre for Scientific
Research (CNRS-ENS); Michael Frachetti, professor, Department of Anthropology Washington University in St. Louis,
USA; Michael Jansen, professor, The German University of Technology in Oman (GUtech); e gor Kitov, PhD. Institute
of Ethnology and Anthropology of the Russian Academy of Sciences, Institute of Archeology of the Ministry of Science
and Education of the Republic of Kazakhstan; Bulat Khusainov, Academician of the Kazakhstan National Academy
of Natural Science, Dr. Sci. (Economics), Professor; roland lin Chih-Hung, PhD. in Art History and Archaeology,
Professor, Paris-Sorbonne University; Pavel lurje, PhD. in philology, Oriental Department of the State Hermitage
Museum, St. Petersburg; simone Mantellini, PhD. in archaeology, University of Bologna; shahin Mustafayev, Dr.
Sci. (Hist.), Academician, Institute of Oriental Studies of the National Academy of Sciences of Azerbaijan; Claude
rapin, Research Professor (Directeur de recherche), EUR'AOROC (CNRS/Sorbonne Université); ayrat sitdikov, Dr.
Sci. (Hist.), Institute of Archeology named after A. Khalikov, Academy of Sciences of the Republic of Tatarstan;
Michael shenkar, Associate Professor of Pre-Islamic Iranian Studies, The Hebrew University of Jerusalem; rafael
valeev, Dr. Sci. (Hist.), Professor of Kazan Federal University, Vice-President of National Committee ICOMOS
Russia; ona vileikis, PhD. in engineering science, the UCL Institute of Archaeology; Kazuya yamauchi, Professor of
Archaeology, Teikyo University, Tokyo.

edItorIal Board

Editor-in-Chief: ruslan G. Muradov, Professor of the International Academy of Architecture, Moscow branch
(IAAM); Bakyt amanbaeva, PhD. in archaeology, Professor, Institute of History and Cultural Heritage of the National
Academy of Sciences of the Kyrgyz Republic; Farda asadov, Dr. Sci. (Philology), Professor, Institute of Oriental
Studies of the National Academy of Sciences of the Republic of Azerbaijan; enkhbat avirmed, the School of Business
Administration and Humanities, Mongolian University of Science and Technology; Bauyrzhan Baitanayev, Dr. Sci.
(Hist.), Academician, Institute of Archaeology of the Ministry of Science and Education of the Republic of Kazakhstan;
larisa dodhudoeva, Dr. Sci. (Hist.), Institute of History, Archeology and Ethnography of the Academy of Sciences of
the Republic of Tajikistan; steven Gilbert, PhD. in historical and ethnographic and theological studies, the Lanier
Center for Archaeology at Lipscomb University, USA; svetlana Gorshenina, Professor (Director de rechevche),
EUR'ORBEM (CNRS/Sorbonne Université) and the Maison de l'historie of the University of Geneva; Hee soo lee,
Professor of the Department of Cultural Anthropology, Hanyang University, Seoul; alexander Jumaev, PhD. in art
studies, Research Group ‘Makam’ of the International Council for Traditional Music, Tashkent; saeid Khatibzadeh,
Professor, Institute for Political and International Studies (IPIS), Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Iran; Philipp Meuser,
PhD. in architecture, Professor, Bund Deutscher Architekten (BDA), DOM Publisers, Berlin; tigran Mkrtychev, Dr.
Sci. (Art studies), the State Museum of Oriental Art, Moscow; shakirjan Pidaev, PhD. in archaeology, Fine Arts
Research Institute of the Academy of Sciences of the Republic of Uzbekistan; dilshod rahimi, Research Institute of
Culture and Information of the Ministry of Culture of the Republic of Tajikistan; Ghani-ur rahman, Associative
Professor, Taxila Institute of Asian Civilizations Quaid-i-Azam University Islamabad; evren rutbil, Turkish
Cooperation and Coordination Agency (TİKA); tim Williams, Associate Professor in Silk Roads Archeology, the UCL
Institute of Archaeology.

Editorial Office: anastasia stepanova

The authors are responsible for the choice and the presentation of the facts contained in this edution and for the
opinions expressed therein, which are not necessarily those of IICAS and do not oblige the organization in any way, nor
do they represent the expression of any opinions as the part of IICAS concerning the legal status of any country, territory,
city or of its authorities, or concerning the delimitation of its frontier or boundaries.

© International Institute for Central Asian Studies, 2020

 CONTENTS

Dmitry Voyakin 25 Years of IICAS, 15 Years of the Bulletin of IICAS.......................................................5

Ruslan Muradov Editorial..............................................................................................................................9

Cultural StudIes

Nona Avanesova, Armen Kasparov

The Paleometal Era of Zeravshan: The Interaction of Two Polar Systems .............................................13

Gennady Bogomolov
Zurvanism in Sogd.........................................................................................................................................21

Dodo Nazilov
Compositions of Zoroastrian Fire Altars of Sasanian Iran (based on Coin Images)............................33

Bernard O'Kane
From Atelier Floor to Monument Wall: How Were Tiles Placed Correctly?..........................................44

Allanazar Sopiev
Traditional Technologies and Artistic Techniques for Finishing Weapons
Presented in the Collection of the State Museum of Turkmenistan........................................................65

Alexey Ulko
“Uzbek is the Language for Uzbeks”: Why Are There Problems
with the State Language in Uzbekistan? .....................................................................................................87

Boris Chukhovich
“Non-national Artists” and “National Art”:
About the Exclusivity of the "Inclusive" terms of Soviet Aesthetics........................................................96

HISTORIOGRAPHY ISSUES

“Masters” and “Natives”. Digging the Others’ Past (Book Discussion Forum)....................................108
Fiona Kidd The Deep Inequalities in the Structures of Knowledge......................................................109
Elise Luno The Diversity of Approaches on the Way a Balance May Arise between Partners...........113
Marek Jan Olbrycht Some Remarks on the Margins of the Book ........................................................115
Mikhail Shenkar Languages of Central Asian Archeology ...................................................................116
Michele Minardi Asia Isn’t What It Used to Be........................................................................................118
Gian Luca Bonora, Simon Mantellini Exploring Central Asia with the Locals:
Maurizio Tosi in Turkmenistan and Uzbekistan...............................................................................120
Carlo Lippolis Perspectives on the East after Alexander the Great......................................................123

3
 BULLETIN OF IICAS 29/2020

Anton Ikhsanov
A Community of Linguists Does not Create a Language, but a Society Does:
Dichotomies in Central Asian Historiography.........................................................................................124

Ruslan Muradov
Shakh-i-Zinda: A Thousand-year Life of a Shrine....................................................................................137

NAMES IN SCIENCE

Svetlana Gorshenina
Galina Pugachenkova's Archives in Open Access....................................................................................149

Aisulu Yerzhigitova, Sergey Yatsenko

Erbulat Smagulov: Contribution to Archaeology.....................................................................................158

CHRONICLE

Bakyt Amanbaeva, Saida Ilyasova

On the Anniversary of Valentina Dmitrievna Goryacheva....................................................................173

Mavlyuda Abbasova-Yusupova
Lidia Lvovna Rtveladze (Bukinich): Archaeologist, Historian, Archivist.............................................175

Yazgül Ezizova
Kuvandyk Poladov (1956-2019) ................................................................................................................180

Bakyt Amanbaeva
Mikhail Nikolaevich Fedorov (1937-2020)...............................................................................................181

IICAS Activities in 2019..............................................................................................................................182

Addresses of Authors...................................................................................................................................187

Abbreviations................................................................................................................................................187
Introductory remarks
by Dmitriy Voyakin, Director of IICAS

25 years of IICAS,
15 years of the Bulletin of IICAS

D EAR READERS, I am glad to welcome you to the

pages of the updated journal of the International In-
stitute for Central Asian Studies!
We bring to your attention the new issue of the IICAS
journal. In fact, this is not an ordinary issue. For the an-
niversary of the Institute and the anniversary of the jour-
nal, together with Ruslan Muradov—the Editor-in-Chief, an
intellectual and a renowned scholar—the IICAS Secretariat
has done an impressive job of updating the Bulletin and giv-
ing it a drastically different style and content.
However, let us get back to the anniversaries. After
all, 2020 is an anniversary year for our Institute. It is turn-
ing 25 years in 2020. This marks 25 years of joint work and
active dialogue between scientists and research organiza-
tions within the framework of the IICAS activities for the
benefit scientific and cultural development.
Over the past years, the Institute has proven its posi-
tion as one of the leading research centers of Central Asia,
while continuing to strengthen the cooperation between
the scientific communities of the state parties to the Agree-
ment. During these years, incredibly interesting and com-
plex projects were implemented, which have become ex-
tremely important milestones in the study and populariza-
tion of the rich historical and cultural heritage of the entire
region. All issued publications invariably enjoy well-de-
served popularity in academic circles, largely due to the
fruitful and deep collaboration of the authors’ connection
with the IICAS team.
Nevertheless, IICAS does not stand still, but rather con-
tinues to develop by opening up new research areas, estab-
lishing close ties with scientists, research organizations, and
universities. Keeping pace with the times, the Institute is ac-
tively working in related disciplines and is mastering new
technologies and approaches.
A brief historical overview is in order. The idea of ​​the
vital necessity of integrating the efforts of the interna-
tional community, aimed at studying the history and cul-
ture of the Central Asian region, originated in the bosom

5
of UNESCO. The first UNESCO pilot project to study
the civilization of Central Asia was designed for a
four-year period (1967-1970) and was included in the
UNESCO program following the 14th session of the
its General Conference at the end of 1966. The pro-
gram stated that the purpose of the new project was to
create a “better understanding of the national civiliza-
tions of Central Asia by means of archaeological re-
search and the study of its history, science, and litera-
ture” and explained that such studies would be related
to the geographical region that included Afghanistan,
Eastern Iran, India, West Pakistan, and the Asian
republics of the Soviet Union, namely Kazakhstan,
Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, Turkmenistan, and Uzbeki-
stan (Gafurov, Miroshnikov 1976). Participants and
witnesses of that project emphasized the beginning of
a multi-faceted experimental process, the main chal-
lenge of which was the lack of experience in practical
arrangements of international cooperation in order to
implement an interdisciplinary approach to the study
of the region’s cultures and nations. The hope was
to include the involvement of scientists from many
disciplines – historians and archaeologists, linguists
and literary critics, art historians, ethnographers, so-
ciologists, experts on numismatics and paleography,
etc. (Gafurov, Miroshnikov, 1976).
An important milestone in the consolidation of
scientific activity included the work of scientists from
different countries, gathered under the auspices of
UNESCO in the period since 1992 until 2005, on the
preparation and publication of the scientific mono-
graph History of Civilizations of Central Asia.
Concluding this brief historical overview, I shall
allow myself, without wasting the reader’s time, to
recall that the idea of ​​creating a type of platform for
cooperation of scientists from all over the world arose
during one of the five scientific expeditions called The
Steppe Route in Central Asia. The expedition took
place in Central Asia from April 18, 1991 until June
17, 1991 within the framework of the UNESCO proj-
ect A Comprehensive Study of the Silk Road: Paths of
Dialogue’, 1987-1997 (The Silk Roads Project, 1988-
1997). That idea was maintained by the international
community and brought to fruition upon the official
visit to Uzbekistan by Federico Mayor Zaragoza the
Director-General of UNESCO on August 27, 1995
when the opening ceremony of the Internation-
al Institute for Central Asian Studies was held. The
International Institute, created by the international
community, has become an important platform for
6
dialogue and cooperation between scientists from
all over the world. It was precisely in the bosom of
IICAS that outstanding results were achieved in the
study, preservation, and popularization of the history
and culture of the vast Central Asian region. Over 25
years, such a significant volume of highly important
work has been done that a simple listing of the results
would take up many pages.
Constantly developing, IICAS strives to master
new horizons. The “toolkit” used to achieve these set
strategic goals is very diverse. These include all kinds
of meetings, conferences, seminars, field trainings;
both the preparation and publication of scientific
papers in the form of various monographs and arti-
cles; also actively informing its stakeholders through
social networks; participation in and moderation of
new directions and social media; and, finally, the use
of the latest techniques and equipment; as well as
the creation and maintenance of the official website.
Supporting young scholars through the provision of
grants for advanced training by means of their partic-
ipation in international schools and projects has defi-
nitely become another promising area in the activities
of the Institute.
The journal of the Institute occupies a special
place in the activities of IICAS. The Bulletin of IICAS
has been published since 2005. Its 28 issues and
one supplement – materials from the 2017 scientif-
ic conference – continues to see the light of day up
to the present. Scholars from such countries as the
USA, Kyrgyzstan, France, Uzbekistan, Kazakhstan,
Ukraine, Germany, Iran, Italy, Tajikistan, South Ko-
rea, Russia, Azerbaijan, Mongolia, the Netherlands,
and many others actively publish their research mate-
rials on the pages of the Institute’s journal.
All issues of the Bulletin of IICAS can be found at
the following link: http://www.unesco-iicas.org/ru/
library/.
In the 21st century – the era of information tech-
nologies – new challenges and related needs are clear-
ly emerging. That, in turn, forces us to look for new
approaches and tactfully and competently enter areas
with tough competition, yet, at the same time main-
tain a high level of topical relevance and demand.
First of all, the IICAS team has an extremely clear
understanding that the updated journal is intended
to become a highly intellectual platform for scientif-
ic debate and discussions as well as to gain attention
through the publication of iconic, foundational arti-
cles and highly topical and relevant materials.
 BULLETIN OF IICAS 29/2020
To achieve such an ambitious level, the IICAS Sec-
retariat is implementing the following steps:
First, in terms of ensuring a proper assessment of
the effectiveness and efficiency of research organiza-
tions and scholarly activity, the Bulletin of IICAS is be-
ing brought into line with the requirements of global
citation indices and related bibliometric indicators.
Thus, starting in 2020, the journal has been indexed
in the RSCI (Russian Science Citation Index). Nego-
tiations are underway to include the Bulletin in the
Scopus and Web of Science databases. All articles will
receive a DOI (Digital Object Identifier). It is thanks
to this specific development of the journal that schol-
ars engaged in Central Asian studies will have the
opportunity to quickly integrate their research results
into the world scientific information space.
In addition, updating and expanding the compo-
sition of the editorial board will not only improve the
quality of peer review and, accordingly, the quality of
articles, but will also increase the number of materi-
als accepted for publication. A section of each issue
of the journal has now become a discussion platform
where interesting scientific topics will be passionately
and captivatingly discussed.
The schedule of the periodical publication around
separate thematic issues has also been worked out.
Each of these issues shall allow for a more detailed ex-
amination of a specific subject of scientific discourse.
Another step has involved establishing an hono-
rarium fund for the preparation and publication of
foundational articles on specific topics and areas. It
is anticipated that anchor articles by leading experts
in a particular field will become an additional vector
for attracting the attention and interest of the broader
scientific community.
The IICAS Secretariat has begun working to create
a correspondent, partner network around the world.
Such an undertaking will give an impetus for addi-
tional interest in the journal and the materials pub-
lished in it. In this regard, I shall again emphasize
the clear advantage of the Bulletin of IICAS with its
bilingualism, which makes it possible to achieve an
incredibly broad geographical coverage.
It is also our desire to actively promote the jour-
nal by means of constant advertising through social
networks and the IICAS website as one of the cor-
nerstones of the dissemination of information about
a newly published issue and each published article.
The publication the articles and related color il-
lustrations with full English and Russian translation
7
in their own separate volumes issued biannually, en-
ables the journal to maintain an active and dynamic
interest both by potential authors and readers of the
Bulletin.
Until recently, we have enaged in significant de-
bate concerning the publication format of the Bulletin
of IICAS on whether to do a “hard-copy” printed ver-
sion of the Bulletin or merely publish electronically.
I have to state that in the age of digital technologies
there is a persistent feeling that paper-based media
is obsolete. During the coronavirus pandemic, peo-
ple have learned to communicate and even hold large
international conferences remotely online. Moreover,
the combination of the most extensive databases of
digitized literature and convenient gadgets with vari-
ous software brings, without a doubt, a level of com-
fort in practically everything – from searching for
the desired publication to copying the necessary text
blocks and cross-references for any source of citation.
At the same time, there are those who maintain
some significant objections to a merely electronic for-
mat, which usually are found in two groups: Those
whose reaction is emotional and the other of a more
practical nature. The first is the person whose soul
feels how comfortable and enjoyable it is to hold a
book in one’s hands, to turn its pages over, and to smell
the pleasant aroma so familiar to all book lovers. In
addition, there is the danger that comes with unlim-
ited access to digital sources. We face unprecedented
levels of plagiarism; cutting and pasting quotes is be-
coming a common practice. No one seems to com-
pletely read the scanned works. This creates an easy
opportunity to find via automatic search only what is
needed to solve a narrow problem. However, in order
to understand the author, one needs to read the en-
tire work, internally accept or discuss, and at the same
time enjoy the process of cognition. But this is about
the human soul and emotions....
The practical advisability of publishing literature
on paper lies, in my opinion, primarily in the prob-
lem of data preservation that still exists. An alterna-
tive format of information is always important. In this
context, digital as well as physical. If you lose one,
there is a great chance to save the other. Finally, one
must also consider the obvious importance of health.
Reading without receiving radiation from a computer
monitor or device screen, while preserving one’s vi-
sion, is much more useful!
Today, we — readers and book lovers — are the
only immunity for print media against the massive
 BULLETIN OF IICAS 29/2020

spread of the digital industry. An article in The New

York Times in 2015 stated that at the time, “there were
signs that some e-readers were returning to print
media or were mixing paper and digital media. Ac-
cording to the Association of American Publishers,
which receives data from approximately 1,200 pub-
lishers, e-book sales have fallen by 10% in the first
five months of this year (2015 – DV). Last year digital
books accounted for about 20% of the total market –
about the same as a few years ago.” The author of the
article, Alexandra Altersept, concluded that this un-
dulation remains the main feature of the book world
(The Plot Twist, 2015).
Taking into account these kinds of fluctuations
and other factors briefly described above, in a kind of
symbiosis of the cult vs. the pragmatic of popular de-
mand and attractiveness; IICAS is going in two paral-
lel directions – the journal will be available in digital
form, as well as in a printed paper version.
Thus, dear readers, here at the conclusion of my
opening remarks, my wish is that you enjoy the study
of the 29th updated issue of the Bulletin of IICAS!

BIBLIOGRAPHY

Gafurov, B. and L. Miroshnikov (1976). Izuchenie tsivili-

zatsiy Tsentralnoy Azii: opyt mezhdunarodnogo sotrud-
nichestva. Po proektu UNESCO (Study of Civilizations
of Central Asia: experience of international cooperation.
According to the project of UNESCO). Moscow, pp. 3-4.
The Plot Twist, 2015 – The Plot Twist: E-Book Sales Slip,
and Print Is Far From Dead // New York Times. Sept.
22, 2015. URL: https://www.nytimes.com/2015/09/23/
business/media/the-plot-twist-e-book-sales-slip-and-
print-is-far-from-dead.html (retrieved 21.07.2020);
The Silk Roads Project, 1988-1997 – The Silk Roads Project
“Integral Study of the Silk Roads: Roads of Dialogue”
1988-1997. CLT/CPD/DIA/2008/PI/68. URL: http://
unesdoc.unesco.org/ark:/48223/pf0000159189
(retrieved 20.07.2020).
 Editorial
T
HE PRESENT issue of the journal was being
prepared for publication in unusual conditions
– the whole world was engulfed in a pandemic
due to the rapid spread of the COVID-19 virus and
quarantine introduced almost everywhere. Humanity
has never known such an experience of total reaction
to an invisible threat. It is absolutely clear that the im-
print of the events of 2020 will remain in our collec-
tive memory for a long time, as well as it will become
the subject of public discussions and scientific anal-
ysis. One of the important lessons, which is already
obvious – we all realized, on the one hand, our own
vulnerability, and on the other hand, we saw the need
for responsibility, cooperation, mutual assistance,
trust, and the ability to remain within the framework
of common sense in an unprecedented global crisis.
However, we also witnessed that the previous agenda
is not canceled even against the background of such
extraordinary circumstances. Although the distort-
ing mirror of the mass media highlights new prob-
lems, sending old ones into a kind of ‘gray zone’, those
challenges have not gone anywhere and still remain
relevant.
Whatever adjustments we have to make to our
daily life, to our plans and projects, life still goes on.
Human survival lies in one’s high adaptability based
on our intelligence. Taking advantage of that indis-
putable advantage over other biological species, we
do not so much create a threat of total self-destruc-
tion as we cultivate culture and civilization instead.
The study of human beings and humanity through
the prism of these concepts is the subject of such hu-
manitarian disciplines as social anthropology, history
and archeology, linguistics, religious studies, ethnog-
raphy, and art history. This is approximately the range
of interests of our journal, limited by the framework
of one geographical locus.
For the less than 30 years that have passed since the
collapse of the USSR, there has been a quite obvious
reconfiguration of knowledge in the social sciences in
post-Soviet Central Asia. On the one hand, the region
was partially opened for foreign specialists; the pre-
vious restrictions for local scholars who gained the
opportunity to integrate into the international scien-
tific community disappeared. Their research methods
have changed, and participation in various transna-
9
tional projects has facilitated the beneficial interac-
tion of all who are involved in such activities. At the
same time in many respects Central Asian studies still
remain on the periphery of modern scholarly study
and the problematic issues in this sphere of the hu-
manities are well known.
The possibility of international academic dialogue
largely depends on geopolitical trends that determine
the fate of existing scientific institutions and can give
rise to new ones. The quarter-century experience of
IICAS demonstrates just how effective such projects
can be. It is worth recalling that the mission of IICAS
is to attract the attention of a wide audience to the sci-
entific and cultural problems of Central Asia, as well
as to strengthen cooperation between local scholars
and their foreign colleagues in the framework of an
interdisciplinary study of the region, covering tangi-
ble and intangible cultural heritage, the environment,
archeology, political history, history of art, history of
religions, history of sciences, ethnography, historical
geography, written and oral literature, social sciences,
and other fields. The mission and the functions of IICAS
are clearly reflected in the research and applied proj-
ects carried out by the Institute. As for the Bulletin of
IICAS, it is intended not only to reflect their results,
but also to become a publication that contributes to
the expansion of the communicative space of interac-
tion among experts from different countries.
We hope to help raise the level of research works
by providing the opportunity to publish scientific ar-
ticles and by free access for interested parties to all
published materials. Our editorial board also con-
siders the provision of the scientific community with
opportunities for open scholarly discussions and ex-
change of views as one of the priority tasks.
Nowadays there are a number of online and pa-
per-based journals dedicated to the study of Central
Asia in the world. They are mainly published by uni-
versities and academic institutions in English and
Russian, being the most convenient languages for a
sufficiently large community of several generations
of researchers professionally involved in the study of
this region of the planet. Already existing for 15 years
now, the Bulletin of IICAS has taken a rather modest
place in the list of such scientific publications – de-
spite obvious achievements, for various reasons, the
journal was unable to gain popularity and recogni-
tion of the audience it is designed for. Awareness of
this fact prompted the management of IICAS to re-
brand the journal so that it would better meet mod-
ern requirements of scientific publications, as well as
expand the journal’s thematic range.
Presently, the journal will be equally focused on
studying the past, as well as on comprehending mo-
dernity. However, without knowledge of history, it is
impossible to talk about the current challenges of the
region’s culture, therefore the traditional section of
articles on historical sciences shall be preserved, but
it will be supplemented with original texts on cultural
studies and sociology of culture, linguistic and reli-
gious aspects of life of the Central Asian nations, the
functioning of architecture, fine arts, and other types
of artistic creativity.
The structure of the journal is divided into the
following three main sections – ‘Research of Culture’,
‘Issues of Historiography’, and ‘The Name in Science’.
Within each section, all materials are grouped not
by the topic, but by the names of their authors in al-
phabetical order. This neutral principle does not ap-
ply only to thematic blocks, where the autonomy of
each article is hardly appropriate – more important
there is the logical connection of the presented texts.
10
The editorial board also plans to release special issues
dedicated to specific topics of relevance, dictated by
certain ideas and trends of modern public thought.
Such specificity of the journal necessitates the in-
volvement as authors of representatives of the inter-
national expert and analytical community, who know
the region well within their competence. We will try
to reflect a wide variety of opinions of different ex-
perts, so that our reader gets a comprehensive idea of​​
the subject of one’s interest and, above all, on the is-
sues under discussion. The journal assumes not only
the publication of the results of specific research in
the above-mentioned disciplines, but also the debates,
criticism, and bibliography of new sources. Such ap-
proach will allow users to track and evaluate the most
important topics that constantly appear in the field of
studying the history and contemporary culture of the
Central Asian countries.
How successfully we will achieve the stated goals
largely depends on the activity of our potential au-
thors – not only reputable scientists, but also young
scholars starting their journey in science and ready
to participate in the development of the global know-
ledge system.
Ruslan Muradov
CULTURAL
STUDIES

11
12
 NONA AVANESOVA, ARMEN KASPAROV

THE PALEOMETAL ERA OF ZERAVSHAN:

THE INTERACTION OF TWO POLAR SYSTEMS
The publication is dedicated to Zeravshan antiquities of the Paleometal era, marking the territory of distribution
of East European artifacts in the Central Asian interfluve. The considered microdistrict occupies a key position
in the Zeravshan basin. Here traces of the interaction of various cultural groups are most fully reflected. This
habitable part of the valley at the turn of the 4th-3rd millenniums BCE. was a natural haven for both early
farmers (Sarazm) and for herders (Zhukov). It must be pointed out that the differences in the occupied ecological
niches affected the models of the economy, which was complex. The aforesaid is confirmed by: the Saraszm
cultural complex, which developed on the basis of agricultural and cattle-breeding economy in combination
with metallurgy; and the early cattle pastoral economy of the Yamno-Afanasyev type (as seen in the sacred
complex Zhukov and others); Monuments of the Zeravshan cultural province, such as the Bactrian-Margian
culture, BMAC (Sazagan Old Speech, etc.); Shepherd-Andronovo-type shepherd communities specializing
in mining and metallurgical production aimed at the development and processing of local raw materials
(Karnab, Tugay, etc.). The analyzed complexes indicate the use of the mineral resource potential in trade and
exchange operations. These sources model a diversified economic system with production specialization, taking
into account the domestic market and trans-regional trade relations. The region is the territory of the largest
historical and cultural region of the Central Asian interfluve. The land is at the junction of the contacts of the
world of the Eurasian steppes with the settled agricultural centers of the south of Central Asia, which led to
active ethnocultural processes. The constantly growing source-study base makes the key position of the cultural
indicators of this multicultural region in the evaluation of Eurasian antiquities more and more obvious.
Expressive parallels are traced with the pit, Poltava, Potapov-Sintashta and carcass monuments of the Volga-
Ural region, reflecting the general laws of development. Active ties were facilitated by the geographical position
of the Zeravshan Valley (in the center of Eurasia) and mineral resources with the development of turquoise
lazurite and copper-tin deposits of the region.

Key words: Zeravshan Valley, the era of the paleometal, early farmers, pastoral tribes.

Citation: Nona Avanesova, Armen Kasparov (2020) The Paleometal Era of Zeravshan: The Interaction of
Two Polar Systems, Bulletin of IICAS, 29, 25-42, DOI: 10.34920/1694-5794-2020-10
Article link: https://doi.org/10.34920/1694-5794-2020-10

Z
eravshan is one of the largest historical and
cultural regions of the Central Asian inter-
fluve. The region is located at the junction of
the world of the Eurasian steppes with the settled ag-
ricultural centers of southern Central Asia, which led
to active ethnocultural processes. The landscape and
climatic features of the economic niches converged
to form differences in the basic sector of the econo-
my. The determining factor in the territory’s develop-
ment was the wealth of the earth’s interior. Reserves
of non-ferrous and rare metals (gold, silver, tin, lead,
zinc, tungsten); nonmetalliferous and building mate-
rials (feldspar, graphite, kaolin clay, marble, granite);
ornamental stones – turquoise, chalcedony, lapis la-
zuli, onyx (Shcherbakov 1968) are in abundance. The
development of local ore deposits was one of the most
important economic and cultural fields of Zeravshan’s
people.
The sources of the paleometal era – which num-
bers more than 50 archaeological sites— reveals the
key multicultural significance of the region in assess-
ing the Eurasian antiquities. Such sites as Sarazm,
Zhukov, the old Sazagan river basin, Tugai, etc., are
concentrated in the Zeravshan historical and geo-
graphical zone and most clearly explain the relation-
ship between these two worlds. A wide multinational
migration mainly determined the current situation,
forming a number of varied cultures, sometimes
demonstrating very unexpected connections between
the people of Zeravshan and the cultures of Northern
Eurasia and Eastern Europe. Such an active synthesis
of two cultural systems can be traced almost through-

13
out the entire paleometal era. There should have been
major reasons for the mass migration of the pastoral
population of northwest Eurasia to the Zeravshan
basin. Both purely demographic and natural factors
(climate change, natural resources, technological
characteristics of the region) could serve as the driv-
ing factors for population movement. The horizons
of the two worlds were significantly expanded by the
invention of the wheeled mode of transportation. The
regions were linked by a network of multi-ethnic and
multicultural trade and exchange contacts. Depend-
ing on the circumstances, the nature of ties could be
direct or indirect, periodic or accidental, peaceful or
expansionary. However, these factors contributed to
the penetration of innovations into the region and the
synthesis of traditions, often becoming a catalyst for
cultural progress.
The mapping of the sites of the region shows that
most of them are located on the left bank of the riv-
er system and are attributed to the plain-steppe and
mountain-valley zones. Considering this particular
subject and in order to understand the complex his-
torical and cultural phenomena, these provide repre-
sentative analysis of the most significant complexes
within the scope of this interregional relationship.
Noticeable changes in the region took place in the
mid-4th millennium BC, when the settled agricul-
tural tribes of the Geoksyur oasis penetrated into the
environment of the local Sazagan-Kelteminar people
(Isakov 1991a). The practical absence of saline and
waterlogged soils, which, moreover, are well-drained
by the underlying pebbly layer (Baratov 1977, p. 86),
allowed the first farmers even then to develop the ter-
ritory of the Middle Zeravshan. The northernmost
ancient agricultural settlement in Central Asia is
Sarazm, which is 45 km from Samarkand. Its culture
demonstrates the initial stage in the formation of a
manufacturing economy. This process (mid-4th – ear-
ly 2nd millennium BC), running in close interaction
with the local population, caused the objective ca-
pacity for integrative cooperation. The multicultural
character affected the formation of the material com-
plex. The economy of the Sarazmians was diversified
and integrated, where metallurgy and metalworking
played an important role (Isakov 1991a, p. 133).
The population of Sarazm pioneered the develop-
ment of the Zeravshan copper-ore base, and from the
end of the 4th millennium BC the settlement became
one of the centers of ancient metal production in
Central Asia (Isakov 1991b, pp. 21-24). At this time,
local metallurgists manufactured a large number of
14
products, the technology of which is characteristic of
the traditions of early farmers and breeders. The dis-
covery of copper, bronze, lead, silver and gold items,
as well as traces of foundries containing lead and
bronze finished ingots of various weights (from 200 g
to 10 kg) indicate the presence of native metalworking
and the probable exportation of metal. Cultural mate-
rial allows us to speak of Sarazm as an industrial, ex-
change and trade center, the economy of which main-
ly relied on this local resource base. It should be noted
that the subsoil resources of the Zeravshan region
are still rich in copper, tin, gold, and lead (Razzokov
2013). Innovations in the economy strengthened in-
tertribal ties and indirectly served to change the social
structure of society. Perhaps this process also affected
the inhabitants of the steppe world as the result of the
cultural ties and borrowings or the penetration of cer-
tain groups of the pastoral population of the Southern
Ural (Yamnaya) into the local environment.
In Sarazm, there are examples of steppe artifacts
from the ancient Yamnaya type (Avanesova 2012b;
Avanesova 2014). These are leaf-shaped and sub-tri-
angular copper knives containing a straight, marked
handle and a lens-shaped section of a wedge; a stone
lug hammer-pick, or a beak-shaped rod, which are
known in the ancient Yamnaya sites of the Volga
and Ural regions (Isakov 1991a, Fig. 10 - 5, 7, 9; Fig.
29 - 2, 3; Fig. 76-77; Fig. 81 - 1 , 2). The metallur-
gy of the Sarazmians is comparable with the western
centers of the Cucuteni-Trypillia cultures because of
the adze-axes. In this case, it is possible to trace the
presence of the ancient Yamnaya community of the
Volga-Ural region, where metal processing was as-
sociated with the western Balkan-Carpathian areas
(Degtyareva 2010, p. 58). Another evidence of the
contacts of the Zeravshans with the Yamnaya popu-
lation of the Volga-Ural interfluve is copper products,
as stated by E.N. Chernykh, the nature of their al-
loys corresponds to the Volga-Ural group (Chernykh
1970). Another specialist in this area, V.D. Ruzanov,
also links the emergence of the VU group with north-
western imports (Isakov, Ruzanov 2008).
These impulses came from the steppe zone of Eur-
asia and were not a one-time phenomenon. We be-
lieve that these contacts were commercial.
Another site illustrating the connection between
the two regions is the Zhukov sanctuary (Avanesova
2012b, pp. 8-27), located 16 km east of Samarkand,
which has features of the Yamnaya Volga region. The
peculiarity of the site lies in the nature of cultural
layers, atypical for a settlement or burial. The inves-
 NONA AVANESOVA, ARMEN KASPAROV
Fig. 1. Sanctuary of Zhukov. Plan and cross-section of the surviving part
tigated complex (Fig. 1) is a circular stone fence with
a diameter of 3.6 m. At its center, there is a vertical-
ly placed boulder-stele with a height of about half a
meter, which defines the center of the sanctuary. The
indicators of the religious nature of the site are the
signifincant areas of burning along with the boul-
der-sized stele, which apparently performed an in-
termediating function or the “connecting of worlds”
(Golan 1993, p. 41). The maximum concentration of
finds was recorded around the fire sites which con-
tained pestle-like objects, a grater, flint tools, arrow-
heads, bony and clay handicrafts, a large fragment of
a censer bowl, and fragments of vessels deliberately
broken during funerary feasting. This was an open-
air temple for worship where ritual acts were season-
al. The main form of worship involved the collective
sacrifice of domestic animals (sheep, cow) and wild
animals (koulan, deer, boar). This fauna allows a bet-
ter understanding not only of the species of animals,
but also the season they were sacrificed.
The cultural identity of the site is determined by
the ceramic typology which was produced in the Kelt-
eminar, Sarazm, Afanasyev and Yamnaya traditions,
15
as well as by the construction of the wall itself and a
number of the artifacts found here. In addition, the
typological expressiveness of the pottery of the Yam-
naya type does not exclude the possible connection
between the stele installed on the site in conjunction
with stone sculptures of the Yamnaya cultural com-
munity. According to its typological and technologi-
cal characteristics, the pottery can be compared with
the materials of the late Yamnaya sites of the Lower
Volga region (Sinitsyn 1959, p. 71, Fig. 17-5; Smirnov
1959: 211, Fig. 3-13; Vasilyev, Kuznetsov, Semyonova
1995, p. 17, Fig. 7-26.). There is also significant sim-
ilarity revealed when comparing the artifacts that
survived here (Fig. 2). An important part of the col-
lection included beads made of ornamental stones,
analogous to the finds from the necropolis of Sarazm
(Isakov 1994, Fig. 5).
The materials of the circular sanctuary demon-
strate either the influx of a new population into the
region, or the process of a transition of the pastoral
population to a settled life. This discovery deline-
ates` the southern boundary of the early pastoralist
world of Eurasia and specifies one of the ways of its
development. In our opinion, the Zhukov sanctuary
can be closely associated with the problem of the set-
tlement of the Yamnaya tribes here, as well as with
the genesis of the Afanasyev culture. The arrival of
the Yamnaya-Afanasyev population to the region is
also confirmed by the materials of the scattered sites
of Siab-2, Lyavlyakan, Ayakagitma (Avanesova 2001,
pp. 57-68; 59, Fig. 2-13, 64-65), as well as the Zaman-
baba necropolis, where the traditions of the Yamnaya
cultural community predominate. There is reason to
believe that the Zhukov sanctuary was interpreted by
its creators as a model of the Universe, which is evi-
denced by the organized spatial structure and finds
containing astral symbolism (Ill. 2: 7). The range of
possible associations of such sanctuaries is quite wide
(Potemkina 2014).
In light of the considered issues, intercultural con-
tacts between the two polar traditions in the Central
Asian interfluve are also noted in the material culture
of burials from the old Sazagan river basin (Avaneso-
va 2010a), which were discovered 26 km southwest
of Samarkand. This examination of archaeological
finds reveals similar features of the cultural synthesis
of the urban south (Sapalli culture) and the northern
steppe bronze age culture of Eurasia (Poltava-Sintash-
ta). Excavations in two excavated burials unearthed a
relatively small, but rather expressive set of ceramics,
weapons, psaila and other items (Fig. 3). The bronze
ingot, ore, ceramic spout, as well as coarse pieces
of turquoise and lapis lazuli from the second bur-
ial found in the grave are of particular importance.
These findings undoubtedly indicate the status of the
deceased and have close analogies with the southern
Ural and Volga regions.
The peculiarity of the Sazagan burials is clearly
seen in the ceramic collection. It includes 15 vessels,
differing in function and manufacturing technology
(13 vessels were made on a potter’s wheel, the other
two were hand-molded with ornamentation). The
dishes are mainly household common ware (Askarov,
Abdullayev 1983, p. 340, Fig. 1), and include vases and
cups on legs; a teapot with a tubular spout; bowls with
spouts, conical bowls; a jug, and a narrow-necked de-
canter. All the Sazagan ceramics in their technological
and typological forms are characteristic of the ancient
agricultural tribes of southern Uzbekistan (Askarov,
Abdullayev 1983; Rakhmonov 1987).
The collection also includes hand-molded, pot-
tery-shaped vessels found in the same complex with
the common ware. They are notable for their origi-
nality of forms and methods of ornamentation – typ-
16
ical for the sites of the paleometal era of the Lower
Volga region (Kachalova 1962: 37-39; 1983: 4-17
; 2001: 6-38, 51-52, Fig. 1, 4, 7; Salugina 1994). In
comparison of these vessels with the Poltavka ceram-
ics, the most striking feature is the articulated outer
edge (Fig. 3: 13-14). These ceramics have a number
of features both in technique and decorative choices,
such as the frequency of fretwork, decorative themes,
and the nature of the impressions (deep indentations
of a shell-stamp provide the surface with ribbing, a
combed “fir-tree” design, and zigzags cover most of
the vessel). However, it should be noted that this does
not imply complete identity with the Poltavka ceram-
ic tradition, but only similarities with a number of
features. Such similarities involve the proportions of
the vessel’s thickness, the characteristic design of the
neck, and the flattened rim. In terms of these details,
the pottery from the burials of the old Sazagan riv-
er basin region show similarities to the pottery of the
Potapov-Sintashta and Petrov circle of sites (Vasilyev,
Kuznetsov, Semyonova 1994: Fig. 21-1, 3, 5; Gening,
Zdanovich, Gening 1992: Fig. 55-4, 63 - 2, 4; 95 - 16,
17; 121 - 1, 2; Epimakhov 2005: fig. 22-1; 34-3; 96-6;
Zdanovich 2002: Fig. 28-7; 19, Fig. 8- 6; 27-7; 90-2;
Zdanovich, Zdanovich 1980: Fig. 2 - 7, 10; 3 - 1, 3, 7,
10; Malyutina, Zdanovich 2003: Fig. 6-3; 47, Fig. 75 -
1, 4, 9, 11). These characteristics speaks first, of partial
synchronicity, and second, it may indicate the possi-
bility of certain cultural connections.
Among the other objects from the material cul-
ture were two stone arrowheads, which also testify
to a possible relationship with representatives of the
Poltavka culture (Fig. 3: 11-12). These arrowheads
are most comparable with the arrowheads from the
Poltavka culture, found in the Berezhkov II burial
ground in the Lower Volga region (Sinitsyn 1959: 119,
Fig. 38-5; Kachalova 2001: 43, Fig. 4-42), and with
some samples of the sites of the catacomb community
(Bratchenko 1976: 55, Fig. 25 - 22, 23; 99, Fig. 55-7;
50, Fig. 11-12; Subbotin 2000, p. 374, Fig. 11 - 24, 25).
An interesting category of finds include horn psai-
la (horse tackle), which complement the picture of the
Zeravshan’s ties with the pastoral tribes of the South-
ern Urals. During this period, the region was not fa-
miliar with horse breeding certainly not with horse
harness. Our collection contains one pair of similar
items in various states of preservation. They were
most likely made according to the standards of the
Volga-Ural traditions, as evidenced by the high de-
gree of similarity with psaila of the Potapov-Sintashta
cultural type (Vasilyev, Kuznetsov, Semyonova 1994,
 NONA AVANESOVA, ARMEN KASPAROV

4 5

9 21
20

6 10

22
11

12
13
15
14
7
16 17
18 19

Fig. 2. Sanctuary of Zhukov: Inventory. 1-3 – Afanasiev’s ceramics; 4-5 – ancient pit ceramics; 6-7 – clay crafts;
8-13, 16-17 – beads of lapis lazuli, carnelian, agate, turquoise; 14-15 – shell beads; 18-19 – copper thread-clips;
20-21 – arrowheads; 22 – adze ax.

17
 5

1 3

2 4
7

10

12
11

13 14

Fig. 3. Sazagansai. Burial inventory. 1-7 – Sapalli ceramics; 8 – horse tackle cheekpiece made of horn;
9 – beads of lapis lazuli, carnelian, agate, turquoise and chalcedony; 10 – clay nozzle; 11-12 – arrowheads;
13-14 – Poltavkino ceramics.

18
 NONA AVANESOVA, ARMEN KASPAROV

Fig. 4. Ceramics fings from mining. Karnab: 1 – By D.N. Lev, 2 – finds of geologists; Lapace:
3-4 – finds of geologists, 5 - mine No 9 from G. G. Polishchuk

Fig. 28-15; 33-1; Gening, Zdanovich, Gening 1992, Fig.
57-8).
The similarity of the material culture originating
from these remote regions vastly separated from each
other can be viewed only as kindred cultures and
testify to the existence of trans-Eurasian routes. Ze-
ravshan psaila (which are also found in another site
of the Zeravshan Valley – Zardcha-Khalifa) indicate
the arrival of Indo-Aryans in the Central Asian re-
gion. We believe that at the beginning of the 2nd mil-

19
lennium BC the Potapov-Sintashta chariot from the
Volga-Ural steppes appeared in the Zeravshan Valley
and went deep into urbanized Bactria, as confirmed
by Jarkutan’s psaila (Avanesova 2010b, 355, Fig. 4).
The site under consideration also involves the dis-
covery of a ceramic nozzel, which is a conical tube
with a longitudinal hollow channel and was an inte-
gral part of a copper-smelting furnace (Fig. 3: 10). We
find a close correlation in the synchronous Poltavka
sites (Shilov 1959, p. 15, Fig. 2-4, 5; 17, Fig. 5, 6-9;
Kachalova 1977, p. 9, Tables 3-41, 42, 47-48, 53 -54),
as well as in the Sintashta-Petrov complexes: burials
of Sontse II (Yepimakhov 1996, p. 38, Fig. 11 - 11, 12),
Sintashta III (Gening, Zdanovich, Gening 1992, p. 336,
Fig. 195 - 6, 7 ).
Thus, this complex should be considered as mate-
rial traces indicating activity of wandering profession-
al artisans from the beginning of the 2nd millennium
BC located in the Volga-Ural region, who appeared in
the region in search of metal.
Systematic contacts and interaction of the popu-
lation between steppe and agricultural civilizations
played an important role in the development of social
processes in prehistoric Sogdia.
The motivation for the connection between the
two worlds, caused by economic need, is confirmed
by metal-bearing deposits located in the mountain
systems of the Zeravshan region, which were basically
exploited by representatives of the tribes of the Srub-
naya-Andronovo circle of the Volga-Ural region. The
level of participation of the latter appears quite clearly
in the ceramic typology (Avanesova 2012a, pp. 3-35).
Long-term work by geologists and archaeologists
have resulted in identifying, mapping, document-
ing, and studying several hundred prospecting sites.
Mining for the extraction of metal ore is identified by
large open pits, trenches, surface pits, shafts, and cata-
combs of the most varied and bizarre forms. These ac-
tivities were conducted in tectonic, disrupted, hydro-
thermally processed, and oxidized mineralized zones,
where tin mineralization is now of only mineralogi-
cal interest. These mines were laid exclusively along
the sources of ore. These sources were covered either
fully or partially, depending on the concentration of
the ore and how expedient is was for the further de-
velopment of the location. One site of interest is the
very early metallurgical site of Karnab-Lapass located
in the Zirabulak-Ziaetdin district of the Samarkand
region. The multi-cultural ceramics and production
sites here indicate that the greatest rise in ancient
mining activities occurred during the period of the
Srubnaya-Andronovo pastoral communities.
20
Dishware of the Srubnaya culture differs from
the others in a number of characteristic features.
The collection (Fig. 4) includes biconical pots with
a smoothed edge, an articulated neck, and a slight-
ly bent rim; jars without a distinct neck; and a single
example of a pot-jar vessel with a wide spout. The de-
cor is located on the top-half of the vessel. The en-
tire collection consists of a limited number of simple
etchings, representing horizontal belts, notches, zig-
zags, and rhombuses. They are incised quite roughly
and carelessly, and in some cases there is a noticeable
lack of pattern or symmetry. Such vessels are part of
the ceramic complexes of the sites of the Volga-Ural
interfluve (Galkin, Dryomov et al. 1993, Ttables 16-6;
25-1; 36-15, 17; 48-16; 52-2). These given similarities
fit into the chronological framework of the Srub-
naya-Andronovo tribes and date back to the 17th-
15th centuries BC.
Thus, this demonstrates the need for strategically
important raw materials and it is probable that pop-
ulation growth served as the main motivation for the
emergence of pastoral communities in agricultural
oases.
In conclusion, we would note that the Central
Asian interfluve and, in particular, the Zeravshan ba-
sin was one of the possible vectors for the repeated
migration of the pastoral tribes of the Eurasian steppe
to southern Central Asia. Our research has convinc-
ingly shown that the initial layer of ethnocultural ties
between the two worlds goes back to ancient times.
The intensive development of unexplored, but miner-
ally rich territories was accompanied by the assimila-
tion of the local population and cultural integration,
which served as a powerful incentive for the emer-
gence of original syncretic cultural formations in Uz-
bekistan during the paleometal era. In our opinion,
the driving force in the migration processes of pas-
toral tribes to the region was, first, the abundance of
natural resources and, second, the similarity of the ge-
ographical environment between the regions. The Ze-
ravshan metallurgical center served as a source mate-
rial, production and technical base for the historically
formed kindred cultures of pastoral and agricultural
tribes.
This question is of considerable importance for
understanding and reconstructing the historical pro-
cesses that occurred in the region. This is in close con-
nection with the cultural and historical changes that
took place in the steppe world of Eurasia and the agri-
cultural centers of Central Asia in the era of paleome-
tal. Geographic space is mastered not only practically,
but also spiritually.
 NONA AVANESOVA, ARMEN KASPAROV
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 GENNADY BOGOMOLOV

Zurvanism in Sogd
This article is devoted to Zurvanism, one of the ideological trends of the ancient and early medieval East.
Researchers ambiguously evaluate Zurvanism, some of them consider it to be heresy, others as a separate cur-
rent within Zoroastrianism, the remnants of an older religion, and others as a whole see it only as scholastic
conclusions of magicians, inspired by the fatalism and astral teachings of the Babylonian priests. It is believed
that Zurvanism arose 8th or at the beginning of 7th centuries BC in Media, and the area of its distribution was
associated mainly with Western Iran. Recently, however, a number of finds, including from Sogd, allow us to
talk about veneration of Zrvan much further east from Western Iran. Of particular interest in this regard are
two types of seals from the burnt archive from the site Kafirkala in the enviros of Samarkand. One of them is
a male bust (Sogdian) with sogdian inscription – the name of the owner is “ZrvanB(ag)”. The second type is
represented by a seal with the image of a two-headed character under an arch, which, most likely, depicted the
deity Zrvan, personifications of unlimited time, creator, bearer of fate and guarantor of friendship and union.
His images are rare and the religious texts dedicated to him are almost not preserved. Apparently, in the era
of the early Middle Ages, his visual image was affected by the processed images of Janus. Perhaps, in Sogd, a
group of terracottas with the image of a male character with branches in his hands or a crown of branches on
his head is also associated with the image of Zrvan. All this shows that Zrvan played a role in the religious
views of the population of Sogd.

Key words: Sogd, Kafirkala, bullae, Zoroastrianism, polymorphous creature, Janus, Zrvan, Aion, Zurvanism

Citation: Gennady Bogomolov (2020) Zurvanism in Sogd, Bulletin of IICAS, 29, 25-42,
DOI: 10.34920/1694-5794-2020-11
Article link: https://doi.org/10.34920/1694-5794-2020-11

O
NE OF THE confusing questions concern-
ing the history of Zoroastrianism relates to
Zurvanism. This continual and difficult dis-
cussion among researchers concerns the question of
whether Zurvanism (Zervanism) was a separate cur-
rent within Zoroastrianism, heresy, or even an old-
er religion. In addition, and most importantly, how
widespread was it? It is believed that Zurvanism arose
in the 8th or early 7th century BC in Media and its
area of influence appears mainly associated with west-
ern Iran (Rak 1998: 115). Recently, however, a num-
ber of finds, including those from Sogd, allow us to
talk about the veneration of Zrvan much further east
of Western Iran.
Zrvan (Zurvan, Zervan, Zarevan) is one of the
most mysterious deities of the Zoroastrian pantheon,
in which he acts as a personification of time and fate.
In the texts of the Avesta, he appears as “Infinite time”
(Zrvan akarana) or as the end times correlated with
the created world, which is doomed to perish at the
completion of the world cycle (Zrvan dargahvadata).
The planet Saturn is dedicated to him (Gray 1925: 124-
125). In Vidēvdāt (19.13) and in Yasna (72.10), Zrvan
is mentioned as a deity which is the embodiment of
time (additionally, in Yasna he is mentioned together
with Tkhvasha, the embodiment of space) (Rak 1998:
116). In the Pahlavi essay “Dadestan-i menog-i hrad”
(Judgment of the Spirit of Reason) fate, time and deci-
sion are indicated among the attributes of Zrvan (Van
der Varden 1991: 170). It is no coincidence that some
researchers at the end of the 19th century (J. Darm-
esteter, F. Spiegel) did not exclude the possibility that
Zrvan and Zurvanism have roots in Babylonian reli-
gion and that in historical times he was revered as a
deity of fate and even glory (cited according to Gray
1925: 128).
The researchers’ attitude towards him is ambig-
uous. Thus, M. Boyce considered him a secondary
deity, which was put in the forefront only due to the
scholastic reflections of the magi and gave rise to an
outright heresy (Boyce 1987: 84-85). Others assigned
him a special role and did not regard Zurvanism as a
heresy, but a religious movement within Zoroastrian-
ism, which contended with the teaching of the main
role of Ahura Mazda up to the Sassanid era (Zaehner
1955: 23-24; Yakubov 1996: 160).

23

1 to Lambartu (or Lamashtu) or to the underworld and
2 fish. A lamp burns behind one of them, and three creatures with
Fig. 1. Bronze figurine from Palmyra,
New Babylonian time, obverse and reverse
sides (after Trever 1939)
24
It is believed that Zurvanism differed from main
Zoroastrian belief (Mazdaism) by veneration of a sin-
gle supreme deity Zrvan (Zurvan, Zervana). Zrvan
is both heaven and time, sun and darkness, life and
death, good and evil, male and female principles (he
himself gives birth to twin brothers Ahura Mazda and
Angra Mainyu), this is the unity of all opposites in
the universe (Trever 1939: 246). K. V. Trever points to
a very interesting New Babylonian bronze plate 13.3
cm high from Palmyra as one of the examples of this
thesis. It depicts a fantastic creature with the head of a
lion, four wings and bird legs (Fig. 1.1-2). According
to its rendering, the creature holds a tablet in front
of it, which shows a picture of the entire universe in
four tiers. The two upper tiers are the astral world and
the gods in heaven, below is the third tier with peo-
ple on earth and the fourth tier is the underworld, a
hell with the terrible female demon Lambartu1 in the
center (Trever 1939: 243-254). She has a lion’s head,
and she holds a snake in each hand. Apparently, the
presence of snakes is an indication of being attributed
death.2
However, at present, there are no authentic “Zur-
vanite” texts. The myth of Zrvan (apparently central
in the teaching of the Zurvanists) reached us in the
retelling by two Armenian (Yeghishe Vardapet and
Yeznik Kokhbatsi) and two Syrian authors (Theodore
bar Konay and Johannan bar Penkaye).
The central myth of Zurvanism represents him as
an anthropomorphic creature that existed from the
beginning. In order to have a son, to whom he was
going to give the reins of power over the world, he
offered up sacrifices for thousands of years. This re-
1
This also can refer to Lamashtu (Lamaštu), the lion-headed
woman demon, ruler of the evil demons of the underworld. She
rises from the underworld and sends sickness to people.
2
This interpretation is due to the undeniable merits of the
prominent researcher K.V. Trever, it should nevertheless be
recognized that this plate does not relate to Zrvan. Currently,
there is another interpretation of the plate from Palmyra. J. Black
and A. Green believe that it depicts the demon Pazuzu associated
with Lamashtu, and served a magical purpose (protection). In
their opinion, the emblems of the main gods are placed in the
upper tier, thus, replacing their images. In the second tier there
is a procession of seven creatures with animal heads (apparently,
also magical protection). The third tier shows a sick person lying
on a couch, on his side of which there are two priests dressed as
animal heads are behind another. The fourth tier shows Lamashtu
sailing down the underground river in a boat (Black, Green 1992:
181). Pazuzu images were popular as apotropaia and were widely
hung on the wall to protect homes, or worn around the neck,
especially by pregnant women.
 GENNADY BOGOMOLOV

3 2

8
7

Fig. 2. Polymorphic creatures – alleged images of Zrvan. 1-2 – a plate from Luristan and a drawing of its details
(after Van der Waden 1991); 3-4 – figurines depicting the lion-headed creature Aion – Zrvan from the Mithraic
sanctuaries (after Trever 1939); 5 – drawing of the image on a silver bowl from Bartym (after Rapoport 1977);
6-7 – drawing of antique "grilli" (after Yakubov, 1996); 8 – a vessel from Kadymkal, photo (after Yusupov 1998),
drawing (after Rempel 1987)

25
sulted in the birth of Angra Mainyu first. According
to some fragments of Bundakhishn, it turns out that
Zrvan is more powerful than both of these creatures
– good and evil. Moreover, the course of the struggle
between good and evil, its outcome and everything
that happens in this world is already predetermined
by him. In the Pahlavi essay “Dadestan-i menog-i
hrad” (Judgment of the Spirit of Reason) it is said
that all earthly affairs take place according to predes-
tination and the decisive and limited (i.e. final) time,
which is Zrvan himself – a powerful, long-term ruler
(Chunakova 1997: 100).
It is unknown what represented the special rites
dedicated to Zrvan. The notion of Zrvan gained a cer-
tain development in Mithraism and Manichaeism. It
is believed that the fatalism of Zurvanist views (con-
cerning the power of time and predestination); ideas
about Zrvan as the supreme deity (further developed
in the Manichaean idea of the “Father of Greatness,”
“Father of Light”) were in sharp contradiction with
orthodox Zoroastrianism, but received support
among the nobility. The tolerance of the authorities,
according to Boyce, was explained by the fact that the
royal Sassanid family itself professed Zurvanism, im-
itating the traditions of the later Achaemenid nobility
(Boyce 1987: 86). However, I.V. Rak considers Boyce’s
conclusion to be excessively categorical and rightly
disagrees, pointing out that Zrvan is not mentioned
in any of the declarative inscriptions of the Shahan-
shahs, which would necessarily emphasize the origin
of their power as coming from this god. Finally, his
name was not included as an official title (Rak 1998:
116). Although Zrvan as a component was part of the
proper names of Iranians, Armenians and, it seems,
Sogdians, it is found not only among officials, but
even priests. Such are Zarvādāδ – “Given (or creat-
ed) by Zrvan”, Zarvanduxt – “Daughter of Zrvan” or
Armenian Anazarba (Gray 1925: 128). Nevertheless,
almost all researchers note that traces of veneration
of Zrvan, including his images, are poorly attributed
and almost unknown. From the few texts about him it
follows that he was endowed with anthropomorphic
features. Therefore, some researchers believe that his
only image is presented on a bronze plate (probably
part of the belt) from Luristan. According to other re-
searchers, this is not the only one, but rather, one of
the earliest images of Zrvan (Fig. 2.1). In the center
of the plate is a depiction of a winged god with twin
heads appearing from his shoulders. The deity has a
man’s head, another one (possibly a woman’s head) is
visible on the chest. The twin figures hold branches
in their hands (Fig. 2.2). This is consistent with the
26
message of the Armenian monk Yeznik Kokhbatsi
where Zrvan gave his son Ormazd a sacrificial branch
(Van der Waerden 1991: 179-180). A hint that the cen-
tral character is the deity of time can also be seen in
the people around him (accompanying figures) with
branches in their hands, which represent the main age
categories – youth, maturity and old age.
A number of scholars associate Zrvan with later
antiquity statuettes in the form of a winged deity with
a lion’s head, which were found in the sanctuaries of
Mithras (Fig. 2.3-4). His body is most often entwined
with snakes in the shape of rings. These images have
something in common with the description of such
figures on magical papyri, where this deity is called
Aion, that is, “eternity,” or “primordial” (Trever 1939:
244). B. Van der Waerden refers to one of these papy-
ri, where he is called the “god of the gods” and “un-
limited.” In another text, a fragment of the Roman
fortuneteller Messala (53 BC), Aion is identified with
Janus (Van der Waerden 1991: 177). And this iden-
tification is not accidental, since the ideas about Ja-
nus find many points of contact with the ideas about
Zrvan. All this contributes to reconsidering some old
and new finds. Among the artifacts found during ex-
cavations at the citadel of Kafirkala in recent years, the
special ones are bullae in the form of lumps of a cylin-
drical shape or daubs made of highly elastic clay with
seals stamped on them. Like modern sealing wax or
a seal, they ensured safety or legal confirmation of au-
thenticity of a document (contract, letter, important
report). Therefore, most bullae are associated with a
written archive. But, they could also seal household
objects – storage rooms or some containers and goods
(vessels, caskets, bales). Bullae can reflect economic
and political relationships, therefore they represent a
valuable historical source for the study of administra-
tive management, legal practice and external relations
of the early medieval Sogd.
The first type is a small bulla (AB. 02. 3. previous
code is A-33) in the form of an oval bar (Fig. 3.1).
The clay is dark gray. One side was battered and lost.
The front side is oval, almost round, in shape. The im-
pression is applied in the center on the front side. In
the upper part above the impression, there is a circu-
lar recess which is the trace of a landmark spike. The
image shows the bust of a beardless man, turned to
his right. His hairstyle is made of straight, long hair
falling to the neck and divided into separate loose
braids, the ends of which are bent forward. The nose
is straight and large. A short inscription in Sogdian
letters is placed in front of the image. The bulla be-
longs to a previously known type with an inscription.
 GENNADY BOGOMOLOV

1 2

4 6

Fig. 3. Bullae from Kafirkala and some analogies. 1 – bulla AB 02.3. from Kafirkala; 2 – the same type, bulla A-69.
from Kafirkala (photo by the author); 3 - bulla AB.07.1. (A-10) (photo by the author); 4 - Sassanian jasper seal
from the State Hermitage (after Borisov, Lukonin 1963); 5 – a silver glass from Koshenev (after Marshak, 2009);
6 – two-headed figure on the plate-stop of a handle; 7 – a figure on a carnelian seal from the collection of
Aman ur-Rahman (after Lerner, Sim-Williams 2011)

27
The reverse side is oval, uneven and noticeably bev-
eled on one edge. Alongside the long axis there is a
groove which is an impression of the edge of an object
with braiding or a twisted surface. There are braided
ringlets on the edges of the bulla. The height of the
bulla is 1-1.4 cm. The dimensions of the front side are
2.2 × 1.7 cm, the back side is 2.3 × 1.8 cm, and the
imprint’s diameter is 1.3 cm. Apparently, these were
imprints of a nominal seal from some administrative
officer or merchant. The inscription reads as “zrwβ”
in Sogdian and two options are offered for its trans-
lation: a) (‘) zrwβ “old age,” apparently, this is a per-
sonal name given to the person as a wish to live to an
old age; or b) the name of the god Zurwan / Brahma
(Zrvan / Brahma). This name is found only once, and
in this form of writing (as “(‘) zrwβ Bag ,” i.e. the de-
ity Zrvan / Brahma) it is referred to in Sogdian texts
and Vessantara Jataka (Cazzoli, Cereti 2005: 156). Ten
more pieces from the collection of Kafirkala bullae
published by Sarah Cazzoli and Carlo Cereti belong
to this type (Cazzoli, Cereti 2005: 145-149, Fig. 14,
No. 243, No. 353). Evidently, in quantitative terms the
prints of this seal are more common than others, and
at present, there are sixteen identified bullae of this
type (Fig. 3.2). Perhaps the owner of this seal was one
of the most active correspondents associated with the
administration of the Sogdian ruler. It is possible that
he himself was an official who carried out some tasks,
or a priest vested with the power of a judge.
The second type is represented by another small
bulla (AB.07.1, former designation A-10) in the form
of a clay lump in a truncated-conical shape. Part of
the base and the top of the bulla was fractured and
was lost (Fig. 3.3). When applying the stamp, the up-
per part of the bulla was noticeably off center. The
clay is light gray, almost beige. The front side has a
sub-rectangular shape, its entire surface is occupied
by a print of an oval seal depicting an anthropomor-
phic character. It has two heads looking in opposite
directions while its shoulders are facing frontally. The
head turned to the left has a large face (unfortunately,
the area in front of it and above is destroyed, howev-
er, most of it is extant). This bust has a large, straight
nose, mustache and spade-shaped beard. The lips are
closed and full, with the mustache displayed in the
shape of a long arrowhead. The hairstyle is short, and,
like the beard, is made with short incised lines. The
second head is turned to the right as if looking down.
It has a small straight nose, and round eyes. The mus-
tache and beard differs from the beard and mustache
of the first head. The hairstyle is also short and de-
picted with short incised lines. The ears are drawn
28
in the form of half-arcs. The torso is shown frontally.
The neck is covered with some sort of detail – either
the collar of an undershirt, or a torc (necklace). On
the chest, a triangular neckline of the robe is visible.
Above the bust, there is a semicircular arch, which
rests on columns that are supported by bases with
double pedestals. The chapiters are made in the same
way and the trunk of the columns is straight, while
the arch is decorated with a wavy line. In our opinion,
in the absence of other attributes, this architectural
detail is not accidental and is designed to reveal the
image. The back side is smooth and slightly convex.
The frame of the bulla in the shape of a twisted col-
umn is visible via the long axis of the bulla. The height
of the bulla is 13 mm (8 mm in the damaged section),
the dimensions of the front side are 14 × 10 mm, the
back side is 20×15 mm. As mentioned, the bulla is
damaged. Fingerprints of the person who applied the
seal survived along the edges of the bulla. It is possi-
ble that the bulla could have belonged to an official or
a temple minister. The rendering of the two-headed
figure immediately reminds one of the image of the
two-faced Janus. In Roman mythology, Janus was the
god of doors and gates, hence there was an archway
above him. It is possible that initially Janus was the
god of light and sun, who daily opened the heavenly
gates and shed the day upon the earth, and in the eve-
ning he locked them up again. Janus was revered as
the god of time.
Like Zrvan, Janus was considered the oldest god –
the god of origins, therefore, he was the first to whom
people appealed. In the notions of the ancient Ro-
mans, Janus was the creator of man who gave life on
earth, creation of all rivers and streams was accredit-
ed to him (Rabinovich 1965: 296). He taught people
how to build ships. Perhaps this is a reason why Janus
was revered as the patron of roads and travelers. The
calendar was attributed to him – the first days of the
month when sacrifices were offered to him. The first
month of the year was also dedicated to him. New
Year festivals from the 1st century BC merged with
the festival in honor of Janus. On this day, loud out-
bursts, quarrels, and abuse were forbidden so as not to
anger Janus, who could send a bad year upon people
as a punishment (Rabinovich 1965: 297). On art mon-
uments and religious objects, Janus was often depicted
with two faces, and his attributes were keys and a staff.
In addition, the early images of both faces of Janus
were depicted with beards. Later they began to depict
him beardless, but on the one hand with a young face,
on the other with an old face. However, a bulla with a
two-headed character from Kafirkala is not as clear as
 GENNADY BOGOMOLOV

3
4

Fig. 4. Polymorphic creatures – alleged images of Zrvan. 1-2 – flask from Koykrylgan-kala
(according to Rapoport, 1977); 3-5 – drawing of antique grilli (after Yakubov, 1996);
6 – Sogdian terracotta, a figure with branches in his hands (photo and drawing after Meshkeris 1989);
7 – Sogdian terracotta figure with garlands in the crown (after Meshkeris 1989)

it seems at first glance. Of course, it might be assumed
that the seal reflects possible Western contacts with
some association with Rome or Byzantium where the
image of Janus was popular. On the other hand, de-
spite the apparent obvious connection with “western”
sources pertaining to the image, its local component
cannot be excluded. For example, similar images of
arches are found on Sogdian ossuaries, which cannot
be attributed as products of Roman or Byzantine ar-
tisans. Finally, the texture of clay from the bulla does
not differ from the clay of local bullae. It is unlikely
that this image was accidentally chosen by the cus-
tomer or borrowed by the engraver of the seal as a
mere sample. Most likely, it was still used to convey
some local religious being, which was understood by
others without the need for any attributes or accom-
panying inscription. This does not exclude the local
origin of the seal and reflects local religious beliefs.

29
 Another example of a two-headed creature is
found on the decor of a silver cup in Koshenev (Rus-
sia). It is believed that it belongs to the work of Sog-
dian engravers (school C) and dates back to the 8th
century (Marshak 1971: 27, 91). The 6.5 cm tall cup
has an octagonal body on a soldered ring base. The
edge of the cup is bordered by a ring of pearl-shaped
balls (Fig. 3.5). The annular handle is soldered to the
upper half of the vessel. The outward-facing edge
of the handle is decorated with embossed balls, and
an flattened abutment in the form of a molded fig-
ure plate depicting two men’s heads in profile and is
soldered to the handle’s platform (Fig. 3.6). More-
over, both figures are similar in appearance, but one
is beared while the other possesses a drooping mus-
tache (Marshak 2009: 56). In general, Darkevich sup-
ports the opinion of Marshak that this is an image of
Silens or their masks that date back to late Hellenistic
or Byzantine prototypes (Darkevich 1976: 16).
Similar to the Kafirkala artifacts, the busts of dou-
ble-faced characters exist in the collection of Sassa-
nian seals from the Hermitage Museum in St. Peters-
burg. In one case, the seal is cut from agate, in the
other from jasper. As on the Kafirkala bulla, the last
seal had the bust of a two-headed figure, whose faces
were turned in opposite directions. They have a single
body, neck and ear with a large earring which con-
sisting of two circular ornaments of different sizes at
the apex of their necks. Both faces are bearded, but
the beards are depicted differently. There are kulakhs
on their heads. The head on the right looks younger
than the other one who looks older which exactly the
same as on the bulla from Kafirkala. In addition this
figure, is also dressed in a shirt with a rounded neck-
line. The neckline is emphasized by a double line. A
benevolent symbol is placed above the heads of the
figure which is the head of a ram with curved horns
(Fig. 3.4). Above all this, in an archway, is contained
the inscription – “Hope in the gods. The [Good]
name [of God]” (Borisov, Lukonin 1963: 52, No. 48).
The Hermitage collection includes another bust with
a three-faced image (Borisov, Lukonin 1963: 77, No.
18). However, A.Ya. Borisov and V.G. Lukonin do not
identify these characters in any way.
Another curious example is a cornelian gem from
the collection of Aman ur-Rahman. This gem con-
tains the inscribed bust of a man (Fig. 3.7) who is
wearing either a headdress or a mask in the form of
two faces turned in opposite directions. One face is
turned upward on the crown of the wearer’s head, the
other one is facing outward from the back of his head.
In addition, this latter head has a line that lays on the
30
bridge of the nose which then extends upward and
eventually twisting into a rounded ram’s horn on the
forehead. (Lerner, Sims-Williams 2011: 122).
These fantastical images of polymorphic creatures,
which can have two or three heads or fancifully com-
bine human faces with the heads and figures of birds
and animals, are found in Hittite art, on Luristani
bronzes, and in the glyptic art of Sasanian Iran. These
are the so-called grilli, widespread in the Middle East
and Iran. Rare finds of their images are associated
with the territory of Khorezm. Just such an acciden-
tal find of a small vessel, possibly of Midian origin,
is from Kandym-Kala (Fig. 2.8), whose vessel’s body
was made in the form of a sitting lion. On the lion’s
back is a man’s figure with a beard and mustache. On
the lion’s mane is a anthropomorphic bust standing in
the crown of the neck who is bringing a small bowl to
his mouth. A handle is placed on the back of the fig-
ure depicting a naked human figure stretched to form
a semi-circular shape whose hands touch the edge of
the crown of the former figure. The crown itself forms
the lip of the vessel. The forepaws of a lion rest on a
crawling snake (Yusupov 1998: 89-91).3
This collection includes a silver bowl from Bartym
(Rempel 1987: 69-70, Fig. 29) and two fragmented
ceramic jars from Koikrylgan-Kala (Rapoport 1977:
59-71) (Fig. 4.1-2). Lazar Rempel saw a mythological
meaning with an animal epic in these figures which
was in line with his theory of the transformation
of religious ideas and images in art; whereas Yuriy
Rapoport attributed them to religious images and
considered them to have special significance. He be-
lieved that they symbolized the pristine cosmos, the
separation of which was the most important act of
creation. For example, this very important scene as
depicted on flasks from Koikrylgan-Kala (Fig. 4.1-
2) were the last moments of the primordial cosmos,
when heaven, earth, water and other elements of the
universe merged and remain as a solid creature in
the form of a waterfowl, probably a Karshiptar bird
(Rapoport 1977: 63-67). In this case, the original crea-
ture acts as a sacrifice, which must be dismembered
3
However, Dr. Khemra Yusupov believed that the mythological
symbolism of the vessel is connected with the ideas of Hinduism
and reflects the religious myth concerning the goddess Kali
(Yusupov 1998: 92-93). However, we offer a different interpretation,
especially since Kh. Yusupov himself did not exclude another
interpretation of the image. In our opinion, there are simply more
parallels with the art of Mesopotamia as demonstrated in the
shape of the crown, the bearded head, the lion, the naked figure,
the presence of the snake, i.e., all the elements that correlate with
the iconography of Zrvan – Aion.
 GENNADY BOGOMOLOV
by its own generation. These notions associated with
the sacrifice of a deity or its embodiment for a great
sacrifice (i.e. the organization of the world) were
common to many ancient religions. In this regard,
is the interesting hypothesis of R.C. Sechner, which
is based on an analysis of the Iranian myth as told
by the Armenian monk Yeznik Kokhbatsi in the 5th
century AD. According to him, this original being
was the ancient Iranian god Zrvan. With the help of
prolonged sacrifices, he sought the birth of a son who
would create the world, heaven and earth. After the
birth of Ormazd from his own body, he offered him
as a sacrifice so that “the whole creation was created”
(cited according to Rapoport 1977: 67). Therefore, the
assumption of Yakubov that a polymorphic creature
on Koikrylgan jars – the image of a goose being Zr-
van – is justified.
More precisely, Zrvan is a bearded head depict-
ed on the back of a bird; the young, beardless face
on his chest is Ormuzd, and the griffin attacking
them is Ahriman (a being he created to exterminate
birds), who seeks to kill the father and son and be-
come king himself. Accordingly, the composition on
the Khorezm jars and the Bartym bowl reflects the
central myth of Zrvan – the deity uniting the male
and female principles, heaven and earth, fire and wa-
ter, light and darkness, good and evil (Yakubov 1996:
159).
Similarly, the images on some gem-grilli with dou-
ble or even triple faces and polymorphic creatures
are associated with Zrvan (Fig. 2.6-7). For example,
a peacock (Fig. 2.5), which has the face of an elder-
ly man placed on its back and on the chest, that of a
young man. On the peacock’s tail there is some sort of
animal (Yakubov 1996: 159). The analysis of archaeo-
logical materials and data from written sources made
Yakubov to conclude that the religion of Sogdians and
other regions of Turan was Zoroastrianism of a zur-
vanistic nature (Yakubov 1996: 162). Perhaps, in this
question, Yakubov’s position is rather extreme, but
the significance and spread of ideas about Zrvan both
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(in Russian).
Borisov, A. Yа., Lukonin, V. G. (1963). Sasanidskiye gem-
my (Sassanian gems). Leningrad: Hermitage Publ. (in
Russian).
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in Iran and Central Asia are emphasized by many re-
searchers of Zoroastrianism (M. Boyce, R.Ch. Sech-
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ed character from the Hermitage collection may de-
pict the deity of Zrvan in his later interpretation. It
is possible that some types of Sogdian terracottas,
stamped in an open mold, should be attributed to
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possible mass production. One example, is a male
figure in royal attire wearing a Sasanian type crown
(consisting of wings, a sphere, and a crescent in the
center) with two plant branches in its hands (Fig.
4.6). These radially diverge to the forearms (the role
of branches in the iconography of Zrvan was already
noted above). V. A. Meshkeris dates the figure to the
7th-8th centuries (Meshkeris 1989: 218-219). Accord-
ing to stratigraphy, a similar terracotta figurine from
Kafirkala is dated to the same time. In another case,
the character’s arms are folded on his chest, and there
is a crown made of branches on his head (Meshkeris
1989: 222) (Fig. 4.7).
All this indicates the existence of the cult of Zr-
van and his adherents in Sogdian society, and this is
not surprising, since from ancient times Sogd was a
node of transit trade routes, which contributed to the
development of not only economic ties in the form
of the movement of goods, but also religious ideas.
The interweaving of various ideological beliefs and
local notions led to the emergence of new images and
ideas, some of which found new life and new ground
in the spiritual culture of Sogd.
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liminary report, in: Ancient civilizations from Scythia to
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tan-i menog-i hrad’. Creation of the basis ‘Bundahishn’
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Darkevich, V. P. (1976). Khudozhestvennyi metall Vostoka
(Art metal of the East). Moscow: Nauka Publ. (in Rus-
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(2011). Seals, sealings and tokens from Bactria to Gand-
hara (4th to 8th century CE) // Österreichische Akad-
emie der Wissenschaften, Philosophisch-Historische
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der Numismatischen Kommission, Band 52. Studies
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Marshak, B. I. (1971). Sogdiyskoye serebro. Ocherki po vo-
stochnoy torevtike (Sogdian silver. Essays on Eastern
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(in Russian).
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II. Rozhdeniye astronomii (Awakening Science II. Birth
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ancient Sogd). Dushanbe: Donish Publ. (in Russian).
Yusupov, Kh. (1998). Sledy induizma v Khorezme (Traces of
Hinduism in Khorezm), in: Indiya i Turkmenistan: zhi-
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ford.
 DODO NAZILOV

COMPOSITIONS OF ZOROASTRIAN FIRE ALTARS

OF SASANIAN IRAN
(based on Coin Images)
Since the early years of the Sasanian Empire, the effigy of each Sasanian king was placed on the obverse of
coins, and on the reverse side there was an atashdan altar, depicting where a sacred fire burned. Its image
demonstrated the importance of Zoroastrianism as a state religion. A commitment to preserving a certain
number of altar components – there were seven altogether – speaks of the sacred purpose of the object and
the existence of the canons that were followed during its construction. This article analyzes compositions of
atashdans mainly according to the images known from publications of Sasanian coins and copies of coins of the
Sasanian mint. The author notes the gradual schematization of atashdan iconography from monumentality to
decorativeness, linking this phenomenon with a weakening of the role of the Zoroastrian religion in the life of
the state and society.

Keywords: Zoroastrianism, atashdan altar, Sasanian coins, composition, pedestal base, trunk, chapiter,
religious symbols.

Citation: Dodo Nazilov (2020) Compositions of Zoroastrian Fire Altars of Sassanian Iran (by Coin Imag-
es), Bulletin of IICAS, 29, 25-42, DOI: 10.34920/1694-5794-2020-12
Article link: https://doi.org/10.34920/1694-5794-2020-12

S
INCE ancient times monetary symbols contain
reliable information about the state to which
they belong. They depict images of deities and
kings, state emblems, writing patterns, symbols of
religions, and even details of architectural structures
and their facades. It is known that the main ceremony
of the Zoroastrian religion involved the use of sacred
fire, which was divided into different types. The hi-
erarchy of fire temples consisted of three main fires,
which however, were different in category: The first
level is “Shah Atash Varahram (Bahram)” meaning
“Victorious Fire King”; the second level is “Atash
Aduran (Adaran)” or “Fire of Fires;” the third one is
“Atash Dadgah” meaning “Legally Set Fire.” The sa-
cred fire was kindled on special atashdan altars whose
three types were wall, portable and static. The atash-
dan was an important symbol of the Zoroastrian reli-
gion, therefore, its image was given special attention
in ancient times.
The atashdan was depicted on the walls of tem-
ples and tombs in the pre-Achaemenid period. One
particular example is the Kyzkapkan tomb (7th – 6th
centuries BC) in Media over the door of the entrance
portal is a relief image of two men dressed in Me-
dian clothes and standing on the sides of the fire
altar (Borodin 1970: 294, Fig. 5). Here the atashdan
consists of a short thick trunk, placed on three wide,
high-stepped slabs or platforms. The trunk is crowned
with three finials, relatively low, which are equal with
the width of the slabs. Images of atashdan are extant
in wall paintings, on the walls of ossuaries, on coins
minted in Central Asia, as well as on coins from Sasa-
nian Iran. On the obverse of the coins of each Sasani-
an king was his portrait, and on the reverse side was
an altar, on the raised flat platform, where the sacred
fire burned.
According to information based on reports by
Ammianus Marcellinus, Sebeos and other ancient
authors, each king had his own fire, kindled at the
beginning of his reign. This fire was maintained in a
portable altar, such as those depicted on coins (Frye
1962). It is possible, however, that the “king of lights”
was simply called the fire of the ruling king (Anklesaria
1908: 127–128).
A brief overview of the details of the architectural
structures and atashdan altars of the Zoroastrian reli-
gion depicted on the coins of Central Asia has already
been undertaken (Azimov 1997). This publication
gives an analysis of a small number of coins from the
Sasanian era to the twentieth century. The geography
of the considered monetary symbols covers the terri-
tories of Iran, Afghanistan, Central Asia, etc. Here we
will discuss the composition of the atashdans mainly
based on the images known from publications of the

33
Sasanian coins and imitation coins of the Sasanian
mint.
The images of the king and the altar on a coin
indicate the sovereign’s adherence to the Zoroastri-
an religion in Sasanian Iran. Gradually, the cult of
Ahuramazda became the single official religion of the
state. The role of religion in the state structure was
reflected in the famous poem by Ferdowsi called the
Shahnameh, which contains the following maxims:
“The throne is the support of the altar, and the altar
is the support of the throne;” “Religion and royal au-
thority are like body and soul, the world is behind
them both;” “Every time a throne is left without a
sovereign, its wisdom and religion lose its value.”
The atashdan symbolized cosmological ideas
about the earthly and heavenly worlds. Apparent-
ly, it symbolized the images of a star and a crescent
placed on both sides of the fire altars with a flame as
depicted on one of the coins found on Karatepa in
Uzbekistan (Pidayev, Baratova 2006: 175). Atashdans
compositionally resembled an architectural column
order. At the bottom was a base pedestal, consisting
of two or more flat steps, expanding downwards. The
trunk often ended with four flat steps and expanded
upwards according to their arrangement. All the al-
tars consisted of the same parts: a base pedestal, the
trunk, and the chapiter. In most atashdan images, the
trunk is tied in the middle with a ribbon or banner. In
some of them, the ribbon extends down both sides of
the trunk or their ends are directed upwards. On both
sides of the altar there are always images of the deity,
king and attendants.
There are significant differences in the design of
the atashdans. We will only analyze the altar com-
positions, without commenting on other images or
attributes, in particular any inscriptions, the ribbons
of the trunk, or human figures on both sides of the
atashdan, etc. The designs of the atashdans will be
considered in accordance with the sequence of peri-
ods from the reigns of the Sassanid kings of Iran.
There are two noteworthy coins of Ardashir I
(Dashkov 2008: 52-53). On one of them, the chapiter
of the atashdan includes four flat steps with a large
extension on the sides. The third step plane (tread),
which is especially high with an impressive extension,
increases the weightiness of the altar’s composition.
The altar depicted on the other coin shows the third
step plane also enhancing the lightness and airiness
of the composition with a large arched ledge. In the
compositions of both altars, the artisans emphasized
the third tread of the step not only by increasing its
size, but also utilizing ornamental decoration on the
contours of the passageway borders with a chain of
convex points.
On all ten known coins from the period of Ar-
dashir I’s reign (Lukonin 1969: Tab. 11), the third
34
step of the chapiter of the altars is characterized by an
excessively large arched extension on the sides. In one
image, the trunk of the altar is shown to have vertical,
convex stripes resembling fluting on Roman columns.
The altar depicted on the coin of Shapur I, consists
of six flat slabs and a trunk. The trunk is round and
proportional to the horizontal parts of the altar. The
continued expansion of the width of the steps of the
chapiters to the sides is halted by the placement of
the fourth narrow slab on which the sacred fire burns.
The height of the fire altar, as depicted on the re-
verse side of a drachma of Hormizd I, is close to hu-
man stature. The proportional combination of thin,
flat platform steps is broken by the excessive width
and height of the trunk. All this reduces the compo-
sitional stability of the base of the altar. In the image
of the altar of Varakhran I, the width of the step is
not very distinguishable from the central stem-trunk.
Here, the steps of the base are shown by line bars ap-
plied on the edges of the trunk body, therefore the
atashdan acquires a pillar-like composition. The pre-
vious composition is repeated on one drachma of
Varakhran II. In it, the contours of the lower steps
are marked by a line of convex borders.
Many types of coins were minted during the reign
of Varakhran II. It is no coincidence that one scholar
notes that “this is an unprecedented case in all Sasani-
an numismatics when about twenty different types of
coins with different images are minted in a short peri-
od of only 17 years” (Lukonin 1979: 5). On the atash-
dan, depicted on the coin of King Narse, the trunk
is of excessive width and height. The width of one of
the upper steps keeps the altar composition balanced.
Other steps are separated from each other and from
the trunk by horizontal lines.
On the altar from the coin of Varakhran III, the
chapiter is characterized by the gradual expansion of
steps along the sides. The trunk is massive. The lower
step of the base gives a balance to the whole compo-
sition of the altar. As in the altar of Varakhran I, the
edges of the steps of the upper part are marked by
the contour of the convex border. Compositions of
most altars starting from Shapur I are characterized
by a wide pylon-shaped trunk. Even on a coin imi-
tating the drachmas of Varakhran V found in Sogd
(KIDU 1991: 33), there is a depiction of an atashdan
with a trunk made in the form of a solid, large “mel-
on-shape,” widely dispersed in the later wooden col-
umns found in the Surkhadarya region.
It is possible that the vertical lines which resemble
flutes, were made in order to ease the composition
of the atashdan trunk depicted on the coin of Vara-
khran IV. On a Sogdian coin imitating the drachma
of Varakhran IV, the fluted trunk has a smooth nar-
rowing in the middle (Dashkov 2008: 300). On the Sa-
sanian-Kushan coin No. 191 from the Dilbergin ex-
 DODO NAZILOV

Fig. 1. Schematic representation (drawing) of the main types of atashdans on the coins of the kings of the Sasanian
Iran: 1–2. Ardashir I (227 - between 241 and 243); 3-4. Shapur I (243–273); 5. Hormizd I (273);
6. Varakhran I (273–276); 7–9. Varakhran II (276–292); 10. Varakhran III (292 ); 11–13. Narse (293–302);
14-15. Hormizd I (302–309); 16-18. Shapur II (309–379); 19–20. Ardashir II (379–383);
21-22. Shapur III (383–388); 23-24. Varakhran IV (388–399); 25. Yazdegerd I (399–421);
26-27. Varakhran V (421–438 / 439); 28–29. Yazdegerd II (439–457); 30. Hormizd III (457–459);

35
 31–32. Peroz (459–483 / 484); 33. Valkash (484–488); 34–36. Kavad I (488–496 and 499–531);
37. Jamasp (496–498 / 499); 38–40. Khosrow I (531–579); 41. Hormizd IV (579–590);
42–43. Varakhran VI (590–591); 44–45. Khosrow II (590 / 591–628); 46. Wistachmus (591-596);
47. Hormizd V (? -?); 48. Kavad II Shiroe (628); 49. Ardashir III (628–630); 50. Buran VI (630–631);
51. Khosrow III (ca 630); 52. Hormizd VI (629–632); 53. Azarmidukht (631–632);
54. Khosrow V, or Farrukhzad-Khosrow (632); 55. Yazdegerd III (632 / 633–651 / 652); 56. Arab-Sasanian.

36
 DODO NAZILOV

Fig. 2. Samples of coins of Sasanian Iran with the image of atashdans

37
cavation, the fluted trunk of the atashdan is extended
downwards (Vainberg, Kruglikova 1984: 131, 140).
The image of the atashdan related to the period of
reign of Yazdegerd I has a peculiar interpretational ele-
ment—a spiral carving in the lower part of the trunk.
The Sogdian (?) copy from the 5th-6th centuries of
the drachma of Varakhran V (Dashkov 2008: 300) has
an extant helical spiral reproducing the upper part of
the atashdan’s trunk. The lower section of the im-
age is worn. S.B. Dashkov expressed doubt, indicat-
ed by a question mark, concerning whether the coin
belonged to the Sogdian copy. This doubt, however,
is dispelled by the fact that the trunk of the column,
covered from top to bottom with helical braiding, is
particularly characteristic of Sogd. For example, in
the Biyanaiman ossuaries (Kastalsky 1909), there is a
spiral-shaped curve ascending upwards which winds
in the middle of the trunk and is perhaps one of the
variations of the morpech (“the curve of the snake” or
a spiral) motif that was very popular in Central Asian
architecture and in the ornamental art. The trunk of
the paired columns of the Limarov pitcher continues
the same bundle motif; the direct parallel to it is given
by the columns of the dwarf gallery of the Samanid
mausoleum (Pugachenkova 1950: 32). There is a de-
piction of an arbor or pavilion on a ceramic, glazed
vessel dating to the 8th century from Afrasiab. The
arches there are based on these same paired bun-
dle-shaped columns with small chapiters in the form
of curls (Rempel 1961: 81-82). The column trunk with
a spiral rendering is also found in Timurid architec-
ture.
In the recent past, traditions spanning a mille-
nium were still alive in the mountain valley of the
Upper Zeravshan. The artisan undoubtedly saw and
esteemed the patterns of the past in Rarz and Urmi-
tan (Voronina 1977: 48-49). Ancient traditions have
also survived in other mountainous regions of Cen-
tral Asia. One such example is of the column with a
bundle-like rendering of the trunk in the mountain
village of Iskodar (Voronina 1977: Fig. 38); in the
Upper Zeravshan villages of Zerobod, Zosun (Nazi-
lov 1999: 183); in the Surkhandarya villages of De-
hai Surkh, Dehai Bodom (Nazilov 1999: 174), and in
the Kashkadarya mountain village of Hazrati Bashir
(Pugachenkova 1965: 86).
On the coin of Hormizd I, the atashdan’s trunk is
separated from above and below by one step with a
significant ledge. The altar on the coin of Ardashir II
is characterized by the fact that one of the upper flat
slabs (the third) is quite wide and has a large exten-
sion on the sides, making the composition of the altar
impressive and grandiose. Here, as on the altar de-
picted on the coin of Shapur II, the trunk of the altar
has a smooth narrowing at the middle. This, to some
extent, reduces the massiveness of flat steps.
38
On another coin of Ardashir II, the steps of the
altar are narrow, with a small extension, possibly
rounded. In the general composition of the altar,
there is a prevailing trunk, which consists of two
truncated cones connected in narrow sections. On
another coin of Shapur II, the fire altar has a flattened
shape due to the large offsets of flat steps. As in the
image of the altar on the coin of Ardashir I there is an
inclusion of vertical rollers in the trunk body which
resemble flutes.
On a coin of Shapur III, most of the composition
of the atashdan is occupied by high, flat steps. There
are long and short diagonal lines made on the body
of the short trunk. The combination of the thickness
and width of the flat steps with the trunk imparts in-
tegrity, volume and elegance to the altar’s depiction.
On the coins of Varakhran V, an image of the
head of the deity appears to replace the upper steps of
the altar. A similar atashdan with the head of a deity
is found in the imitations of drachmas of Varakhran
V discovered in Sogd and dated to the 5th – early 6th
centuries (KIDU 1991: 33). On the altar, depicted on
a coin from the period of Valkash’s reign (484–488),
in place of the flat steps of the chapiter, there is an im-
age of the deity’s head. Such heads in the flame of the
altar appear in the early 4th century during the reign
of Hormizd II (Lukonin 1969: 155).
On Peroz’s coins, the depictions of most altars
have a classic form. It is characterized by a smooth,
round trunk at the top and below it is marked by
three roll-shaped steps. On coin No. 642, found in
the Pyanj district, the image of the trunk consists of
ellipsoidal and spherical shapes mounted on top of
each other. On the altar from the coin of the early 8th
century found on Ajina-tepa and which is a copy of
the drachma of Peroz with the Sogdian legend in the
embossment (DT 1985: 255, No. 647), the entire com-
position of the trunk includes rectangular, conical,
cup-shaped planes with sharp and rounded bottom
corners and superimposed on each other. The trunk
here is not solid. The atashdan on this coin resembles
the trunk of a wooden column of the early part of the
first millenium from East Turkestan (Xinjiang, Chi-
na) in the area of the​​Lob Nor Lake.
On one coin of Khosrow I Anushirvan, the altar
trunk consists of two round truncated cones connect-
ed in narrow sections by means of a rod. This coin
of Khosrow I has the image of an atashdan of a sim-
ilar composition as that found in Chaganian (KIDU
1991: 10). On a drachma which belongs to the pe-
riod of reign of the same king, the middle of a nar-
row trunk contains three flat, pointed, roller-shaped
forms. If in the first image it appears that the con-
structive function of the trunk of the atashdan is now
lost and the decorative function of the trunk has in-
creased, then in the second image the composition of
 DODO NAZILOV
the altar is minimized due to the linear edging. Begin-
ning from the reign of Hormizd IV, the outline of the
trunk in the images of the altars significantly narrows
and turns into a thin, solid rod. This can also be seen
on the coins of Hormizd IV, Varahran VI, Khosrow
II Parviz, Vistakhm, Hormizd V, Kavad II Shiroye,
Farrukhzad-Khosrow and Yazdegerd III, whose
reign covers the period of 579–651 (Dashkov 2008:
295–299). At the same time, the height of the flat slabs
of the bases and chapiters increases, which results in
weakening the structural stability of the composition
and intensifiies the altar’s decorative effect.
On the image of one coin from Tokharistan (Zei-
mal, Lukonin 1972: Table XXVII, 1), imitating the
coins of the Sasanian Iran, the cone-shaped trunk of
the altar takes the form of a pointed, stepped pyramid
mounted on a base consisting of two planes with bev-
eled ends. At the same time, the placement of a three-
stage chapiter with a large extension of the upper step
on the pointed trunk would have reduced structural
stability.
Two coins during the reign of Narse (Lukonin
1969: 155) depict columns installed on both sides of
the atashdan. The round pedestal and chapiter are
visible on the columns. The spherical forms on the
pedestal resemble kuzagi – tear-shaped bases found
Fig. 3. Interior of the Zoroastrian sanctuary. Upper Zeravshan, Tajikistan. Reconstruction by D. Nazilov
39
on Central Asian columns. The drawing of these
coins reflects the interior of a fire temple. The relief
drawing on an ossuary, found in the Sogdian Mulla
Kurgan, shows the interior of a three-nave structure.
An atashdan of the same design appears etched on
the floor of the central nave between the two col-
umns. The drawing of the atashdan is identical to that
on the coins from Sasanian Iran. It is also known that
the plan of a temple with two columns located on the
sides of the atashdan was excavated in Bishapur (Lu-
konin 1969: 155).
According to researchers, statues were once erect-
ed on the columns of similar temples, one having a
statue definintely identified as Shapur I, as indicated
by the inscription on the column. On the other col-
umn was perhaps a statue of Ahuramazda (Ghirsh-
man 1936; Lukonin 1969: 155). This evidence pro-
vides reason to believe that the massive atashdans of
Sasanian Iran were located in the center of the room
of the temple. In large halls the atashdan was placed
between the columns that supported the ceiling gird-
ers which could number two, four or more. It is as-
sumed that between the columns above the atashdan,
holes were arranged in the ceiling to provide lighting
and allow the smoke to exit the temple from the al-
tar’s fire.
 It is estimated that the atashdans as depicted on
the coins of Central Asia had an actual height of be-
tween 50 cm to 2 m (Azimov 1997: 24-25). That said,
Pugachenkova’s comments should be taken into ac-
count: “Based on the images on some “Sasanian-like”
coins circulating around Sogd, there was a known
shape of local fire altars, possessing a stepped base
and top, which differed from Iranian altars based
upon the nature of their low-set or squat propor-
tions” (Pugachenkova 1950: 49).
The images of atashdans on coins from Chach
(modern Tashkent) between the 3rd to 8th centuries
(Shagalov, Kuznetsov 2006: 89, 309) possess two types
of designs. The first displays the atashdan as squat
with a short trunk and the chapiter and the pedes-
tal consist of one flat slab. On the second coin type,
the atashdan differs only in height and diameter of
the trunk. The depiction of an altar with a pyrami-
dal-shaped flame was found on a bronze brazier ves-
sel in the Chorsu-Goziyon area 4 km south of Khu-
jand. It would have been knee-high for people stand-
ing on both sides of the altar (Litvinsky, Tursunov
1971: Fig. 1).
Several coins with the fire altar image on the re-
verse were found in Paykend. The front onone of the
coins depicts a double-humped, or Bactrian camel,
facing to the right encircled by a rim of dots. On its
reverse is this same type of circular rim enclosing a
two-stage fire altar. The tongues of flame are vertical,
shooting upward. On the front side of another coin,
a similar camel image was found whose reverse side,
though less clear, contained a linear rim enclosing a
two-stage fire altar. It has a wide base and upper sec-
tion, and the flame, in this case, is triangular.
Among the coins from the Bukharan oasis, two
coin were found with the image of the ruler within
a dotted rim with a three-quarters profile. On the re-
verse in the center of another dotted rim, there is a
fire altar with tongues of flame above it. To the left of
the altar there is a three-lettered Sogdian inscription
(Torgoyev, Mirzaakhmedov, Kulish 2014: 101–102).
On the coin images of Sasanian Iran, the height
of the atashdan is usually either higher than the fig-
ures of priests or attendants occupying both sides of
the altar, or at eye-level. At such a height, caring for
the fire would have required additional stepped plat-
forms which is not reflected in coin images of atash-
dans. Only on a single coin of the Peroz period (5th
century), found at the ancient settlement of Kultepa
(medieval Sabat in Northern Ustrushana) – which is
located along a large trade route leading from Sogd
to Khujand, Ferghana and further on to China – an
image of a high atashdan, depicts the ministers of the
temple standing on wooden supports on both sides
perhaps pouring oil into the fire. One of them appears
to be standing on a chair or stool with three legs while
40
the other one has a stand which resembles a throne
(Buryakov, Gritsina 2006: 158).
It appears obvious that two aspects were considered
when depicting the images on Iranian coins. First,
would be the task of exalting the status of the state
religion, since the atashdan is the main symbol of Zo-
roastrianism. Second, in terms of the design concept,
the element occupying the center of the coin’s circle
should have united and subordinated the entire com-
position by its dominance.
As we see, the presence of the atashdan accom-
panied by a priestly figure, probably the mobed, and
also a deity either Ahuramazda, Mitra, or Anahita are
located on both sides of the altar, which is character-
istic for all Sasanian coins during the same reign of
the various shahs, along with the other main compo-
nents. However, the shapes of the trunks, chapiters
and bases are different not only in composition, but
also in ornamentation.
This raises the question as to the reason for this
diversity. V.G. Lukonin came to the conclusion that
the images on the both sides of the coins were replete
with religious symbolism. It is possible to suppose
that the change in a number of components that make
up the obverse and reverse images was dictated by the
state and did not depend on the traditions of mints or
on stamp engravers. He also included in his analysis
the form of the atashdan (Lukonin 1969: 156–157).
If this hypothesis is correct, then it can be assumed
that each king sought to maintain his legitimacy even
through the process of coin minting. The atashdan as
a symbol of the Zoroastrian religion was apparent-
ly an important tool of visual propaganda. In other
words, such parameters as the height and thickness
of the support trunk, the large arched extension of
the flat steps of the chapiter and base, were not ran-
dom choices. But how does one explain the images
of the of atashdans in which a powerful, high trunk
is replaced by a thin, and sometimes a short rod? The
archaeological work in the Termez region revealed an
interesting numismatic collection, consisting of var-
ious imitations from the reign of Peroz. They differ
in the nature of the images, iconography, metal com-
position, and integrity. Researchers note that “in the
course of time, there was a process of distortion of the
images and inscriptions, which in the final phase lead
to the replacement of Peroz’s image on the obverse
with a local ruler and a strong systematic reduction of
the iconography on the obverse” (Pidayev, Baratova
2006: 173).
The political, trade, and economic situation in the
country influenced the quality of coins more than the
chronological diversity, the deterioration of the quali-
ty of metal, and other factors. The growing discontent
of different strata within the society—which includ-
ed part of the Iranian nobility, peasants, artisans and
 DODO NAZILOV
others—led to rebellion and revolt against the central
power. The economic and political weakening of the
Sasanian empire also resulted in the intensification of
the struggle against Iranian rule by the subjected peo-
ples from the conquered countries.
It is noteworthy that the basis of the Sasanian
coins found on the site of Kultepa mentioned above
is composed of items minted in the different cities of
Iran (Baratova 2002: 52). It is possible that the lack
of a centralized mint could have led to depicting only
various parts and forms of the atashdan, as well as to
a deterioration in the quality of the coins. This is con-
firmed by the comparison of the images on two coins
from Peroz’s reign. On one, the atashdan consists of
several rounded geometric shapes, and on the other is
a traditional, classical shape as indicated by the pro-
portionality of the parts.
Baybayev’s assessment should be considered: “It is
possible that the gradual deterioration of the carving
and the systematic reduction of the subjects on the
Sasanian carved stones, as well as some other mon-
uments, are caused by other factors. One of them,
undoubtedly, is the multiple repetition of subjects,
which naturally leads to systematization in art” (Ba-
bayev 1971: 55). Similarly, a repetition in the coinage
results in a deterioration in the pattern of the matrix.
O. I. Smirnova correctly stated that “a significant
number of copies in the manufacturing process are
found in which the matrices or the stamps of the
coins shifted by 3-5 mm and even up to half a coin’s
planchet. This testifies to the inexperience, and in
some cases simply negligence of not only the artisans,
but also the minters” (Smirnova 1981: 44).
If Lukonin’s idea is taken into account that the
execution of all the components of a coin was dic-
tated by the state, then the above mentioned deteri-
oration in quality can be explained.It is possible that
the influence of Zoroastrianism decreased from the
reign of Peroz. Scholars report that by the end of Sa-
sanian rule, the Zoroastrian temples had to fight for
their existence as the state it was so closely connected
with fell into decay. This was due not only because of
internal causes that weakened the religion, but also
the external forces that also attacked it. Manichaeism,
received new adherents which was never completely
suppressed by the mobeds, especially in Central Asia.
The spread of Christianity was even more impressive
(Frye 1962). Perhaps, this was the reason why the im-
age of the atashdan lost its former symbolic meaning
and remained at the discretion of coin manufactur-
ers, who began rendering of this feature based on
their own creative abilities and considerations, thus
enhancing the decorative design?
As already noted, the beginning of the thinning of
the trunks of atashdans in coin images dates back to
the reign of Khosrow I. According to John of Ephe-
41
sus, this ruler collected books of all religions, read
them, and reflected on which of them were true and
wise. “After he read and reviewed everything, he
praised the books of Christians most of all and said,
‘These are the truest and wisest among all religions.’”
(Pigulevskaya 1964: 308; Dashkov 2009: 140). The
decorative image of the atashdan on coins continued
on during in the following periods of the reign of the
Sasanian kings. Obviously, in the time of the last Sa-
sanians, the stylization of this previously significant
attribute had already become a tradition.
A silver dirham minted in Mahal Basra (Nehav-
end) in 658 serves as an example of an imitation of
the Sasanian coins at the dawn of Islam. Khosrow II
Parviz with his peculiar winged crown is depicted on
the obverse. The processing is coarse in comparison
with the coins minted by the king himself, but in the
lower right corner there is a depiction of the basmala,
which symbolizes the victory of Islam. On the reverse
side there is a fire altar with two clergy (Brend 1991:
37). This indicates that the coins minted outside Iran,
as well as at the time of the change of religions, were
worse in quality of their minting. The proportions of
the atashdan on this dirham are noticeably elongat-
ed with the base and horizontal shelves excessively
high in relation to its width. The same discrepancy
between the proportions of the parts of the atash-
dan continued to be on the Arab-Sasanian coins
of 661–680. Thus, although the images of the altars
on the coins of the last Sasanians conveyed a pure-
ly decorative image, they nevertheless indicated the
existence of temple atashdans at that time, as well as
the above-mentioned relief image on the wall of the
ossuary from Mulla Kurgan. The images of portable
atashdans of a similar design are also found in the
wall paintings of Panjakent. Like on the atashdans of
Sasanian Iran they have a chapiter, a stepped pedes-
tal, a ribbon with ornamental notches, convex rollers,
and other details.
Studying the main types of images of altars repro-
duced on coins testifies to their evolutionary devel-
opment that begins with monumentality and moves
toward a more decorative tradition. The image of the
altars on coins of an early period has a representa-
tive, solemn view. The trunks at that time are wide
and high, as if made of fired brick or stone. The com-
bination of the trunk and stepped flat slabs is quite
proportional.
The altars on coins of the latter period are light
and conventional. Their trunk is short and narrow.
The flat slabs of the pedestal and chapiter more re-
semble cuboid stone blocks, which are absolutely in-
compatible in proportion with their thin, smart trunk
rods. Here, the structural stability of the real altar is
simply violated, and its image becomes completely
questionable.

Fig. 4. Relief image of the facade of the Zoroastrian
sanctuary, combined with the interior, on the wall
of the ossuary from Mulla Kurgan. Source:
/sogdians.si.edu/mulla-kurgan-ossuary/
***
The atashdan on the reverse of the coins from
Sasanian Iran reflected the importance of Zoroastri-
anism as a state religion. Adherence to the principle
of preserving a certain number of altar components,
which amounts to seven, speaks of the sacred pur-
pose of the object and the existence of the canons that
were followed during its construction.
The symbolic image of the altar on the reverse side
of the coins generally reproduces the real composi-
tion of the main and widespread form of the altar that
existed at that time. The wall paintings of Panjakent,
the relief image above the door of the tomb of Kyz-
kapkan and other artifacts testify to the existence of a
real atashdan of this type.
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 BERNARD O’KANE

FROM ATELIER FLOOR TO MONUMENT WALL:

HOW WERE TILES PLACED CORRECTLY?
There is only one part of the Islamic world that seems to have used mounting marks to guide tile craftsmen,
and only on underglaze tiles. We are talking about Khorezm, which in the 14th century. was under the control
of the Golden Horde. On individual tiles from the territory of the Golden Horde in Russia, on some panels in
the mausoleum of Najm ad-Din Kubra in Kuhna-Urgench and in the mausoleum of Alaeddin in Khiva, marks
were made in the 14th century, and they are ubiquitous on the buildings of Khiva in the 19th century. This
article illustrates these discoveries and discusses the reasons for their rarity. Then the related topic of seemingly
incorrect placement or design of medieval tile panels is discussed. It is concluded that the numbering of the tiles
clearly reflects the practice of having a life-size tiled panel first painted on the ground and then cut for firing
into smaller tiles, regardless of the symmetrical pattern it might display. Perhaps this reflects the uncertainty of
ceramists in the ability of masons or tilers to correctly place even symmetrical cladding on the wall.

Key words: Khorezm, Golden Horde, Kuhna-Urgench, Khiva, tiles, cuerda seca.

Citation: Bernard O’Kane (2020) From Atelier Floor to Monument Wall: How Were Tiles Placed Correct-
ly?, Bulletin of IICAS, 29, 25-42, DOI: 10.34920/1694-5794-2020-13
Article link: https://doi.org/10.34920/1694-5794-2020-13

M
EDIEVAL and later Islamic Architecture,
especially that of Iran, is characterized by
the variety of its tilework. Many examples
of this, such as tile mosaic, were made on site, but
others were manufactured in a workshop that may
have been a considerable distance offsite. The most
obvious example of this is Kashan tiles, that were,
with one exception,1 manufactured only in the city
of that name, but which were made for monuments
over a thousand kilometers away.2 Kashan tiles were
relatively easy to assemble, since they tended to be ei-
ther inscriptions on friezes, mihrabs (also containing
inscriptions, and symmetrical elements), or star tiles
whose placement was arbitrary.
There is only one part of the Islamic world that
seems to have used placement marks to guide the
tileworkers, and this only in underglaze-painted tiles.
This is Khwarizm, and, in the fourteenth century, the
adjacent area under the control of the Golden Horde.
Isolated tiles from the Golden Horde territory in Rus-
1
The Ilkhanid additions to the site of Takht-i Sulayman: Masuya
1997, 226.
2 4
For instance, at the Pir Husayn shrine near Baku, for which the
most complete publication is Krachkovskaya 1946.
sia, some panels of tiles at the Shrine of Najm al-Din
Kubra at Kuhna Urgench3 and at the Shrine of ‘Ala al-
Din at Khiva had placing marks from the fourteenth
century, and they are ubiquitous on the nineteenth
century buildings of Khiva.4 This paper will both
demonstrate these findings and explore the reasons
for their rarity. The related topic of seemingly incor-
rect placement or design in medieval tile panels will
then be discussed.
The Shrine of Najm al-Din Kubra (c. 1330)
Ibn Battuta visited Urgench (which he called Kh-
varizm) in the early fourteenth century during the
governorship of the town by Qutlugh Temür (1321-
3
Kuhna, from the Persian, meaning old. Unfortunately its trans-
literation from Persian to Russian and back to English has often
resulted in its inaccurate labelling of Kunya Urgench. The town
sprang up on near the site of the older Gurganj, sacked by the
Mongols. In turn it was sacked by Timur in 1388, but recovered
somewhat until the ‘Arabshahid rulers of Khvarizm made Khiva
the capital in the 17th century. A new Urgench was then founded
near Khiva.
The only reference to these so far is a brief mention of the Khiva
and Golden Horde examples in (Rogers 2006: 371-372).

44
 BERNARD O’KANE
Fig.1. Kuhna Urgench, shrine of Najm al-Din Kubra
(c. 1330), view of pishtaq (photo: B. O’Kane)
33). He mentions the shrine of Najm al-Din Kubra
as being outside the town, and as a place where food
was supplied free of charge to travellers.5 This may
have been the same building that survives today and
which was, according to the foundation inscription
on the pishtaq, erected by Qutlugh Temür, the gov-
ernor of the city for the Golden Horde ruler Özbeg
Khan.6 Much of the original tilework has been lost,
but enough survives to get an idea of the range of tile-
work on the original.
Tilework has survived from two areas of the build-
ing, the pishtaq (Fig. 1), and the cenotaph in the inner
dome chamber. All of the tiles are underglaze-paint-
ed, with light- and dark-blue on a white ground, and
frequent outlining in black. Both the light- and dark-
blue tended to run under the glaze, but this was ex-
ploited to maximum effect in the graduated hues used
for the chinoiserie blossoms on some panels (Fig. 2).
With inscriptions, which provide an internal or-
der, there is no need for placement marks. Nor would
5 er form on the thin white border, and again, larger, on the tur-
Ibn Battuta 1971, 541-2.
6 quoise-coloured border.
For the building see Mamedov and Muradov 2001, 48-55.
45
Fig.2. Kuhna Urgench, shrine of Najm al-Din Kubra
(c. 1330), panel on pishtaq (photo: B. O’Kane)
one think that they were necessary for symmetrical
panels. The spandrel of the pishtaq has a repeating
pattern on large hexagonal tiles that do not have any
such marks. However, we find them used consistently
on the border tiles of the frieze on the soffit of the en-
trance arch, which also frame a repeating hexagonal
pattern (Fig. 3).
Unfortunately I did not notice their placement
marks when visiting the monument, so I do not have
good close up photos of them, but the resolution is
nevertheless sufficient to see that on the rectangular
border tiles, an alphabetic system consisting some-
times of single (Fig. 4 lower) and also of pairs of let-
ters (Fig. 4 upper) was used.7 Another similar pair of
panels are on the internal sides of the entrance be-
neath the soffit (Fig. 5). Here I also do not have com-
plete photographic coverage (and the panels on both
sides are damaged and far from complete), but some
of the rectangular border tiles on the left side have
7
The letters seem to have been written twice, one in small-
 Fig.3. Kuhna Urgench, shrine of Najm al-Din Kubra (c. 1330),
soffit of pishtaq (photo: B. O’Kane)

Fig.4. Kuhna Urgench, shrine of Najm al-Din Kubra (c. 1330), details of soffit of pishtaq (photos: B. O’Kane)

placement marks, including one of a wavy line with
a dot beside it (Fig. 6).8 Since the rectangular border
tiles are also symmetrical it is difficult to understand
why placement marks were thought necessary, al-
though it is true that the width of the rectangular tiles
is not the same as those of the hexagonal tiles of the
inner pattern. However, the left panel (Fig. 5) shows
the type of mistake that placement marks might have
avoided. Two fragments of hexagonal tiles at the top
middle each have a right-angled white border that
stops suddenly,9 and the hexagonal tiles at the top left
8
Of the photos I have, no placement marks are apparent on the
panel on the right side.
9
It might be thought that this was deliberate, especially if it were
symmetrical, but the corresponding panel on the opposite side
does not have this feature.
and fight edge don’t have a white border where there
should be one.
The tympanum over the entrance door is much
more complex (Fig. 7). This has a pattern of intricate
arabesques in low relief surmounted by an arched
Kufic inscription.10 From afar at first glance this looks
like a solid panel; only on closer inspection does it
become apparent that it is made up almost complete-
ly of hexagonal tiles. There is no connection between
the pattern and the size or shape of the tiles. The tiles
are centered with the pattern around the vertical axis
of symmetry. Only the tiles along the bottom are not
hexagonal; they have a base parallel with the lower
edge, so that they are pentagonal. There is one white
10
Al-mulk li’llah al-wahid (al)-ittihad wa ta‘ala (?), Sovereignty
belongs to God the One, the Unique, may He be exalted.

46
 BERNARD O’KANE
Fig.5. Kuhna Urgench, shrine of Najm al-Din Kubra (c. 1330), inside left panel on pishtaq (photo: B. O’Kane)
border along the bottom, and two, framing the in-
scription, around the arched upper section. There are
place marks on each, not just alphanumeric, but also
consisting of symbols, of which two types seem to
have been used.
There are five sequences, one for the bottom bor-
der, one each for the two borders of the inscription on
the right side of the arch, and similarly one each for
the two borders of the inscription on the right side of
the arch. The sequence starts at the bottom right, al-
though the craftsmen decided that the half tile at the
bottom right would initiate only the sequence of the
top right side arch (Fig. 8).
Along the bottom the sequence is alphabetical,
reading from right to left. The letter, mostly placed at
the right side are alef, be, te, se (the top dot of which
seems to have been obscured by damage to the tile),
47
jim, chim, khe, dal (with a dot below), zal, re (with a
dot below), and ze. The leftmost tile, like that on the
right, is not marked in this sequence, but is instead
in the sequence for the upper left border of the arch.
The right side inner arch has the following sequence11
going from bottom to top: alef, be, te, se and jim (on
the same tile), chim, khe, dal (with a dot below), zal,
re (with a dot below), ze, and finally one whose reso-
lution is not sufficient to make out clearly.12
The right side outer arch has the numbers 1, 2, 3,
4 (in the Persian fashion: ۴ rather than the Arab ٤),
then a figure that looks like a deformed four, then
what may be a five with a tail below the circle, 6, 7
11
The initial alef on the bottom border is at the left edge of the
tile, this second alef on the same tile in on the vertical border.
12
It might be a sin with a dot underneath.

Fig.6. Kuhna Urgench, shrine of Najm al-Din Kubra
(c. 1330), detail of inside left panel on pishtaq
(photo: B. O’Kane)
(with a dot to its left), 8, 9, 1013, 11 with a dot to the
right,14 12, 13, and 14.
The left side inner arch continues with a different
system: two symbols are placed on the edge of the
border of each tile next to its match on the adjacent
tile. From top to bottom they are two dots, a line with
a hook, a cross, a small circle with a hook, a circle, a
lower case em, a square, a vee, a triangle and finally, a
cross again (Figs. 9-10).
The symbols on the left side outer arch are harder
to classify; they are not matched pairs, nor are they
ones that I recognize as being part of a sequence, such
as abjad, or from any other easily recognizable alpha-
bet. One symbol looks like the letter shin, another like
the number 25, another like the wavy line with a dot
that is found on the lower side panel (Figs. 9-10). But
the sequence must have been apparent to the makers,
so this is a puzzle whose answer awaits.
What was the reason for the use of hexagonal tiles
on the tympanum? Hexagonal tiles had been used
extensively before this in Seljuk Anatolia, principal-
ly for dadoes, and also occasionally for domes and
cenotaphs.15 To my knowledge however, this is the
first occasion where they are used for a pattern that
does not repeat on each hexagonal tile. Here it can at
least be said that their shape and size helps to render
their joins less visible and so furthers the illusion of
an undivided panel. Later examples of their use is this
13
The figure looks like a mim, but probably should be interpreted
as a one with the dot for the zero carelessly written.
14
The border is split horizontally among two tiles; the number
was written on both.
15
For examples of dadoes see Konya, Hoca Fakih masjid (c.1222),
Meinecke 1976, pl. 24.3; Konya, Bulgur Tekkesi masjid (1240-
50), Meinecke 1976, pl. 26.3; Konya, Sahib Ata türbe (1283-92),
Meinecke 1976, pl. 39.1 (also for cenotaphs); for a dome: Konya,
Shaykh Alman türbe (c. 1288), Meinecke 1976, pl. 40.4.
48
way are extremely rare, the principal examples being
cuerda seca tile panels on Timur’s Aq Saray palace at
Shahr-i Sabz (1379-96) (Figs. 11-12) and at the Friday
mosque of Samarqand, the Bibi Khanum (1399-1404)
(Fig. 13). The Bib Khanum panel is unusual in that
the top row is of rectangular tiles and then changes
to hexagonal, an indication of its still experimental
nature. Timur reportedly deported the craftsmen re-
sponsible for the Aq Saray from Khvarizm to Shahr-i
Sabz,16 so perhaps this parallel should not be surpris-
ing. In these later examples however, the concealment
of the joints was often less successful,17 no doubt a
reason for other or later ateliers’ selection of rectan-
gular tiles instead.
The Shrine of ‘Ala’ al-Din, Khiva (c. 1340)
Only the tiled cenotaph of this monument dates
from the fourteenth century (Fig. 14). It is smaller but
very similar in form to that of the Shrine of Najm al-
Din Kubra18 which was badly damaged when the brick
dome over the cenotaph collapsed in the mid-twen-
tieth century. Several fragments of the Najm al-Din
Kubra cenotaph have survived, but on none of them
are any place marks visible.
However, some were certainly used on the ‘Ala al-
Din cenotaph. My photographic coverage of these is
limited, since a barrier prevented access by visitors to
the sides and rear of the cenotaph. Both cenotaphs
have or had a rectangular plinth with four panels of
polylobed arched on the long sides and two on the
shorter sides, and two gabled tabuts on top. The chi-
noiserie-decorated tiles surrounding the polylobed
arched panels are either rectangular, L-shaped (at
the corners) or T-shaped (bridging the corners be-
tween two polylobed arched panels). There are thus,
on the small sides of the cenotaph, four L-shaped, two
16
Masson and Pugachenkova 1978, 118.
17
Admittedly, in the panel reproduced in Fig. 12, the very no-
ticeable joints are partly the product of modern restoration. Still,
for a panel of square Kufic whose design is all of right angles, the
choice of hexagonal tiles is surprising to say the least.
18
Cenotaphs like these seems to have been a specialty of Kh-
varizm. One other relatively complete example, also of under-
glaze-painted tiles, is now at the Museum of Islamic Art in Qatar
(Sotheby’s 2004, lot 94), but the tiles do not have any placement
marks. For other cuerda seca cenotaphs at Kuhna Urgench see
Khalimov 1982, Kuehn 2007, figs. 9-12 and O’Kane 2009, Fig.
2.19. Michael Rogers also noted the two stepped cenotaphs at the
mausoleum of Mazlum Sulu at Mizdaqkhan (Rogers 2006, 370,
n. 16, and Yakubovsky 1930, figs. 9, 12-13).
 BERNARD O’KANE

Fig.7. Kuhna Urgench, shrine of Najm al-Din Kubra (c. 1330), tympanum above entrance (photo: R. G. Muradov)

Fig.8. Kuhna Urgench, shrine of Najm al-Din Kubra (c. 1330), bottom right of tympanum above entrance
(photo: B. O’Kane)

49
 Fig.9. Kuhna Urgench, shrine of Najm al-Din Kubra (c. 1330), top left of tympanum above entrance
(photo: B. O’Kane)
T-shaped, and three rectangular panels. There are a
total of twelve adjacent placements between all of
these tiles. At each of these joins there are matching
symbols. For the left polylobed panel they are as fol-
lows, going clockwise from the top: a dash, a circle, a
line crossed by three smaller ones, two sets of two par-
allel strokes, two tadpole-like shapes, and three ovals
(Fig. 15). The right polylobed panel, going clockwise
from the top, has a cross, a vee, a line crossed by two
smaller ones, three parallel lines, a line attached to a
semi-circle, and two parallel lines.
A further distinction seems to have been made by
the potters to eliminate mistakes in assembly. On the
short side visible to me the marks are all on the white
border. On the long sides of the cenotaph, from the
limited viewpoints that I have recorded, all the marks
seem to have been on the adjacent turquoise mould-
ing that led to the recessed polylobed arched panels.
This permitted, without fear of confusing the two,
reuse of symbols found on the white border on the
short sides, such as the three parallel lines (Fig. 16).
50
Golden Horde tiles (14th century)
A few tile fragments have been found at Golden
Horde sites, principally Bolgar, which are extremely
similar to the previous examples at Kuhna Urgench
and Khiva (Fig. 17).19 The two reproduced here have
similar chinoiserie underglaze-painted decoration.
One has a se on the white border, the other a mixture
of symbols which also seems to have been repeated
on the outer turquoise border.20 There were some
kilns in Golden Horde territory,21 but given the scale
and quality of the work at Kuhna Urgench and the
19
I am most grateful to Rosalind Haddon for sharing her pho-
tos and information on these tiles. Earlier publications include
Voskresensky 1967, Fyodorov-Davydov 1984 and Kramarovsky
2005 which have remarked on the placement marks, but without
mentioning parallels.
20
A similar chinoiserie underglaze-painted tile fragment from
Bolgar reproduced in Noskova 1976, pl. 6.1, seems to have sever-
al placement marks, although the poor quality of the illustration
makes this uncertain.
21
For a brief survey see Haddon 2012, 41.
 BERNARD O’KANE

Fig.10. Kuhna Urgench, shrine of Najm al-Din Kubra

(c. 1330), bottom left of tympanum above entrance
(photo: B. O’Kane)

Fig.11. Shahr-i Sabz, Aq Saray palace (1379-96),

detail of cuerda seca tiles on entrance
(photo: B. O’Kane)

51
 Fig.12. Shahr-i Sabz, Aq Saray palace (1379-96), detail of cuerda seca tiles on entrance (photo: B. O’Kane)
prosperity of the city in the fourteenth century22 it is
the most likely candidate for the production center
for the underglaze tiles found there and at Khiva
and Bolgar. As against this one could argue that they
would then have had least need of placement marks,
but this is turn can be countered by the evidence from
nineteenth century Khiva.
Nineteenth Century Khiva
Although the apogee of Khiva was in the 17th
century, it experienced a revival under its nineteenth
century rulers, the Qungrat Khans. They expanded as
far south as Marv in modern Turkmenistan, and from
22
Remarked on by Ibn Battuta 1971, 541.
52
there made frequent raids into Qajar-held Khurasan.
Their territory contracted after 1873 when the city
was occupied by Russian forces and the Khans were
compelled to sign an onerous peace treaty.23 The ex-
traordinary number of buildings surviving from this
period, mostly decorated with underglaze-painted
tilework, is witness to the prosperity of the city. As
Michael Rogers has noted, the khans revived the cult
of Najm al-Din Kubra, as well as building an annex
to the shrine of ‘Ala’ al-Din in Khiva, so it should not
be surprising that there are stylistic links between the
tilework of those earlier monuments.24 What is more
23
For a fuller account see Rogers 2006, 363-8. For the buildings
see Mankovskaya and Bulatova 1978 and Mankovskaya 1982.
24
Ibid., 369-70.
 BERNARD O’KANE

Fig.11. Samarqand, Bibi Khanum mosque (1399-1404)), detail of cuerda seca tiles at side of entrance ayvan
(photo: B. O’Kane)

surprising is that virtually all of the tilework carries
placement marks.25
The most ambitious schemes were to be found in
the citadel. There the reception hall (qurnishkhana)
(1254/1838-9)26 and the summer mosque (1815-42)
25
The first to remark on these, and to connect them with the Bol-
gar tiles, seems to have been Michael Rogers in ibid., 371.
26
The date is in figures on the left wall of the hall.
have very large expanses of tilework on the flat side
walls, with elaborate combinations of arabesque and
geometric patterns (Fig. 18). The rectangular tiles are
laid out in rows, and each row is numbered from right
to left, starting at the bottom right. On the side wall of
the reception hall the numbering changes a little more
than half way up; the lower row reaches a little above
1092, with a single dot to the left, and the row above
starts the number from one again, but this time with

53
 Fig.14. Khiva, shrine of ‘Ala’al-Din (c. 1340), cenotaph (photo: B. O’Kane)
two dots to the left of the number (Fig. 19). The num-
bering system is also a little unconventional: what at
first seems to indicate a five, namely a small circle,
is in fact a zero, and a five is consistently written in
all the monuments of nineteenth century Khiva as a
symbol resembling a polo stick, usually with the hook
facing to the bottom left (Fig. 19) but sometimes to
the bottom right (Fig. 21).
Although the patterns are symmetrical ones, the
places where the tiles were cut does not correspond
to any regular division of the pattern. This applies to
all of the nineteenth century tilework in Khiva. For
instance, take a vertical panel from the exterior of
the Muhammad Amin Khan madrasa (1851-5). The
horizontal divisions (marked in red on Fig. 20) could
easily have been shifted slightly to correspond with
the divisions of the pattern, but evidently this was of
54
no concern; it was easier to number the tiles and thus
ensure correct placement.
With spandrel panels, the rows were drawn across
horizontally spanning both sides of the arch, and the
numbering again started from the bottom right. On a
spandrel from the façade of the Muhammad Rahim
Khan madrasa (1871) (Fig. 21) something seems to
have gone wrong with the numbering, however. The
numbers here have a cross to the right, above or be-
low the numbers.
Tile number nine does not have a cross; it is a re-
placement tile. But the sequence starts unexpectedly
after it with 12 on the next tile to the left. Another
anomaly is seen on the top row, where two replace-
ment tiles are used from a different numbering sys-
tem, with the numbers 36 and 37 (without a cross)
instead of 40 and 41.
 BERNARD O’KANE

Fig.15. Khiva, shrine of ‘Ala’al-Din (c. 1340), Fig.16. Khiva, shrine of ‘Ala’al-Din (c. 1340),
detail of cenotaph (photo: B. O’Kane) detail of cenotaph (photo: B. O’Kane)

Fig.17. Tiles from Bolgar, Kazan National Museum (Photo: R. Haddon)

55
 Fig.18. Khiva, citadel, reception hall (1254/1838-9) (photo: B. O’Kane)

Fig.19. Khiva, citadel, reception hall (1254/1838-9), detail of side wall (photo: B. O’Kane).
Numbers on the bottom row, from right to left are 1087-1090; on the top row 12-15

56
 BERNARD O’KANE

Strangely enough, the numbering was not necessarily a com-

plete safeguard against incorrect placement. On a spandrel from
the Allah Quli Khan madrasa (1834-5) (Fig. 22) tile number 42 at
the top right has a border much wider than those of the tiles below
it. As a result the tiles numbered 42-47 do not match with the pat-
tern in the row below. Only to the left of the tile at the top centre,
no. 49, did the pattern of the top rows synchronize again.27
A particularly revealing spandrel is found on the exterior of the
Muhammad Amin Khan madrasa (1851-5) (Fig. 23). On three tiles
no number is visible, probably due to weathering. But it is clear that
the numbers in this case were placed upside down, with the num-
bering beginning at the top right and continuing to the bottom left.
In other words, the craftsman numbered the tiles as usual, but the
panel was on the ground, life size with the pattern fully drawn, and
to him it meant no difference on which side of the arch he stood. It
didn’t make life any easier for the workers who installed the tiles,
which is probably why this method is so rare, but crucially, it tells
us that we are dealing with a full scale pattern on a continuous base
ready to be cut up into smaller pieces for firing.
This method would explain some of the different approaches
to cutting up even a pattern that is repeated several times. For in-
stance, at the complex of Mehmed I at Bursa (the Yeşil camı and
türbe, 1421), the monochrome-glazed dadoes have cuerda seca
medallions inserted into them. In each case, although the medal-
lions in the mosque are identical to each other (and those in the
mausoleum are also identical to each other), they were cut up into
tiles for firing in different ways (Figs. 24-5). Not only that, none of
the divisions reflected the symmetrical pattern of the tiles.
When the pattern is already drawn life size, then, while it might
be helpful to cut the tiles on the division of the pattern, it is not
necessary. Iznik tile panels, for instance, although usually symmet-
rical around a vertical axis, are not identically drawn and colored
on each side. While the cartoon from the drawing workshop may
have had one side reversed to make the pattern symmetrical, in
practice the potters took a slight amount of leeway, only noticeable
on close inspection, in the drawing and colouring of individual el-
ements such as leaves and blossoms. Even in a rigidly symmetrical
geometric pattern, such as that on the tympanum to the entrance
of the mausoleum of Sultan Selim II at the Hagia Sophia in Istanbul
(1577), the tiles were not cut exactly around the symmetry of the
vertical axis, but slightly off it to the left (Fig. 26). More puzzling
missteps in the transference from drawing to tile sometimes occur.

Fig.20. Khiva, Muhammad Amin Khan madrasa (1851-5), panel

(photo: B. O’Kane). Red lines added to show tile divisions

27
This spandrel also has an irregular sequence at the bottom. It begins with 1 at
the bottom right, 2 at the bottom left, a tile with no number at the second right,
then 5 at the second left, after which the sequence continues normally.

57
Fig.21. Khiva, Muhammad Rahim Khan madrasa (1871), spandrel (photo: B. O’Kane). Numbers of original tiles
marked in yellow; of replacements in orange. Red lines added to show tile divisions

Fig.22. Khiva, Allah Quli Khan madrasa (1834-5), spandrel (photo: B. O’Kane).
Red lines added to show tile divisions

58
 BERNARD O’KANE

Fig.23. Khiva, Muhammad Amin Khan madrasa (1851-5), spandrel (photo: B. O’Kane).
Red lines added to show tile divisions.

Fig.24. Bursa, Yeşil Camı (1421), detail of cuerda seca dadoes (photos: B. O’Kane).
Red lines added to show tile divisions

One of the finest pieces of tilework in the Yeşil
complex is the cuerda seca mihrab of the turbe. On
close inspection however, part of its design show a
lack of registration (Fig. 27). Similarly, in the cuerda
seca revetment of the halls adjacent to the qibla dome
chamber of the Masjid-i Shah in Isfahan, much of the
design around the supposedly symmetrical central
axis is badly off registration (Fig. 28). Some of this
might be due to restoration (where one would have
thought there should also be a concern for following
the original design), but certainly not all of it.
Two tympana from the Uç Şerefeli mosque in
Edirne (1438-47) display anomalies in their under-
glaze-painted border tiles (Fig. 29). These, in the

59
 Fig.25. Bursa, Yeşil Türbe (1421), detail of cuerda seca dadoes (photos: B. O’Kane).
Red lines added to show tile divisions

Fig.26. Istanbul, Hagia Sophia, mausoleum of Sultan Selim II (1577), tympanum above entrance
(photo: B. O’Kane). Red lines added to show tile divisions

60
 BERNARD O’KANE
Fig.27. Bursa, Yeşil Türbe (1421), detail of cuerda seca mihrab (photo: B. O’Kane)
courtyard, are the only two original ones left in that
area. Each has three tiles in which the border colour
is white instead of light-blue. The other elements of
the design and colour match exactly, so these are not
restorations. It is difficult to think of any good reason
why this error arose, or why it should not have been
corrected when it was noticed. Perhaps the expense of
replacing the tiles was deemed greater than the em-
barrassment of the mistakes.
Conclusions
Despite the size and complexity of tiles panels used
in different parts of the Islamic world, only some of
those known from Khvarizm have placement marks.
Such marks are likely to have been of most benefit
where the atelier was far from the monuments where
the tiles were to be used. It is all the more surpris-
ing then, that there is no candidate for the place of
61
manufacture of the very extensive tilework on monu-
ments at Khiva in the nineteenth century other than
that city itself. Similarly, the most likely place for the
manufacture of the other group, that of 14th century
Khvarizm, is the most prosperous city in that period,
Kuhna Urgench, also the site of the shrine of Najm al-
Din Kubra, where its most extensive medieval use has
been found. The numbering of the Khiva tiles clearly
reflects a practice whereby a tile panel was first paint-
ed full scale on the ground, and then later cut up into
smaller tiles, irrespective of any symmetrical pattern
it might display. This perhaps reflects the ceramicists’
lack of confidence in the ability of the masons or tile-
workers to place even a symmetrical revetment on a
wall. Potters in other parts of the Islamic world usual-
ly did cut up the tiles along the lines of the symmetri-
cal pattern, but the irregular and inconsistent tile di-
visions found on some other monuments are also best
explained by the cutting up of an undivided panel.
62
 BERNARD O’KANE

Fig.29. Edirne, Üç Şerefeli mosque (1438-47), underglaze-painted tympana in courtyard (photos: B. O’Kane)

Fig.28 (left). Isfahan, Masjid-i Shah (1611-30), detail of cuerda seca tilework (photo: B. O’Kane)

63
 BULLETIN OF IICAS 29/2020
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 ALLANAZAR SOPIEV

TRADITIONAL TECHNOLOGIES AND ARTISTIC TECHNIQUES

FOR FINISHING WEAPONS PRESENTED IN THE
COLLECTION OF THE STATE MUSEUM OF TURKMENISTAN
This article provides an overview of specific types of Asian historical weapons of the 17th-19th centuries, which
are which display decorative features using various techniques. Basically, these are ceremonial weapons and
firearms from Persia, Afghanistan and the Khivan and Bukharan khanates, used by Turkmen, as well as prod-
ucts of Turkmen handicraft production. Particular attention is paid to the specifics of the technological process
of weapon design and the theme of its decor. The author's goal is to show the variety of styles and technologies
used in the design of cold steel and firearms, which is in the collection of the Ashgabat Museum.

Key words: cold arms and firearms, Turkmenistan, jewelry art, ornament, ethnographic design elements.

Citation: Allanazar Sopiev (2020) Traditional Technologies and Artistic Techniques for Finishing Weapons
Presented in the Collection of the State Museum of Turkmenistan, Bulletin of IICAS, 29, 25-42,
DOI: 10.34920/1694-5794-2020-14
Article link: https://doi.org/10.34920/1694-5794-2020-14

T
HE DECORATION of weapons as an original
phenomenon signifying the material and spir-
itual life of a human being has existed at least
since the Bronze Age. Along with the samples of ar-
chaeological weapons in the State Museum of Turk-
menistan in Ashgabat, there is a large collection of
cold weapons and firearms dating from the 17th-19th
centuries from Persia, Khorezm, Bukhara, Afghani-
stan and Turkmenistan and used by the Turkmen.
The museum finds contain samples of almost the en-
tire arsenal of this period.
The collecting of these weapons began right af-
ter the fall of the Geok-Tepe fortress in 1881 and
the conquest of Turkmenistan. At the initiative of
General A.N. Kuropatkin, who was the head of the
Trans-Caspian region, a museum dedicated to the
Geok-Tepe battle1 was opened at the fortress in 1898.
A entire wall was assigned to display the collection of
Turkmen weapons (Fig. 1). The fortress and museum
were located next to the railway station, and passen-
ger trains stopped there for planned excursions. In
1900, the famous Russian poet Maximilian Voloshin
came across one of these excursions. Among his let-
ters there is one noteworthy statement:
“The train stopped because of the low, thin, dilap-
1
“Askhabad” newspaper, 1899, January 3.
idated clay walls, blown by the wind. There is a small
museum building nearby. At the station there is a sa-
lient named “Geok-Tepe.” And these are the walls of
an “impregnable fortress!” Does this conquest of such
a “stronghold” constitute a “brilliant page of Russian
history?” In the museum, next to the Russian Ber-
dan rifles, there are naive flintlocks of the defenders
of Geok-Tepe exhibited with a strong sense of irony.
What an unconscious slap is given in the face of Rus-
sian glory by this museum and these ruins of a wind-
blown fortress. Something deeply tragic is now seen
in these beautiful figures of the natives, that are in
harmony with their surroundings. They lived in these
steppes and knew how to handle them...” (Voloshin
2009: 404).
Remembering his voyage to the Turkestan region,
the poet admitted that his most vivid impression was
not the beauty of Samarkand, which he called “Cen-
tral Asian Rome,” but “Geok-Tepe with its clay walls
and flintlocks” (Voloshin 2009: 464).
Over the past 120 years, the collection has been
transferred from one museum to another. Many ex-
hibits were irretrievably lost, however new items also
came in. The weapons, which are currently registered
in the State Museum of Turkmenistan, are carefully
stored in compliance with contemporary standards
and requirements of museum work with monitoring,
cleaning and restoration of the exhibits.

65
 Fig. 1. Interior of the museum in Geok-Tepe. In the foreground are manikins of a Russian army soldier and a Turkmen
militia soldier. In the next room there was a display with weapons of the Turkmen and Russian armies.
Postcard, early 20th century
In 2009, a new museum dedicated to its defenders
was opened on the territory of the Geok-Tepe for-
tress. The exposition of the museum’s modern weap-
ons collection now occupies more than one wall with
the space of an entire floor encompassing an area of​​
1224 sq. m. Local residents, the descendants of those
soldiers who defended the fortress, actively partici-
pated in the creation of the collection.
There are rare photographs of the late 19th and
early 20th centuries, which clearly show the entire va-
riety of cold weapons used by the Turkmen (Fig. 2).
A participant in the conquest of Geok-Tepe and the
first commandant of this fortress, Aleksey Maslov,
testified in one of his books: “... there were knives
with excellent finishing. Instead of daggers, on the
belts of the Tekins they have a sharp-pointed knife
with a round scabbard and a bone handle decorat-
ed with turquoise. A knife in a scabbard made of a
solid elephant tusk was occasionally shown.” (Maslov
1882, p. 165). A different opinion was expressed ten
years earlier by an anonymous author of an article
in the Military Collection, who noted that among the
Turkmen there were blacksmiths, metalworkers and
66
silversmiths who were engaged in the repair and dec-
oration of weapons, but they did not know how to
do it beautifully (Turkmen 1872, p. 79). Of course,
it is impossible to compare the products of a devel-
oped guild craft from the cities of Persia, Khiva and
Bukhara with the handicraft production of nomads,
however among their products there is a fair amount
of apparent artistic value.
In the vast expanses of Asia, the same types of
weapons were produced and used. Curved swords
shamshir (şemşir)2 and tulvar, kard, khaiber, pesh-ka-
bz knives, hanjar3 dagger, teberzin4 battle-ax are some
examples from an incomplete list of cold weapons
that have became widespread among the Turkmen.
The names of the main types remained consistenly
Turkic or the Persian-Arabic terms were used in par-
allel. For example, the Persian shamshir, tyg and the
2
TDDS, II: 358. Hereinafter, the terms are given according to the
Turkmen phonetics on the basis of the contemporary Turkmen
alphabet.
3
TDDS, I: 536.
4
ТКES: 368.
 ALLANAZAR SOPIEV

Fig. 2. Display from the Ashgabat Museum. Photo from the early 20th century. Museum of Anthropology and
Ethnography RAS, St. Petersburg (No. 255-212)

Turkmen glych (Garajayev 1989: 25) or teber and pal-
ta, stood for the same thing. In addition to products
made by local craftsmen, the Turkmen used weap-
ons produced in Persia, Afghanistan, India, Bukhara
and the Khiva Khanates. The basis of their arsenal
was made up of captured weapons, or those acquired
as a result of trade exchange. In the 17th-19th cen-
turies the nomadic tribes of the Turkmen were in a
constantly hostile environment; therefore, weapons
were essential. Participation in raids or defense of
native places required the continuous acquisition
and repair of weapons. Small workshops (ussahana),5
which were arranged right in the yurts, handled the
manufacture and repairs. The production of knives
and swords was not commercial, but purely artis-
anal. Products of Turkmen craftsmen (demir ussa,
ahangуr)6 were more functional and less embellished
(Maslov 1882: 165). Their embellishment was shaped
under the influence of neighboring countries, but
at the same time, Turkmen products had their own

5 6
ТКES: 368. TDDS, I: 260; ТКES: 35

67
 Fig. 3. Khorezm sword. Total length 980 mm, blade
length 830 mm, width at the heel 33 mm,
curvature ratio 12/34 cm (KEK-1638)

characteristic ornamentation and a close examina-

tion allows one to see the ethnic characteristics. The
purpose of this article is to show the variety of styles
and technologies used in the design of cold weapons
and firearms which are presented in the collection of
the Ashgabat Museum.
The main type of Turkmen cold weapon was a
sword (gylyç).7 This is confirmed by numerous extant
material and various sources (Karazin 1874: 234; Kh-
iva 1840: 58). Various swords from different regions
of the country are also found in the collections of
other museums in Turkmenistan. The swords made
in the Khiva Khanate are richly decorated with sil-
ver and gilding. This type of sword was used by the
Turkmen from the Yomut, Garadashly and Chovdur
tribes who lived within the khanate as a military class
– the nuker (nöker).8
Let’s consider one of these swords from the muse-
um collection (Fig. 3). The sword blade has a promi-
nent curvature. The handle of a traditional shamshir
has a regular cap, but with an original ring (halka) for

7
TDDS, I: 511
8
ТКES: 277

68
 ALLANAZAR SOPIEV

the sword-knot. The sword-knot is silk woven of red,

yellow and green threads and the cord ends with a
tassel in the form of a silver hemisphere with a fringe
of threads and chains with spherical bells (düwme).
The crossbar and the ferrule on the scabbard are
sometimes made of damask steel, but more often they
were made from ordinary iron. A double cord (reje) is
attached to the upper ferrule of the scabbard to hold
the sword in the scabbard when riding a horse. The
belts are made of bright lilac velvet with eight-point-
ed openwork rosettes sewn on them. The rosettes are
designed using a technique of white metal casting.
There are also belts of green and crimson colors. The
belts converge on a distributor plate in the form of a
hemisphere. The ornament on the plate is executed
in the form of a six-foil flower and is made using the
basma technique. Small turquoise stones are inserted
in a dense row along the edge of the dome. The belt
ends with a metal buckle. Silk belts are a distinctive
feature of the Khorezm swords.
The mouth and the point of the scabbard are
gilded and the middle part is silver. The turquoise is
installed in rows in the form of rosettes in settings.
A continuous row of turquoise is also laid along the
edge of the ferrules, mouth, point and along the con-
tour of the scabbard. On the side of the mouth is a
notch for easy removal of the sword from the scab-
bard. All over the surface of the scabbard is a rich em-
bossed decoration (basma). This technology involves
applying a to a thinly flattened gold or silver sheet
using an embossing technique. Then mastic, gypsum
or tar is poured in from the reverse side (Chvyr’ 1977:
16). The theme for the decor is usually of a floral or-
nament. Most often, the scabbard was covered with
velvet (mahmal) of crimson in burgundy or green
colors.
The Saryk Turkmen live in the southeastern part
of Turkmenistan on the border with Afghanistan. In
the border area apart from traditional shamshirs, Af-

Fig. 4. Afghan pulwar. Total length is 1010 mm,

blade length – 875 mm, width at the ricasso – 35 mm,
curvature ratio – 120/390 mm (KEK-1775)

69
 Fig. 5. Turkmen sword. Total length is 923 mm, blade
length – 760 mm, width at the ricasso – 30 mm,
curvature ratio – 9.5 / 35 cm (KEK-2663)

ghan weapons were widespread among the Turkmen.

For example, one well-known person in the region,
Arnageldy-bai Yagmyr-ogly owned a pulwar, which
is now kept in the school museum of the city of Takh-
tabazar. Afghan pulwars, kaibers and Indian talwars,
which are in private collections and museums in
Turkmenistan, mainly come from these places.
Let us consider one of these blades from the col-
lection of the Ashgabat Museum. It is made of finely
worked reticular damask steel and has a sharpened
230 mm long blade. Several fullers are found of 160
mm from the handle. The central fuller narrows and
is closer to the point’s ends and six short fullers are
located on the butt side. On the front side, the first
short fuller bends underneath the central one; on the
back side are seven short fullers which begin flush
with the central one. The ends of the fullers are semi-
circular, between the fullers there is a gold notch in
the form of flowers. The Turkmen term for fuller is
ganakar, which is translated as “blood flow,” abso-
lutely does not correspond to its purpose.9 The pur-
pose of the fuller is to lighten the weight of the sword,
increase the rigidity of the blade and at the same time
to provide an element of decor.
On the front side of the blade, there is a cal-
ligraphic composition consisting of one round car-
touche and two obliquely arranged frames with Ar-
abic epigraphy. The gold notching is made with the
takh-i-nishan technique. The name of the master is
engraved in the round cartouche: “Made by Muham-
mad,” the inscription is clearly visible. On the reverse
side there is a decorative inscription at the crossbar.
The handle has a hemispherical end with a cone and
ball characteristic of a pulwar. The hemisphere has

9
TDDS, I: 386

70
 ALLANAZAR SOPIEV
decorative openwork cuts. The handle itself thickens
at the place of the grip, the crossbar is bent inward
and ends with decorative elements in the form of tu-
lips. The central ray of the crossbar is in the form of
a leaf with an openwork cut. There are convex lines
along the handle, in the center on the crossbar there
is a decorative gold rivet. The handle is also made of
good damask steel.
There is another example of a unique Turkmen
sword, traditional in form, but with a zoomorphic
handle in the shape of a horse’s head (Fig. 5). This
sword is completely metal (steel, silver with gilding).
The decoration involves an artistic technique that is
typical only for Turkmen jewelry art. The master en-
graver would slightly sway from side to side with the
cutting tool when applying the pattern to the surface
of the product. As a result, various pictorial elements
in the form of rhombuses, triangles, and curls were
placed over the entire surface. The line of the drawing
at high magnification looks like a zigzag and provides
a border between gold and silver. Some parts were
covered with gold, others remained pure steel. The
result was a two-tone design. Just two colors – matt
silver and shiny gold – give an unusual effect. All the
pictorial elements of these two colors simultaneously
interact and compete with each other, but at the same
time they remain a single integral composition. The
Turkmen called such a combination a mix of milk
and honey.
Gilding was applied using the amalgam technique
(gyzyllama, gyzyl çaýma, altyn çaýma, tylla suwyny
berme) involving mercury (simap). The process melt-
ed gold with mercury over low heat. The ready alloy
was poured into cold water which created a gray
pasty substance. The etching was filled in with this
substance, after which the object was fired. The mer-
cury evaporated covering the object with a thin layer
of gilding (Pirkuliyeva 1973: 53). This weapon should
not be considered as a combat weapon, but rather as
a replica gift. The master who made the sword proved
himself more as a jeweler than a weapons smith.
Traditionally, swords made by Turkmen crafts-
men are somewhat simpler. The blade usually has a
strong curvature, without an expanding blade. Often
there is a notched cartouche at the ricasso. The blades
have either one fuller or several small ones. The han-
dles can be made of ivory, walrus tusk, antler or wood
are often embellished with silver rings.
The scabbard (gyn or gylyç gap, gylap, niýam)10 of
any type of cold weapon is the most important eth-
10
TDDS, I: 513; Garajayev 1989: 25; ТКES: 35
71
nic indicator. In different Turkmen regions, design
was determined according to location. It was by the
scabbard that the Turkmen easily identified compa-
triot’s belonging to a particular region. Moreover, a
Turkmen warrior could easily determine the tribal
affiliation of any stranger he met according to the pe-
culiarities of how the person wore a sword, how it
was suspended from a belt, or even they way it was
tied to the waistband, (Grodekov 1883: 84, O’Donovan
1883: 161). The sword scabbard consisted of a wood-
en sheath covered with smooth or pebbled leather or
overlaid with thin sheet metal. In the upper half of the
scabbard, there were two iron fullers (bilekse) mount-
ed with rings for attaching the bands of the sword-
knot to them. In the lower part had a tip (päýnek),11
which was covered with an additional layer of leather.
The main part of the scabbard consisted of wooden
plates. The plates followed the contour of the sword
blade, with only a slight overlap. In its cross-section,
the scabbard was almond-shaped. Deep engraving
with traditional ornamentation were applied on the
outside of the wooden sheath. On the inside, exact-
ly along the contour of the blade, wood which mea-
sured slightly more than half the thickness of the
blade. Then, both halves were merged, glued togeth-
er and covered with green, pebbled leather (sagry).12
The head of the scabbard was covered with a different
type of leather (teletin)13 possessing a smooth red-
brown surface. Leather of both types was sewn with
a straight seam from the back side and placed in a
groove preselected in the wooden sheath. The outer
side was embossed with straight lines in the form of
herringbone or linear geometric patterns and solar
symbols. Silver (kümüşmyh) or copper (mismyh)
nails were used as decorations.
There was also another original decorative tech-
nique. Since the head of the scabbard consisted of
two layers of leather, a round or oval hole was cut
in the upper part of it. The edge around the hole was
covered with copper nails, creating an unusual ef-
fect. Of course, all the design techniques were used
in combination with each other. Quite often the head
ended with a decorative leather tassle (gotaz).14
Another decorative technique is also often visible
on the Tekin scabbard. This involved twisting a thin
leather braid (tasma) around the scabbard from the
mouth (gyn agzy) to the upper part of the head. On
11
TDDS, II: 223
12
TDDS, II: 249
13
TDDS, II: 397
14
TDDS, I: 451
Fig. 6. Sword-knot. The design consists of two running belts 970 mm long, a waist belt 880 mm long
and two belts 240 mm and 360 mm long. Width of sword-knot belts is 43 mm (KEK-1073)

72
 ALLANAZAR SOPIEV
one end of the braid a nail was attached at the scab-
bard’s mouth and then the braid was woven around
the scabbard. The braid then passed over the metal
clips and reached the upper part of the scabbard tip
and nailed in place (Fig. 5). This type of design en-
hanced the scabbard’s elegance. Studs with decora-
tive silver caps (gülmyh) were nailed over the braid
along its entire length and were made using soft
stamp technology. A sheet of silver was placed on a
steel or bronze mold (galip), and hammered through
the lead plate. This created a low relief ornamention
(Pirkuliyeva 1973: 52). Then a nail or a double pin
was soldered from the back side, which fastened the
cap the leather.
The sword-knot belt (gylyç bagy, gylyç gaýyşy) ex-
tended from the fullers on the scabbard in two straps
of different lenghts reaching up to the buckle. The
short strap was non-adjustable whereas and the long
one adjusted according to preference of the wearer.
The short strap passed in front and an S-shaped metal
buckle was attached to it. At the end of the adjustable
strap was a metal receiving ring. Known as a falar this
metal connector had an oval or round shape and was
decorated on the outside. It had U-shaped brackets
on the back of the belts. The connector was made
of silver with gilded engraving. The surface was in-
laid with semi-precious stones. Traditionally, these
were carnelian (hakyk, maşat) and turquoise (piruze,
pöwrize), placed in settings.
Carnelian is the most popular stone used in the
decoration of Turkmen cold weapons. It is a red
mineral, a type of chalcedony. It is divided into three
levels of quality. The best was considered to be a
dark-red carnelian called hakyk. Tarashi stone was
considred of medium quality and has a bright red
color. The third type is a yellowish stone with white
splotches, known as nyatarashi (Kyýasowa 2011:
177). According to popular belief, carnelian protects
health and serves as a talisman against the evil eye
and also wards off lightning as well as protects against
scorpion bites. Another popular stone is turquoise, a
blue mineral of the phosphate class. Biruni wrote that
turquoise gave victory (Chvyr’ 1977: 98). Actually, in
Persian, piruzi (‫ )ﭘﻳﺭﻭﺯﻯ‬is “victory.” Small pebbles of
turquoise was often used as a framing around a large
carnelian or in the form of decorative bands.
In the finds of the State Museum of Turkmeni-
stan, there is an original sword-knot, designed in the
way described above (Fig. 6). The wide leather straps
are entirely covered with stamped silver details. On
the sword-knot there are two silver buckles of the
falar type measuring 75 mm in diameter. One has
73
five oval carnelians in the settings and is decorated
with gilding. The other buckle has one large carne-
lian. The sword-knot is fastened with a traditional
S-shaped clasp. The setting is cast from bronze.
A traditional, manditory element of a Turkmen’s
clothing was a knife tucked into the belt (aksaply,
bil pyçak, gezlik, ýan pyçak) (Garajayev 1989: 27).
The quality of the blade, the elaborate decoration of
the scabbard and handle demonstrated the owner’s
wealth and emphasized his social status (Fig. 7). A
knife made of Damascus steel (jöwher, polat) (Ga-
rajayev 1989: 28) was an obligatory item in a Turk-
men’s house and it had a special mystical meaning.
The Turkmen believed that the knife guarded the
house; was considered as a talisman; and it was put
under the pillow of a sick person. The knife was
passed down from father to son.
One of the most common types of knife among
the Turkmen is the kard (Pers. ‫ )ﻛﺎﺭﺩ‬Originating in
Iran, by the 16th century it had reached North India
with the armies of the Great Moguls (Skralivetskiy
2013: 30). From Persia, the kard came to its north-
ern neighbors – the Turkmen. It had a single-edged
straight blade that smoothly tapered towards the end.
The technology and design principles of knives was
the same as for swords.
However, there is no word kard in the Turk-
men language. The Turkmen called this type of cold
weapon a pychak.15 The ancient Türkic spelling of
this word is bichak and comes from the verb bich –
to cut.16 The kard’s form remained very stable over
time and region and was almost unchanged in India,
Iran, Turkmenistan, and Uzbekistan. Such a knife
did not have a cross. A metal bushing was an oblig-
atory structural element. For the Tekins, Saryks and
Salors, the sheath looked almost identical. The Tekins
and Iomuds called it yaglov,17 whereas and the Saryks
and Salors called it gulbend,18 which is translated as
“flower belt.”
The ferrule had a cylindrical shape with trunca-
tions on the sides and a small protrusion at the front.
There were bushings in the form of a short and round
baluster. The presence of a ferrule on Turkmen knives
had a sacred meaning. If the ferrule was absent, then
such a knife was considered unclean and could not
be to slaughter cattle. The meat of an animal killed
with such a knife was considered improper for food
15
TDDS, II: 232
16
DТS: 98
17
TDDS, II: 493
18
TDDS, I: 494
 Fig. 7. Turkmen knives. Photograph of 1885 from the collection of the National Library of France (BnF),
used in the book by Henri Moser (Moser 1886, p. 141, 231)
(haram). After use, any knife was thoroughly washed,
since the residual blood on it was considered a bad
omen.
If the blade was made of damask steel, the grip
might be made of ordinary iron. In the upper part of
the grip there was a longitudinal wedge-shaped cut,
and the lower part of the blade was sharpened in a
similar shape. The blade was inserted into the grip’s
notch and welded by hammer-welding. The halves of
the ferrules were soldered on the ricasso of the bush-
ing, and rectangular plates were soldered along the
edge. The ferrule and plates were very often decorat-
ed with engraving or gold notching. Almost all sides
were embellished, but the ferrule made of damask
steel was considered of a special value.
Two bone overlays were installed on the grip and
fastened together with metal rivets. The diameter of
the rivets on one knife could also vary. It was believed
that the number and size of rivets were the personal
mark of the master artisan. The material for the han-
dle could be made of ivory, walrus tusk, antlers, or
74
large camel bones. The Saryk Turkmen also used the
horns of the mountain ram, known as argali. A char-
acteristic feature of Saryk knives was a bifurcation at
the end of the handle in the form of a hoof (toýnuk
sap). This shape of the handle allowed an attacker
to direct the knife’s blade toward himself with the
thumb placed into the forked end. The stab motion
was made from top to bottom, resulting in a more
confident and firm grip. (Botyakov, Yanborisov 1989:
54). This element was very similar to the shape of the
handle of the Turkish yatagan.
In the design of handles, the most popular design
element was a circle with a dot in the middle, a sym-
bol for the sun. The history of this sign dates back
to ancient times. During the Bronze Age, the inhab-
itants of ancient Margiana adorned their bone prod-
ucts with similar symbols (Sarianidi 2002: 151). Bone
knife handles with these marks are found among the
artifacts from medieval Dekhistan in the southeast-
ern Caspian region. They date back to the 12th to
13th centuries (Atagarryev 1986: 135).
 ALLANAZAR SOPIEV

Fig. 8. Turkmen kard knife with scabbard. Knife length – 365 mm, blade length – 233, width at the ricasso – 30 mm
(KEK-2505)

75
 Fig. 9. Kard knife of Persian workmanship with a
sheath of Turkmen workmanship. The total length
of the knife together with the handle is 300 mm, the
length of the blade is 180 mm,
the width at the ricasso – 22 mm (KEK-2468)

76
 ALLANAZAR SOPIEV

Fig. 10. Persian pesh-kabz knife with a sheath of

Turkmen workmanship. The total length of the dagger
with the handle is 305 mm, blade length – 220 mm,
width at the ricasso – 27 mm (KEK-14304)

77
 Various techniques known at that time were used
in the design of the blades. Using a simple tool, mas-
ter-engravers (hekgak-ussa)19 created genuine mas-
terpieces in their cramped workshops. One of the
ways to design the blades was by engraving (haşam)20
with a stylus (bezeg galam, parma galam, oýguç).
Another, more complex type of engraving was em-
bossing in which the background of the pattern was
stamped into the blade. This made the pattern volu-
minous and embossed, and sometimes the pattern
itself was covered with gold. Of course, this type of
engraving was considered more valuable.
The technique of notching with gold or silver
wires was even more expensive and effective. This
design technology first appeared in Persia and from
there it spread to the neighboring countries of India,
Afghanistan, Turkmenistan and beyond. There were
three types of notches: koftgari, takh-i-nishan, zer-i-
nishan. The ricasso of the blade on expensive knives
was embellished with engraving or gold notching.
The simplest method of notching was koftgari, it
was also called a “false notch.” The artisan would en-
grave straight lines in the form of a grid with an awl
or stylus on the flat surface of the blade. This was fol-
lowed by engraving the contour of the pattern on the
grid more deeply with the awl. The gold wire wound
on a spool was gradually unwound and hammered
into the grooves of the pattern. The final step involved Fig. 11. Magtymguly Khan, one of the leaders during
polishing it with agate powder and cleaning the blade the defense of Geok-Tepe. Behind the belt is a pesh-
with lemon juice. This placed the gold firmly on the kabz in a sheath with a thick handle (Grodekov 1883)
steel surface of the blade and remained in this form
for a long period of time (Egerton 2007: 114). The most common themes in the design of blades
The second way of notching, takh-i-nishan, had a of cold weapons were calligraphic texts in Arabic
different appearance. The design was engraved on the script. The most frequently used fonts were naskh,
blade according to the desired pattern to such a depth suls, nastalik, talik, and less often, kufi. The content
that the wire was sunk by two-thirds of its diameter. of the texts was usually made up of quotes from the
Finally, the entire surface was polished and the pat- Qu’ran, religious formulas, and also verses. In addi-
tern was completely aligned level with the surface. tion, the design included islimi floral ornamentation,
This method affixing the gold wire was more reliable mythological subjects, and scenes from royal life. Im-
and durable. ages of various animals and birds were popular.
And finally, the third and most beautiful method These texts were usually enclosed in small toranj
was zer-i-nishan.21 Everything was done in the same cartouches (Pers. ‫)ﺘﺭﺬﺞ‬. They provided the name of
way as in the second method with the only difference the master or owner and sometimes the place and
that the wire protruded slightly above the surface. date of manufacture of the weapon. The text inside
This slight protrusion added volume to the design the cartouche traditionally began with the word am-
and had a more impressive appearance. The expen- alya (Arabic ‫)ﻋﻣﻝ‬, which in Arabic means “made.”
sive gift weapons for the shahs and khans were de- This was followed by the word ustad (Arabic ‫)اﺴﺗﺎﺬ‬,
signed in this same way. which means “master.” After that, came the master
artisan’s name and location of manufacture which is
called nisbet (Arabic ‫)ﻨﺳﺐ‬. The word sahib or “owner”
19
20
ТКES: 425 (Arabic ‫ )ﺼﺣﺎﺐ‬came next followed the exact name
TDDS, II: 544
21
GTS: 90 of the owner. The whole sentence usually concluded

78
 ALLANAZAR SOPIEV

Fig. 12. Turkmen-yomut with a khanjar in the belt.

Postcard from the early 20th century

Fig. 13. Persian khanjar with scabbard. The total length

of the dagger with the handle is 32.7 cm, the length of
the blade is 21.7 cm, the width at the ricasso is 4.3 cm.
The blade at a distance of 21 cm from the ricasso
bends sharply by 45 degrees (KEK-14306)

79
with the word sene (Arabic ‫)ﺳﻧﺔ‬, which means “date
of manufacture,” and with Arabic numerals giving
the year of manufacture according to the Hijri cal-
endar. However, all of the listed components of this
design were consistently placed in such an order and
there were various combinations.
Let’s consider another knife from the museum
collection (Fig. 8). Its scabbard is made of pebbled
leather. On the surface of the leather there are char-
acteristic pimples, and the original green color is
extant, which is quite rare. The mouth of the scab-
bard is narrowed and decorated with silver stamped
elements. The body of the scabbard is also decorated
with similar elements. The silver ferrule is engraved
with a floral pattern. At the end of the scabbard there
is a wire wrapping and a faceted cone in the form of
a tear drop. The back of the ferrule has a an Arabic
inscription and is easily discernable with the transla-
tion: “Made by master Dovletgeldy, son of Tajik-bai,
in 1342.” According to the Gregorian calendar, this
dates in 1923 or 1924. A religious text in Arabic is
also engraved on the knife. It has a classic kard shape.
The handle is made of walrus bone and on the met-
al parts are floral engravings. Along the ridge of the
handle is notched with gold wire. On one side, the ri-
casso of the blade is decorated with an ornament and
the other side has an inscription that reads (Turkm.
‫)عمل دولت كلدى اوسته تجك باى اوغلی مكاںی جولد‬. The same in-
scription that is on the scabbard, however, without a
date. It does, however, indicate the place of manufac-
ture as ​Jold (?). The fact that the knife and scabbard
were made by one master is more of the exception
than the rule, however, here we see a very high-quali-
ty work of the armor smith and artisan in one person.
There is another Persian kard with a scabbard in
the museum (Fig. 9). Its blade is damask steel and it
is decorated with delicate transverse stripes. This ap-
pears to be a similar pattern to the so-called kirknar-
duban, knowns as the “ladder of the prophet.” The
ricasso has a deep traditional engraving in the form
of a floral islimi pattern. The ferrule is small and
round and was appears to have been repaired in the
past. The ivory handle is solid and mounted without
glued-on rivets. The are remains of restoration are
visible. The scabbard was made from silver, is con-
ical-shaped, and gilded by the Turkmen craftsman.
The back contains a ring for the sword-knot.
Turkmen knives come three different types
sheaths. The first type is made completely from
leather, the second has a wooden base covered with
leather and a metal point, and the third has a tubu-
lar sheath composed entirely of metal. On all three
80
types of scabbards, the knives are almost completely
sheathed, which was very important for the wearer.
The first type of scabbard was mainly intended for
hunting knives. These were inexpensive knives made
of a lower quality steel. The scabbard was sewn from
two types of leather with the mouth and point made
from smooth leather and the middle section made of
suede or shagreen leather. Often the space between
the mouth and the point was embossed with a geo-
metric decoration. Some scabbards have all the ele-
ments made from smooth leather, but painted in a
variety of colors. The mouth of those scabbards made
of two layers of leather were decorated with fringe
(seçek) or an angular cut. The fringe was found on
both the front and back sides. A leather loop for at-
taching to a belt is sewn on the back of the scabbard’s
mouth. At the end of the point there was usually a
leather tassel or sometimes a triangle talisman (doga).
The general color of the scabbard was brownish red.
It was sewn with one seam along the entire length on
the back side.
The second type of scabbard was intended for
more expensive knives, and therefore the manufac-
turing technology was more complex. Two wooden
slats were shaped to fit a specific knife. The slats were
covered with simple engraving on the outside. A re-
cess for the blade was cut from the inside. Then the
slats were put together. On the outside, the scabbard
was covered with pebbled leather. After drying, the
leather would confrom to wooden slats. Often the
leather was dyed black or green. The mouth was nar-
rowed and soft without a wooden frame. After long-
term use, a silk cord was wound around the mouth
which allowed its shape to be preserved. Scabbards
of this type with a metal mouth were extremely rare.
The scabbard usually had an iron or silver point. The
tip of the point was teardrop-shaped and composed
of solid-metal. Gilded engraving was often applied
along the entire surface of the point. Sometimes a sil-
ver wire was wound around the point.
The third type of scabbard was used for the most
valuable knives. The scabbard’s construction con-
sisted of an entire sheet of silver with an solid-met-
al point which caused the scabbard to resemble a
hollow cone. It had a wide-brimmed mouth with a
row of arrowhead-shaped stamped designs under the
mouth. A design element contianing an elongated
teardrop with two semi-circles on the sides is found
on all sheaths of this type and it symbolizes masculin-
ity. This is followed by two to five decorative bands.
The body of the scabbard is completely covered with
traditional Turkmen engraving with gilding.
 ALLANAZAR SOPIEV
Often some scabbards were blackened rather than
gilded, which was more common in the Caucasus re-
gion and traditions. In these instances, silver wiring
is wrapped around the end. The scabbard ends with
a smooth, faceted or corrugated teardrop-shaped
point. Closer to the mouth, an elongated plate with a
hole for a decorative ring was sawdered on the back
which provided a place for a silk cord with a tassel
to be attached to the ring. This type of scabbard was
worn exclusively behind the belt, and the cord was in-
tended to attach the scabbard to the belt. The knife, as
in the first two cases, was totally encased in the scab-
bard with only a small part of it exposed. The knife
fit deeply into the scabbard which was very import-
ant when riding a horse. When removing the knife,
the left hand held the scabbard, and with the help of
the thumb and forefinger of the right hand the up-
per part of the handle was grasped. As the knife was
pulled out the palm completely embraced the handle.
A type of combat knife known as the Pesh-kabz
was widespread in North India, Afghanistan, Iran
and Turkmenistan. After the kard, this was the most
popular type of knife among the Turkmen. Its has an
unusual appearance with a thick, short handle with a
beak-shaped head and a significantly curved S-shaped
blade (Fig. 11). From the ricasso, the blade is curved
inward toward the middle and the curvature of the
blade turns outward. Sometimes, at the end of the
blade, the pesh-kabz had an armor-piercing thick-
ening known as noke-makhruti (Persian ‫)ﻨﻭﻙﻤﺧﺭﻄﻰ‬,
but more often the edge was not thickened, thus is
was known as noke-tyg (Persian ‫)ﻨﻭﻙﮅﻳﻎ‬. A knife with
a reinforced point was exclusively a combat weapon
designed for piercing the chainmail. It was more of a
piercing weapon than a slashing one. The blade and
ricasso were often decorated with engraving or gold
notching in the form of floral designs and calligraph-
ic texts of religious or magical content. The handles
had a very short metal ferrule. The thick handle con-
sisted of two halves. As a rule, it was made of ivory
but sometimes of rhinoceros horn or just a hardened
wood. On the pommel of the handle there is a metal
attachment with a hole for a ring, which had a deco-
rative cord with a tassel attached to it. The scabbard
was usually solid metal, with a flared mouth. It was
often abundantly embellished with silver, gold and
turquoise, purely leather sheaths were not uncom-
mon. The knife enclosed the sheath up to the han-
dle, and the ferrule of the handle abutted against the
flare. The handle was fully exposed for easy access.
The pesh-kabz was worn in a scabbard exclusively in
front of the waistband.
81
The pesh-kabz at the Ashgabat museum (Fig. 10)
has a blade made from damask, reinforced steel and
the butt is T-shaped at the middle. Starting from the
center of the blade, the butt has two reinforcement
ribs and ends with an armor-piercing point. Along
the butt to the middle there is gilded floral engraving.
The ricasso has a prominent gilded relief. The relief
etching has images of a hare, a gazelle and a pred-
ator attacking a sheep. In the etching’s background
there is a floral design. The blade has a characteristic
S-shaped curve. The shape of the handle can also be
attributed to a kard, it is made of ivory and consists
of two halves fastened with two gilded rivets. On
one side of the handle is a carved image of a young
man with a sultan’s turban, apparently a prince. The
other side has an older man with a beard and a royal
headdress. Behind his belt is a khanjar (dagger) and
he is holding a mace. The engravings on the handle
is based on Persian motifs with everything skillfully
made. Along the vertical ridge of the handle are im-
ages of a hare and a gazelle that alternate between one
another. The shape of the handle is not standard for
a pesh-kabz, but is closer to that of a kard. The scab-
bard is silver with gilded designs curved to conform
to the shape of a dagger. Turkmen motifs are clearly
rendered in the design making it possible to conclude
that the scabbard was made by Turkmen craftsmen.
Another type of combat cold weapon which was
very rarely found among the Turkmen was the dag-
ger known as a khanjar.22 It had a double-edged
blade with a sharp curve. In appearance, the khan-
jar resembles the Arab dagger or jambiya, and the
word khanjar itself is of Arabic origin. Due to its
double-sided blade, it was not very popular with the
Turkmen. The blade had a reinforcement rib in the
center. Apparently because of the blade’s sharp curve
it received the epithet “tiger’s tooth.” The handles of
such daggers were usually carved from solid bone.
The khanjar is mentioned in heroic epics of the Turk-
men (Gyor-ogly 1983: 372).
The blade of the khanjar kept in the State Museum
of Turkmenistan, is made of damask steel and has a
dark base. Its quality is excellent (Fig. 12). The blade
is double-edged in the center there is the character-
istic reinforcement rib. The handle is solid, made of
ivory and is pear-shaped. Persian inscriptions can be
seen on the guard and head. The grip has an image of
a young couple with twin children at their feet. The
reverse side portrays a seated couple and and chil-
dren. The handle is attached by a bolt going through
22
TDDS, I: 536
the head. The scabbard is covered with pebbled leather with some re-
maining green remnants. The metallic mouth is decorated using the
basma technique. A large flower is depicted in the scabbard’s center
with two mirrored birds framing the sides. The head of the scabbard
is missing. The scabbard on the reverse side in the center was sewn
with one seam using silver thread. Judging by the iconography, this
khanjar belonged to the Qajar dynasty (1794 to 1925).
Various technologies and artistic techniques were used in the de-
sign of firearms. The butts of the rifles and handles of the guns were
made of wood since this is a soft and malleable material common-
ly used by craftsmen when designing these weapons. The butts were
carved and nailed with decorative studs and were inlaid with bone and
overlaid with non-ferrous metal. The design involved traditional mo-
tifs, both geometric and floral designs. The design of the firearm’s lock
sheet, barrel, barrel bands and the trigger guard were engraved and
notched with gold or silver wire. The mark of the craftsmen was usu-
ally stamped with steel matrices on the top of the barrel in the breech.
Cattle bones, usually from the scapula, served as the material used
for inlay. Ivory was used sometimes, and even less often, mother-of-
pearl (sadap) which was more widely used in India, Afghanistan, and
Persia. The bone was leveled, flattened into sheets and then the details
of the pattern were cut out and underwent preliminary rough pro-
cessing. Then a drawing of the future composition was applied to the
surface of the butt, then each design element was carved on the butt.
It was then filled with glue, and the previously processed bone mate-
rial was inserted within the carving. After the glue dried, the surface
was leveled and the finally polished. The bone inlays were additionally
attached using decorative nails (gülmyh) made of copper, brass (and
less often) silver creating an even greater decorative effect. Sometimes
a different affect was achieved through the use of nails with differ-
ent sized heads. The nails with large heads and mother-of-pearl were
common in Mary Velayat, a region in Turkmenistan bordering Af-
ghanistan.
There was one other unique artistic technique utilized in bone pro-
cessing. The bone elements in such compositions were called open-
work, that is, the pattern was bored completely through. The resulting
voids were then filled with blue and red colored pigments. Similar in-
lay techniques were found on the territory of Kazakhstan (Masanov
1963: 106).
The patterns that were used in the design of the butts have deep,
traditional roots. The most common element is a square rotated to a
45 degree angle. The sides of the square had small slits, which made it
look like a five-petaled flower. This element is found on Persian and
Indian matchlock guns. This design appeared both individually and in
groups in the form of a decorative rosette. They were lined up in strips
closer to the edge of the rear of the butt and were also installed around
the shank in the breech. The shapes of the bone inlay were triangles,
rhombuses and circles. Most often, the plates were covered with well-

Fig. 14. Smooth-bore gun. Total length – 1385 mm,

barrel length – 1037 mm, caliber – 13 mm (KEK-1784)

82
 ALLANAZAR SOPIEV

Fig. 14а. Fore end of rifle stock and lock of smooth-bore gun

known solar symbols. Sometimes zoomorphic imag-
es were in the design of the guns.
The museum has a rare type of smooth-bored gun
with a flintlock (Fig. 14). Its butt is made of a dark red
wood and the entire surface is covered with the finest
carvings. Sling swivels are located on the left side of
the fore grip. There is residual silicon in the lock of
the screw along with a special pad cover that was put
on the frizzen to protect it from accidental firing. The
cover is woven out of red wool and embroidered with
Turkmen designs. There are three decorative tassels
on the pad. On the barrel there is a relief and chased
pattern. The barrel is fastened on the fore grip with
eighteen silver barrel bands, the last five are con-
nected by one strip at the bottom. The rings are en-
graved with images of leaves. Everything is done with
great taste and skill.
There is a noteworthy Persian musket known as
a khyrly (Fig. 15). Its butt has a hexagonal shape and
is made from the stump of a walnut tree. It is deco-
rated using the Persian technique known as hotem-
kar mosaic. The back of the butt is missing but the
sling swivels are on the side. At the bottom of the butt
there is a cluster of weapon fittings but no cover. The
shank, lock, breech and muzzle are engraved with
shapes of floral and geometric patterns. There is only
one band around the barrel.
A more typical kind is a khyrly with a percus-
sion-cap lock (Fig. 16). The butt is made of a dark red
wood and decorated with bone mosaic. The design is
traditional, with solar signs on the metallic work. The
barrel in the breech, at the muzzle, and the trigger

83
Fig. 14. Smooth-bore gun.
Total length – 1385 mm,
barrel length – 1037 mm,
caliber – 13 mm
(KEK-1784)
84
guard are engraved in the form of a floral design. The
barrel has a master’s mark but the text is not readable.
The hammer is shaped in the form of a lion’s head,
the image of a lion is also on the lock sheet.
***
Of course, various types of Afghan, Indian, Per-
sian, Bukharan and Khivan weapons were more elab-
orately designed than similar products of semi-no-
madic tribes who appreciated the functional rather
than decorative qualities of their products. Weapons,
 ALLANAZAR SOPIEV
Fig. 16. Turkmen rifled gun
– khyrly with a percussion-
cap lock. Total length
– 1670 mm, barrel length –
1270 mm, caliber – 15 mm
(KEK-2885)
85
if they are not ceremonial, but made for combat, do
not tolerate decorative excesses. At the same time,
weapons, especially cold ones, were a sign of status,
prestige, and they needed artistic embellishment. The
decoration of weapons required a reasonable balance
and the Turkmen masters reached certain heights in
this regard.
 BULLETIN OF IICAS 29/2020
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G.O. Putnam’s Sons.
Pirkuliyeva, A. (1973). Domashnie promysly i remyosla
turkmen doliny Srednej Amudar’i vo vtoroj polovine
XIX – nachale XX (Domestic crafts and handicrafts of
the Turkmen of the Middle Amu Darya valley in the sec-
ond half of the 19th - early 20th centuries). Ashgabat:
Ylym Publ. (in Russian).
Skralivetskiy, E. (2013). Vostochnoe oruzhie v chastnyh so-
braniyah (Eastern weapons in private collections). St.
Petersburg: Russkaya kollekciya Publ. (in Russian).
Turkmeny (1872). Turkmeny iomudskogo plemeni (The
Turkmen of the Iomud tribe), in: Voennyj sbornik. Tom
LXXXIII, otd. I. St.Petersburg: pp. 65-88 (in Russian).
Voloshin, M. (2009). Sobranie sochinenij (Collected Works).
Vol. 8. Pis’ma 1893-1902. Moscow: Ellis Lak Publ. (in
Russian).
LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS
DTS – Ancient Türkic Dictionary. Leningrad: Nauka
Publ., 1969 (in Russian).
TKES – Turkmen klassyky edebiyatynyn sozlugi (diction-
ary of Turkmen classical literature) Ashgabat: Turk-
menistan Publ., 1988 (in Turkmen).
GTS – Gadymy türkemn sözlügi (Old Turkmen diction-
ary). Ashgabat: 2007 (in Turkmen).
TDDS – Türkmen diliniň düşündirişli sözlügi. I-II vol-
umes (explanatory dictionary of the Turkmen lan-
guage in 2 volumes) Ashgabat: Türkmen döwlet
neşirýat gullugy Publ., 2016 (in Turkmen)
 ALEXEY ULKO

“UZBEK IS THE LANGUAGE FOR UZBEKS”:

WHY ARE THERE PROBLEMS WITH THE STATE
LANGUAGE IN UZBEKISTAN?
This article examines the issues surrounding the usage of the Uzbek language in modern Uzbekistan. It is noted
that the level of proficiency in the Uzbek language still leaves much to be desired. Despite its status as the official
state language even native speakers do not always speak it perfectly and sometimes, they do not know the rules
of grammar and speak different dialects. The percentage of those who use Uzbek proficiently among those for
whom it is not native remains extremely low. The use of Uzbek in Uzbekistani society, why it is not universally
spoken, and what awaits it in the future are just some the questions that the author analyzes.

Key words: Uzbek, sociolinguistics, dialects, writing, communication.

Citation: Alexey Ulko (2020) “Uzbek is the Language for Uzbeks”: Why There are Problems in Uzbekistan
with the State Language?, Bulletin of IICAS, 29, 25-42, DOI: 10.34920/1694-5794-2020-15
Article link: https://doi.org/10.34920/1694-5794-2020-15

I
N RECENT YEARS, the questions regarding the
use of various languages in
​​ society, primarily Uz-
bek and Russian, have started to be raised again
in Uzbekistan. Some officials allow themselves to
censure Russian-speaking citizens;1 other workers of
culture write a petition in defense of the Russian lan-
guage, calling for it to be given official status.2 There
is a continuing heated debate on social networks, and
the state again aims at changing the alphabet of the
Uzbek language.3
The Difficult Language Situation in Modern
Uzbekistan: An Excursion into Sociolinguistics
If we open any linguistic encyclopedia, we will
learn that the Uzbek language is one of the major and
most important Turkic languages with ​​ a rich history
in which it evolved in close contact with other Turkic
and non-Turkic languages.4 According to the general-
ly accepted point of view, it was finalized in the 1920s;
became the only state language in the Republic of Uz-
bekistan (back then, the Uzbek SSR) in 1989 with a
1
https://nuz.uz/obschestvo/35629-rektor-universiteta-zhurnalis-
tiki-okazalsya-v-centre-skandala-video.html.
2
https://vesti.uz/russkij-yazyk-nam-ne-chuzhoj/
3
https://www.gazeta.uz/ru/2018/11/06/alphabet/
4
https://ru.wikipedia.org/wiki/Узбекский_язык
population of 32 million people who speak this lan-
guage. However, the reality is much more complex,
problematic, and interesting. What characterizes the
situation of the Uzbek language in its modern con-
text? Let us first touch on some features of the Uzbek
language as such.
One of its underlying features, however, is far
from unique, and that is the coexistence of two fair-
ly independent levels at which the Uzbek language
functions. The first is the official written and unified
language – which is sometimes confused with the
literary one – and the other is a living colloquial lan-
guage which exists in a rich collection of four large di-
alects, and includes several dozen regional variations.
The heritage of the Soviet system, as well as the
authoritarianism of Uzbek society, explains the fact
that the state sees itself as the owner and guardian of
the Uzbek language. In the personification of the gov-
ernment, it makes decisions about its fate, regulates
its norms and sets the rules for its use, sometimes
based on the opinion of a small group of respected
academics and leaders. Quite often the last word in
disputable cases of using the Uzbek language does
not belong to a professional philologist, but rather to
the head of an organization or enterprise. This state
of things seems to many quite natural, but in the mo-
dern world the prevailing practice involves complete-

87
ly different approaches to the relationship between
language and state.
It seems that it would be useful for residents of the
former Soviet Union who are concerned about the
problems of the state status of certain languages ​​to
reflect on the fact that English is not an official state
language in Great Britain, the United States, Austra-
lia, or New Zealand. Moreover, none of these coun-
tries has such an authority as the Academie Française
which oversees the purity and correct usage of the
English language. At the same time, there is no need
to remind one of the prevalence and role of English
in the world.
Another feature that is closely related to the first
one is the exceptional regional and social nature of
dialects in the Uzbek language.5 Its reasons are rooted
in the peculiarities of national construction in Cen-
tral Asia from the 1910s to the 1930s, while running
simultaneously were the complex and unpredictable
processes aimed at isolating and formalizing nation-
al cultures, states, and languages from​​ a living and
heterogeneous human environment which had been
functioning for centuries based on completely differ-
ent principles. It must be borne in mind that the ini-
tiation of nations in our region was the goal of vari-
ous competing and cooperating groups of reformers,
starting from the Jadids to the Bolsheviks.6 The result
of this interaction, which took shape only after the
national and territorial demarcation, should be seen
as a kind of compromise among various projects.
In other words, everything turned out how it deve-
loped, but everything could have looked differently.
State-forming nations (and languages accordingly) in
our region might not have been six (the Karakalpaks
should be remembered as well), but three or ten, or
might not exist at all if the ideas of the enlightener Is-
mail Gasprinsky and his associates had received fur-
ther development and recognition since they strove
for the creation of a single common Turkic language
back in the 1880s.7
Accordingly, the classification and division of local
sub-dialects and dialects into national languages ​​and
their further normalization were initially very artifi-
cial, but they led to the gradual formation of clearer
boundaries between languages. Nevertheless, within
the Uzbek language, the situation was and remains
highly disintegrated, yet, rich at the same time. From
5
https://www.wikizero.com/ru/Диалектология_узбекско-
го_языка
6
https://www.academia.edu/30930781/Making_Uzbekistan_
Nation_Empire_and_Revolution_in_the_Early_USSR
7 20&tab=best
https://ru.krymr.com/a/26911248.html
88
the point of view of both the Soviet and the modern
centralized power, this quality has always been per-
ceived as non-normative, and therefore undesirable.
A similar situation is observed with the Russian lan-
guage, where, however, the degree of unification of
urban dialects is much higher, and rural dialects and
sub-dialects are rapidly dying out.
One of the consequences of the combination of
these two factors, which does not find proper recog-
nition in society, is the discrimination of speakers of
the dialects of Uzbek language in the power struc-
ture, which, among other things, partly helps to pre-
serve the remnants of the “clan” system in the process
of governing the country. At the same time, with the
increasing social mobility of Uzbeks, an increasing
number of people who have traditionally spent their
whole lives in their native guzars, mahallas and kish-
laks, travel to other regions of the country and are
very interested in local variations of culture, cuisine,
and, of course, language. People distinguish each
other’s dialects well, develop certain ideas about the
character and habits of residents of certain regions
and districts, thus, breaking established stereotypes.
But, all these linguistic peculiarities and processes are
not reflected at the official level at all.
The regional diversity of Uzbek culture is recog-
nized and supported from above almost only in terms
of material culture items such as clothing, ceramics,
cuisine, and, to a lesser extent, customs. The pecu-
liarity of dialect in Uzbek, so obvious in everyday
life, is practically ignored by the native speakers of a
“high” national culture. This is evidenced by numer-
ous Uzbek films where the main characters live ex-
clusively in Tashkent (the scenario where she lives in
a rich house, and he lives in a village in the Tashkent
region). They speak the same dialect of Uzbek (with
a few examples of non-normative rural speech, often
contrasted with the slang of the Tashkent youth) and
communicate only with representatives of the same
ethnic and social group. The heroes, of course, visit
Samarkand, Bukhara or Khiva, but only to see the
local monuments, where they behave like metropoli-
tan tourists. There is practically no contact with local
residents, their culture, customs and language on the
screen, not to mention the fact that this regional di-
versity has become a key theme of the film.8
The third important feature of the modern Uzbek
language is its script. Uzbek is one of the few languag-
es ​​in the world that actively uses three different al-
8
https://www.kinopoisk.ru/lists/navigator/country-71/?limit=
 ALEXEY ULKO
phabets: Latin, Cyrillic and Arabic. The latter circum-
stance is often ignored, although approximately three
million Uzbeks live in Afghanistan, and those who are
literate use Arabic letters while more than one million
Uzbeks who are citizens of Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan and
Kazakhstan only use the Cyrillic alphabet.
Latin script, introduced in 1993, underwent trans-
formation in 1995 on the basis of the commonly used
English alphabet without diacritical marks and was
supposed to be the only form of Uzbek script, begin-
ning first in 2005, then in 2010, then in 2015. But, so
far, about 70% of printed sources in the Uzbek lan-
guage are still in Cyrillic. The Latin experiment af-
fected millions of students who were forced to read
textbooks written in Latin at school and books pub-
lished in Cyrillic at home. Frankly, it was costly and
unsuccessful due to a number of circumstances.
First, the Uzbek Latin alphabet complicated an
already confusing linguistic and literary situation in
Uzbekistan which not only exacerbated the linguis-
tic chaos in the country, but also brought the written
Uzbek language closer to its living colloquial variants,
thus, reducing the impact of normalization. Second,
the use of computers and smartphones has been
greatly simplified for young people who have mas-
tered the Latin alphabet especially in interpersonal
communication. In this situation, there is no longer
any need to switch the layout and this often even ap-
plies to cases while using Russian.
On the other hand, the introduction of the Latin
alphabet, even based on English script, only aggravated
the difficulty of finding a conformity between the
scripts and the sounds of individual letters and words.
If everything with capital letters is more or less clear
(for example, K, M, E, and O are written and sound
approximately the same in Uzbek, Russian, and En-
glish), then there are serious problems with lowercase
letters, and especially when using italics. For example,
the letters B, P, H and X indicate different sounds in
Cyrillic and Latin letters. Therefore, individual words
and combinations of letters, for example, noman or
pen, written in italics, can be read as “potap” / “no-
man” or “rep” / “pen” depending on the context.
The one who travels around Uzbekistan should
remember that it is possible to see four (!) forms of
writing for the name of the same city: Қўқон (Uzbek
Cyrillic), Коканд (Russian), Qo`qon (Uzbek Latin)
and, finally, Kokand (English).
Taking into account the fact that children often
forget which words to use N and R, and in which – И
and Я, as well as where the sound for “x” – is denoted
by the letter x, h and kh, we have a rather complicated
89
and confusing picture, which is often difficult to un-
derstand even for an educated person. This situation
concerns teachers and scientists, but, on the other
hand, gives the use of language in real life a certain
flexibility and freedom.
The Status of the Uzbek Language in Society:
Who Uses It and How?
Answering this question, my American friend
Christopher Fort, a specialist in Uzbek language and
literature,9 gave a simple answer, “Uzbek is the lan-
guage for Uzbeks.” He further noted that although
there is some abstract idea that Uzbek should be
known and used by all citizens of Uzbekistan, regard-
less of nationality, in practice this does not happen
for a number of reasons. In the Russian-speaking en-
vironment of Uzbekistan, it is usually justified by an
extremely low level of instruction of the Uzbek lan-
guage due to the lack of teachers and textbooks. This
is true, but this is not the only reason why only ethnic
Uzbeks speak the Uzbek language. This can be con-
sidered from several different points of view.
The main and most important function of lan-
guage is communication, the exchange of certain in-
formation between people, i.e. knowledge, data, facts
and emotions. The primary environment in which
such communication takes place is the family. This is
followed by neighbors and relatives then school, work,
public and private institutions, etc. International lan-
guages include a large proportion of those who use
this language not as a mother tongue, and according-
ly, not for family, but exclusively for education, social
or professional communication. Consequently, about
two billion people are currently studying English, of
which about 1.7 billion use it as a second or foreign
language, which determines the nature and content of
communication within it.
Given the above-mentioned peculiarity concern-
ing the use of Uzbek, it is possible to outline its two
considerable and partially overlapping spheres of
communication. The first is the sphere of everyday
communication that comes from below, from the
primary family environment, in the living, colloqui-
al language. It is almost entirely determined by the
characteristics of the family, its makhalla, kishlak, or
district, gradually expanding and dissolving into the
second sphere which is the sphere of state and na-
tional use. The only access to this communication, to
this level of concepts is to be part of a specific family,
9
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Ry7Zmvg6wHY
a certain environment, or a given locality. If you are
from another region, city, or country then you are a
stranger or, at best, a guest.
This kind of interfamilial communication is the
basis of Uzbek culture, but despite its ubiquity, it
remains quite closed to the outside world, which is
clearly illustrated by the “deaf ” fences of the makha-
lla houses. The standard “windows” for extended
communication are numerous tui (“events or cele-
brations”), whose main purpose is usually to social-
ize among a large number of members of various
close groups, families and communities. This system
is self-sufficient, it does not need any special state
support or the outside world. It seeks neither devel-
opment nor expansion but creates an extensive and
comfortable environment for the potential prosperity
of its members by strengthening internal ties among
them. Family and neighborly relations prevail over
friendly and professional ones, and there is no talk
of any internationalization of this environment and
communication within it. There is no need, desire
and opportunity for this.
The second sphere of communication is deter-
mined by the state and spreads from the top down
through strictly controlled texts in the form of orders,
declarations, messages, news, numerous legal docu-
ments and the entire amount of communication that
occurs during management and administration start-
ing from the meetings of the Oliy Majlis and ending
in a conversation with the resident’s committee. This
sphere extends downward and in all directions, merg-
ing and intersecting with the first one which forms
various contexts and modes for communication, the
most common of which are professional and educa-
tional activities.
A characteristic feature of the use of Uzbek in this
area is a combination of normalization and central-
ization with an understanding of the objective need
to go beyond the narrow national discourse. The lat-
ter is determined not only by the presence of repre-
sentatives of other ethnic groups and linguistic com-
munities in the country, but also by the presence of a
vast semantic strata in which ideas and meanings are
generated in another language and only then relayed
to Uzbek society via the Uzbek language.
In the Soviet period, various notions in the
spheres of socialist management, production, educa-
tion, services, urban planning, etc., were formulated
primarily in Russian. This created a forced situation
in which a large number of Uzbek speakers, having
mastered Russian, were more comfortable to work in
these contexts on their own, rather than expecting a
90
translation into Uzbek and, most importantly, their
naturalization within an Uzbek discourse. This result-
ed in the development of funcational bilingualism in
which certain problems and topics could be discussed
in Uzbek, while others took place in Russian, often by
the same participants. In many aspects, this system
has survived to the present, although in a situation
where there are fewer people from a non-Uzbek eth-
nic group and an increase in the number Uzbeks who
independtly used Uzbek professional language, this
balance between Russian and Uzbek is reversed.
In general, it is impossible to decisively discuss the
place and status of the Uzbek language in Uzbekistan
without touching upon its interaction with other lan-
guages, which is a very interesting, but poorly devel-
oped topic. In simpler terms, we can say that within
the framework of the first communication sphere in
some regions of Uzbekistan, the language coexists
with or is replaced by Karakalpak and Tajik. These
situations are comparable, but unequal. While the
vast majority of native speakers of Karakalpak live in
a relatively remote and clearly defined territory, na-
tive speakers of Tajik inhabit the central and southern
parts of Uzbekistan in many locations (not only the
well-known Samarkand and Bukhara areas, but also
Denau, the Ferghana Valley and several other areas).
Almost all of them are bilingual.
The situation concerning10 Russian in Uzbekistan
is much more complicated and confusing. In the first
place, the importance of the Russian in the country
utterly exceeds its role as the language within the first
sphere, the language of interfamilial and communal
communication.
Ethnic Russians constitute no more than 3% of
the population of Uzbekistan, all the so-called “Eu-
ropeans” or “Russian-speaking” (inappropriate terms
that greatly distort the real picture) comprise perhaps
about 10%.11 It seems inconceivable, but the main na-
tive speakers and users of the Russian language in
Uzbekistan are ethnic Uzbeks. Thus, it is necessary to
make a point concerning such an important concept
as language competency.
Let us start with a simple but often ignored truth
concerning such definitions as “Turkic,” “German-
ic,” “Slavic,” and “Semitic,” which with the “delicate
hand” of politicians from the 19th and 20th centuries
10
https://ru.wikipedia.org/wiki/Русский_язык_в_Узбекистане
11
https://stat.uz/ru/433-analiticheskie-materialy-ru/2055-
demograficheskayasituatsiya-v-respublike-uzbekistan 13 http://
tapemark.narod.ru/les/527a.html
12
http://tapemark.narod.ru/les/527a.html
 ALEXEY ULKO
began to designate ethnic groups, peoples, and their
cultures primarily as linguistic categories.12 Turkic
languages are spoken in Abakan, Andijan and An-
talya, but there are people of various ethnic groups
and cultures who live there. In the same way, Yiddish,
Volga German and Afrikaans are the languages ​​of the
Germanic family, but again, their speakers belong to
different ethnic groups and cultures. The same relates
to the languages ​​that are global in scope. Therefore, to
equate, for example, all native speakers of the Russian
with ethnic Russians is completely wrong.
Moreover, even the very concept of “a native
speaker” is also often used incorrectly in its absolute
meaning, which greatly misrepresents the real situ-
ation when communicating in one or another lan-
guage. For many decades, English was distinguished
between such categories as “English as a mother
tongue”, as a second language (ESL), or as a foreign
language (EFL) and the methodology of teaching
them also differs. It should be understood, then, that
all people who more or less use the language are na-
tive speakers. According to reports, approximately
85% of the population speaks Uzbek, and it is native
to 80% of the population,13 most of whom are Uzbeks.
However, it is very important to take into account
the level of linguistic competency, including within
the Uzbek population. One of the most widespread
scales for language competency is the Common Eu-
ropean Framework of Reference, which gives six levels
(from A1 to C2) of various language skills: reading,
writing, listening, dialogue skills, etc.14 If one applies
these categories to the linguistic situation in Uzbeki-
stan, the number of people who speak Uzbek to a
varying degree will increase at the expense of people
who do not consider themselves to be “native speak-
ers” of the Uzbek language, but have language com-
petency to varying degrees. While it is believed that
the so-called “Russian-speaking” population of Uz-
bekistan does not speak Uzbek at all, it turns out that
many of its representatives understand Uzbek at the
A2 to B1 level and can maintain a simple dialogue at
the A1 to A2 level. At the same time, for many ethnic
Uzbeks there are certain difficulties associated with
communication in the literary language, especially
on unfamiliar or more abstract topics, not to men-
tion written communication. In other words, not all
Uzbeks, including those for whom it is their native
13
https://www.worldatlas.com/articles/what-languages-are-
spoken-in-uzbekistan.html
14
https://www.coe.int/en/web/common-european-framework-
reference-languages
91
language, speak it at the C2 level. This state of affairs
is characteristic to a various extent for all languages.
However, although these circumstances are of great
importance both for native speakers of Russian and
for the development of teaching Uzbek (as discussed
below), in general, they do not greatly change the
characteristics of the use of the Uzbek. Despite the
fact that Uzbek is spoken not only in Uzbekistan, in
the north of Afghanistan or in southern of Kyrgyz-
stan, but also in many countries of the world as well,
including Russia and the USA, it was and still remains
predomnately a “language for Uzbeks.”
As I noted above, the situation with Russian is
much more complicated. There is no exact data on
its use in Uzbekistan and what is available varies,
therefore, it can be hypothetically assumed that along
with the so-called “Europeans” (descendants of im-
migrants to Central Asia during the years of coloniza-
tion and the Soviet regime, among whom in addition
to Russians were also Tatars, Ukrainians, Jews, Ger-
mans, Armenians, etc.), an indefinitely large number
of ethnic Uzbeks (possibly at least half of the urban
population) use the Russian language as their native
or second language, which they speak at the C1 or C2
level.
In addition, even more Uzbek speakers have a
command of Russian to a limited extent ranging from
A1 to B1, presumably about 50-60% of the popula-
tion, which exceeds twenty times the number of eth-
nic Russians in Uzbekistan. All this data is approxi-
mate, and is of great value for the development of lan-
guage policy, however no large-scale research in this
area has been conducted. It should be recognized that
it is extremely important that, despite its wide and
uneven distribution among various social groups,
Russian does not have any official status and its use is
not regulated at all, apart from a practical need. This
contributed to the consolidation of Russian in certain
areas of communication and the establishment of a
reasonable balance in its use, the violation of which
can be fraught with various negative consequences,
which we will discuss below.
Question of Status: Why the Uzbek Language Is
Not Widely Spoken
Thus, the Uzbek language is certainly the domi-
nant and most widely spoken language in Uzbekistan,
especially in the field of interfamilial and communal
communication. Its position as a state and official lan-
guage is also inviolable, but in many areas of mod-
ern urban life it coexists with Russian and, in recent
years, with English. The nature of this coexistence
and interaction requires a deep and thorough study,
which, however, has not been carried out anywhere.
Therefore, inexact conclusions on this topic can only
be made based on subjective impressions, and thus
may be flawed.
Nevertheless, it is possible to say that these prob-
lems are not limited only to the static issue of profi-
ciency or non-proficiency in Uzbek (or Russian) lan-
guage and not even to the level of this proficiency. It
is primarily about the presence or absence of a choice
in the use of one or another language. As mentioned
in the above data, approximately 50% of the popula-
tion who have command of two or more languages​​
to varying degrees have this choice. For most ethnic
“Europeans” and about half of ethnic Uzbeks (main-
ly living in rural areas), this choice is greatly limited
by the lack of command or low level of knowledge of
languages ​​other than their native one.
The situation with Russian in Uzbekistan and
Central Asia as a whole recalls, in some ways, the role
of English in its global context.15 Given the low per-
centage of ethnic Russians among native speakers of
Russian in Uzbekistan, it can be assumed that most
acts of communication in this language do not occur
between Russians, and not even between “Europe-
ans,” but between ethnic Uzbeks who can use it both
in communicating with each other and with repre-
sentatives of other ethnic and linguistic groups, in-
cluding remotely (for example, on the Internet, when
watching Russian television or reading books in Rus-
sian). In this regard, an exceptional question remains:
In what cases and in what contexts do people choose
Uzbek, and in what cases do they favor Russian? Only
by answering this question, it is possible to talk about
the reasons for certain choices and only after that to
ask the question about what to do with it.
Without any reliable data concerning this, I would
venture to repeat the assumption made above: A na-
tive speaker of Russian and Uzbek ​​will choose Rus-
sian if there is a communicative need for information
exchange which is more difficult to accomplish in Uz-
bek. One example might include when the necessary
information is not available in Uzbek at all, as in the
case of a conversation with a Russian-speaking friend
or when watching Russian television. Another exam-
ple might be when Russian enables faster and more
convenient access to information. The reverse is also
15
https://www.academia.edu/12530018/English_Next_by_
David_Graddol
92
possible. Therefore, in order to assess how fully and
adequately the Uzbek language covers all areas of hu-
man activity in Uzbekistan, it is necessary to research
the question as to what kinds of information provide
more convenient and quick access than Russian (or,
perhaps, English), beyond interfamilial communica-
tion and government documents and for whom.
Total Control Impairs the Language
Here again, in the absence of data and research,
it is only possible to put forward hypotheses and as-
sumptions. One of the more obvious answers to the
above questions may sound as though Uzbek is infe-
rior to Russian (or English) in those areas where the
exchange of information in Uzbek requires its trans-
lation from Russian (or English) into Uzbek. In those
areas that are directly related to the “uzbekchilik” (uz-
bek-ness) or administrative management, especially
in those places, there is almost no competition.
It seems to me that total state control over the Uz-
bek language ultimately had an unfavorable impact
on it, thus, seriously limiting the scope of its use. This
is especially evident in bookstores, where until re-
cently, one could find only numerous textbooks, the
works of Islam Karimov, legislative documents, and
very few fiction books in Uzbek.
By depriving Russian of any status in 1995 and re-
stricting its teaching and official use, the authorities
hoped to stimulate the use of the Uzbek language.
The opposite happened with Russian deprived of state
support but also free from state control, it remained
and consolidated only where it was really needed.
Therefore, it largely replaced Uzbek in those areas
that do not fall under the categories of interfamilial
or communal communication and as the language of
governmental control. This circumstance was over-
looked by the authors of the scandalous petition call-
ing on the government to give Russian an official sta-
tus that would inevitably return Russian to increased
state control and censorship.
Nevertheless, the development of English in the
country in recent years – although not supported
by the presence of a lively context for communica-
tion since we still have a very small number of En-
glish-speaking foreigners in Uzbekistan – In compar-
ison with Russian, promises even shorter and more
convenient access to all the concepts and meanings
that are generated in the modern world. Not con-
trolled by any state, it has a special potential for glob-
al communication. In fact, Uzbek, in spite of its wide
distribution and stability, runs the risk of remaining
 ALEXEY ULKO
on the periphery of the modern world, turning into a
huge folk artifact which is greatly facilitated by state
policy with its emphasis on “national traditions.”
There Is No Solution to a Problem
without Research
In order to rectify something, one should first
imagine what needs to be rectified. It is impossible
to prescribe a treatment without diagnosing the case.
In our situation, there is neither diagnosis, nor even
described symptoms. All that I wrote above was spun
out of thin air. It is just speculation and wandering in
the dark, based on subjective impressions and virtu-
ally absent data. In fact, no field linguistic research is
conducted within Uzbekistan. We do not know sci-
entifically what the modern, living Uzbek language is
like or who communicates in it and how. Neither do
we know what resources and forms are used, what in-
formation is transmitted or by what means? How and
where do regional dialects of Uzbek develop? What
are the dynamics of its use in various social groups,
age categories, and other groups? How does Uzbek
interact with other languages? How do processes of its
hybridization, borrowing and adaptation take place?
What communicative needs (and whose needs) does
the Uzbek language meet? Which can meet those
needs and which cannot?
These and thousands of similar questions should
be the focus of attention of our linguists, sociologists,
anthropologists and cultural specialists. Reliable, in-
depth, large-scale, and professional studies should
be carried out and should at least describe the real
linguistic situation in the country. But, none of this
exists. Until this happens, we will not even be able to
get closer to analyzing this situation and we will not
be able to speak competently about the problems and
their reasons. However, only by asking these ques-
tions will they enable us to efficiently and adequately
propose some measures to improve the situation. It
is completely pointless to pass any laws in the field of
education without understanding what is really hap-
pening there.
So Why Don’t We
All Speak Uzbek?
The answer is simple: Those who do not speak
Uzbek simply do not have a communicative need for
it, or it is a limited need. Before one attempts to take
any steps, one needs to understand why the need does
not exist and what kind of need there is. Only then
93
can discussion proceed about what kind of needs can
arise and how they can be stimulated. Here we come
close to the issue of education, but this is far from
the first question. The first is to use the language. The
point is not only that “lazy Russians do not want to
learn Uzbek,” although this is also a reason. I have
already shown above that the vast majority of cases
when people choose Russian (or even now English)
rather than Uzbek as an instrument of communica-
tion or access to information refers to situations of
choice made by Uzbeks. And here many questions
arise for different participants in the communication
process.
For Russians and other “Europeans” living in Uz-
bekistan, the actual, and somewhat unsuccessful task
is to abandon their prejudices, including those that
concern using Uzbek language. The state’s task is to
gently stimulate this process.16 In this regard, giving
Russian an “official status” would not only return the
right of ownership and control over this language to
the state, but would also exacerbate political differ-
ences in society and politicize the issue of language,
especially in light of the decades-long attempts by the
leadership of Russia to use the language map in their
neocolonial politics.
Therefore, supporting the idea of ​​expanding and
deepening the use of the Russian language in Uzbeki-
stan, should happen, I am convinced, exclusively on
a voluntary basis and not become an instrument of
political manipulation. Neither the Russian language,
nor the Russian-speaking population in Uzbekistan
need “protection.” The improvement and liberaliza-
tion of language policy in the country is the surest
means of developing multilingualism and multicul-
turalism within it.17 It seems this is not advocated by
any single leader who speaks about the issues of lan-
guage policy.
Meanwhile, I would like to ask the zealots and
guardians of the Uzbek language the following ques-
tion: Do you really want to turn the “Uzbek language”
into an international language so that it would be
spoken by a large number of people who do not have
a good command of it? Do you want to hear it with an
accent, mangling words and sentences, but expressing
those thoughts, attitudes, and feelings that might not
be available in the conservative and patriarchal con-
cept of uzbekchilik?
16
https://uz.sputniknews.ru/society/20200428/14018186/
Novyy-zakonoproekt-o-gosyazyke-v-Uzbekistane--mnenie-
ekspertov-i-grazhdan.html
17
https://novainfo.ru/article/16641
 Are you ready to recognize the social fragmenta-
tion and dialect peculiarity of the Uzbek language as
a living reality and stop pretending that there is only
the correct, “pure” Uzbek of Abdullah Kakhhar and
Khairuddin Sultanov, while all the rest is jargon and
“bazaar language” that needs to be eradicated and
corrected? Are you ready for a situation when the
possessor of the Uzbek language will not be the state
and government, or even the Uzbek people, but any
person who considers it necessary to speak, write,
and read in Uzbek and that you will not control it?
It will be very difficult to talk about some ex-
plicit educational programs for teaching the Uzbek
language as non-native until satisfactory answers to
these questions are given.
What Could Be Done to Popularize
the Uzbek Language?
I have already tried to answer this question above,
and now I want to formulate the problem in a slightly
different way: What can be done now? Once again,
first and foremost, there is a need for systematic stud-
ies of the real situation and diagnosis of problems.
Unfortunately, the search for a solution to these prob-
lems, in fact, immediately rests on education. This
can be discussed at length, but in general, education
in our country, despite all efforts – including inter-
national and local organizations – remains terribly
archaic and static in its principles. It is still primar-
ily perceived as a kind of institution (school, college,
university), where these insitutions “give” knowledge
and status along with a diploma. Meanwhile, formal
education is just a learning tool, which is the process
of moving from point A to point B to point C and
so on and in actuality the process is complex and
non-linear.
Languages ​​are still taught here as they were taught
centuries ago – by memorizing grammatical struc-
tures and words in the hope that, by substituting the
right words in the right form in the right place, a per-
son will communicate in the language.18 Yes, some-
times this works after a few years. However, at the
institute I had an “excellent” mark in Uzbek, because
I could parse sentences and analyze what suffixes or
other word forms consisted of without a good un-
derstanding. Of course, this way of learning Uzbek is
completely senseless.
If we return to language competency, then it is
easy to understand that different situations require
18
https://thewarwickeltezine.wordpress.com/2017/01/31/124/
94
not only a different level of language proficiency,
but also different skills. At the institute, I had to do a
grammatical analysis of sentences and words, where-
as at school, when picking cotton, I had to ask the
locals for directions and understand their answer.
Modern Uzbek courses should be based on the
initial level of students, and this requires clear di-
agnostic tests to determine that level with the clear
purpose of training. Why do you need the Uzbek
language? To read governmental decrees? To give
complimentary toasts? To read Abdullah Kadyri in
the original Uzbek? To communicate with builders at
the site? Or with Uzbek relatives from Kashkadarya?
Each of these situations requires different skills and
approaches to learning which implies the availability
of appropriate materials such as modern communi-
cation textbooks for each level (A1, A2, B1, B2, etc.),
audio and video materials, as well as relevant stan-
dards and curricula, and, most importantly, qualified
teachers.
There is another major problem related to the
need for strategic long-term planning and the refusal
to adhere to short-term orders that can never solve
anything properly. In order to have a large number of
teachers capable of teaching adult Russian-speaking
students the modern Uzbek language, they need to be
prepared, a training and employment system must be
developed, the development of private entrepreneur-
ship in the field of education needs to be stimulated
so that such compact and purpose-oriented courses
are offered on almost every corner. All this requires
development, adoption, and consistent implementa-
tion of an intelligible training strategy and their cor-
responding material incentives. Taking into account
the need for a comprehensive study as mentioned
above, it is unclear who, how, and when this will be
implemented. But, without it, things will not move
forward.
To sum it up in market terms, the complex task is
to study the demand for the Uzbek language and de-
velop methods to increase this demand together with
improving a package of proposals on teaching the
Uzbek language for the target audience. Although, it
deserves repeating, that there is no sense in solving
the second aspect of the problem without solving the
first one.
It is not a huge leap of the imagination to under-
stand that with the current approach to reform, there
will be no long-term, gradual and well thought out
strategies for the development of the Uzbek in Uz-
bekistan in the near future. However, there are sev-
eral suggestions such as the appeals to read Zulfiya’s
 ALEXEY ULKO

poems in the bazaars.19 Hence, we just have to watch
the most interesting processes of language hybridiza-
tion, the dilution of language standards and rules, the
transformation of some language forms into others,
and the emergence of new social classes against this
background all united at the language level wheth-
er that is the English-speaking elite or the fully Uz-
bek-speaking urban diasporas from the suburbs, etc.
For sociolinguistics it is extremely interesting, but for
an ordinary resident of the country, not so much.

19
https://centralasia.media/news:1556630
 BORIS CHUKHOVICH

“NON-NATIONAL ARTISTS” AND “NATIONAL ART”:

ABOUT THE EXCLUSIVITY OF THE “INCLUSIVE”
TERMS OF SOVIET AESTHETICS
Since the 1930s, reinterpreting the Stalinist formula “national culture in form and proletarian in content,” his-
torians have described the birth of art in the Soviet republics as a process for the emergence and formation of
the so-called “national schools”: painting, music, architecture, etc. Moreover, the characterization of “national”
and “non-national” artists, i.e. artists, belonging or not belonging to the titular nations that comprised the
Soviet Union, was vested with different semantic functions; and these artists themselves played different social
roles. The purpose of the "national artist" was considered to be a direct expression of “national art,” whose voice
was regarded as authentic and synthetic. The role of “non-national artists” remained ambivalent and uncer-
tain, although their contribution to the building of a number of “national cultures” was not only significant, but
sometimes decisive. This article reflects on the different perceptions of “national” and “non-national” artists, as
well as the terms which were used to differentiate one from the other. The history of art of the Central Asian
republics and especially Uzbekistan served as the material for this analysis. According to the main hypothesis
of the article, the differences between “national” and "non-national” artists were rooted in the binary presump-
tions of Orientalism. However, in reality, the situation was not strictly binary due to several factors. First, there
were groups of artists who could appear in critics’ descriptions as both “national” and “non-national.” Second,
the concept of “national art” coexisted in parallel with the concept of “folk art,” which was often more inclusive.
Third, the art of "national” and “non-national” artists appeared in a different scope, when comparing the de-
scriptions of Muscovite and Central Asian critics. These and other discursive features deprived the situation of
their apparent dichotomies.

Key words: fine arts, Soviet art, Uzbekistan, ethnic community, minorities.

Citation: Boris Chukhovich (2020) “Non-national Artists” and “National Art”: On the Exclusivity of the
“Inclusive” terms of Soviet Aesthetics, Bulletin of IICAS, 29, 25-42, DOI: 10.34920/1694-5794-2020-16
Article link: https://doi.org/10.34920/1694-5794-2020-16

T
HE EVOLUTION of the concept of “nation”
spanned for more than two millennia, but this
article focuses on the fact that by the 20th cen-
tury such interpretations were based on two different
paradigmatic platforms. The first was associated with
the idea of ​​civic consciousness. Within its framework,
a nation was understood as a social community, or
people made up of representatives of different ethnic
groups, confessions, etc., carrying out as subject polit-
ical activities in their own state. The second was based
on the ideas of cultural anthropology. The nation, in
this instance, meant an ethnic community with a spe-
cific set of characteristics. It was the second principle
whereon the Soviet program of “nation-building” was
based, in which the eschatological goal of “the merg-
ing and disappearance of nations” under communism
was “dialectically” supplemented by the opposite goal
of “comprehensive development of national cultures”
during the period of socialist construction. From the
beginning to the end of the USSR’s existence, nations
were understood primarily as ethnic communities
developing on “their historical territory.” The form
of social development of the largest “Soviet nations”
was the union republics, within which various forms
of cultural autonomies were created (republican, dis-
trict, etc.). It was supposed that each such republic
would have its own “national culture” and “national
art,” reflecting the spiritual and domestic uniqueness
of each nation.
Meanwhile, not a single Soviet republic was mon-
oethnic. Therefore, the artists living in a particular
territory belonged either to the “titular nationality” or

96
 BORIS CHUKHOVICH
Pavel Kuznetsov, Sheep shearing, 1912
to another ethnic stratum, and this made their posi-
tion different. The ethnic origin of artists was marked
twice: First, institutionally, in the passport with their
personal data; and, second, culturally, as perceived by
society as well as in the self-perception of the artists
themselves. This distinction, which reflected the po-
litical and social characteristics of each Soviet decade,
was neither ostentatious nor insignificant. On the
contrary, it assigned different roles to artists in society
and sometimes predetermined the theme and focus of
their works. Without pretending to be an exhaustive
description and full analysis of this major problem,
this article will instead focus on its definition and re-
view of some of the consequences that it had for ar-
tistic practice. Its main postulate is that the evolving
distinction between “native” and “non-native,” “titu-
lar” and “non-titular,” “national” and “non-national”
has always been based on the presumptions of orien-
talism – first the explicit ones and then the repressed
and latent ones.
As contemporaries testified, the Governor-Gen-
eral of Turkestan, Konstantin von Kaufmann, prior
to his death (1882) said: “I ask you to bury me here
(i.e., in Tashkent) so that everyone knows that this
is a genuinely Russian land, in which a Russian is
not ashamed to lie” (Fedorov 1913: 55). These words
demonstrate that from the first decades of the colo-
nization of Central Asia by the Russian Empire, the
feeling of being “at home” was already a characteristic
of Russian Turkestan society. The desire to legitimize
this feeling is augmented by the mythologized “Aryan
theory” (see: Laruelle 2005; Laruelle 2009), the Rus-
sian supporters of which wanted to prove that the col-
onization of Turkestan was just a return of Russians
to the legendary homeland of their Aryan ancestors.
97
Martiros Saryan, “Egyptian Night”, 1912
Without questioning the identity of the conquered
peoples, this myth, however, implied that the colo-
nialists in this territory were “more indigenous” than
the colonized. Therefore, the existing uncertainty of
identity characterized the self-awareness of Russian
artists in Central Asia. On the one hand, they felt “at
home” here, like, for example, Pavel Kuznetsov, whose
passion for the steppe world was, in the words of his
contemporary Anatoliy Bakushinsky, “a return to
their homeland after a short and merely external stay
in the Babylon of European civilization” (Romm 1960:
24). On the other hand, it is easy to see the ontological
distinction between such a “return-to-yourself ” and
the perception of “native land” in the eyes of a “truly
Eastern person.” Such is Martiros Saryan in the de-
scription of Maximilian Voloshin: “Although Saryan’s
art reflects the East, however, he is not an Orientalist.
[…] He himself is a son of the East, estranged from
his country” (Voloshin 1988: 305). An echo of this
distinction can be heard a century later. For a typical
example I would refer to the art critic Vera Razdol-
skaya, who claims that “Kuznetsov was a Russian who
came to the East, and this largely determines the spe-
cial poetic aloofness of his vision of the East. Saryan
was a man of the East by blood, and for him referring
to it was a return to the origins, to a specific national
creative consciousness that preserved persistent and
vivid archetypes” (Razdolskaya 1998: 29).
The above-mentioned allows one to ascertain that
the colonial situation of the late 19th and early 20th
centuries, for all their seeming dichotomies, was not
ideally binary. This general idea of perceiving the
Turkestan population as divided into two parts – new
settlers and natives – does not quite correspond to
reality, since in the conventional ideas of this period
Hovhannes Tatevosyan, “At the Uraza holiday”, 1919
there were “people of eastern blood” among the set-
tlers, who, even after receiving a Russian-European
education, maintained an organic relationship with
the world of “Asian” or “Eastern” culture.
According to my first hypothesis, the ethnic roots
of the artists, conditionally associated with the East
or Russia, and thus, Europe, were taken into account
until the end of Soviet Central Asia. Thus, the as-
signment of the status of “national artists” to persons
whose roots in the collective imagination were con-
nected with the East (for example, dancer of Arme-
nian origin Tamara Khanum, painter of Tatar origin
Chingiz Akhmarov, architect of Dagestani origin
Abdullah Akhmedov, etc.) was accepted with much
greater readiness than the so-called “Europeans.”1
However, “Eastern” or “European” associations relat-
ed to the ethnic origin of the artists were not consis-
tent. For example, it would be wrong to think that all
artists of Armenian origin were unequivocally clas-
sified as “oriental.” This perception rather remained
a kind of potentiality, realized in some cases and
1
The term “Europeans” in relation to the inhabitants of the newly
formed parts of historical cities that emerged after the Russian
colonization of the 19th century assimilated in Central Asia and
was widely used in Soviet times. Its use remained paradoxical
in many ways: for example, artists who arrived in Uzbekistan
from Siberia and Altai located to the east of Central Asia (Viktor
Ufimtsev, Mikhail Kurzin, Valentina Markova, Nikolai Mamon-
tov, etc.) immediately joined the ranks of “European society” and
were identified as its representatives, while Uighurs arriving from
“East Turkestan” or Koreans displaced to Central Asia, as a rule,
were identified as “Asians.” Considering that the variegated “Eu-
ropean” society included representatives of diverse nationalities,
it can be concluded that this generally accepted and non-contem-
plated terminology confirms our hypothesis, according to which
the mental boundaries that separated some parts of the region’s
population from others were based on orientalist presumptions.
98
Nikolai Karakhan, “Women with ketmen”, 1934
blocked in others. Therefore, the first hypothesis must
be supplemented by another one.
The second hypothesis is that the binary rigidity
of the division of artists into “oriental” and “non-ori-
ental” has been significantly weakened at several
discursive levels. It is necessary to carefully analyze
the terms used to make this differentiation, as well
as the historical circumstances in which these terms
appeared, and the philosophical, socio-political and
aesthetic thinking in which they were embedded.
This second hypothesis, studied in all its complexity,
will certainly lead to the third one. According to it,
the use of terms shaping the apparent difference be-
tween the native and non-native population was not
the same in the periphery as it was in the center of the
Soviet state. It can be stated that in defining “nation-
al” and “non-national” artists, the Soviet center and
the Asian republics resorted to different perspectives,
and therefore the Central Asian artists, who were
considered “national” in Moscow, were not definitely
perceived as such in the region itself.
The framework of this article does not imply a
comprehensive consideration of these three hypothe-
ses. I will limit them to a summary explanation.
From its earliest years, the USSR proclaimed a
new national policy opposed to the colonial practices
of the tsarist regime. It was aimed at a radical change
in the hierarchical relationship between the center of
the country and its periphery. To equalize the “lev-
el of development” of cultures, it was first necessary
to accelerate the development of the cultural life of
the peoples considered “undeveloped.” Starting from
Marxist ideas about social formations, Stalin, in his
speeches and texts on the “national question,” repeat-
edly described the hierarchical nature of the devel-
 BORIS CHUKHOVICH
Konstantin Melnikov, Palace of Labor
in Tashkent, 1933
opent of the peoples and the nationalities that entered
the USSR, from “semi-patriarchal-tribal” and “feudal”
to “capitalist” (Stalin 1952: 25). As a result, in contrast
to the former imperial chauvinism, local nationalisms
and the accelerated construction of the “national cul-
tures” of the Soviet peoples began to be encouraged
(Martin 2011).
The 1920s were also the time of the dominance of
the sociological approach, later called “vulgar sociol-
ogy.” It implied the perception of the artist’s identity
as inextricably linked with the collective psychology
of their social class. And according to the communist
manifesto, since the proletariat did not have a father-
land, the ethnic shades of the identity of the “prole-
tarian artist” which came to the foreground during
this period, were not important. Even after Stalin
proclaimed the slogan of culture “proletarian in con-
tent and national in form” in 1925, and two years later
Anatoliy Lunacharsky suggested that folk peasant art
would brighten up the severity of international pro-
letarian art with picturesque nuances (Lunacharsky
1927, p. 20); the character of national art remained
on the periphery of aesthetic problems discussed by
critics and artists for several years. At this time, such
general obscure expressions as “national art of the
East” (Ginzburg 1926: 113) or “national architecture
of Central Asia” (Rempel, Chepelev 1930) were often
used in relation to Central Asia. It is not surprising
that in the 1920s, notions of the roles and functions of
“native” and “non-native” artists were not yet formu-
lated. The lack of distinction influenced artistic prac-
tice. For example, Moisei Ginzburg, Alexey Shchusev,
Konstantin Melnikov were confident in their ability
to construct the national architecture of the Central
99
Alexey Shchusev, Government House
in Samarkand, 1929
Asian peoples in their Moscow bureaus. In the 1920s
more significant antinomy concerned another differ-
ence; that between the “worker-peasant” youth, on
the one hand, and artists of “bourgeois,” “intellectu-
als,” “petty bourgeois,” or “aristocratic origin” on the
other. Educational institutions welcomed women and
representatives of ethnic minorities within their walls,
but priority was given to applicants from families of
workers and peasants (Rivkin 1930: 23). According to
the widespread opinion at that time, as demonstrated
by Plekhanov, Friche, Pereverzev and other art critics
of the Marxist orientation, “class psycho-ideology”
was immanently rooted in the subconsciousness of
the artist, thus reflected in all their work. It was be-
lieved that the artist of “bourgeois origin” was not
capable of creating truly Soviet art. At best, one was
assigned the role of a “fellow-traveler” providing sup-
port to young “fellow proletarians” until they reached
professional maturity.
The 1930s signified a change in the evolution of
this differentiation. The principles of vulgar sociology
were rejected, the importance of social origin dimin-
ished, while the importance of ethnicity increased
significantly. The new aesthetic approach, defended in
particular by György Lukach and Mikhail Lifshitz, as-
sumed that every genuine work of art reflected the re-
ality and essential conflicts of its period. Through this
prism, called “Lenin’s theory of reflection,” the most
famous authors, regardless of social background,
came to be regarded as “national artists” whose cre-
ative work was generally representative for the nation,
and not just for the social class they came from.
Starting from the 1930s, reinterpreting the Stalin-
ist formula of “culture, which is national in form,”
the development of art in the republics of Central
Asia was described as the process of the emergence
and formation of the so-called “national schools.” In
the texts, the characterization of the “national” and
“non-national” artist was endowed with different se-
mantic functions. The role of the “national artist” was
described as authentic and synthetic, and the role of
the “non-national” as ambivalent and indefinite. It
was assumed that the native artist, by virtue of ori-
gin, should naturally and spontaneously express the
“essence” and “soul” of the “national culture,” while
the non-native, not being able to authentically re-
flect the “national spirit,” could contribute to the de-
velopment of “national art” by performing auxiliary
pedagogical, participatory, and research functions.
As an example, let me refer to the text of Hovhannes
Tatevosyan, an artist and organizer of institutions im-
portant for the artistic life of Uzbekistan, including
the Samarkand Art-factory. In a performance report
in one of the Muscovite magazines, he prioritized the
following: “Cadres of proletarian artists are trained
on the basis of collective labor. Special attention
is paid to the training of nationals who can use the
domestic uniqueness of the masses, thus conducive
to the development of art, national in form and so-
cialist in content” (Tatevosyan 1931: 24). This meant
that “non-national artists,” even after spending many
years in Central Asia or even born in the region (that
is, in fact being a native inhabitant), remained alien to
the area’s main population and, therefore, could not
express “national art” as such. However, they were
able to train “national artists” and, by transferring
knowledge and skills, bring along the “national art.”
Mikhail Kurzin intrinsically spoke about it in a con-
cise way: “Uzbeks should have their own national fine
arts. And we, Russian artists, must help them in this
matter” (Kuryazov 2015: 54-55).
While classifying the republic’s artists in his book
The Art of Soviet Uzbekistan (1935), Moscow critic
Vladimir Chepelev also emphasized ethnic distinc-
tion. For him, the “national artists” were precisely the
Uzbeks, while the non-Uzbeks belonged to the vague
category of “other artists.” It is paradoxical, but the
above-mentioned book was mainly devoted to these
“others.” Due to historical circumstances, in the first
two Soviet decades, the art of Uzbekistan developed
in small and ethnically diverse intellectual commu-
nities of the two capitals, Tashkent and Samarkand.
At that time, Uzbek artists did not yet play an im-
portant role. Among protagonists of the Chepelev's
book were Usto Mumin, Mikhail Kurzin, Alexander
Volkov, Pavel Benkov, Nikolai Karakhan, Nadezhda
100
Kashina and others. The critic sought to show their
contribution to the creation of “national art,” while
not considering either themselves or their works as
“national.” On the other hand, despite the obvious
semantic aberration, Chepelev tried to convince the
reader that the leading role in the formation of the
art of Uzbekistan was played by “national artists.” In
particular, he declared, “In the Samarkand techni-
cal school, only 15% are nationals. But in this area,
there is also an overcoming of the old feudal ves-
tiges during the years of reconstruction which took
a big step forward, and now there is the first group
of young national painters in Uzbekistan. It must be
said that these young masters are at the forefront of
national artistic development” (Chepelev 1935b: 57).
The critic argued for the superiority of these “young
nationals” over “non-native artists” by listing the
“shortcomings” of such “non-national artists” as Na-
dezhda Kashina, Zinaida Kovalevskaya and Valentina
Markova, who either “got lost in formalistic delights”
or had “not yet mastered the tasks and ways of estab-
lishing the new art of the republic to such an extent”
(Chepelev 1935b: 57).
Other Muscovite critics – without questioning the
very differentiation between “non-national” and “na-
tional” artists – spoke more pessimistically about the
latter. Thus in the report on Moscow’s second exhi-
bition of the artists of Uzbekistan, held in the Gorky
Park of Culture and Leisure, the Sovetskoe iskusstvo
newspaper wrote: “Like at the exhibition organized
by the Museum of Oriental Cultures in 1934, a small
group of young Uzbek artists is still lost among other
artists who linked their life with Uzbekistan, and their
work with Uzbek themes. The group of Uzbek artists
mainly consists of the same names that appeared in
the 1934 exhibition (Abdullayev, Siddyki and Bah-
ram Hamdami). Only Rashid Temurov’s works are
exhibited for the first time. Like three years ago, this
group includes a very modest still-life painting, small
sketches, and mediocre portraits. The exhibition sig-
nifies a problem in the training of national cadres of
the Uzbek fine arts and insistently demands for the
control of the work of both art schools in Uzbeki-
stan.”2 In this review, it is also important to note that
not only “non-national artists” in the Central Asian
republics themselves, but also Muscovite institutions
perceived the upbringing of “national staff ” as a sys-
temic problem, without which it was impossible to
2
Sovetskoe iskusstvo (Soviet Art) Newspaper, No. 37 (383),
August 11, 1937, p. 1.
 BORIS CHUKHOVICH
Victor Ufimtsev, Untitled, 1922
properly develop the art of the region. Moreover, the
activities of “non-national artists” as mentors could
be assessed both positively (in most cases it was so) or
negatively. For example, in one of the articles, Vlad-
imir Chepelev noted that “Kazakhstan is character-
ized by the well-known leveling of national painters
among the team of Russian artists. Only the increase
of national staff can change the situation. The main
task of the entire art front of Kazakhstan is to make
the Kazakh artists predominate” (Chepelev 1935a:
172).
In the second half of the 1930s, these ethnic dis-
tinctions became explicitly significant. Ethnicity was
indicated next to the surname and year of birth3 in
many publications, such as the catalog of the exhi-
bition that took place in 1937 dedicated to the 20th
anniversary of the Revolution at the Museum of Art
of Uzbekistan. Of course, this designation was prob-
lematic, forcing artists from multi-ethnic families to
choose only one “nationality.” Meanwhile, the narra-
tives prevailing in society were sensitive even to im-
purities of “foreign blood,” and sometimes such were
even presented as more significant than a person’s
declared ethnicity on his or her passport. Exaggerat-
ed attention to “inoculation” existed in the previous
Soviet decades. For example, considering the work
of Paul Gauguin, Jacob Tugendhold believed that
“his passionate temperament, his love of adventure,
his contempt for bourgeois well-being, and longing
for the promised land ...” these were characteris-
tics Gauguin inherited this from his grandmother, a
Spanish woman born in Peru (Tugendhold 1918: 11).
3
Catalog of the Exhibition of Paintings by Uzbek Artists for the
Twentieth Anniversary of the Great October Socialist Revolution.
Tashkent: Museum of Arts Publ., 1937 (in Russian).
101
Ural Tansykbayev, “Mountain kishlak”, 1934
In 1934, the editorial board of the Tvorchestvo (The
Creation) magazine, presenting portraits of Uzbek
artists, accompanied some of the images with indica-
tions of nationality, and in the case of Nikolai Kara-
khan, without mentioning his Armenian origin, they
called the artist a “half-Persian,” which, in the eyes
of Muscovites, was apparently more significant in
connection with the display of art in Uzbekistan. In
the same way and in the same year in the art maga-
zine Iskusstvo (The Art) one reads, “N. Karakhan is a
young artist, half-Persian by origin”.4 There is signif-
icant evidence that such characteristics were used in
personal communication between artists. For exam-
ple, the famous composer of Uzbekistan Alexey Ko-
zlovsky, according to his memoirs, in conversations
with the artist Alexander Nikolaev (among his ances-
tors were Poles) mentioned that in Russian music any
worthy composer had an admixture of Polish blood
and that the art of such half-breeds, as a rule, “marked
in its skill with height, nobility and the secret of spe-
cial grace ” (Kozlovskaya 1977: 2). The famous critic
Sophia Krukovskaya based her unpublished reflec-
tions on Alexander Volkov from the painter’s Gypsy
origins.5 In particular, she wrote: “From the gypsies,
4
In the listing of other artists in the same material, only ethnic
groups close to the Uzbeks were expressed from the editorial
point of view (“Chingiz Akhmarov is a young Tatar artist,”
“Ural Tansykbaev is a young talented Kazakh artist”), while
A. Podkovyrov‘s nationality was not mentioned, but it was
emphasized that he was “a native of Turkestan, all the while
working in Central Asia” (Arhitekturnye rospisi hudozhnikov
Uzbekistana [Architectural paintings of artists of Uzbekistan], in:
Iskusstvo, 1934, No 4, pp. 70-72).
5
The idea of the artist's mother's Gypsy origin was based on
unreliable family legends, according which the girl was found in
the Astrakhan steppes during a certain military campaign (Volkov
Al., Volkov An., Volkov V. 2007: 32).
Volkov’s passion is for music, song, dance. Most of
the heroes of his works are singers, musicians, danc-
ers is how this national trait of the gypsy nature man-
ifests itself in his work. He not only paints pictures, he
composes poems about them, performs them with a
tambourine and dances” (Krukovskaya 1975-1984: 2).
In Volkov’s works, according to Krukovskaya, “there
is no Uzbekistan as such, it is Uzbekistan through
the eyes of a gypsy” (Krukovskaya 1975-1984: 3). As
demonstrated in all the above statements, ethnic-
ity figured primarily as a biological trait inherited
in the “genes” or “blood.” This means that the racial
theories of the 19th century, without being official-
ly proclaimed in the USSR, remained in place when
describing many situations in the artistic life of the
Central Asian republics.
It is extremely curious, however, that sometimes
critics still listed “non-national artists” among “na-
tional” ones. For example, the catalog of the exhibition
of Uzbek artists in Moscow in 1934, in the “national
group of artists” which included Akram Tashkenba-
yev and Siddiki, listed not only Ural Tansykbayev, a
native of Tashkent with Kazakh roots, but also Niko-
lai Karakhan, a native of Nagorno-Karabakh (while
Alexander Volkov, Usto Mumin, Mikhail Kurzin and
others were outside this category).6 Vladimir Che-
pelev also made an exception for Ural Tansykbayev,
including him among the “national artists” of Uzbeki-
stan due to the “deep national tradition of the culture
of color, torn from the patterns of ornamention and
old decorative features” (Chepelev 1935b, p. 81). Forty
years later, the authors of the book Iskusstvo Sovetsk-
ogo Uzbekistana (The Art of Soviet Uzbekistan) again
singled out Tansykbayev, stating that “in the 1920s the
first major national artists of Uzbekistan appear: Ural
Tansykbayev and Iskander Ikramov” (Dolinskaya
1976: 70). In addition to Ural Tansykbayev, Chingiz
Akhmarov, a native of Troitsk, who spent the first half
of his life in Russia (Krukovskaya 1947: 5-6), gradual-
ly began to be included in the circle of “national art-
ists.” Since other older Uzbek artists who came from
Russia did not receive such qualifications from official
Uzbek and Muscovite critics during the Soviet years,
then it should be noted that the concept of “national”
was more easily used in relation to those whose ethnic
roots in the collective imagination were conditional-
ly linked with the so-called “East.” In particular, they
referred to natives of Armenia, neighboring Central
Asian republics, or regions of Russia with predom-
6
About the artists of Uzbekistan // Catalog of the Exhibition of
Paintings by Artists of Uzbekistan. Moscow: 1934, pp. 6-8.
102
inately Muslim populations. This is exactly how the
presumptions of Orientalism worked, according to
which the “Eastern people” seemed to have natural
internal features (“mentality,” “temperament,” “soul,”
“natural perception of color,” etc.), allowing them to
spontaneously and organically join in the creation
of national art of the republics of Central Asia. And,
vice versa, “non-Eastern people” did not have such
internal resources, even if they lived in Central Asia
from birth, like Alexander Volkov, Leon Bure or Ser-
gei Kalmykov. Despite the fact that, from a traditional
point of view, the works of “native” and “non-native”
artists have undergone similar formal and subjective
metamorphoses since the 1920s, moving from more
decorative and conventional compositions towards a
figurative thematic social canvas; their mission, role,
and the functions were nevertheless described in dif-
ferent ways.
Thus, the complex and contradictory role that Uz-
bek and Muscovite critics entrusted to “non-native
artists” should be better understood. The following
are some typical expressions that implicitly reveal the
subsidiary and secondary feature of this role, despite
the recognition of the importance of the artists and
the pioneering nature of their work. Rafail Taktash
wrote in 1965 concerning Zinaida Kovalevskaya:
“Together with P. Benkov, Z. Kovalevskaya, as an art-
ist and teacher, played a major role in the education
of the first national artists of the sunny republic at the
Samarkand Art School and, by her personal example
as a talented genre painter, significantly influenced the
formation and development of this kind of painting in
Uzbekistan” (Taktash 1992: 177). And further in the
same article: “Z.M. Kovalevskaya comprehended the
most characteristic features of life, national character,
colorful expressions and nature of Uzbeks and Tajiks
and – like the old Venetians who created the “Vene-
tian flavor” – captured in her numerous canvases the
unique atmosphere and airy environment saturated
with the thinnest dusting of majestic city’s special
flavor of its ancient architectural sites and modern
science” (Taktash 1992: 182-183). The same author
wrote about Nadezhda Kashina: “An artist who lived
for many years in a sunny land who could create a
work so deeply convincing with its national charac-
ter and typical images, having deeply comprehended
all the uniqueness of the the national way of life and
lifestyle” (Taktash 1982: 73). Analyzing the paintings
of Gregory Ulko, Telyab Makhmudov admitted that
“in these canvases G. Ulko appears as a master who
had a profound knowledge and feeling of the national
character” (Makhmudov 1993: 267). And, of course,
 BORIS CHUKHOVICH
Paul Gauguin, “Faces of Tahitians”, 1899
Usto Mumin, Untitled, 1920s-1930s. (?)
103
the work was not limited only to the brush and palette
knife, the
​​ same problem arose when describing, for
example, music. In one of the first substantially im-
portant works dedicated to the distinction between
“national” and “non-national artists” following per-
estroika, Natalia Yanov-Yanovskaya stated: “For the
time being, the efforts of all Russian musicians who
came here and forever linked their fate with Uzbeki-
stan (and even those who, while living in Russia, came
to Uzbekistan occasionally), concentrated around the
problems of Uzbek music which involved the search
for a nationally characteristic, polyphonic style, and
ways to create a new one. “European” genres, mas-
tering the composer’s writing and technique on the
basis of traditional monophonic music. They seemed
to have abandoned their “Russian” way beforehand,
sincerely believing that their mission in the Uzbek
republic is gratuitous and noble, fully understanding
that they are dealing with a great, yet different art”
(Yanov-Yanovskaya 2002: 113). It is easy to see that
the semantic structure of these statements has a dou-
ble meaning. On the one hand, critics in the most
positive way testify to the ability of artists to “com-
prehend national life,” to contribute to the creation
of “national schools” and to educate colleagues who
came from the “native environment.” However, no
matter how deep the knowledge and relationship that
linked these artists to the local context, descriptions
of their artistic contribution invariably contained
connotations that indicated the artists’ outsider status
towards “national life” itself.
On the discursive level, Soviet aesthetics found a
way to provide vague descriptions of this emerging
binary, which threatened potential conflicts. In par-
ticular, along with the concept of “national,” scholars
and critics have often resorted to a related, yet still
different, concept of “narodnost’.”7 This is one of the
most mysterious Soviet terms, which has no adequate
equivalent in English or French. However, it is exact-
ly the distinction between “national character” and
“narodnost’” that reveals the relationship between
7
According to Britannica, “Narodnost, doctrine or national
principle, the meaning of which has changed over the course of
Russian literary criticism. Originally denoting simply literary
fidelity to Russia’s distinct cultural heritage, narodnost, in the
hands of radical critics such as Nikolay Dobrolyubov, came
to be the measure of an author’s social responsibility, both in
portraying the aspirations of the common people (however these
were perceived) and in making literature accessible to the masses.
These complementary values of narodnost became prescribed
elements of Socialist Realism, the officially approved style of
writing in the Soviet Union from the early 1930s to the mid-
1980s”. URL: https://www.britannica.com/topic/narodnost
“national” and “non-national” artists in many texts.
Here is another fragment of Telyab Makhmudov’s
text about Gregory Ulko: “Unlike many artists of the
republic, who are more interested in the external na-
tional attributes of everyday life and type, G. Ulko
goes deep into the creative nature of the national spir-
it, which is reflected in the narodnost’ of his paintings”
(Makhmudov 1993: 266).
This description is archetypal. Usto Mumin, Alex-
ander Volkov, Pavel Benkov and other masters of Uz-
bekistani art of the twentieth century, as a rule, appear
in the texts of art critics who deeply felt the “popular
character”; understood and fell in love with the local
culture; and knew the local life well. It follows from
this almost elusive terminological derivation that the
“non-national artist” who was conventionally denied
the possibility of expressing the “national spirit” di-
rectly, was nevertheless able to perceive and love what
was related to the people.
Petersburg philologist and historian Konstantin
Bogdanov devoted a chapter of his book On Croco-
diles in Russia to the history of the concept of “narod-
nost’” in Russian language and culture. According to
the researcher, this “vague concept remains in tune
with the ideology, verified not by social experience,
but by rhetorical abstractions” (Bogdanov 2006: 145).
It was because of this that it was suitable for situations
where a discursive gap had to be left between the work
and the description, which facilitated the entry of the
work into social life. Throughout its long evolution,
the concept of “narodnost’” has acquired various con-
notations, but always implicitly contained a romantic
distance between the people and the artist. Within the
framework of this distinction, the artist was not part
of the people and was outside the masses. Their call-
ing was to capture and understand the “spirit of the
people” and then reflect it in their work. The concept
of narodnost’ has been essential for Russian culture
since the 19th century. According to Nikolai Dobroly-
ubov, whose ideology influenced Soviet aesthetics,
“we understand narodnost’ [not only] as the ability to
depict the beauty of local nature, use apt expression
overheard among the people, accurately represent
rituals, customs, etc. (... ) [but] in order to be a truly
popular poet, one needs more. One should be imbued
with the spirit of the people, live their life, be on a par
with them, discard all the prejudices of social estates,
book learning, etc., feel everything with that simple
feeling that the people have” (Dobrolyubov 1962: 260).
Dobrolyubov’s desire to get closer to the “people” is
similar to Gauguin’s Polynesian temptation to live the
genuine, full-blooded life of “ordinary people” not
104
spoiled by civilization, as well as Usto Mumin, who
wanted to repeat the Gauguin’s experience in Turke-
stan. However, the language which was used to de-
scribe this idyll indicated the presence of a distance
between the subject approaching the “people” and the
“people” themselves as an object of interest, cult, love,
study and artistic experience. In their fruitless striving
to get closer to the “people,” the artists thus resembled
Zeno’s Achilles, unable to catch up with the turtle.
However, the scholastic nature of the concepts of
“national” and “narodnyi” (which was an adjective
produced from “narodnost’” and could be translated
as “popular”, i.e. related to “people”) in the conditions
of the Asian republics of the USSR allowed for playing
with the nuance of meaning. If “national” became a
concept almost exclusively tied to ethnicity (with rare
exceptions explained by Orientalist stereotypes), then
“narodnyi” had a more open and inclusive character.
For example, although some artists, such as Viktor
Ufimtsev, Alexander Volkov or Hovhannes Tatevo-
syan, were not considered and did not consider them-
selves “national artists,” they were awarded the title
of “People’s Artist of the Uzbek SSR” (“narodnyi khu-
dozhnik”) in the mid-1940s. Composers Sergei Vasi-
lenko, Aleksey Kozlovsky, Reingold Glier, Victor Us-
pensky and others, who played a significant role in the
development of musical composition in Uzbekistan,
as well as many “non-national” actors and directors of
Uzbek theaters and cinematography, became “People’s
Artist of the Uzbek SSR.” Generally, this correspond-
ed to the internal logic of the terms since “national”
correlated with a narrowly understood ethnicity, and
“peoples” in certain circumstances, implied the entire
population of the republic.
However, the speculative nature of both concepts
allowed critics to implement paradoxical discursive
“somersaults” in their usage when changing the fo-
cus. From one perspective, when viewed from Mos-
cow, works of the “non-national artists” of Uzbekistan
were regarded as “national.” For example, the influen-
tial Muscovite art critic Yuriy Kolpinsky, who was in
Tashkent during the war years, wrote about Alexan-
der Volkov’s still life paintings that “they are brightly
national and show a special decorative originality and
that dramatic rendering of color that distinguishes
the art of Uzbeks from the art of other peoples of the
world” (Taktash 1992: 188). In a similar way, in the
last Soviet decades, some magazines from Moscow
began to characterize the work of “non-national” au-
thors in other types of art – for example, architects
Sergo Sutyagin, Vladimir Spivak, Yuriy Khaldeev or
composers Sergei Varelas, Rumil Vildanov, etc.
 BORIS CHUKHOVICH
This same change of emphasis also affected the
concept of “narodnyi”. If within the Central Asian re-
publics the title of “people’s painters” (artists, etc.) was
awarded to representatives of all the ethnic groups,
the same titles at the federal Soviet level were award-
ed – with rare exceptions – to the “national cadres.”
Of course, this kind of distinction and celebration
was primarily a parade of official representations and
reflected a consolidated direction of political rather
than artistic vectors. Institutional recognition, how-
ever, had the inverse effect on artistic practice, provid-
ing holders of titles and awards not only with moral
authority, but also access to key positions in cultural
institutions, which in turn influenced artistic policy
and set new aesthetic guidelines for the artist commu-
nity. It is beyond the scope of this article to consider
this story not only on the material of the evolution of
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HISTORIOGRAPHY
ISSUES

107
 “MASTERS” AND “NATIVES”. DIGGING THE OTHERS’ PAST
(BOOK DISCUSSION FORUM)

A
BOOK with a rather provocative title was pub-
lished last year by the German scientific pub-
lishing house Walter de Gruyter GmbH, which
specializes in the publication of academic literature
and has existed since the middle of the 18th century.
The publication was made possible by the support of
the Swiss Academy of Humanities and Social Scienc-
es (SAGW), as well as the Institute of Archeology and
Ancient Sciences and the inter-faculty department of
history and religions at the University of Lausanne.1
Structurally, the collection is divided into five
parts with rather eloquent titles:
1) Archaeology in the Time of Empires: Un-
equal Negotiations and Scientific Competition;
2) “Master” / “Native”: Are There Winners? A
Micro-History of Reciprocal and Non-Linear Rela-
tions;
3) Taming the Other’s Past: The Eurocentric
Scientific Tools;
4) The Forging of Myths: Heroic Clichés and the
(Re-) Distribution of Roles;
5) Reversal of Roles in Postcolonial and Neoco-
lonial Contexts: From a Relation between “Masters”
and “Subordinates” to “Partnership”?
“The essays collected in this volume,” says the
French archaeologist and historian of science, Pro-
fessor Alain Schnapp, in his brief introduction,
“document the development of archaeology and the
encounter of Asian societies with modern archaeol-
ogy. This discipline is without any doubt a Western
invention, but in the East as in America, Oceania, or
Africa, humans have for millennia maintained multi- world powers on the one hand, and local populations
ple connections with monuments and the past, con- from countries that have often been labelled in bulk
nections that modern archaeology tended to neglect – and arbitrarily so – as “Oriental” on the other. In
or even ignore. It is to its credit that this book focuses the framework of the symposium that was held at the
on these questions in the precolonial, colonial, and University of Lausanne in January 2016 whose title
postcolonial world.” became that of the present book, we had set for our-
The compilers of the collection clarify the mo- selves the task of thinking about a type of relationship
tives and reason for its appearance: “The binomial that is highly ambiguous, to say the least,and certain-
opposition of ‘Masters’ and ‘natives’, spelled with and ly constantly changing.
without a capital letter, is upsetting and unsettling. This theme is generally not dealt with in the public
The formula’s unease and its negative connotation are square and has often remained limited to hearsay and
intended, so as to draw attention to the equivocal re- rumour. The twenty specialists in archaeology, his-
lations developed between archaeologists working for tory, cinema, and literature whose essays are collect-
ed here share lengthy experience in extra-European
contexts. As such, they are all well aware of the fact
1
“Masters” and “Natives”. Digging the Others’ Past. Svetlana that these relations, going as they do beyond the per-
Gorshenina, Philippe Bornet, Michel E. Fuchs, Claude Rapin sonal sphere, have “deeply influenced the conduct of
(Eds.). Berlin: De Gruyter, Serie: Welten Süd- und Zentralasiens
/ Worlds of South and Inner Asia / Mondes de l’Asie du Sud et de archaeological and historical research, and continue
l’Asie Centrale, 2019. to do so.” (p. 4).

108
 BULLETIN OF IICAS 29/2020
Nevertheless, the authors do not hide their opti-
mism and express the hope that sooner or later, with-
in the framework of interdisciplinary projects, “mem-
bers of international teams and local colleagues” will
completely replace the “masters” and “natives” of the
past.
The editors of the Bulletin of IICAS appealed to
several European archaeologists who know Central
Asia firsthand to express their opinion on the prob-
lem to which the published collection is devoted.. We
encouraged them to express themselves not in the
genre of a review, but to freely express their thoughts
that arose while reading the book. These are not the
voices of outside observers, but of direct participants
in the process, therefore their judgments and assess-
ments are not only interesting in themselves, but
complement and develop the picture drawn by the
authors of the book.
The Deep Inequalities in the
Structures of Knowledge
Fiona Kidd
New York University Abu Dhabi
T
HE INVITATION from Ruslan Muradov to
write a response to the 2019 publication of
Masters and Natives came towards the end of
an academic semester fractured across the world by
unprecedented upheaval. At the small liberal arts col-
lege of New York University Abu Dhabi (NYUAD)
where I am based, the spread of COVID-19 forced
an abrupt mid-semester pivot in teaching, shifting
from the traditional classroom to an online platform.
The COVID-19 outbreak was followed by global pro-
tests against the brutal death of George Floyd on the
25th of May, and in reaction to systemic racism in the
US and across the world. Ramifications and rever-
berations of both of these events continue to be felt
at both a local and a global level; they underline the
deep inequalities in our society. In academia, these
events present a much-needed catalyst to reconsider
inequalities in the structures of knowledge, research,
publication and teaching. Paradoxically, and almost
perversely, these events intrinsically highlight issues
of disparity and inequality that provide an urgency,
and a critical platform to consider many of the issues
raised in “Masters” and “Natives”, thereby underlin-
ing the importance of this volume.
“Masters” and “Natives” raises key issues about the
roots and inequalities of archaeology, and about how
the past is told. Intrinsically linked to colonialism,
these issues are especially well known in the context
of Near Eastern archaeology. Here the ties between
archaeology, empire, nation-building and espionage
109
are well documented (for the Near Eastern perspec-
tive see most recently Meskell 2020; see also Bahrani
1998); events in Syria and Yemen, for example, fuel
ongoing currency to this discussion. More generally,
as noted by Rapin, the global north-south divide has
come to replace the inequalities engendered by co-
lonial relations (“Masters” and “Natives” 2019: 336).
At least in English language publications however,
there has been much less discussion about these in-
equalities in the Central Asian context in comparison
with the situation in the Near East. The contributions
of the volume, especially those focusing on Central
Asian archaeology, provide an important platform for
raising awareness of these issues in a wider, Eurasian
context. In Central Asia, however, the relationship
between colonialism and archaeology is nuanced.
Certainly, it often went hand in hand with Soviet na-
tion building efforts (“Masters” and “Natives” 2019:
141), and it continues to privilege the white (pre-
dominantly Euro-American and Russian) male as the
archaeologist. Indeed, it is the unfortunate construct
of Indiana Jones that embodies for many outside the
scholarly world of archaeology exactly who/what an
archaeologist does (see for example: Hall 2004). But
in Central Asia the term ‘colonial,’ as several contrib-
utors point out, has played a diminished role in the
Soviet and post-Soviet periods (“Masters” and “Na-
tives” 2019: 339). In many ways the practice of archae-
ology in Central Asia yields a complex yet surprising
narrative. Racism is one of the hallmarks linked with
colonial archaeology, as pointed out by Arzhantseva
and Härke (“Masters” and “Natives” 2019: 136), and
it certainly continues. But as they also note, a critical
difference in colonial archaeology in Central Asia is
that the region was often home to scholars and spe-
cialists who were political exiles; they note that “Sovi-
et archaeologists from the metropolitan centres were
as much victims of the political system as the natives”
(“Masters” and “Natives” 2019: 136) – although sure-
ly the ways in which these two groups experienced
the political system was rather different. Moreover, as
Arzhantseva and Härke also point out in relation to
this Expedition, there is a strong tradition of women
archaeologists in Central Asia (“Masters” and “Na-
tives” 2019: 153) – a tradition that continues, despite
ongoing sexism, today. Soviet era expeditions, most
notably the rather well funded Khorezm Expedition
with its diverse, interdisciplinary teams working
over some six decades, together with its prodigious
outputs, continue to have a foundational impact on
Central Asian archaeology (see, for example the dis-
cussion by Stride, Rondelli et al. 2009). It is therefore
important to understand the political, social and in-
tellectual frameworks in which they operated. Many
of the points explored in the chapters of “Masters” and
“Natives” resonate deeply with my own experiences in
and knowledge of the region. In this short reflective
piece, I address some of the most prominent issues
regarding these inequities based on both my current
teaching and research. My discussion focuses on the
chapters that pertain specifically to Russian and Sovi-
et and post-Soviet Central Asia – those by Gorsheni-
na, Arzhantseva and Härke, Genito, and Rapin.
Language, Communication and Publication
One of the most immediately compelling chapters
was Rapin’s chapter on “Publishing an archaeological
discovery astride the north-south divide”; it encapsu-
lates many of the issues that lie behind pulling togeth-
er an undergraduate course on almost any aspect of
Central Asian archaeology. I am especially concerned
here with the question of accessibility in the context
of teaching and research, and the fostering of the next
generation of archaeologists in Central Asia. The dig-
itization of archives and libraries is certainly helping
the problem of accessibility to many local and Rus-
sian journals.2 But language remains a key concern.
Language is an issue I have thought deeply about in
the context of teaching: specifically, how to offer in a
balanced, accessible and stimulating way the works of
Soviet and post-Soviet era archaeologists, male and
female researchers, as well as those from Russia, Cen-
tral Asia, and Europe, the US and Australia – and, in-
creasingly, China – to an undergraduate audience in
an English speaking context?
Russian has been the primary language of schol-
arly communication in Central Asia in the modern
period. Ultimately, it (and, in my opinion, French)
is obligatory for serious research in the archaeology
of Central Asia. Many of the foundational texts for
the study of Central Asian archaeology are in Russian
and only rarely have they been translated (for exam-
ple Andrianov 2016; Tolstov 2005). Much critical lit-
erature is published in smaller, local journals, such as
IMKU – earlier in Russian, but increasingly now in
Uzbek. In addition, literature is published in various
European languages. Yet, despite the diversity of na-
tional teams excavating collaboratively in Uzbekistan,
and the generally highly complex linguistic situation
in post-colonial Central Asia, English language pub-
lications are increasingly encouraged over other lan-
guages to ensure a wide readership. Certainly, this sit-
uation favours teaching across Euro-American uni-
versities, especially at the undergraduate level, but it
remains a struggle to ensure that the diverse range of
voices that have contributed to Central Asian archae-
ology are heard. The issue is important because such
2 “Natives”: 322). Another important aspect concerns
For example the Digital Central Asian Archaeology site: http://
dcaa.hosting.nyu.edu/; and the recently digitized archive of
Galina Pugachenkova: http://pugachenkova.net/p/eng/
110
diverse voices are necessary in order to help overcome
the endemic prejudices that structure academia, and
especially the imposed “master” narratives.
There are other concerns around language, which
are of course mirrored across the post-colonial land-
scape. In Central Asia, as the Soviet era fades, and
as modern political relations diversify, knowledge of
Russian has decreased. Together with an increased
push in Uzbekistan for Uzbek language publications
and communication as noted above, one wonders
how accessible the vast pre-Soviet and Soviet-era lit-
erature of Central Asia will be to younger scholars.
One of the impacts of the linguistic barrier is the dif-
ficulty of attracting students to the serious, long term
study of Central Asia. Although English has become
hegemonic in elite scholarship across the globe since
the mid-twentieth century, there is no easily justified
solution to this debate, which must consider a range
of voices.
There is another important point to be added re-
garding language and publications that directly ef-
fects scholarship: academic advancement, especially
in the US tenure system, requires peer reviewed pub-
lications to a degree not yet practiced in Central Asia.
As noted by Rapin, the scientific value of many locally
published journals is not recognized in the western
academic system. This top-down requirement from
western academia reinforces the disparity – and clear
differences in perceptions of prestige – in scholarly
output in Central Asian publications. Unfortunately,
this situation can serve as a deterrent to junior and
even mid-level scholars to publish in these local jour-
nals, despite their intrinsic value in fostering schol-
arship and debate across the north-south divide. The
disparity in scholarly requirements can also hinder
collaborative scholarship. Again, this is an issue rele-
vant to many other post-colonial contexts.
Historiography – and Whose Past?
Key to the discussion of “Masters” and “Natives” is
the question of how the past is written: how it is ac-
cessed, by whom, and for what purposes. Historiog-
raphy provides another critical structural framework
for thinking about Central Asia. Genito notes some
of the challenges inherent in the unequal relations
engendered by archaeology, including the inability of
local inhabitants to better understand their own past
if archaeological artefacts are loaned out to western
institutions (“Masters” and “Natives”: 322) – or at least
these pasts as framed by western traditions of archae-
ology. He advocates for measures to raise awareness
of local communities of their past (“Masters” and
the academic frameworks which are often employed
by scholars to think about the past, but which in many
 BULLETIN OF IICAS 29/2020
ways effectively write out these local perspectives.
Two such frameworks come to mind: Area Studies
and the Silk Roads system. Area Studies has tended
to maintain focus on the powerhouses of the Cold
War period: Russia, China, India and Iran. Central
Asia is of course centrally situated between these four
powerhouses. In historical studies especially, the pri-
oritizing of these ‘centres’ was systematized through a
focus on Area Studies, in which modern nation states,
and especially powerful nation states and key players
in the Cold War, form primary areas of research and
publication (Lockman 2016; see also Ludden 2003).
As a consequence, Central Asia has remained largely
outside the main academic institutional programmes
of history that structured Euro-American scholarship
(Van Schendel 2002, 648).
The impact of Area Studies on the study of Central
Asia in many ways reinforced traditional approach-
es to the study of the Silk Road, and understandings
of the functioning of exchange and migration routes
that have structured life in this region over millennia
(for discussion see Bentley 2006). As Christian noted,
the privileging of textual sources in the study of the
Silk Roads resulted in a ‘trans-civilizational’ approach
to the past whereby urban centres, and the centres of
agricultural empires formed the focus of study (Chris-
tian 2000). Research highlighted the cultures of liter-
ate societies because the availability of textual sources
provides a more immediate means of accessing the
past. Yet the tendency to focus on the empires at each
fixed end of the exchange – on China and Rome – and
the settled urban centres in between, together with
more recent interests in comparative studies of em-
pire, has diminished the critical role of mobile pop-
ulations who have shaped this exchange throughout
the history of Central Asia as the guardians and the
protagonists of these routes. In the twentieth centu-
ry the concept of the Silk Road, encompassing elite,
long-distance trade of silk, has simultaneously pro-
moted both a blinkered perspective on Central Asia,
because it has encouraged an imperial / colonial per-
spective on this trade; and a predominantly east-west
standpoint on history and geography (Rezakhani
2010). This increasingly criticised standpoint denied
the region its essential role as a nexus – or a ‘crucible’
as stated by Rezakhani – linking north, south, east
and west, and instead rendered it a transitional area
in the imperial trade of luxury items (Rezakhani 2010.
See also Selbitschka 2018). The traditional narrative of
the Silk Road reflects in many ways the “masters” and
“natives” theme by placing mobile populations in a
subservient position, and by denying them agency.
Local and global – or better, macro and micro –
connectivity is an important theme in Central Asia.
Ideas of connectivity in the ancient world offer a tan-
gible – and provocative – point of entry to Central
111
Asia in both undergraduate teaching and research.
These local and global pivot points are critical in
many ways, even if thanks to the so-called Silk Roads
narrative. Recent shifts in research – both in prax-
is with the turn to archaeo-science (which in many
ways provides an intrinsically grass-roots perspec-
tive) – and intellectually with the ‘global’ turn – are
allowing much greater accessibility to the region,
and facilitate deeper understandings across the elite
/ non-elite divide. The reformulation of the impact of
the contested colonial and Soviet pasts on both the
development and the historiography of Central Asian
archaeology, and the necessity of Central Asian voic-
es in this reformulation, is intrinsic to any discussion
of this broad region, as is so clear in the discussions
throughout “Masters” and “Natives”.
Terminology
Linked to the concerns of historiography, but also
separate, is the issue of terminology. Genito’ raises
some of these issues in relation to the documentation
of ‘the other’ from the eighteenth century (“Masters”
and “Natives” 2019: 323). The terminology used in
these accounts to document these ‘others’ is of course
in relation to difference (from the western observer),
and carries with it important overtones whose unac-
knowledged implications often remain in our own
vocabulary. Othering is embodied in academic struc-
tures. Gorshenina et al (p. 9) note that “it was out of
the question to let the “natives” express themselves
freely about their own past and its material remains
without imposing on them a European vocabulary
and European grids of analysis” in their introduction
to the volume. In my own work, I have noted that
the traditional Euro-American academic vocabulary
can scarcely account for, and is unevenly applied to,
for example, the diversity of agro-pastoral lifestyles
across Central Asia attributed to the term “nomad”.
In fact the imposition of an academic terminology
and the constraints of academic disciplines has of-
ten served to the detriment of understanding Central
Asia at the grass roots. For example, the blurred line
between sedentary and mobile lifestyles is reflected
materially, in architectural space, and the built envi-
ronment. The strict division between mobile and sed-
entary populations has led scholars to link permanent
architecture with sedentism but this is not always the
case. Three references to housing encapsulate the is-
sue: in the bitter winter of 921-922 CE, in Khorezm,
Ibn Fadlan reports sleeping “in a house, inside which
was another, inside which was a Turkic felt tent”.
Nineteenth century travel accounts describing mo-
bile populations in the region of Khiva clearly link
both clay architecture and yurts or tents with mobil-
ity. Nikolai Murav’ev reports in 1820-21 that most of
the Uzbeks (i.e., the people of Khiva) live in nomadic
houses made out of felt (Russian: voylok) and travel
all year around. Even rich people who own several
houses live in tents (Russian: kibitka) because they
are used to it. Permanent houses they own are made
of clay and do not have any specific architectural
features. The houses are cheap and constructed very
quickly. Even though such structures are very fragile,
due to rare occasions of rain, they can stay for a long
time.3 This description is reflected, finally, in Khaz-
anov’s observation that “permanent town-dwellers of
any origin” in Central Asia use yurts in the summer
months to escape the summer heat. This conflation of
‘town dwellers’ sleeping in yurts, and mobile and im-
mobile architectural spaces, underscores the difficul-
ties of dividing groups practicing different lifestyles
into academic terminology. Evolving historical and
archaeological/anthropological conceptions of how
mobile populations actually lived is expanding aca-
demic understandings of these populations, demon-
strating that they were often deeply integrated. Local,
grass-roots contributions have a critical role to play
here in fostering a more inclusive terminology to cap-
ture lifestyles.
Conclusion
Archaeology has much to contribute to conver-
sations about inequalities in the structures of knowl-
edge, research, publication and teaching not least be-
cause of its ability to incorporate diverse – material
and non-material – sources into the understanding of
the past. Many of the comments here echo those of the
contributors to “Masters” and “Natives” in advocating
for Central Asian voices to re-align its past. From a
completely different perspective, in the coming years
it will be important to have a better understanding
of the increasing interest of China and East Asia in
Central Asia. Understanding the historiography of
the discipline, and the dynamics in which research is
carried out, is important because it facilitates a deep-
er understanding of the dynamics in which histori-
cal narratives are developed – trends in academia are
always linked with wider geo-politics, after all. The
grass roots perspectives on archaeological research
in Central Asia provide an important means of ac-
cessing and understanding these voices. Rightly or
wrongly, the English language medium of “Masters”
and “Natives” ensures that this research can be made
available to a large, and specific group of students at
the undergraduate (and graduate) level. The choice
of the language of publication inherently targets an
intended audience. More specifically, the work offers
3
Murav'ev, N. (1822), part II, chapter 5: http://kungrad.com/
history/biblio/mur/
112
a critical springboard to raise awareness of the com-
plexities of ‘colonial’ archaeology in Central Asia, and
to reconsider the deep inequalities in the structures
of knowledge, research, and publication of Central
Asian archaeology.
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 BULLETIN OF IICAS 29/2020
the diversity
of approaches on the way
a balance may arise
between partners
Elise Luneau
Deutsches Archäologisches Institut,
Eurasien-Abteilung
T HE BOOK “Masters” and “Natives”. Digging the
others’ past, edited by S. Gorshenina, P. Bornet,
M.E. Fuchs, and C. Rapin offers a rare and valuable
opportunity for collective reflection on the relation-
ships and issues of international cooperation in con-
temporary world archaeology, particularly between
European and extra-European institutions. Although
the decolonisation marked a turning point in political
cooperation and management of archaeological work
carried out by Western archaeologists in ex-colonial
countries, nevertheless the ways of working have
changed little and inequalities remain.
This contribution rests on my experience as a Eu-
ropean female archaeologist working in Central Asia
for 15 years, approximately half the amount of time
since the dissolution of the Soviet Union. Trained by
French archaeologists and currently working in Ger-
many, I have also had the chance to spend large blocks
of time in Central Asia, where the help of local ar-
chaeologists was invaluable in my training. I am cur-
rently conducting a research project in partnership
with colleagues from Samarkand State University and
the Akhmad Donish Institute of History, Archaeol-
ogy and Ethnography of the Academy of Sciences of
Tajikistan. I also collaborate on several international
projects in Kyrgyzstan, in partnership with Manas
University, and in Turkmenistan, in collaboration
with the National Administration for the Study, Pres-
ervation and Restoration of Historical and Cultural
Monuments of Turkmenistan. Although situations
vary in the different ex-Soviet countries, I generally
agree with the sentiments put forward by the authors
of “Masters” and “Natives”.
First of all, the impact left by the Soviet monopoly
on the archaeology of these countries is still clearly
visible in various forms (geographic, institutional,
linguistic, methodological, technical, and cultural).
As recounted by the authors, Soviet archaeology has
gone through various phases which have allowed
significant progress, but the crisis which marked the
end of the Soviet period has also deeply degraded the
functioning of local archaeological institutions and
reinforced the relations of dependency. As Frantz
Fanon4 so acutely described, societies liberated from
4 Gallimard.
Fanon, F. (1961). Les damnés de la terre. Paris, François Maspéro.
113
colonialism emerge emaciated, and time is needed
to develop resources and creativity again. It seems to
me that Central Asia have passed this window. Col-
leagues and students are very enthusiastic and willing
to acquire new skills for the development of modern
archaeological tools and techniques, to integrate into
the digital world and to access knowledge. However,
the economic, and sometimes administrative, con-
straints they face are real and strong. The technical
and methodological gaps between local and foreign
collaborators, brought about by differential access
and skill sets, could quickly be bridged particularly by
an eager upcoming generation, if the strong obstacles
of neo-colonialism can be eliminated. The so-called
postcolonial system, based on an inequitable world
order with a Western monopoly, is in fact no more
favourable than the Soviet system to local archaeolo-
gists, nor is it based on an equal collaboration between
scientific partners. The economic, financial, cultural,
and symbolic domination exercised by Western states
and (to a certain extent) by China over the rest of the
world is also manifest in archaeology. For instance,
it must be recognized that archaeological research
in Europe is only carried out by European nations,
while a large internationalization is represented in the
vast majority of the “Southern” countries that pursue
previously established colonial patterns. In addition
to the obvious economic and financial domination, it
is also necessary to recognize cultural and symbolic
domination as well as an old but still very powerful
Eurocentrism.5 A perhaps trivial but revealing exam-
ple: it is not uncommon to meet people in Central
Asia with knowledge of European history and liter-
ature, while Western Europeans’ general knowledge
on Central Asia is largely lacking, simply ask them to
point out the ex-Soviet states on a world map.
Moreover, contrary to a general anti-imperialist
awareness and a reshuffling of the cards at the time of
Soviet decolonisation, international scientific cooper-
ation relations are now suffering the harms of an eco-
nomic ultra-liberalism, which maintains and further
increases inequalities between local and foreign col-
laborators. For instance, it promotes scientific com-
petition between researchers and/or laboratories, in
which extra-western terrain tends to become the lo-
cation of “scientific” confrontation between so-called
centers of excellence largely located in the West. Par-
alleling the issues concerning publications mentioned
by C. Rapin, despite the professional and friendly ties
built over years between the different partners, inter-
national archaeological projects in Central Asia are
widely proposed and carried out by researchers based
5
Goody, J. (2010). Le vol de l’histoire. Comment l’Europe a imposé
le récit de son passé au reste du monde (The Theft of History), Paris,
in one of the major world leading powers (Europe,
the United States, China, Japan, etc.), while in Central
Asia, there is no money locally to support projects,
nor the same possibilities for getting Western fund-
ing.
With the fall of the Soviet Union, cultural domi-
nation thus seems to have been displaced rather than
removed. For example, the predominance of the Rus-
sian language has been replaced by that of English,
with the dangers of such a new monopoly presented
in the article by C. Rapin. Though the younger gen-
eration of archaeologists have now more educational
opportunities in English, it is obvious that language
learning remains an obstacle to the global visibility of
results and to the impact of various scientific points of
view. The academic uniformity imposed by the West-
ern world also moulds minds and formats careers,
simultaneously inhibiting the freedom, diversity and
(re)construction of local archaeologies.
The linguistic question is particularly relevant
for the advancement of knowledge and raising the
quality of research. On one hand, the diffusion of
information is now worldwide enlarged thanks to
open social networks. Concerning my own research
topic of the Bronze Age Oxus Civilization, it is only
recently that knowledge of this major cultural enti-
ty, which was discovered more than 50 years ago and
followed social processes similar to those well-known
from Mesopotamia, has spread to general audiences
outside Central Asia itself. Only this year (2020) has
a detailed English-language, book-length synthesis
specifically dedicated to this culture appeared,6 ad-
dressing various archaeological points and referring
to data available only in Russian; previous treatments
were often integrated into volumes dealing with spe-
cific cultural aspects (art), a larger geographic or
chronological frame. Yet, on the other hand, there
remains a risk of seeing the linguistic gap widen over
time. It is not uncommon to see data or theories pre-
viously advanced by Russian-speaking archaeologists
resurface in English-language writings with little or
no mention of the Russian literature. This probably
has several causes: the difficulty of access to much of
the Russian literature, a lack of language training, an
indifference for or bias against older publications, and
the race for publications that often curtails the neces-
sarily long engagement with previous data. It is there-
fore important to make the results of international
projects accessible to all. In this regard, we can con-
gratulate the efforts of several researchers including
V.I. Sarianidi, who published several works reporting
the results of his excavations at Gonur Depe in three
languages​(Turkmen, Russian and English), and N.A.
6
Lyonnet, B. and N. Dubova (Eds.) (2020). The World of the
Oxus Civilization. London, Routledge.
114
Avanesova, who translated her book devoted to the
excavations at Bustan into English. Notwithstanding
the extra costs and time, these initiatives would be
most welcome in the reciprocal for Western publica-
tions.
Even if the perpetuation of asymmetrical patterns
in cooperative relations is related to a past for which
we are not directly responsible, it is also largely part
of the contemporary economic and political system
in which we now operate. As promoted by B. Genito
in the book, something will have to change to over-
come these imbalances. It is indeed high time to ask
ourselves when it will be permitted and possible, for
Central Asians to individually and collectively appro-
priate the means of local archaeology by acquiring
full independence, and for Westerners, to renounce
their interests and privileges based on asymmetric re-
lationships.
This is all the more urgent when the dominant
model of economic development encourages the
disengagement of governments and the shrinking of
public funds toward various fundamental research
projects (that were formally considered key nation-
al symbols of prestige and cultural influence). Such
a trend largely threatens international collaborations
and research independence. For instance, national
research centers abroad, such as the French Institute
for Central Asian Studies with which I was affiliated
during my doctoral research, are places of meeting
and exchanges between international researchers and
principal nodes for multilateral links. The disappear-
ance or reduction of such centers, for political and
financial reasons, is undoubtedly a great damage to
the development of dialogue and the promotion of
international cooperation.
We all, local and foreign, have an important role
as initiators and actors of reflections and solutions for
the future. They must be necessarily engaged by the
locals to develop an essential economic and scientific
independence making it possible to assert their role
in the conduct of projects and the writing of history,
while avoiding the temptation of a nationalist with-
drawal which is always done at the expense of science.
This evolution also involves defending and acting for
an ideological turning point and a major change in
economic models on the part of Western powers,
leaving equal space and means for various cultural
constructions and identities. It is from the diversity of
approaches that a balance may arise between different
partners, reflecting the plurality of the world and the
wealth of a “global” history.7
7
Chakrabarty, D. (2000). Provincializing Europe: Postcolonial
Thought and Historical Difference. Princeton, Princeton
University Press.
 BULLETIN OF IICAS 29/2020
Some Remarks
ON THE MARGINS OF THE BOOK
Marek Jan Olbrycht
University of Rzeszów, Poland
T
HE BOOK offers valuable insights and some-
times colorful comments on the development
of archaeology in countries which embrace
monuments of ancient civilizations from Greece to
India. For reasons of interest I focus on selected ar-
ticles.
A typical case of an amateur archaeologist in de-
pendent and colonized countries is described in an
article by Karl Reber on the “Theft” of the Eleusinian
“Goddess” by E.D. Clarke in Eleusis near Athens in
1801. With the permission of the Turkish governor of
Athens, Clarke brought the “Eleusinian” Goddess to
England where it is still part of the collection of the
Fitzwilliam Museum in Cambridge. Its acquisition
was made against the will of the Greeks from Eleu-
sis who venerated the image as that of Saint Dimitra.
Karl Reber points out the “English masters”, but here
it is about Clarke’s cooperation with Turkish “mas-
ters” - the Ottoman officials.
Irina Arzhantseva and Heinrich Härke devoted a
chapter to the figure of Sergei P. Tolstov (1907-1976),
the famous archaeologist known for his discoveries
in Khorezm and the adjacent regions (“The Gener-
al and his Army”: Metropolitans and Locals on the
Khorezmian Expedition”). With the consent and
support of Stalin’s regime, Tolstov established the
Khorezmian Expedition of the Academy of Sciences
of the USSR which worked in Central Asia from 1937
to 1991. The countries of Central Asia were heavily
devastated and their population decimated by the
terror of the Bolshevik Revolution and the war of re-
sistance conducted by native peoples. Then came the
terror of Stalin’s times. Under such circumstances,
S.P. Tolstov began his career as a major figure of Cen-
tral Asian archaeology in 1937. Without losing sight
of Tolstov’s political entanglements, we must admit
that he did a lot for the archaeology of Uzbekistan,
Turkmenistan and partly of Kazakhstan, and also cre-
ated promotion opportunities for local researchers.
The authors rightly state that “the Khorezmian expe-
dition became a pathway for Central Asian students
into the upper ranks of Soviet archaeology, either di-
rectly by working on the expedition, or by encourage-
ment from Tolstov to attend academic institutions in
the centres. This aspect was instrumental in creating
the foundations of a Central Asian school of Soviet,
and ultimately post-Soviet, archaeology.” One of such
cases was Khemra Yusupov (1932-2018), a Turkmen
archaeologist, not named in the study. Almost absent
115
from the book is Vadim N. Yagodin (1936-2015),
linked to Nukus and the archeology of Karakalpak-
stan (one of his achievements is the excavations of the
the Mizdahkan cemetery). He started his fieldwork
in the Tolstov’s expedition. The authors explain that
“quite a few Russian and Ukrainian historians, anti-
quarians, and archaeologists who were active in Cen-
tral Asia had been exiled there by the Soviet regime
for political reasons.” By and large, while the activities
and agenda of the Khorezmian Expedition showed
features of a “colonial” pattern, it was instrumental
in the establishment of national schools of archaeolo-
gy and ethnography in Uzbekistan, Kazakhstan, and
Turkmenistan. It may be added here that there was a
kind of rivalry between the Tolstov’s school and the
circle around Michael E. Masson (1897-1986) who,
based first in Samarkand and then in Tashkent, played
a decisive role in the development of archaeology of
Uzbekistan and Turkmenistan, just like his (second)
wife, Galina A. Pugachenkova (1915-2007), and son
Vadim M. Masson (1929-2010). M.E. Masson and
G.A. Pugachenkova were, in turn, the masters of Ed-
ward V. Rtveladze.
Claude Rapin addresses the topic “Publishing an
Archaeological Discovery astride the ‘North’–‘South’
Divide (On an Example from Central Asia)”. He
demonstrates problems with publishing research re-
sults in Uzbekistan in the Soviet period. Currently
there are new difficulties and obstacles in the circu-
lation of scholarly information, created by western
corporations, which are willing to consume scientific
publications dealing with the archaeology of Central
Asia, but lock them up in paid systems. Rapin stresses
the significance of a decision by Paul Bernard who
decided to hand over all the artifacts discovered at
Ai Khanoum to Afghan museums, thus “abandon-
ing earlier practices that, for the Begram treasure for
example, reserved half of the discoveries to French
property.”
Svetlana Gorshenina addresses the issue of “Rus-
sian Archaeologists, Colonial Administrators, and
the ‘Natives’ of Turkestan: Revisiting the History of
Archaeology in Central Asia.” She stresses that the
first European or Russian scholars and explorers in
Central Asia were not able to carry out any studies
of old sites and monuments without the help of local
guides. According to her, “local scholars appropriat-
ed Western approaches to patrimonialization while
denigrating the attitude of their own Central-Asiatic
milieu towards the past.”
Agnès Borde Meyer offers an overview of the de-
velopments of archaeology in Iran and Afghanistan
(“From Supervision to Independence in Archaeolo-
gy: The Comparison of the Iranian and the Afghan
Strategy”). The author provides many interesting
details on the interplays between academic circles
in Iran and Afghanistan, and respective policies of
western powers. The author states that “Iran used its
capacities of negotiation to build an ultra-national-
ist archaeology”. The term “ultra-nationalist” is quite
odd in this context which deals with Iranian efforts
to create an effective system of protecting cultural
heritage. The first European organizer of institutional
archaeology in Iran was E. Herzfeld (in the 1920s).
Afghanistan is ascribed a policy “to consider archae-
ology an international affair and to widen its institu-
tional and scientific network”.
Bruno Genito devoted his article to the archaeolo-
gy developments in Iran and Central Asia (“Excavat-
ing in Iran and Central Asia: Cooperation or Com-
petition?”). In his article, the term “nationalism” is
repeatedly used. In Genito’s view, nationalism, colo-
nialism, and archaeology have long been in close rela-
tionship. The native archaeology in Iran experienced
a crisis in the 1980s, due to the sudden break with
western scholars and other priorities of the new state.
In 1985, the Iranian Cultural Heritage Organization
(ICHO) was founded which embraced archaeological
sites and research activities in Iran.
In recent decades, cooperation with scholars from
Europe has been revived. Concerning Soviet Central
Asia, Genito rightly points to the rivalry and lack of
collaboration during the Soviet era between the In-
stitute of Archaeology of the Academy of Sciences in
Moscow and the branch of the Institute in Leningrad,
as well as their partners and collaborators in Central
Asia.
Thierry Luginbühl demonstrates a “Role Reversal:
Hindu ‘Ethno-Expertise’ of Western Archaeological
Materials”. The University of Lausanne has organized
“ethnoarchaeological research programs” in Nepal
and Northern India with the aim of documenting
various religious, craft, and domestic phenomena.
According to the author, this research develops “a
new approach described as ‘ethno-expertise.’”. This
consists of presenting archaeological documents to
native “specialists”, for example to “Brahmin priests
for religious questions or to traditional potters for
questions about pottery.”
Overall, the book reveals important stages in the
developments of archaeology in Asia. At the same
time, it demonstrates how some clichés have been
used referring to both the developments of local
schools of archaeology and national archaeological
systems of protection, and Western approaches to ar-
chaeology.
116
The Languages of Central
Asian Archaeology
Michael Shenkar
(Hebrew University of Jerusalem)
I
WOULD like to offer some thoughts and reflec-
tions on Claude Rapin’s valuable discussion in this
volume about the employment and hierarchy of
various languages in Central Asian archaeology.8
Rapin rightly alerts us to the dangers of the in-
creasing domination of English. In this sense, Cen-
tral Asian archaeology is part of the global change
affecting all the humanities (in the natural and exact
sciences, it seems that English has already eliminated
all other languages, rendering this debate irrelevant).
It is equally true that we can often observe the unfor-
tunate tendency to rely on English summaries instead
of original publications in other languages, which also
characterizes many areas of the Humanities. Perhaps
the example that Rapin chooses in order to illustrate
this issue is not the most successful one, since the
language hierarchy does not seem to be the cause of
disagreement between himself and Edward Rtveladze
and Jeffrey Lerner over the ancient name of Ai Kha-
num (“Masters” and “Natives”: 342-343). Still, I agree
with Rapin that “…one would immediately note the
pre-eminence of a unique Western language for the
most diffused publications, despite the fact that their
quality should not be systematically considered as
superior to that of “Eastern” publications” (“Masters”
and “Natives,” 344). I would stress it even more; not
only are the publications in Russian often “superior,”
they are in fact essential for Central Asian archaeol-
ogy, and a lack of knowledge of Russian most often
results in constructing an incomplete and defective
picture of the studied problem. As an example, we can
take the debate over the nomadic origin of the Parthi-
an Arsacids (247 BCE – 224 CE), the longest-ruling
dynasty in Iranian history and the creators of one of
the greatest empires in the ancient world, one that ri-
valled Rome. As argued by Valery Nikonorov, those
Western scholars who downplay the presence and the
importance of nomadic elements and their influence
on Parthian culture, probably do so because they are
unfamiliar with the results of the archaeological in-
vestigations in the Parthian homeland (in modern
Turkmenistan), which are published in Russian.9
8
Rapin, C. (2019), Publishing an Archaeological Discovery astride
the ‘North’–‘South”’ Divide (On an Example from Central Asia), in
Gorshenina, S. et al. (eds.), “Masters” and “Natives”. Digging the
Others’ Past, pp. 336-360.
9
Nikonorov, V. (2010), K voprosu o vklade kochevnikov tsentralnoi
Azii v voennjt delo antichnoi tsivilizatsii: na primere Irana (On the
 BULLETIN OF IICAS 29/2020
In their introduction to the volume, the editors
write that Rapin’s article shows that “unequal relations
were (and are still) perpetuated in scientific publica-
tions. New studies that are considered ‘valuable’ are
essentially redacted by reference to Western publica-
tions, leaving works published ‘on-site’, in vernacular
languages, largely outside of the sphere of analysis”
(“Masters” and “Natives,” 13). This problem is also not
unique to Central Asian archaeology, but rather per-
tains to the academic world in general and its current
evaluation system. However, for professionals, no
publication on the archaeology of the former Soviet
Central Asia can be considered serious and “valu-
able,” if it does not take into account relevant studies
in Russian.
The basic and the most important “raw material”
of every archaeologist is excavation reports. If one
wants to conduct meaningful and professional re-
search, there can be no alternative but to work with
these reports in whatever language(s) they are pub-
lished. Summaries in English cannot fully reproduce
the wealth of information contained in them. These
summaries can be sufficient in some cases for scholars
working in other fields, but not for the specialists of
Central Asian archaeology themselves. The majority
of the publications of excavations results in the Cen-
tral Asian republics, both preliminary and final, still
appear in Russian (in addition to the most welcome
trend of a steadily growing number of publications
in Central Asian national languages) and this will
undoubtedly remain the case for the years to come.
Moreover, despite any possible developments in the
future, fundamental Soviet publications will obvious-
ly not be translated into English, and thus, Russian
will always remain the essential language for anyone
willing to engage in an in-depth and direct study of
Central Asian archaeology. Russian is the language
that all Central Asian archaeologists, regardless of
their affiliation and origin, must be able to read. It is
also the lingua franca of the field, since many schol-
ars from the Central Asian republics, especially from
the older generation, do not have a good command of
English. Moreover, Russian is the exclusive language
of communication between the scholars from Central
Asian republics themselves. One of the main reasons
why the Uzbek-French archaeological Missions –
MAFOuz – were so successful and the French school
of Central Asian archaeology is rightly considered the
leading one in the West, is that the French archaeolo-
question of the contribution of the nomads of Central Asia to the mil-
itary affairs of ancient civilization: on the example of Iran), in: Rol’
nomadov evraziiskh stepey v razvitii mirovogo voennjogo iskwsstva,
Nauchnye chteniya pamyati N.E. Masanova (The Role of Nomads
of the Eurasian steppes in the Development of World Military Art.
Scientific Readings in Memory of N.E. Masanov). Almaty, p. 45.
117
gists always had a command of Russian. The standing
and the achievements of the French school also mean
that in addition to Russian and English, French is in-
dispensable for many periods, such as the Hellenistic
and Sogdian ones. Ideally, a scholar of Central Asian
archaeology should also possess a reading knowl-
edge of a state language of the Republic that he/she is
working in, since more and more preliminary exca-
vation reports and articles appear in local journals in
Tajik, Uzbek, Kyrgyz, Kazakh or Turkmen.
However, there is no doubt, that in order to
achieve a higher visibility of ancient Central Asia
among specialists of other areas, to make the latter
conscious of the region and to include our findings in
their research, we must publish in English. Since in-
dependence, a growing number of bilingual or trilin-
gual publications have begun appearing in the Cen-
tral Asian Republics. This is a welcome trend, since it
has the potential to reach a wider audience, but this
does not always seem justified. One often gets the
feeling that the English translations for some of these
publications are done purely for the sake of “prestige.”
They are difficult to read and understand, rendering
them practically useless. The wider visibility of Cen-
tral Asian archaeology will be achieved not by simply
producing more texts in English, but by producing
more original and good texts in good English.
Rapin indeed dedicates several pages in his article
to the inadequate level of many publications (“Mas-
ters” and “Natives,” 350-353). In contrast with the So-
viet period, when the publishing opportunities were
limited and strongly regulated, today there are many
options and places in which to publish one’s research.
In theory, today every scholar with internet access
can submit his/her work to any journal in the world,
while platforms like academia.edu allow everybody
to share their work. In practice, however, Central
Asian scholars face numerous difficulties, which sig-
nificantly hinder their ability to benefit from the new
“digital world” (“Masters” and “Natives,” pp. 353-354).
In my opinion, an important aspect of the above-
mentioned problems is that Central Asian archae-
ology lacks a specialized, authoritative journal that
would define the field and establish it as an area of
research in its own right. As Rapin observes, “topics
such as the Hellenistic studies of Central Asia are less
favoured because they are scattered in types of pub-
lications too varied to give a satisfactory overview of
their production and therefore lack visibility” (“Mas-
ters” and “Natives,” 342). The closest to such a jour-
nal was Silk Road Art and Archaeology: Journal of the
Institute of Silk Road Studies, whose publication was
regrettably discontinued after just 10 volumes, but
the articles that they contain remain among the most
cited and influential in the field. Perhaps, it is time
to establish a flagship international journal dedicat-
ed to Central Asian Archaeology that would provide
a suitable platform for the publication of new field-
work and research. I think that this would contribute
to the consolidation of the field, its visibility, and to
the setting of the highest academic standards. In or-
der to ensure that the articles meet these standards,
the editorial board should consist of leading Central
Asian, Russian and Western specialists. I suggest that
the journal would publish articles in English, Russian
and French.
For the professional meetings and verbal commu-
nications, the recent conference Cultures in Contact:
Central Asia as Focus of Trade, Cultural Exchange and
Knowledge Transmission, organized by the Univer-
sity of Bern and The Society for the Exploration of
EurAsia in Switzerland in February 2020 (in which
Rapin also participated), may serve as an example of
successful coping with the language obstacles. The
simultaneous Russian-English and English-Russian
translation provided with the support of IICAS, al-
lowed every participant of the conference to follow
the presentations in both languages and to participate
in the discussions in real time.
The visibility of our field also depends on larger
global trends. If the political, economic and cultural
importance of the Central Asian region continues to
increase in the future, one can certainly expect also
the growth of interest in Central Asian archaeology
and cultural heritage. As an example of a project cur-
rently contributing to this task, we can cite the “Cul-
tural Legacy of Uzbekistan in the World Collections”
(https://legacy.uz/en/).
Our duty as scholars is to promote the region and
the discipline among the academic and non-academic
public, to train more brilliant students and to strive to
establish more academic programs, fellowships and
positions in the field of Central Asian archaeology.
The priority for the collaboration between Western,
Russian and Central Asian scholars and institutions
should be investment in people. Here again, MA-
FOuz has led the way and set an example that should
be followed by other international projects and expe-
ditions. We cannot hope for a major change to var-
ious disadvantages faced by scholars from Central
Asia, until the profession of archaeologist becomes
attractive again for young people in the Central Asian
countries (both in terms of salary and prestige). For-
tunately, some countries are already taking steps in
this direction, and all people with an interest in the
archaeology of Central Asia and a passion for its rich
ancient heritage, should join forces in order to im-
prove the situation described by Rapin’s timely con-
tribution.
118
Asia Isn’t What It Used To Be
Michele Minardi
Centre of Classical and Oriental Archaeology, Institute
for Oriental and Classical Studies, HSE Moscow
I
T WAS WITH great pleasure and, ironically, in the
perfect circumstances for pondering its contents,
that I have received a copy of this book during my
COVID-related quarantine period in Moscow. As an
Italian archaeologist active in the field mainly in Uz-
bekistan, member of a joint Karakalpak-Australian
expedition (Nukus and Sydney), but currently work-
ing in Russia, I though it appropriate to begin this
short note with this modest autobiographical annota-
tion, as I could myself might be considered as a good
example of how much Central Asia has changed in
the last decades, and of how the already international
scientific and collective endeavour which is archaeo-
logical research (involving “locals and metropolitans”,
to employ an apt expression used by Irina Arzhant-
seva and Heinrich Härke in the book) has generally
increased further its degree of “internationalization.”
The most obvious reason for this change is the demise
of the USSR. On the one hand, this ended the exten-
sive Soviet ventures in the area and allowed the estab-
lishment of new joint projects (there had been a few
exceptions of Soviet-European cooperation starting
in the 1980s, see Claude Rapin’s article in the book).
On the other hand, it caused a fragmentation of field
activities, with local and international teams often
forced to operate on much reduced scales, with more
limited means than in the past, with more deontolog-
ical dilemmas to work with (and rightly so) and lack-
ing the same level of coordination or dialogue with
each other, sometimes not even sharing the same ex-
cavation methodology (but I will not digress on this
point).
As Claude Rapin rightly underlined in his contri-
bution, economic development is the dividing line be-
tween the so-called First World (a term that accord-
ingly changed its original definition) and those coun-
tries living in their post-Soviet and post-colonialist
eras. Therefore, researchers involved in joint-projects
in which “western” institutions are peers of the host
bodies, have the responsibility of fully comprehend-
ing, and somehow adapting, to the situations of their
colleagues who have different possibilities for gaining
access to resources that researchers take for granted,
for instance, in Europe. The language barrier and lack
of infrastructures (which cause difficulties in gaining
access to the web, make research materials unavail-
 BULLETIN OF IICAS 29/2020
able etc.) are sometimes what an archaeologist from
the west might see as personal anachronistic roman-
tic challenges while, in truth, they are obstacles to
achievement and reveal current structural differences
among colleagues from the so-called First World and
the others. Most of these factors do not depend on,
and may be only slightly influenced by, (sometimes
underfunded) archaeological expeditions. Joint proj-
ects, however, are still very positive, highly informa-
tive, cooperative experiences. They offer a chance not
only for study but also for the transfer of knowledge
and skills between partners, facilitating those from a
less advantageous economic context to access materi-
al and know-hows (both technological and academ-
ic) that might otherwise be difficult for them to get
at home. In addition, a young student of archaeology
will always, as I did myself many years ago in Pom-
peii, greatly benefit from the contact with foreign col-
leagues from different backgrounds, while a country
which used to be a “source country” such as Italy (as
noted in the contribution by Luca M. Olivieri), “has
afterwards always been the subject of various foreign
archaeological activities” (Bruno Genito) and, I may
add, that it is now unimaginable without them, free
from any nationalistic agenda. That is the first thing
which came to my mind in reading the subtitle of the
book, “digging the others’ past”: even though what
the editors here wanted to express is clear, that is, a
criticism of appropriation, I wondered about the defi-
nition of the term others’ past; it is difficult to contem-
plate the expression without slipping into a national-
istic perception of it.
There are two subjects that, in my opinion, could
have fit in very well with the various themes discussed
in the volume and would further expand the preem-
inently historiographical approach of the discussion
to the point of actuality. One is the current effect of
the demand for artifacts by the “First World”, which is
a major cause of the utter destruction of heritages in
countries already scourged by humanitarian catastro-
phes (but not only, and again Italy is unfortunately
one “source country”). The second is the highly de-
bated issue of the restitution for pillaged objects and
monuments. It comes to mind, especially in this pe-
riod of renewed debate about symbols related to co-
lonialism and slavery, the case of the Stele of Axum,
once a dictator’s trophy in Rome, given back to Ethi-
opia in 2005. If the latter subject is probably too vast
(and perhaps of marginal impact in the former Soviet
Republics) and involves archaeologists more general-
ly as individuals and members of a community, the
former is, in my opinion, something that we should
119
deal with more, since quite relevant to archaeology
and its ethics. This theme might be one to choose for
an ensuing second volume, pursuing further the in-
teresting discussion, because it is an element of the
relations between economically advanced parts of
the world and the others that are still under develop-
ment for reasons including the interference of the for-
mer (or newly aspiring) “masters”. Even today, some
scholars seem not to care much about the provenance
of a beautiful piece that would be good to publish or
exhibit, although all scholars are fully aware that the
item has entirely lost its context or, in other words,
most of its historical importance. The archaeological
context, the site, has quite probably been badly dam-
aged or even destroyed during the looting process
by individuals actually digging their own past, albe-
it for the wrong reasons, which are too often driven
by external demand. If the scale of looting has much
increased in the recent decades (this issue is not, of
course, a recent phenomenon [see, e.g., L.M. Olivieri
in this book] but its dimension has become global in/
as our times), it is evident that such “work” as a source
of revenue for “natives” in economically disadvan-
taged countries is another effect of “post-colonialist”
exploitation (or, in the case of Daesh, of opportunistic
vandalism in violently subjugated territories or, in the
case of Italy, of sheer trafficking).
The book presents an array of contributions, in-
cluding very insightful narrations done by scholars
directly involved with, or with an expertise in, the
history of some of the major archaeological expedi-
tions of the twentieth century in western and eastern
Asia. These were not only of the “colonial type” but
were, especially after World War II, also examples
of alternative patterns of cooperation between equal
nations. Some of them are still continuing, a fact
that marks their scientific and diplomatic success to
this day. The critique approach chosen by the book’s
editors, beyond the usual tales about the history of
archaeology, has to be praised. It delivers a fresh ac-
count of archaeological ethics and the developments
in and influences of “western” archaeological explo-
ration and organization on Asian countries that were
formerly haughtily identified as “natives”, addressing
the politics that emerged in this relation.
 Exploring Central Asia
with the Locals:
Maurizio Tosi
in Turkmenistan
and Uzbekistan
Gian Luca Bonora
ISMEO (International Association for Mediterranean
and East Studies), Rome
Simone Mantellini
University di Bologna, Department of History and
Cultures, Italy; ISMEO, Rome
P
RIMARILY one “quote”: “Central Asia is one
of the worst places to live on the entire plan-
et, because of its climate, the environment, the
beasts! But its locals… locals of the glorious past and
charming present, with their genius, intelligence and
incredible dexterity, have turned it into gold and hon-
ey. I don’t like to stay in Central Asia, but I love to
stay with its locals” we don’t know exactly if Maur-
izio Tosi, a worldwide recognized “Master” in Central
Asian Archaeology, said these words but something
similar was in his heart.
Maurizio was our teacher at the university and
during our first field training experiences. In a way
he was also a friend and even much more. We met
him in the mid-90’s when he had the Chair of Palae-
oethonology at the University of Bologna, including
the Campus in Ravenna where he spent most of his
time since 1999. Most people who met Maurizio were
struck by his boundless energy and charisma and we
were no exception. Central Asian archaeologists, his-
torians, drivers, workers, and anyone who descend-
ed from the great tribal and military leaders Genghis
Khan and Tamerlane, were fascinated by this “giant
of archaeology”.10 His exceptional scientific mind and
curiosity led him through the remote lands of Amer-
ica, Asia, Arabia and India to follow a truly unique
career, a tapestry of work, love affairs and politics,
which became such an inextricable tangle that even
his closest friends were hard put to extricate them-
selves from it.
Both in Turkmenistan, visiting the Meana-Chaa-
cha region and Altyn-depe or Ilgynly-depe and in
Margiana, and travelling along the Middle Zeravshan
Valley from Sarazm (Tajikistan) to Samarkand and
10
Frenez, D. (2017). In Memoriam. Maurizio Tosi, 1944-2017, in:
Proceedings of the Seminar for Arabian Studies 47: xxiii.
120
further West in the Kyzyl Kum desert, the locals had
the opportunity to appreciate Maurizio Tosi’s “unof-
ficial lectures” on many topics, either his scientific or
his personal view of the world. He always enriched
these conversations with his deep knowledge of the
specific territory he was investigating and Central
Asian culture in general. Like a detective, Maurizio
was used to considering very carefully every evi-
dence, detail, and whatever information could add
some illuminating and unexpected result to the re-
search process. He was always ready to share discov-
eries and new information with those who were by
his side, regardless of whether it was the Dean of the
University in Ashgabad or Samarqand, the Director
of the Institute of Archaeology of Turkmenistan or
Uzbekistan or just a local student or car driver. This is
why locals were so fascinated by the intellectual dyna-
mism of Maurizio. For many years, a photo of Maur-
izio was on the wall of the corridor of the Institute of
Archaeology in Samarkand together with a few other
famous archaeologists, like Carl Lamberg-Karlovsky,
James Mellaart and Ahmad Hassan Dani.
His multi-interdisciplinary methodological ap-
proach to problems of the past was enriched by a for-
midable knowledge of ancient and modern history of
those countries where he worked. Everyone had the
impression that he knew much more than anyone
else, even the local historians and archaeologists who
had studied and worked on certain sites and topics
for decades. They were immediately impressed by his
ability to engage with a wide range of both archaeo-
logical topics as well as the latest concepts, both the-
oretical and methodological, from a range of other
disciplines.
Local scholars immediately recognized and ap-
preciated not only his skill and scientific value, but
also his immense humanity despite his often strong
and unfriendly personality. As Maurizio stressed sev-
eral times, the beginning of his most important ex-
peditions in Central Asia must be seen in the strong
and deep-rooted friendship with local people such
as Timur Shirinov, archaeologist and Director of the
Institute of Archaeology, in Samarkand (Uzbekistan;
now Samarkand Institute of Archaeology of the Na-
tional Center of Archaeology, Uzbek Academy of Sci-
ences); Vyacheslav Moshkalo, a Russian philologist,
who worked in Margiana in the early nineties, and
Meret Orazov, former Rector of the Turkmen State
University and then Ambassador of Turkmenistan
in the US. Sometimes, we ourselves have questioned
whether the research campaigns in Central Asia were
organized to spend time with old friends and col-
 BULLETIN OF IICAS 29/2020
leagues rather than searching for traces of the human
past in those regions.
As frequently happened in Italy, conversations
concerning Central Asia with Maurizio took place in
the most varied locations, such as among the water-
melons and beside the butcher in the bazaar, the wait-
ing rooms of doctors, or inside the airports during
the endless wait for flights that are usually at a very
inconvenient times in Ashgabat and Tashkent. One
never forgets the time that Maurizio spoke at length
about the construction of the Karakum canal with
the secretary of the Faculty of History of the Turk-
men State University, Mrs. Tatyana, inside the waiting
room of his dentist.
Maurizio’s relationship with the telephone, not
only Central Asia, is also an interesting chapter of his
live. His apparent hatred of the phone was propor-
tionate to his need for it. He made a limitless use of
it to reach those he sought. However, phone lines in
Central Asia were not always functioning or as fast as
he desired so that he was forced to sit and wait at the
communication office. One day the wait exceeded ex-
pectations at the Ashgabat Post and Telegraph Office
but he could not allow his colleagues in Ashgabat to
skip dinner. He therefore asked the restaurant nearby
to arrange a table and five chairs in the waiting room
of the Post and Telegraph Office. Typical “shashlik”
meat skewers, vegetables, “lavash” bread, and black
and green tea arrived shortly afterwards. As usual, the
office worker was also invited. Dinner ended around
eleven in the warm night of Ashgabad and after a
while communications was re-established – exactly
when at dinnertime in Italy.
Maurizio always appreciated the flavours and
tastes of the Central Asian cuisine and encouraged
his local colleagues with words of praise concerning
certain traditional dishes and food such as “plov”,
pigeons, vegetable soup, honey, and even the small
cheese ball “kurt,” in an attempt to further improve
and make the dishes as if to make them on the level of
a five-star restaurant. When a colleague invited Mau-
rizio to their home, he always went to the bazaar to
buy gifts and food for the whole family, from smallest
children to elderly members of the family. When de-
livering the gifts, he always generously dispensed ad-
vice and recommendations on the best ways to cook
food in the western manner. At the same time, he was
clearly aware that he did not have the same knowl-
edge regarding the cooking techniques of lamb, goat
meat or bull testicles.
He must be credited with the merit of having
aroused interest towards archaeological and histo-
121
rical contexts little known to date. After the time of
the interdisciplinary expeditions promoted by the
Soviet regime in the 20th century, Tosi launched
vast regional projects and introduced the informa-
tion technology to archaeology in such a crucial re-
gion of the ancient East.11 The expeditions he direc-
ted in Margiana and Samarkand involved hundreds
of people, including scholars, researchers, stu-
dents, drivers, cooks, workers, etc. He brought
with him his vast experience achieved in the previ-
ous decades in Arabia and Iran. Although Mauri-
zio’s main research involved the societies of prehis-
tory, his approach covered a wide range of inte-
rests. Emblematic in this sense is the site of Kafir
Kala, near Samarkand. The first excavations in the
early 90’s by the Institute of Archaeology of Sa-
markand already revealed the existence of an im-
portant pre-Islamic /early Islamic settlement. Howe-
ver, Maurizio intuitively recognised the great im-
portance and the potentiality of Kafir Kala in
connection with the Islamic conquest of Samarkand
in the early 8th cent. Explaining the site and the
excavation of Kafir Kala to either local people or the
scientific community, Tosi emphasized every aspect
of the research as he was a specialist of that field.
The “Master” Maurizio Tosi had the ability to
think ahead, and to understand the importance of
certain places as well as certain events before others
did. In the same way, he understood that some schol-
ars and students could have an important role in ar-
chaeological research. Nevertheless, he was always
ready give words of appreciation, affection, consid-
eration, and thanks for the help of all whether they
were local scholars or simply workers. In the same
way, Maurizio never denied anyone the opportunity
to participate in his research projects and, above all,
to pursue their dreams.
Maurizio loved Central Asia and everything about
it. He felt like a child when in front of ancient maps
and reading chronicles of travelers who crossed the
desert, the fertile valleys and the steppe of this remote
region. During his first seasons in Uzbekistan, Mau-
rizio spent a long time in search of books concerning
Central Asia in the areas of history, archaeology, ge-
ography, nature, etc. The amount of books acquired
by the Uzbek-Italian expedition amounted to 1,500
11
Mantellini, S. (2018). Landscape Archaeology and Irrigation
Systems in Central Asia: A View from Samarkand (Uzbekistan),
in: D. Domenici, N. Marchetti (Eds.), Urbanized Landscapes in
Early Syro-Mesopotamia and Prehispanic Mesoamerica. Papers
of a Cross-Cultural Seminar held in Honor of Robert McCormick
Adams. Wiesbaden: Harrasowitz Verlag, p. 173.
 Maurizio Tosi drinking tea on the road to Sazagan, near Samarkand (2007)
volumes, which were donated to the Samarkand In-
stitute of Archaeology, NCA. Together with the pres-
ent and former directors of the Institute, Dr. Farhod
Maksudov and Amriddin Berdimuradov, it has been
decided to include the volumes in the newly estab-
lished “Maurizio Tosi Library” inaugurated last year.
Anecdotes on Maurizio are countless. And, hon-
estly, some of them are better not being reported here.
Experiences involving Maurizio are so many that they
cannot be recalled in a short period of time. Howev-
er, even some situations that happened two decades
ago can be recalled as if it was yesterday. Although
selective and incomplete, all these accounts highlight
the genuine attitude and generous behaviour of the
“Master” Tosi toward the “local” Central Asian ar-
chaeologists (and friends). Listening to his worldwide
experiences and travel stories (be they on Samarkand,
122
the foothills north of the Kopet Dag, the Zeravshan
valley or the sand dunes of the Karakum and Kyzyl-
kum) immediately stired a longing to go there and get
busy so as not to miss the opportunity of a profound
journey. We have studied, worked and traveled with
Maurizio along with shielding ourselves from his de-
sire to “be” the journey in and of itself, and we believe
we have learned to travel minding our own business
alongside him.
This is, very briefly, the story of Maurizio Tosi.
Nothing was “normal” in Maurizio’s daily life ac-
cording to the common standard. But, he would
have argued about this, wondering what is “normal,”
or “common,” without easily accepting any given as-
sumption. Although his life was marked by extremes,
he taught us that never life is never “black” or “white”
and we must investigate every shade in between.
 BULLETIN OF IICAS 29/2020
PERSPECTIVES
ON THE EAST AFTER
ALEXANDER THE GREAT
Carlo Lippolis
University of Turin,
Turin Archaeological Research and Excavation
Center for the Middle East and Asia
O
NE OF THE most compelling historical peri-
ods is certainly the one that follows the con-
quest of Alexander the Great in the eastern
regions. In its gestation phase (6th century), Greek
civilization took a great deal from Egypt and the Near
East. Subsequently, especially after 330 BC, an in-
verse phenomenon occurs that sees Greece imprint-
ing a strong cultural influence first of all on Anatolia,
Phoenicia, Egypt, Persia, and secondly on Mesopota-
mia and Central Asia.
However, in contact with the strong local tradi-
tions of the East, this “cultural influence” is trans-
formed and deepened by creating new artistic lan-
guages, respecting local traditions, religions, and
ideologies; a process that will last for a millennium
in Syria and Central Asia up to India. This phenom-
enon is, therefore, not to be read as the outcome of
the imposition of the civilization of the winners (as
once maybe read, according to the “Mediterranean or
western” point of view). However, it must be admitted
that the miracle performed by Hellenistic greek art
in the eastern territories was to open up to a fertile
dialogue, knowing how to satisfy the needs of other
cultures and civilizations, as well as one’s own (A. In-
vernizzi).
Further on, it is also necessary not to forget the
local and specific aptitude to actively re-elaborate this
new artistic language. A language that, understood as
an expressive means of the (new) dominant groups,
will be used by Parthians, Sakas, and Kushans to ex-
press their new political prestige, identity, and their
forms of religiousness.
Having abandoned the initial colonialist point of
view with the division between civilized centers (i.e.
colonies) and the barbarian periphery, we have more
recently focused on a multicultural mosaic made up
of interconnected elements. Reciprocal and alternat-
ing influences (cultural transfers) have been in these
last decades at the center of a large series of studies,
aimed at understanding the role of material culture in
this process of “acculturation”.
123
And, it is often said that the Macedonian con-
quest (especially during the Seleucid and Lagidian
kingdoms) led to a general phenomenon of accul-
turation, manifested through the sharing of a cultur-
al koinè (P. Leriche). “Acculturation” is a post-colonial
concept, not yet completely neutral as it still implies
the superiority of one culture over the other in a uni-
directional sense (therefore, a diffusionist dynamic).
At the same time, the concept of “Hellenization” re-
mains questionable today, at least for some regions of
the ecumene. The notion of Orient hellénisé coined by
D. Schlumberger, in one of his masterly essays, func-
tioned in grouping and replacing problematic defini-
tions such as “Greco-Roman art”, “Greco-Buddhist
art”, “Roman-Buddhist art”, “Gandhara art”, “Parthian
art”, etc ... This great scholar invited us to abandon
the historiographic perspective of a Macedonian con-
quest seen as an “ephemeral overflow of the civilized
world”, but he did also underline the indisputable per-
sonality and originality of this important phenom-
enon called “non-Mediterranean Hellenism” (note:
with a double reference, once again, to the western
world).
The most recent studies aim to start from new
perspectives: the first is that of the very strong con-
nectivity that, since the Bronze Age, has linked the
Near East and Central Asia to the Mediterranean. The
cultural dynamics, in this perspective, must be stud-
ied starting from these millennial contacts and con-
nections, rather than from the historical point of view
of a “conquest” (both military and cultural).
The second point (as M.J. Versluys recently stat-
ed) is the proposal to abandon the concept of “ac-
culturation”, which presupposes those of “Self” and
“Other”: both cultural categories that could not al-
ways (especially for the late Hellenistic era) be “oppo-
sitional” one to each other. Furthermore, the concept
of acculturation, starting from the assumption that
a certain style/type is characteristic of a specific cul-
ture/group and therefore that there is a style-ethnicity
or style-identity link, today is no longer considered
reliable in the study of the material culture.
The suggested line of research, for years now, is
therefore not to investigate the artistic and architec-
tural results of the colonizers (rulers or “masters”),
but rather the outcome of interconnections and in-
tercultural exchanges, whose factors (local or exter-
nal) have equal weight and importance, to highlight
the socio-cultural dynamics that led to fertile local
reworking processes of the ancient and the new tra-
ditions.
 ANTON IKHSANOV

A COMMUNITY OF LINGUISTS DOES NOT CREATE

A LANGUAGE, BUT A SOCIETY DOES: DICHOTOMIES
IN CENTRAL ASIAN HISTORIOGRAPHY
This article discusses the modern day trends in historiography of American scholars concerning Central Asian
studies. One of these trends is the specific publications on regional issues. These include not only the latest
research, but also some valuable studies from the 2000s. This article then focuses on one such study. A book
written by Victoria Clement aims to show the inner dynamism of social phenomenon (in this case, literacy) on
Turkmen society. Clement’s research is viewed within the context of three tendencies in American historians’
examination of historiography at the turn of the 21st century: The critique of the European theoretical legacy,
the Jadid-centered historiography, and the post-colonial approach. Clement attempted to analyze the primary
sources and to include the Soviet research on literacy in her long-term analysis. She sought to prove her ideas
about the change in meaning of key concepts (such as modernity, the modern state, power, and literacy). This
book includes significant amounts of material from field studies in Turkmenistan between 1997-2016. The
book’s 2018 supplement, made Clement’s contribution valuable not solely for its history, but also for its analysis
of the region as well. However, this review seeks to supplement her initial chapters by providing details to
consider this book within the relevant discussions on a broader array of topics.

Key words: history of linguistics, language reform, Turkmenistan, Progressivists.

Citation: Anton Ikhsanov (2020) A Community of Linguists Does not Create a Language, but a Society
Does: Dichotomies in Central Asian Historiography, Bulletin of IICAS, 29, 124-136,
DOI: 10.34920/1694-5794-2020-17
Article link: https://doi.org/10.34920/1694-5794-2020-17

I
NITIALLY, the goal of this review is to familiarize
the reader with the latest trends in foreign histo-
riography on Central Asia. This task requires se-
rious expertise in the methodological differences and
approaches used by various scholars to defend their
studies. This review addresses the various contem-
porary publications on Central Asia from the Unit-
ed States by the publishing houses of the Universi-
ty of Pittsburgh (examples include Scott Levi’s The
Bukharan Crisis and The Rise and Fall of Khoqand,
1709-1876), Cornell University (Sarah Cameron’s
The Hungry Steppe, Eileen Kane’s Russian Hajj, Ian
W. Campbell’s Knowledge and the Ends of Empire)
and Indiana University (Danielle Ross’ Tatar Em-
pire). These publishers can be considered as leaders
in the market related to Central Asian studies. While
the Cornell University Press considers Russian and
Eurasian Studies as separate topics, the Pittsburgh
University Press introduced a specific series entitled
“Eurasia in Context” edited by Douglas Northrop.
Northrop is the American historian whose Veiled
Empire: Gender and Power in Stalinist Central Asia
(2004) is a classic work in Central Asian studies.
Since 2011, this series has frequently been given the
Central Eurasian Studies Society Book Award and
had a significant impact on the American analysis of
the historiography of Central Asia.
This current review will analyze a book published
within this series. The book, written by Victoria
Clement, is entitled Learning to Become Turkmen:
Literacy, Language, and Power, 1914-2014 (Clement
2018). Clement’s work is the latest work focused on
Turkmenistan, and specifically on identity formation,
from American publications since Adrienne Lynn
Edgar’s study Tribal Nation: the Making of Soviet
Turkmenistan (Edgar 2004). Thus, Clement’s book
requires a specific analysis.
This review is divided into three sections. The first
examines three tendencies that led to the emergence
of this volume. The second is focused on the structure
of the book itself and its meaningful narrative
elements. The third part discusses the supplements to

124
 ANTON IKHSANOV
the text which demonstrates how this study can be
included in broader topics of the region. The third
section also includes some critical notes which can
be fruitful for considerations about the intellectual
history of Turkmenistan.
The Monograph in Context
Clement’s book is based on her doctoral thesis
(Ohio State University, 2005) and long term field
research in Turkmenistan (1997-2016). Those two
points are crucial in understanding the work and its
approach.
The major part of the study was written in 2005
as a PhD dissertation. According to Natalia Potapo-
va, starting in the last decade of the 20th century, a
significant change occurred in American scholars’
methodology concerning historiography in general
(Potapova 2010). Prior to this period, US scholars fo-
cused upon the study of representations, identities,
and the heterogeneity of the social world. At the turn
of the 21st century, interest turned back toward the
global history of social realism. It did not necessari-
ly represent a complete abandonment of the “spatial
125
turns” and cultural studies legacy (Potapova 2015).
Moreover, Foucauldian's discourse analysis (pow-
er-knowledge) preserved its position within the his-
toriography. However, the discussions and debates
of the early 2000s demonstrated the critical approach
by American historians toward the legacy of Euro-
pean scholarship. In the late 1990s and early 2000s,
scholars were seeking new stable structures among
the chaotic mix of social reflections with their blurred
boundaries. Those structures were found within po-
litical studies. This trend can be tracked throughout
Clement’s book. Her main topic is literacy. In the in-
troduction, the scholar reveals the intention to study
the feedback between political decisions in the sphere
of education and their reflection within Turkmen so-
ciety (Clement 2018: 3-4). However, she was forced to
seek a stable framework and found it in the legislative
documents and a series of dichotomies (for example,
Moscow as an “all-powerful” governing center and
local institutions as performers of Moscow’s will).
This generalizing trend in search of the new meth-
odological foundation (which could be considered
over-generalizing) certainly impacted Central Asian
studies. This new field emerged following the dis-
solution of the Soviet Union in 1991. At the turn of
the 21st century, this branch of knowledge overcame
the contradictions of the Soviet legacy. The tenden-
cy to introduce post-Soviet study principles within
it was fairly summarized by Svetlana Gorshenina in
2009 (Gorshenina-Rapin 2009). It was based on case
studies and local material mentioned in the critique
of Alexander Morrison (Morrison 2012). The signifi-
cant impact in this shift was discussed in the publica-
tion of two key monographs by American historians.
The first was Adeeb Khalid’s The Politics of Muslim
Cultural Reform: Jadidism in Central Asia which
brought to the attention of academia the local discus-
sions within the community of Central Asian intel-
lectuals instead of the Soviet-wide tendencies (Khalid
1999). In 2015, Khalid supplemented this idea based
on the principles of the linguistic shift, encouraged
by Edward Said’s Orientalism and the ideas of Pierre
Bourdieu. According to Khalid, the heritage of the
indigenous intellectuals’ thought can be seen as a
cornerstone for further national state formation and
identity development within the region, at least, in
the 1920s and 1930s (Khalid 2015). The second book
was the previously mentioned work written by Adri-
enne Lynn Edgar. Edgar was one of the first schol-
ars who intended to analyze the “local voices” and
to comprehend the local narrative of state creation
in Central Asia during the 1920s. Were the notions
of nation, identity, and state the same for the local
citizens, the political elite of newly formed countries,
and for the Soviet ideologists? To find the answers
to such complicated issues, this American scholar
turned to local newspaper articles (Khalid 2008) and
the appeals to the administration of the Turkmen
Soviet Republic. She revealed some truly important
details on the inner conflicts within the political elite
and the contradictions of communications between
Moscow and Ashgabat (Edgar 2004). While Khalid
mostly concentrates on cultural studies and intellec-
tual history, Edgar addresses the issue of institution-
alization.
Undoubtedly, these works made a significant con-
tribution to the analysis of Central Asian history by
implementing the methodological framework for the
wave of works that followed in in the next decade.
However, that did not prevent them from being se-
verely criticized. In 2016 an entire edition of the Jour-
nal of the Economic and Social History of the Orient
(1/2) was dedicated to critiquing Khalid’s narrative.
Khalid’s attention was primarily based on the new
generation of intellectuals that had emerged in the
colonial society of the Russian Empire. He pointed
out that this particular generation had a specific view
of modernity or vision of the future. He also consid-
ered them to be part of a progressive Islamic move-
ment (known as Jadidism; from Persian usul-i jaded,
meaning “a new method of education”). These ideas –
supplemented by the position of Jadidism as a secular
community and enlightenment movement – became
popular in Central Asia, the Caucasus, and the Volga
region historiography. In other words, “Jadid-cen-
tered historiography” (as Devin DeWeese called this
phenomenon) provided a framework of an “umbrella
concept” for the research of numerous social, cultur-
al and political phenomena without consideration of
continuity and connectivity, discontinuities and rup-
tures that had their place in the history of the region.
The boundary between so-called Jadids (Progressiv-
ists) and their opponents was blurred and unapparent
(DeWeese 2016). Moreover, the standard of a Persian
education that was previously developed in the local
sacred center of Bukhara, which was the main object
of the Jadids’ critique, was rather popular and wide-
spread among the Muslim population of the Russian
Empire (Frank 2016). Despite some appropriate cri-
tique, Khalid delicately answered this issue. He fairly
points out the necessity to analyze inner dynamism
and original thought within the local community and
the progressivists’ narrative as transitional ideas pri-
or to the establishment of the Soviet power. This was
126
the reason why, for example, the local theater as a
new way to express ideas to the political agenda, was
important for Khalid’s research (Khalid 2015: 18-21).
Clement, in her turn, was an assiduous student of
both Edgar and Khalid. She based her work on the
same sociological approach as Bourdieu with the
constructivist reflection of a concept of “tradition.”
She reflects on the changing nature of tradition over
time. But her main focus concentrates on moderni-
ty and what it means for the different generations of
Turkmen. The scholar also uses the same group of
sources, the local press, to identify the Turkmen per-
ception of educational policy. Nevertheless, Clement
avoids the direct connection with the critique against
Khalid. She does so by isolating Turkmen society ac-
cording to its ethnic boundaries and by considering
her book not as a history, but as an opposition against
the contemporary analysis of Turkmenistan based on
romanticizing and the orientalization of this coun-
try (Clement 2018: 15-16). This tactic does not save
Clement from critique by Aýna Söýegowa (Söýegowa
2020) and Allen Frank (Frank 2020). Both of them
refer to the Islamic factor within the transition from
the late Imperial period to the early Soviet reality.
This factor was only briefly mentioned by Clement.
Thus, the reason for the criticism.
For a better understanding of the core of discus-
sions concerning Jadidism, it is worth noting that all
of this research is based on the local sources writ-
ten in the Central Asian languages. This post-colo-
nial trend is a very important factor within the latest
historiography in the region (Sartori 2018). The ap-
proaches of studying the “local voices” include not
only the primary sources, but also the legacy of Sovi-
et historiography with all its ideological clichés and
doubtful assessments. Clement consulted with one of
the major local specialists on the intellectual history
of Turkmenistan, Myratgeldi Söýegow. Through the
analysis of his path, it is possible to see how some So-
viet clichés found their way to American historiogra-
phy of Central Asia.
Since the beginning of the 1960s, the topic of
magaryf (Turkmen for “enlightenment”) and na-
tional identity formation was studied by various
disciplines. In the 1970s and 80s, the works of the
Progressivists were introduced to Turkmen histo-
riography by linguists (Allaguly Mollaýew), marxist
philosophers (Tashli Hydyrow), literary critics, in-
cluding Durdymuhammet Nuralyýew, and atheistic
ideologists such as Nedir Gulyýew. The only historian
who was engaged in this process was Aman Ylýasow
who authored a book about the Russian conquest
 ANTON IKHSANOV
of Turkmen lands. The methodological approach of
these aforementioned groups was to secularize the
discourse and present the Progressivist movement
as a transitional episode that led to the Soviet edu-
cational reforms and way of thinking. The scholars
had been seeking a way to prevent mentioning Islam
and nationalism by referring to “the public activi-
ty,” “anti-clericalism,” and “progressive-democratic
ideas” (Hydyrow 1979). They also made a distinction
between the early Soviet academic cadres and the
pre-Revolutionary generation of intellectuals. During
the period of glastnost, in the mid-1980s and begin-
ning of the 1990s, Turkmen academics were engaged
in a number of semi-formal and informal projects
such as the creation of a discussion platform through
magazines and newspapers This included titles such
as Syýasy söhbetdeş (Political Interlocutor), Türkmen
ili (Turkmen People), Edediýat we sungat (Literature
and Art). Turkmen intellectuals were affected not
only by the inner reflection concerning the dissolu-
tion of the Soviet Union, but also by the latest pub-
lications on political purges of the 1930s. The main
methodological basis of the works written during this
period by linguist Myratgeldi Söýegow and histori-
an Bahar Hojagulyýewa remained the same as in the
previous period. However, now Progressivists were
seen as the most important contributor to the na-
tional Turkmen identity. The Turkmen vision of the
national identity phenomenon was also influenced
by foreign, especially Turkish historiography (Ho-
jagulyýewa 1995).
Between 1995 and 1998, disputes over the initial
steps of cultural identity formation spread beyond
Turkmenistan onto the pages of foreign magazines
and academic journals. The Ashgabat architect and
culturologist Ruslan Muradov became an founder
and Editor-in-Chief of the Cultural Values Inter-
national Annual published in St. Petersburg. Söýe-
gow cooperated with Turkish journals, such as Bilgi
(Knowledge) and the Russian journal Problemy vo-
stokovedenija (The Problems of Oriental Studies) pub-
lished in Ufa. These Turkmen specialists selectively
continued on the trajectories of the concepts created
and developed by Soviet scholarship. This methodol-
ogy was preserved in their discussions. However, the
discussion platforms beyond the borders of Turk-
menistan made it possible for the Turkmen schol-
ars to reveal their critique of the Soviet regime and
to present their thoughts on Islam and nationalism
more liberally (Söýegow 2016). Sӧýegow inherited
some ideas from Hydyrow (i.e., he avoids referring
to the political agenda of Jadidism), but he mixed dif-
127
ferent groups of intellectuals which was in contrast to
the complete separation between the Soviet academic
workers and Muslim intellectuals by historian Tahir
Aşirow. The main focus of his work was based on the
activity of Turkmen intellectuals after the the cre-
ation of the Turkmen SSR. It appears he skipped the
period before the national delimitation and the Turk-
men participation in numerous state projects in Cen-
tral Asia (such as the unified Turkestan Republic or
the Bukharan Soviet People’s Republic). However, he
addressed the essential understanding of nationhood
(mentioned by DeWeese 2018, and Frank 2020) and
the “others” experience of Tatars, Turks, and Uzbeks.
The latter was used only as a pattern for his descrip-
tion and briefly considered the possible networks of
communication between them and Turkmen intel-
lectuals. In other words, he avoided the heterogeneity
of the Turkmen, or the “cultural self” so important
for contemporary identity studies.
The approach from Hydyrow, who was forced to
adapt his narrative to the Soviet methodology, and
Sӧýegow, who introduced the term “Jadid” to Turk-
men historiography,1 is what led to some Soviet cli-
chés in Clement’s work. Undoubtedly, her intention
to address the heritage of Turkmen Soviet scholar-
ship is valuable. Her desire to seek the local voices is
notable. Nevertheless, the Islamic identity of Turk-
men society mentioned by Frank is also worth notice
(Frank 2020). It was a significant factor for the dis-
cussion of literacy in the entire region.
Hence, the current monograph is based on three
different tendencies so unique for the beginning of
the 21st century. It includes the inner struggle and
self-evaluation of American historiography; the
emergence of the “new wave” of works on Central
Asia, including the “Jadid-centered” narrative and
its critique; and the post-colonial intention of hear-
ing the local voices and use the epistemological leg-
acy of the local society. Since the 2000s, numerous
works were published on the intellectual history of
Central Asia. One of the most recent and prominent
examples is Knowledge and the Ends of Empire: Ka-
zak Intermediaries and Russian Rule on the Steppe,
1731-1917 by Ian Campbell (Campbell 2017). This
PhD dissertation, written in 2011 and published in
2017, is noteworthy for revealing the same issue that
Clement’s work does about the originality of local
thought. Another example is Despite Cultures: Ear-
1
During the Soviet period this term was banned from use and
Sӧýegow’s daughter Aýna used it as a synonym for “writer of a
new wave” (Söýegowa 2020).
ly Soviet Rule in Tajikistan (Central Eurasia in Con-
text) by Botakoz Kassymbekova (published in 2016).
This book addresses the system of alliances between
the Soviet representatives and the local population
in the establishment of the Soviet power in the re-
gion (Kassymbekova 2016). This point was studied
by Clement as well. She also stressed the factor of
self-censorship and lying to the metropole and in-
cluded some interesting data on the “way to speak
Soviet.” Thus, it is possible to see that Clement’s
book was original for its time. The new version is
also supplemented by some additional data collected
during the author’s field work in Turkmenistan on
the current reforms in the educational sphere. It is
exactly why it was taken into consideration not only
by historians, but by other experts as well. Clement
was able to repackage her study in 2018 and made it
valuable for various groups of specialists involved in
contemporary Central Asian studies. Her work also
created interest inside Turkmenistan itself.
The Structure of the Book
The book covers the lengthy period between 1914
and 2014. This chronological framework seems to be
rather broad. However, the main goal of the book
verifies such a scope. As mentioned above, the cor-
nerstone of this book points out the evolution of
such concepts as modernity (what does it mean to be
a “modern nation”) and literacy as comprehended
by the Turkmen people throughout their entire his-
tory as a nation state. Initially, Clement argues the
study for “the power of language and education as
social determinants… beyond the role of the state
to include the agency of people” (Clement 2018: 4).
However, the institutional framework also preserves
its place in her book. Most current studies on the in-
tellectual history of Turkmenistan are based on two
principles: The biographical approach (Sӧýegow);
and the analysis of selected works (Aşirow). Both of
these approaches concentrate on the history of ideas
instead of the linear stadial alternation of theoretical
frameworks. Instead of focusing on personalities or
selected works, Clement uses the main reforms as
reference points for her narrative. Thus, her book is
chronologically-based and is separated by an intro-
duction, seven chapters, a conclusion, and notes. The
structure of a chapter’s composition is based on re-
ferring to a general Soviet-wide trend, then provides
a description of the Turkmen-specific context by re-
viewing individual cases, and givens an analysis of
those cases.
128
The introduction is opened with a quotation
about the constructivist approach to tradition and its
dynamic nature (Ibid: 3). This quote aims to reveal
the author’s intention about the main subject of this
book, i.e. the inner dynamism of Turkmen culture.
The following parts of the text are entitled “Turkmen
Identity” and “Modernity” (Ibid: 4-7). This is the
same basis as Edgar’s approach to the organization of
Turkmen social structures as a result of genealogical
connectivity. Clement argues that initially, language
was not a primary marker for Turkmen identity, but
its significance has changed throughout the history of
the Turkmen. She also points out that modernity is a
rather unstable concept, but the Turkmen case can
make its contribution to the understanding of local
reflection of what it does mean to be modern. These
following theoretical concepts rely on Bourdieu’s
conceptual base or sociological approach. They seem
to be generalizations and this can be proven by an
interesting misprint on page 13 which reads “Turk-
mic.” It seems that the fine line between “Turkic” and
“Turkmen” was crossed in this case. Clement aims to
reveal her reflection on modernity through an anal-
ysis of the alphabet and linguistic reforms in Turk-
menistan.
The first chapter “Jadid-inspired Paths to Moder-
nity, 1914-1917” (Ibid: 17-37) investigates the period
of the Russian Empire’s influence on the education-
al system of the Turkmen. The first two sections of
the text “Traditional Mekdeps” and “Russian-Native
Schools for Turkmen” reveal the situation in the re-
gional education of the Transcaspian region before
the Progressivists movement was spread among the
Turkmen. The next sections “Jadid-inspired Turk-
men before 1917,” “Literacy, Schools, and Ulema,”
and “Awakenings in Turkmen New Method Schools”
aim to clarify the main reason for the Progressivist’s
growth. It included a high rate of illiteracy among the
Turkmen and an attempt to build a new educational
system to modernize the Turkmen nation within the
framework of Islamic society. The next two sections
“Educating Women as part of the Turkmen Mil-
let” and “Jadidism and Print Culture” are based on
a source analysis of “The Transcaspian Newspaper
for the Indigenous Population” (Ruzname-ýi Mau-
ri-ýi Bahr-i Hazar) which granted an opportunity for
publications written by the Turkmen themselves (in
particular, by Muhammetguly Atabaýew). Clement
considers this periodical as a means of observing the
expression of the local narrative on the Progressivist
movement and its goals. The last part “The Modified
Arabic Script” reveals the intention of Turkic-speak-
 ANTON IKHSANOV
ing peoples to adopt the Arabic alphabet for their
purposes and phonetic specificity. In the summary
of this section, Clement mentions the long term in-
fluence of the Islamic Progressivist narrative in the
history of Turkmen educational reforms. Accord-
ing to her book, the Turkmen saw a precondition of
modernity in the transition from oral information
transmission to written form. Turkmen studied the
pattern of this action in the activity of other Turkic
groups, but they wanted to preserve their “cultural
self” (millet) within the broader discourses of the Is-
lamic and Turkic-speaking community.
The second chapter “Partners in Progress: Turk-
men Intellectuals in Soviet Space, 1917-1930” (Ibid:
37-68) begins with the brief mention of the Civil
War. Afterward, Clement describes the general trend
of educational reforms by the Bolsheviks in the first
years of Soviet power. She briefly mentions the tem-
porary alliance with the colonial generation of intel-
lectuals and the necessity to create a new elite devot-
ed to the Bolsheviks. This is the first chapter to reveal
the Soviet intention of “convergence” between differ-
ent national groups of the Union. Only in the sec-
tion “Progressives and Bolsheviks Become Partners
on the Cultural Front,” is the Turkmen case revealed.
The Turkmen insisted on the maintenance of former
mekdeps to support the spread of education. Further-
more, the question of language for communication
between authorities and the population, and the issue
of the alphabet arose. The author does not reveal the
reason for the internal controversies of the linguistic
policy. In the section entitled “Alphabet,” Clement,
for the first time, addresses the life of the prominent
Turkmen academic, linguist Muhammed Geldiýew.
He was actively involved in Turkmen language re-
form by introducing the modified Arabic script and
fighting with other academics such as Allaguly Gara-
hanow. This case involved the lack of standardization
of the language at this particular period. By 1924, the
Turkmen republic had been founded. After this po-
litical event, in 1926, the First Turkology Congress in
Baku decided to make a transition to the Latin script.
According to Clement, the Turkmen did not sup-
port this intention, but they were obliged to follow
it because “The Party would not forgo [the concepts
of socialist progress].” However, they were working
on this transition on their own terms, by slightly im-
plementing and rethinking the concepts proposed
by the Others (i.e. other Turkic peoples). Geldiýew
personally insisted on the written representation of
the long vowels which is a phonetic peculiarity of the
Turkmen language. Clement tried to see this position
129
as a representation of the “cultural self.” The chap-
ter ends with the reference to the 1930 Turkmen ac-
ademic conference that is the initial episode of the
next chapter.
The third chapter “From the ABCs to the ABCs
of Communism, 1930-1953” (Ibid: 68-91) Clement
concentrates on three key events: The 1930 academ-
ic conference, the purges of the 1930s, and the First
Turkmen Linguistic Congress of 1936. This chapter is
based on the step-by-step movement away from in-
digenization (korenizatsija; i.e. the intention to give
control of the political decisions and cultural sphere
to the local Bolsheviks). Clement delineates how Mos-
cow took control of the construction of the nation
and denounced the legacy of “Jadid-inspired” dis-
cussions in favor of its new concept of a “Soviet per-
sona.” The chapter ends with the author referring to
Cyrillization and the gradual increase of the Russian
language influence within the Soviet Union. While
the Progressivists who supported the “eclectic Turk-
men language” were condemned and silenced by the
state machine, a new generation arose. The particular
attention to the Uzbek linguist Medine Bogdanova
who is seen as “a human embodiment of the Soviet
state” is aimed to show the contrast between the local
narrative of Turkmen intellectual elite and the Bol-
sheviks› intention to spread their influence and ideas.
This specific section discusses Stalin’s announcement
about the high literacy rate among the Turkmen.
Clement imposes this statement on the framework of
the “militant atmosphere” of educational movement
and insists on the change of meaning for the word lit-
eracy. During this particular period, literacy and mo-
dernity were closely tied to both the Russian language
and Soviet political agenda.
The fourth chapter “Speaking Soviet, 1954-1984”
(Ibid: 91-112) discusses the Russification policy. Ac-
cording to Clement, the Soviet state after Stalin had a
selective language policy which fostered the develop-
ment of the titular languages (such as Turkmen and
Uzbek), but limited the rights of minorities (Kurds,
Balochis, and Jews). The 1954 Congress resulted in
the standardization of the Turkmen language under
the guidance of Pygam Azymow and Zylyha Mu-
hammedowa. The source for the international lexicon
was the Russian language. From 1960, the influence
of Russian rose significantly. During the Brezhnev
era, it finally obtained the status as the dominant
language of the Union (1979). Clement provides an
interesting section about the discussions over the sta-
tus of Turkmen language that occurred between Ber-
di Kerbabaýew and Amanmyrat Annanurow whose
visions of vocabulary and the processes of language
formation were quite in opposition with one another.
It will be addressed below.
The fifth chapter “From Happy Socialism to Inde-
pendence, 1985-1996” (Ibid: 112-137) is brilliant. The
aim of this chapter is to track the shift from the con-
cept of literacy as the knowledge of political clichés
to an idea of inclusion into the international com-
munity through education following the dissolution
of the Soviet Union. The newspapers of the glastnost
period reveal so many details and narratives that it
was a genuine treasure for the researcher. Moreover,
this data was supplemented by interviews with the
leading Turkmen scholars of that period. This chap-
ter clarifies how Turkmen tried to save their “cultural
self” within the new setting of international relations.
It also sheds light on the period of debates within the
local press. The adoption of Latin-based script and
the new positioning of the country were important
steps in the initial years of independence. The inter-
esting details of the different visions of the country’s
future by the population, teachers, the scholastic
community, and the political elite make this narra-
tion detailed and interesting.
The sixth chapter “Altyn Asyr Nesli: Nyyazow’s
Golden Generation, 1996-2006” (Ibid: 137-160)
points to the vision of the future that was achieved. A
vision by the political elite that was gradually imple-
mented in all spheres of education. However, some of
the opportunities provided by foreign organizations
persisted. Those opportunities were the options for
parents who were seeking the best future for their
children.
The last chapter “The Era of Might and Happiness,
2007-2014” (Ibid: 160-173) details the early reforms
of the country’s new political elite. It references the
gradual increase English in modern-day Turkmeni-
stan. Furthermore, it examines the developing idea of
further inclusion of the country in the international
realm. The last two chapters are based recent events.
The assessment of this period is difficult, however,
Clement’s data has the potential to make an impact
on future studies of this period.
In the Conclusion (Ibid: 173-181), the author
summarizes her thoughts about power, modernity,
and literacy. She mentions the reciprocal influence of
identity and literacy. While literacy is considered to
be a marker of identity, it also formulates future iden-
tity change. This dynamic nature of a social phenom-
enon is an important consideration in Central Asian
studies in order to avoid the essential nature that is so
unique for the regional historiography and analysis.
130
The Critical Notes and Supplements
The author concentrates her attention on two
periods: The 1920s and 1930s which was the period
when Soviet statehood was created and institution-
alized, and the 1990s and 2000s which were the
early years of independence. Such a focus is crucial
because it considers institutionalization as the most
important element of the educational reforms. It is
also connected with the primary sources, due to the
lack of memoires and the scattered information con-
cerning the different attitudes towards the reform
process. However, in some cases, it is possible to en-
hance Clement’s narrative with additional data. In
some cases, it could include her examples in broad-
er discussions about the Central Asian Progressivist
movement and the inner conflicts during the Soviet
period.
The first chapter serves as a basis for numerous
notes and comments. The initial part of this chap-
ter is devoted to the Turkmen educational system
during the Imperial period. It relies mostly on the of-
ficial reports (in some cases, cited via the Soviet his-
toriography) and includes brief information about
the “traditional mekdep” (Turkmen for “school”)
and “Russian native schools” as institutional settings
for educational needs. This data is not exceptional.
From 1908 to 1910, during the audit of the colonial
affairs by Count Konstantine Pahlen, the review of
the Transcaspian educational system was initiated.
The data from this review is preserved in the Russian
State Historical Archive (RGIA, F. 1396, Op. 1, D.
355-360). Some of its materials remain unpublished.
For example, specific attention should be paid to
“The Note by Petr Akkerman about the Indigenous
Schools and Muslim Educational Facilities” (Ibid, D.
358) and a textbook collection (Ibid, D. 371-380). It
also refers to a Persian school, Muzaffariya, that also
was functioning in the Transcaspia. This collection
was a supplement to the data on the institute of waqf
(charitable endowment). It was analyzed by the So-
viet ethnographer Georgy Karpov and A. Ahundov.
Their materials are preserved in the Museum of Eth-
nography and Anthropology in St. Petersburg (MAE
RAN, F. K-V, Op. 1, D. 538). The works on waqf writ-
ten by Karpov and the orientalist A.V. Bashkirov also
should be considered (Demidov 2006). However, it
seems that this institute was related primarily to the
territory of the Bukharan emirate inhabited by Turk-
men, while the main concern of this chapter is the
educational conditions in the Transcaspian region.
Some peculiarities of the Bukharan mekdeps for the
 ANTON IKHSANOV
Turkmen can be found in the books written by Sadr
al-Din ‘Ayni (Ayni 1960: 266). However, all these
sources still require critical analysis.
In his article, Frank fairly presented another per-
spective on educational studies in his analysis of the
curriculum of the local schools (Frank 2020). He re-
lies on the textbook list taken from the work of the
Russian colonial administrator and orientalist Ivan
Belyayev (Belyayev 1916). This list was mentioned
by the former classmate of Belyayev, the academi-
cian Alexander Samoilovich in his expeditionary di-
ary of 1906: “I was meeting Muhammed Durdy, the
younger brother of Mamed, over tea. He is sixteen
years old, and he has been studying for one year, but
very infrequently. Although, in the short term, he has
studied: elipbiý,2 heftdek,3 the Qu’ran, Reunak,4 Sopy
Allaýar,5 Hafiz,6 and Nevai.7 But… He reads it with-
out an understanding of neither Arabic books nor
Persian ones. Such a method of teaching! He read
Hafiz for one month” (OR RNB, F. 671, D. 79, Note-
book 10a: 58-59). Rownaq al-Islam is at the core of
Frank’s analysis. It was the most widespread textbook
for Turkmen schools. Different variations of Rownaq
were used by different groups of Turkmen and were
even published by the colonial administration. This
focus can be related to the Uzbek discussions about
the assessment of the literate population (Dudoignon
1996).
In the following parts on Jadidism, Clement ne-
glected the greetings to Turkmen readers of the jour-
nal Terjuman published on 6 March 1888 (№ 9) by
Gasprinskiy himself (Gasprinskiy 2019: 169-170).
Furthermore, she described the local Jadid-inspired
movement in an abstract manner and presented a
mixed list of different personalities. This list should
be clarified to avoid some clichés from Soviet histo-
riography and to connect this section with both the
succeeding chapters on the Soviet period and the
broader topics.
2
Alphabet (Turkmen).
3
Haft-i yak (Persian, one-seventh) A tradition of very conven-
tional rote-type learning based on a seventh part of the Qu’ran
(Russia-Central Asia 2011: 92).
4
Rawnaq al-Islam (Arabic for The Splendor of Islam).
5
Sufi Allahýar (died in 1721 or 1724) A sufi poet and philosopher
whose didactic writings were an important part of the local edu-
cational process (Dudoignon 1996: 136).
6
Hafiz-i Shirazi (died in 1389/1390). A famous Persian poet
whose writings were an important part of moral education in the
region (Dudoignon 1996: 166).
7
Mir Ali Shir Nava’i (1441-1501). The originator of Chaghatai
poetry. His personality became a part of Turkmen folklore under
the name of Myraly (Shin 2017).
131
First, the author mentions a list of the most prom-
inent Jadids including several names of the Young
Bukharans. However, neither Clement nor Khalid
paid attention to one of the regional groups of this
party. This group was based in the town of Kerki. Ab-
dulhekim Gulmuhammedow mentioned in his Cur-
riculum Vitae that he was a secretary of this group
(TsGA SPb, F. R-7222, Op. 27, D. 152: 1-5). More-
over, two Turkmen (Gulmuhammedow and Ora-
zmammed Wepaýew) were sent to Istanbul based
on the program of Buhara Tamim-i Maarif Cemiyeti
(The Bukharan Society for the Spread of Public Edu-
cation) which was a part of the Young Bukharan’s ac-
tivities. According to Sӧýegow, Abdulla Gelenow was
also a part of this group (Sӧýegow 1990). Thus, their
contribution that was criticized by their contempo-
raries should be studied within the framework of the
Young Bukharan ideas and concepts.
Furthermore, the registration list of the pho-
tographic collection for the Russian Ethnographic
Museum (REM, Photographic collection № 5493)
mentions a group known as the “Young Turkmen.”
There is no commentary about the actual mean-
ing behind this term. Supposedly, this group was
working on changing the means of communication
between the colonial administration and the local
population (Ikhsanov 2020). One of the members of
this group was Muhammetguly Atabaýew who was
a central personality of this chapter due to his publi-
cation activity. The issue is related to his educational
background. Atabaýew was a student of Nikolay Os-
troumov’s Pedagogical Institute in Tashkent8 which
was the same as Alishbeg Aliyev (who arrived in
Turkmen lands from Dagestan). Ostroumov himself
was a complicated person. His impact on the colonial
vision of Central Asia provokes numerous discus-
sions in the academic literature. Nevertheless, he saw
a great danger in the “clerical activity” in Turkestan
and tried to hinder it by using educational facilities.
He saw this activity as a means of integrating the
local population into the Russian Empire. Clement
mentions these ideas in the text. However, she did
not mention another fact. Ostroumov’s vision was
supported by Ivan Belyayev, who arrived in Tran-
scaspia around 1913 or 1914. Belyayev was collabo-
rating with Aliyev and Atabaýew in his fight against
the clerics (Belyayev 1916). This was the reason for
his support for increasing the number of Bukharan
religious figures in the region. This movement was a
8
One of Atabaýew’s early articles was published under the
signature of Ostroumov (Atabaýew 1906).
 Fig. 1. Letter from Khojaly-molla to Myratberdi-ogly. IOM RAS, Arabographic fund.
Manuscript C-162, sheet Ib
prerequisite to the struggle between local ishans (the
religious authorities among the Turkmen) and the
newly incoming Bukharans (Demidov 1978). Hence,
the context concerning the emergence of the newspa-
per Transcaspian is not that simple. As demonstrated
by Campbell in his interesting analysis of the Kazakh
teacher Ibrai Altynsarin (1841-1889), such cases are
related to inferior ambivalence. The originality of
thought about the comprehension of the local iden-
tity is “compatible with, and even dependent upon,
an idealized vision of Russian colonial governance”
(Campbell 2017). In other words, Atabayew’s activi-
ty should be seen not within the Jadid paradigm, but
through the complex relations inside imperial soci-
ety. Furthermore, there is no comprehension of the
voices against the “Jadid-inspired” narrative. Search-
ing for the local ishans’ voices is a challenging task.
The last point about the list of “Jadid-inspired”
Turkmen concerns the Soviet clichés. In 1906, Samoi-
132
lovich made a journey to Transcaspia for the purpose
of collecting contemporary Turkmen poetry. The lo-
cal informant, Molla Sabyr Söýün-ogly, introduced
him to a local poet whose name was Sübhanberdi
Öwezberdi-ogly and whose literary pseudonym was
Gör-molla. Samoilovich left two descriptions of this
meeting along with a photograph of this poet (Samoi-
lovich 1907). The scholar pointed out that Gör-molla
was illiterate (in contrast to his father, whose pseud-
onym was Molla-Sakar, and his brother). Afterward,
Molla Sabyr collected some of the poetry by Gör-mol-
la and send it to Samoilovich. Currently, two or three
collections of poetry by Gör-molla are preserved in
St. Petersburg (Dmitriyeva 2002: 360). Samoilovich
published only one of the poems which represented
the poet’s disapproval of colonialism and is based on
stereotypes about Russians (Samoilovich 1907). But
in 1930, there was an expedition to the Merv region
which aimed to collect literary manuscripts. It was
 ANTON IKHSANOV
the last expedition to contact Gör-molla before his
death in 1934 (Karpov, Potseluyevskiy 1934: 102). In
1933 or 1934, the poem “You are Good Fellow for
your Truth, Bolshevik!” was published by G. Ve-
selkov and Karpov (Seýidow 1965: 133-134). In 1941,
it was published in Turkmen. In Hydyrow’s book
Progressive-democratic Thought in Turkmenistan
(Hydyrow 1979), Gör-molla, alongside Atabaýew,
was officially proclaimed to be an “enlightener.” He
was transformed into a literate person who support-
ed Bolshevism. From Hydyrow’s work, this image
was passed on to Sӧýegow’s books and articles and is
one reason reason why Gör-molla became a part of
Clement’s list.
In other words, the list of “Jadid-inspired” Turk-
men is very eclectic and can be a basis for original
research. Furthermore, Clement’s failure to include
the criminal case of 1913 (which was closely connect-
ed to Atabaýew and “Young Turkmen” group’s ac-
tivities); the revolt of 1916; the Civil War; and initial
state projects in the region hinders a smooth transi-
tion between thoughts and events. Thus, it seems that
this section is slightly separated from other chapters
and does not reveal the true motivation behind the
“Others” which was how the Turkmen referred to
other Central Asian ethnic groups.
In Clement’s intention to show the symbolic pow-
er behind the Turkmen script, it is important to men-
tion one document. This is a letter now preserved in
the Institute of Oriental Manuscripts, (IOM, Man-
uscript C-162: Ib). It was written to a Russian offi-
cer of Turkmen origin Nikolaý Ýomudskiý from his
informant, the secretary of the colonial administra-
tion, Hojaly-molla Myratberdi-ogly. The uniqueness
of this letter (written between 1904 and 1909) is in
its script. It was written in Turkmen using Cyrillic
script. It seems that Hojaly-molla wanted to impress
his friend with his knowledge and ability to write in
Russian cyrillic. But it is also a marker of the colonial
culture’s influence on Turkmen society (and, in par-
ticular, those personalities who were working in the
colonial administration) even before the Revolution.
The symbolic asset of the Russian language was al-
ready known and felt.
The second and third chapters can be criticized
for a couple of reasons. The first reason is a system of
dichotomies implemented by Clement to underline
the originality of Turkmen thought. The main focus
of this chapter is upon two personalities: Muhammed
Geldiýew and Allaguly Garahanow. According to
Sӧýegow, both of them were graduates of the Gali-
ya madrasah in Ufa. Galiya was a specific structure.
133
It was founded by Ziya Kamali the graduate of al-
Azhar University (Habutdinov 2013). According to
Alfrid Bustanov, at this particular period, the Muslim
scholars of the Volga region were in search of narra-
tives and methods of education. They were seeking
to counter to the Persian system that dominated in
Bukhara (Bustanov 2019). Near Eastern education
institutions played a major role in their views. Gali-
ya was not a facility for the training of imams. From
1910, the madrasah concentrated its attention on the
instruction of teachers who were representative of the
Central Asian peoples and tribes. From 1915, it was a
main source of cadres for the left wing of the Party of
Socialist Revolutionaries (Eser). Gibad Alparov was a
well known representative of this party (Habutdinov
2013). Why is it so important to be noted in connec-
tion to the personality of Geldiýew? Mostly, because
the Eser party had a very distinguished program of
national self-determination separate from the Bol-
shevik concepts (Kan 2008). Alparov and Geldiýew
were close friends. They were working together on
the study of the Turkmen language (Sӧýegow 2019).
Apparently, the Eser factor in the history of Turk-
menistan is underestimated.
They also cooperated with Samoilovich. Accord-
ing to the investigation after Samoilovich’s deten-
tion: “There is also a subtle proof of a relationship
between the nationalists of different republics. Last
year, Samoilovich participated in a scientific confer-
ence in Turkmenistan (1930). Since the very begin-
ning, he supported the position of Geldiýew by ev-
ery means necessary. Geldiýew wanted to prove his
erudition. He invented a theory that Turkmen have
similar words that differ from each other only in pro-
nunciation, some of them are pronounced shorter,
others, longer. For example, “at” means a horse, and
“ad” means a name. He proposed to introduce dou-
ble letters to represent those long vowels. This theory
was promoted with great success. Over four or five
years all magazines and books were published with
double letters. Those who were against this writing,
who found it difficult, were accused of being against
the new Turkmen Latin alphabet. Last year, when the
issue was considered again, the nationalists put for-
ward almost eighteen points in defense of their theo-
ry. Samoilovich actively helped them in this defense.
When we categorically suggested that they scientifi-
cally substantiate the theory of Geldiýew, they admit-
ted that there is no scholarly basis for this theory. It
was just their suggestion” (TsGA SPb, F. R-7222, Op.
38, D. 57: 59-62).
Furthermore, according to correspondence and

Fig. 2. The manuscript from the beginning of the 24th
chapter of Berdi Kerbabaýew's novel Born by Miracle.
From the collection of the State Central Museum of the
Contemporary History of Russia. GIK 38805 / 686a
diaries, Geldiýew, Samoilovich, Alparow were close-
ly connected. They had serious opposition from
both Russian scholars and Turkmen academics. The
quotes from the correspondence prove it. For exam-
ple, Potseluyevskii mentioned that he was in opposi-
tion to the so-called “Geldiýew’s ABC’s”: “I am not
responsible for the use of the orthography I strongly
disagree with [in this system]. There is no significant
consideration of labial harmony; there is the redun-
dancy in the writing of long vowels (these writings
also includes semi-long sounds and even the stressed
vowels); there is also the artificial character of the
written representation of the foreign syllables that
has nothing in common with the folk language (Lii-
nin). This system ignores the living pronunciation in
such forms as dijip (it should have been diip), etc)”
(OR RNB, F. 671, D. 246: 18). Moreover, he stated
that there was a severe critique of this alphabet from
the Turkmen side: “In the autumn, there should be
134
a conference dedicated to the fundamentals of or-
thography and etymology. If you come to participate,
then you should play a role as an arbitrator, because,
as I know, the organizers of this conference will try
to use it to change the modern orthography that was
created by M. Geldiýew and K. Böriýew. The double
letters (that represent long vowels) became a reason
for the debate and opposition in Turkmen circles. A
number of employees are going to insist on the abo-
lition of these letters. A lot of people do not share the
idea of the abolition of labial vowels from all the syl-
lables of a word except the first one. In general terms,
it seems that the battle will be raging” (Ibid).
In other words, there was a struggle not solely
between Moscow and Ashgabat, but inside Ashgab-
at itself. It was connected to different identities and
visions of the future (and not only to tribal identi-
ty). The Russian scholars were a part of these debates.
It is hard to limit all the participants by their eth-
nic origin. Moreover, the inner social system of the
Turkmen society had its particular influence on the
discussions. For example, Böriýew’s specific status as
the leader of the reform and indigenization of culture
can be associated with his origin from the so-called
“saint’s kin”, relatives of Muhammed (Hoja)9 and his
kinship connections with the leadership of the repub-
lic (i.e., he was a relative of Nedirbay Aýtakow).
Clement simplifies this picture because it is con-
nected to the numerous contradictions and details
that required more indepth study. This simplification
is a reason why Clement did not study the broad top-
ic of the interpretation of “Marxist-Leninist litera-
ture” which was the main impetus behind the debates
of the late 1930s and accusations against Turkmen in
purism. It also led to the absence of Hydyr Derýaýew
in this book. He was the most prominent proponent
of the theory by Nikolay Marr (who, by the way,
was an archeologist, not a linguist). In this work,
Clement substituted Derýaýew who was in a strug-
gle with other Turkmen (Aşirov 2019) with Medine
Bogdanova who was more suitable to demonstrate
the Soviet transformation of Central Asia. Finally, in
the near future an article should be published about
the work on vocabulary in Turkmenistan during the
1930s based on the similar research by Xavier Hallez
(Hallez 2004).
Clement mostly concentrates her attention to the
higher level of decision making, while the situation
on the ground was more controversial. Budgetary is-
9
See (Abashin 2004).
 ANTON IKHSANOV
sues and the differences between official statements
and the grassroots realities were a crucial reason for
the slow pace of the reform (Vasilyev 2016: 170-181).
In his diary, Samoilovich described a number of vil-
lages in the southern regions of the Turkmen SSR.
According to the reports prepared by the local rep-
resentatives of the People’s Commissariat of Educa-
tion, these did not require any maintenance while in
reality the pupils were forced to study without books
in rooms with dirt floors without windows. The edu-
cation was based on the Arabic script and the wom-
en’s clubs existed only on paper.
The budgetary shortfalls affected the education-
al process. One of the teachers ”looks powerless be-
cause according to his statement, there is no support
by the Committee. He explains that the main reason
for nonattendance is the fact that the seasonal work
in the fields is not over yet, it will end by November.
Education is not compulsory.” High level discus-
sions focused on the authorities’ ambitions to create
the Academy of Sciences, while the situation on the
ground was the actual emergency. The local popu-
lation even planned to migrate to Afghanistan (OR
RNB, F. 671, D. 81, Notebooks 18-19).The final crit-
ical comment pertains to chapter four. The focus on
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Abbreviations
IOM - The Institute of Oriental Manuscripts at the Russian
Academy of Sciences.
MAE - The Museum of Anthropology and Ethnography
(Kunstkamera) at the Russian Academy of Sciences.
OR RNB - The Department of Manuscripts of the National
Library of Russia.
RGIA - The Russian State Historical Archive.
TsGA SPb - The Central State Archive of the City of St.-
Petersburg.
Turkmen SSR - Turkmenistan Soviet Socialist Republic.
 RUSLAN MURADOV

SHAH-I-ZINDA: A THOUSAND-YEAR LIFE OF A SHRINE

The oldest shrine in Samarkand, the Shah-i-Zinda, is a small complex of burial sites displaying classical
Islamic architecture. Not a single collection of sites in the entirety of the Central Asian region and neighboring
countries has received such scientific interest nor such rich literary attention. This article is devoted to the
analysis of the new book by Dr. Nina Nemtseva about this unique archaeological site. Her monograph under
consideration is the result of several decades of archaeological and architectural research carried out by
the author and recreates a comprehensive biography of the monument. Shakh-i-Zinda, now for the first
time, is presented as a complex, multifaceted phenomenon from the medieval culture of Central Asia shown
against the backdrop of the history of the region with its political and socioeconomic changes. N.B. Nemtseva
carefully follows the stages of structural development, monumental spatial forms, decor, as well as many
other aspects of the spiritual and material culture of Maverannahr and its neighboring historical regions over
the past millennium. She identifies several historical, cultural, and chronological stages in the functioning of
the Shakh-i-Zinda complex, whose zenith occurred during the era of the Karakhanids (11th-12th centuries)
and Timurids (14th-15th centuries), when Samarkand twice acquired the status as the capitals of these
empires. These periods were the most active in the ensemble’s construction and associated with the state and
socioeconomic stability of the two empires.

Key words: Samarkand, N. B. Nemtseva, shrine, mashhad, madrasah, Karakhanid architecture, Timurid
architecture.
Citation: Ruslan Muradov (2020) Shah-i-Zinda: A Thousand-year Life of a Shrine, Bulletin of IICAS, 29,
137-146, DOI: 10.34920/1694-5794-2020-18
Article link: https://doi.org/10.34920/1694-5794-2020-18

T
HE POMP of the imperial style of gigantic
structures expressing political ambitions and
the megalomania of its ruler is perhaps the
most characteristic feature of Timur’s architecture. As
already noted by many researchers, his striving for the
colossal was fueled by the peculiarities of the Mon-
gol onslaught: “moderate and clear harmony, based
on the coherence and balance of all components of
the composition, was broken. The next generation
after Timur softened the extremes and returned to
proportionality” (Mozzati 2009: 189). However, even
during the great conqueror’s life, in addition to giant
palaces, mosques and pretentious mausoleums, some
traditional type tombs were also built whose distinc-
tive feature was its noble simplicity of form and an
exquisite taste in the use of color. They were relative-
ly small and were intended for Timur’s inner circle.
The best examples have been preserved in the Shah-
i-Zinda necropolis which is the most famous shrine
of Samarkand and is only indirectly connected with
Timur. Most of its famous patrons were the Timurid
princesses, wives, and sisters of the ruler, who built
their own family tombs around the mashhad (shrine)
of Ḳut̲h̲am b. al-ʿAbbās (Arabic: )–a
cousin of the Prophet Muhammad. More than twen-
ty mausoleums and mosques from different periods
have survived at the surface level of the necropolis.
The results of archaeological excavations have estab-
lished that there were approximately fifty buildings of
this type on the site.
The portals of the Shah-i-Zinda mausoleums
make an indelible impression with their splendor and
variety of ornamentation. They represent a colorful
repertoire of skillful and undoubtedly expensive tech-
niques.
Painted majolica tiles, carved glazed terracotta,
and sets of fine kashin mosaics are combined with
exquisite Arabic and Persian calligraphy inscriptions
intertwined into whimsical floral and geometric pat-
terns in which elegiac verses are often found along-
side Quranic texts. The precious decorations of each
mausoleum have their own unique character. The
mausoleums’ entrance facades are visual examples of
imperial ornamentation, but the inner walls, which
were not designed for viewing, and, instead, were left
as modest brickwork with figurative details typical for
the architecture of the pre-Mongol period. This testi-
fies to the fact that the “old style” was not completely
forgotten, but rather pushed into a corner (Chmelniz-
kij 2000: 422).

137
 Shah-i-Zinda, like a bridge spanning from
pre-Mongol Afrasiyab to Timurid Samarkand, con-
nects different eras of the city’s history. Along the
length of only about 200 meters on the southern slope
of the legendary settlement is found such immense
archaeological and architectural material that it can
hardly be contained in only one book. Nevertheless,
such a book truly exists. It represents the results of
several decades of hard work by Nina Borisovna
Nemtseva and her fellow archaeologists and archi-
tects. This is the seventh book devoted to the larg-
est architectural ensemble of the entire region. It was
prepared within the framework of the international
project The History of Central Asian Architecture ini-
tiated by IICAS.1
The first book was a collective monograph edited
by Dr. Pulat Zakhidov. It was published as the second
volume of the series Architecture of Uzbekistan (Tash-
kent, 1970). In particular, it contains a large article by
N. B. Nemtseva, summarizing the results of the first
decade of her excavations at Shah-i-Zinda. The his-
tory of that ensemble and the historical topography
of southern Afrasiab became the topic of her disser-
tation for the Candidate of Sciences degree she de-
fended in 1972. Then, a monographic historical and
architectural essay appeared written together with the
architect Judith Zelikovna Schwab. These two wom-
en studied Shah-i-Zinda for many years together
(Nemtseva, Schwab 1979). Twelve years later, another
dissertation from Harvard University appeared with
the poetic title Beyond the Architecture of Death: The
Shah-i-Zinda Shrine in Samarkand (Marefat 1991). Its
author, Roya Marefat, a graduate student of Prof. Oleg
Grabar and Prof. Renata Holod, began with a review
of the city’s history which focused on the Shah-i-Zin-
da shrine. It combined archaeological evidence (in
particular, she was advised by N. B. Nemtseva) and
primary sources on the epigraphy of the buildings.
That dissertation, although never published as a sep-
arate book, has long been digitized and available on
the Internet. It illuminates the nature of Islamic burial
architecture with an emphasis on the features of fe-
male patronage in the 14th and 15th centuries.
The luxurious book of the French specialists in
oriental and Islamic art, The Tombs of Paradise: Shah-
i-Zinda in Samarkand and the Architectural Ceramics
of Central Asia (Soustiel, Porter, Lesieur 2003), has a
different focus. As the title itself suggests, Jean Soust-
iel and Yves Porter devoted their work to the pure-
ly artistic aspects of the facade and interior decor of
the complex, presented in detail by the magnificent
1
Nemtseva, N. B. (2019). Ansambl’ Shahi-Zinda. Istoria –
Arheologia – Arhitektura (The Shah-i-Zinda Ensemble: History,
Archeology, Architecture. 11th–21st centuries). Executive editor
E.V. Rtveladze. Samarkand, IICAS Publ. 310 pp. (in Russian).
138
photographs of Antoine Lesieur. And again, 12 years
later (what an amazing periodicity!), the monumen-
tal anthology under the title Shah-i-Zinda was pub-
lished in the multivolume series Architectural Epigra-
phy of Uzbekistan (Babajanov, Rakhimov 2015).2 As a
result, taking into account the colorful photo album
with popular scientific text (Nemtseva 1987), there
are now currently seven books covering this one par-
ticular site. Stated more precisely they survey a small
conglomerate of sites of classical Islamic architecture.
Not a single complex of monuments in the entire
Central Asian region and neighboring countries has
received such interest nor been so richly portrayed in
literature. Furthermore, the fact is obvious that doz-
ens of scientific articles by different authors in dif-
ferent languages ​​are devoted to the complex and few
survey books, textbooks, or albums on the art and
architecture of Islam, wherever they are published, do
without descriptions, references, and photographs of
Shah-i-Zinda.
The Karakhanid objects in this section of Afrasiab
were briefly but thoroughly described by Thomas
Leisten in his monograph on the burial architecture of
the Islamic world (Leisten 1998: 249-252). The most
convenient English language catalogue of Timurid
objects of the complex is presented in the two-vol-
ume book by Lisa Golombek and Donald Wilber,
based on the analysis of numerous Russian sources
including the works of N.B. Nemtseva (Golombek,
Wilber 1988: I – 233-252; II – pl. I-IV, 17-59, fig. 14-
23). In addition to several reprints in Russian, Uzbek,
and English of a short architectural guide, which
Nemtseva prepared jointly with J.Z. Schwab, there
are many other Russian language texts about Shah-
i-Zinda (Zasypkin 1948: 78-88; Pugachenkova 1968:
31-60; 1983: 167-189, 387-390; Starodub-Yenikeyeva
2004: 332-345, etc.), which reflect different stages in
the study of the complex.
Over the past 55 years, since the first publication of
the results of excavations under the leadership of N.B.
Nemtseva in the “western corridor” of Shah-i-Zinda
until the appearance of the final monograph; 25 sci-
entific works devoted to various aspects of the study
of the complex came from her pen alone. This does
not include her reports at conferences, popular sci-
entific articles, and brochures. During her long field
2
The work actually includes the article by V. A. Shishkin
Inscriptions in the Shah-i-Zinda Ensemble, published
posthumously in the aforementioned collection Architecture of
Uzbekistan (Tashkent, 1970) and reprinted as an appendix to
the new book by N. B. Nemtseva. Although B. Babajanov and K.
Rakhimov used the readings of V. A. Shishkin, carried out with
the help of A. Nosirov, they note that his readings are incomplete,
which he himself warned about in his article, and in some of
them there were omissions and errors which are now corrected
(Babajanov, Rakhimov 2015: 19).
 RUSLAN MURADOV
practice, she explored several other important sites
which became the subjects of her deep and complex
analysis. This was reflected in more than one hundred
publications, among which two of her monographs
stand out: The Khanqah of Saif ad-Din al-Bokharzi in
Bukhara (2003) and Rabat-i Malik (2009), which was
a detailed study of the Karakhanid steppe residence
near the modern city of Navoiy (Muradov 2015). In
fact, through her scientific publications, N.B. Nemt-
seva strengthened the foundations of architectural
archeology in Central Asia whose foundation was
laid by her teachers Michael Masson and Galina
Pugachenkova. A special role in her development as
a scholar was played by Boris Zasypkin (1891–1955),
under whose leadership she began her professional
work in the early 1950s.
Returning to the new work of N. B. Nemtseva, it
should not be perceived as an expanded and supple-
mented reprint of her 1979 monograph. Both in struc-
ture and in content, this is a completely new work. Of
course, it absorbed some fragments of the first book
and the materials that were accumulated by the au-
thor over the subsequent 40 years, but conceptually
it is constructed differently. In the new book, for the
first time ever, Shah-i-Zinda appears as a complex,
multifaceted phenomenon in the medieval culture of
Central Asia and shown against the backdrop of the
139
region’s history with its political and socioeconomic
changes. As the executive editor of the monograph,
Academician E. V. Rtveladze noted in his foreword
to the book, “The third book by N. B. Nemtseva dif-
fers from the previous ones taking a broader view. It
analyzes many issues of stratigraphy, historical topog-
raphy, and water useage in the south-eastern part of
Afrasiab.”
The result of the archaeological and architectural
research carried out by the author involved the recon-
struction of a comprehensive biography of the monu-
ment. N. B. Nemtseva carefully followed the stages of
development of the structures, their volumetric-spa-
tial forms, the decor, as well as many other aspects
of the spiritual and material culture of Transoxania
and its adjacent historical regions over the past mil-
lennium. She identified several historical, cultural
and chronological stages in the functioning of the
Shah-i-Zinda complex, predominately related to the
era of the Karakhanids (11th–12th centuries) and the
Timurid dynasty (14th–15th centuries), when Samar-
kand acquired its status as a capital twice. Those were
the periods of most active construction in the archi-
tectural ensemble that was associated with the state
and socioeconomic stability of the two empires.
In the Introduction (pp. 8-15), the author gives a
general description of the complex and provides a
schematic plan showing all the sites and features on
both sides of the “street” along which the mausole-
ums are built. Then follows the section under the title
Written Data and History of Study (pp. 15–29), which
contains, perhaps, all the comprehensive information
about the sources associated with the place starting
from the waqf (also known as hubous) of the 11th
century which will be discussed below. All identified
references to the mashhad (shrine) of Kutham and
Shah-i-Zinda in the historical documents are noted.
The chronology of descriptions and studies of the en-
semble as well as all restoration works begun from the
middle of the 19th century before its radical improve-
ment in 2005 to 2007 is also traced.
The following introductory sections Stratigraphy
and Historical Topography of the South of the Afrasiab
Settlement (pp. 29–32) and Water Supply of the Shah-
i-Zinda Complex (pp. 32–49) are based on the materi-
als of the historical and topographical study of the site
and the written data that were not taken into account
earlier. In particular, the fragment of the message
of Ibn Battuta, which mentions the channel flowing
near the Mashhad of Kutham is included. Its stream-
bed was revealed during excavations in the 1960s. As
noted by N. B. Nemtseva in her monograph co-au-
thored with J. Z. Schwab, an incorrect assumption
was made that the channel towards Shah-i-Zinda, as
well as throughout Afrasiyab, ceased to function after
the destruction of its main tributary, the Joui-Arzis,
by the Mongols in the 13th century. But was it real-
ly destroyed, and if so, to what extent? Raising that
question, the author emphasizes that the water sup-
ply along the old channel could be quickly restored
in the 13th century since there was simply no other
source of water in the area. The topic of the Shah-i-
Zinda water supply throughout the Middle Ages was
first mentioned by Nemtseva even earlier (Nemtseva
2006) but in her new book she summarizes all the
data known to date. It should be added that the issues
related to the water supply of the Afrasiyab plateau
are also analyzed in light of the Uzbek-French archae-
ological expedition (MAFOUZ-Sogdiane) and still
remain the subject of discussion by its participants.
The last section of the Introduction, The Southern
Gates of Samarkand in the 10th–12th Centuries (pp.
49–56) shows the stratigraphic complexity involved
in clarifying the topography of that part of the city. As
in her separate publication on this topic (Nemtseva
2012), the author emphasizes that the question of the
fortress wall’s gates of Afrasiab being located on the
axis of the Shah-i-Zinda ensemble, which supposed-
ly connected the shrine with the rabat, was not even
raised in the early 1950s. At that stage of the study
of the monument, a different idea was popular. One
publication after another (Galina Pugachenkova, La-
zar Rempel, Boris Zasypkin, Vera Bulatova) assumed
that the Mongols destroyed the fortress wall and the
Shah-i-Zinda complex of the 11th to 12th centuries
when conquering the city. However, Ibn Battuta’s tes-
timony, cited by Nemtseva, refutes that well accepted
opinion. Only by the 1970s, after the archaeological
excavations carried out by that time, did a gener-
al picture emerge of the stages of the Shah-i-Zinda
complex formation and of the stratigraphy of south-
ern Afrasiab. Nemtseva shows the inconsistency of
modern ideas about the existence of some “new”
gates on the site of the 15th century portal in front
of the entrance to the Shah-i-Zinda and brings clar-
ity regarding the Iron Gates, also known as the Kesh
Gates, which are located in the area of the ​​ present
Khazret-Khyzr mosque.
The book consists of four chapters, each of which
is devoted to certain historical, cultural and chrono-
logical stages of the functioning of Shah-i-Zinda. At
first, these were the periods of the most active con-
struction activities at the shrine, associated with the
state power and socioeconomic stability of the two
large empires of Central Asia. That was followed by a
period of stagnation and loss of interest in the Samar-
kand shrines on the part of the new ruling dynasties
who settled in Bukhara.
The first chapter (pp. 57–154) is devoted to the
most difficult stage of study which falls during the
Karakhanids era which ruled in the 11th and 12th
centuries. This occurred when Samarkand became the
140
capital of the Western Turkic Khaganate and when,
in fact, Shah-i-Zinda began. Nemtseva describes the
ideological surroundings against which the shrine
was created and still functions not only as a treasury
of the construction art and artistic culture of Tran-
soxania, but also as an important factor in the spiritu-
al life of modern Muslims. The earliest architectural
and ideological basis of Shah-i-Zinda – the mashhad
of Kutham with an imaginary grave of a shahid (the
Ḳut̲h̲am b. al-ʿAbbās complex in the north-eastern
part of the architectural ensemble) arose at the be-
ginning of the 11th century. The appearance of that
shrine three and a half centuries after the death of the
eponym was caused by nothing more than the need
of the recent nomads – the Turkic Karakhanids who
conquered Transoxania – to legitimize their power
in the conquered lands. They achieved their goal not
only by adopting Islam, but also by accepting a stable
local tradition of pagan origin.
As is known, the famous Samarkand toponyms
Afrasiab and Shah-i-Zinda are, first of all, based on
two characters from Iranian-Turkic mythology asso-
ciated with the idea of eternal
​​ life. Afrasiab, a hero,
progenitor, king of the Turkic peoples, made sacrifices
to the goddess of water and fertility, Aredvi Sura Ana-
hita, hoping in vain that she would give him immor-
tality (Basilov 1990: 76). Shah-i-Zinda, which means
“The Living King,” according to local legends is iden-
tified as Ḳut̲h̲am b. al-ʿAbbās, who did not die during
prayer at the hands of pagans, but miraculously dis-
appeared through the mihrab (or the rock). Accord-
ing to other versions, he took in hands his own sev-
ered head and went down into the well (or the cave),
where he still lives. Analyzing the mythologeme of
“The Living King” in connection with the mashhad
of Kutham, other researchers (Rakhimov, Terletskiy
2006) draw attention to another well-known shrine –
the Chashma-Ayub Mausoleum in Bukhara. That cult
complex, which developed starting in the 14th cen-
tury until the 16th century, includes the imaginary
tomb of Ayub, a Quranic character, a prophet who
corresponds with the biblical Job; as well as a sacred
wellhead (chashma / bulak) with fresh water, appar-
ently a natural spring. That water is believed to have
healing properties (Babajanov, Muminov, Nekrasova
1998).
The aforementioned example, which is almost di-
rectly a personification of healing water, sheds some
light on what R.R. Rakhimov and N.S. Terletskiy hy-
pothesized about the origin of the name for the Shah-
i-Zinda complex. Indirect evidence seems to link the
residents of Samarkand with the subterranean wa-
ter source that existed between the well at the small
mosque Khazret-Khyzr on the site of the Kesh Gates
of Afrasiab and Shah-i-Zinda. Indeed, Khazret-Khyzr
(also known as al-Khadir) is a character in Islamic
 RUSLAN MURADOV
mythology associated with the spirit of the waters as
a source of global fertility and purification, as well as
with immortality (Piotrovsky 1988). Other authors
note the syncretic nature of the figures of Kutham
and Khyzr found in later legends. (Bosworth 1986:
551; Leisten 1998: 249). It seems hardly coincidental
that a bath was erected next to the well at Shah-i-Zin-
da which was built on Timur’s order for his own use.
Such a hypothesis is affirmed by scholars. Perhaps, the
construction of that bath for Timur was inspired by
the legend of Alexander the Great bathing in a source
of living water providing him with worldwide fame
and greatness. In a similar way, the legend of Ḳut̲h̲am
b. al-ʿAbbās causes some experts to see a connection
with the legend of the “Headless Horseman.”
Kutham’s legends also associate him with the Cen-
tral Asian New Year, known as Nowrus, in which he
is attributed with elements from the ancient Iranian
heroes, primarily Siavash (Avestan Syāvaršan), as
well as the Muslim Khyzr (Rempel 1972: 43-47). To
understand the origin of the name Shah-i-Zinda, one
should consider this as a phenomenon of the re-my-
thologization of places of worship in combination
with the Tajik word for well, which is “chokh.” On that
basis, one hypothesis speculates that Shah-i-Zinda
comes from the assonant name Chokhi-Zinda, which
literally means “living well” or a “well of living wa-
ter.” (Rakhimov, Terletskiy 2006: 179-180). Of course,
every legend carries traces of beliefs and myths from
deep antiquity; therefore, one cannot dismiss them as
purely folklore. On the contrary, a thoughtful analysis
of such sources can significantly expand a basis of fact
for researchers.
According to The Smaller Kandiya,3 the actual
grave of Ḳut̲h̲am b. al-ʿAbbās was in the 7th centu-
ry Arab cemetery known as Banu-Nahiyah located
at the southern gates of Samarkand (Vyatkin 1906:
260-262). Apparently, by the 11th century this site no
longer met the size needed for the established funer-
al rite (ziyarat) and the requirements of the time. It
is known that the graves of the first Muslims in the
3
Imam Abu-l-Fazl Muhammad b. Abdaljalil b. Abdalmalik
‘Ali b. Khaidar as-Samarkandi (12th century) wrote a short
Persian version of a larger Arabic book of Abu Halfs an-Nasafi
as-Samarkandi (d. 1142/1143) entitled Kitab al-kand fi tarikh-I
Samarkand (The Candy book of the History of Samarkand). This
large Kandiya did not survive. There are six copies of The Smaller
Kandiya in the Collection of the Oriental Manuscripts of the
Academy of Sciences of the Republic of Uzbekistan (Tashkent).
The content of The Smaller Kandiya is quite varied, but its main
focus is devoted to the description of the mazars (tombs) of saints
and the rules for performing prayers at them. At the same time,
however, information is given about the founding of the city of
Samarkand; its conquest by the Arabs; anti-Islamic uprisings of
the inhabitants; details on irrigation; the inhabitants of the cities;
and biographical sketches about different persons, etc. Most of
the information is considered legend.
141
early stages were unmarked. In the 7th century an
earthen mound was constructed with a pole placed
at the head. The more the earthen mound eroded,
the more holiness the tomb acquired. The mashhad
of Kutham with its imaginary grave of an important
person in the history of Islam constituted a group for
the initial construction which was a functional and
interconnected location for the tomb of Kutham that
included the gurkhana (the burial vault) and ziyarat-
khana (mausoleum), as well as a mosque, minaret,
chillahana (prayer cell) for the forty-day seclusion of
khalwa, a main emphasis in Sufism which includes
the ceremonial rite of worshipping at holy places.
As excavations have demonstrated, during the
11th and 12th centuries the aristocratic necropolis
of the Karakhanids which includes richly decorated
tombs was constructed at the shrine. Simultaneous-
ly, in connection with the spread of the Sufism and
the revival of the cult of saints, sacred complexes
or individual mausoleums at the “holy graves,” in-
cluding mashhads (shrines), became widespread in
Muslim countries. Nemtseva conducted several stud-
ies of these shrines, clarifying their definition from
different eras and in different regions of the Muslim
world (Nemtseva 2008a). She paid much attention
to a detailed descriptions of the architecture of the
mashhad of Kutham both in a separate article (Nemt-
seva 2008b) and in the monograph currently under
review. Carved wooden structures from the 11th
century preserved in situ are examined in detail by
Nemtseva (such as a corbel and frieze). The finest of
design and exquisite in execution, the carvings from
Shah-i-Zinda, with all their originality in the motifs,
allow us to speak about the stylistic relationship of
wood carving from pre-Mongolian Samarkand with
the wood carving in Upper Zarafshan (locations such
as Isfara, Chorku, Obburdon, Urmitan). Such exam-
ples do not go beyond Central Transoxania.
Much attention in the book is paid to the mauso-
leum of the Prince Kutham, which survived two con-
struction periods in the 11th and 14th centuries. The
general assessment of the composition, typology, and
style of the mashhad of Kutham is given. It is diffi-
cult to disagree with Nemtseva’s opinion that that it is
“one of the most sophisticated, multi-layered, and in-
tricate architectural complexes of Central Asia, and it
is not surprising that there are still many unresolved
problems in its history and structure” (Chmelnizkij
1996: 165). Meanwhile, significant insight is provided
by Nemtseva and future researchers will gain much
from a careful reading of her monograph.
Remains of walls uncovered by excavations and a
collection of architectural decor of the 11th and 12th
centuries from the Shah-i-Zinda complex allowed
the author to formulate her judgments about the ar-
chitecture of pre-Mongolian Samarkand. This is also
true in discerning the specificity and local features
in accordance with the general development of the
architecture of Transoxania from that era. The book
provides significant detail concerning the facades and
whole blocks of decor made of carved, rough terra-
cotta in various shapes (flat, curved, oval, sub-trian-
gular) and the comparisons allow one to imagine the
external appearance of the now destroyed or eroded
buildings of the Shah-i-Zinda complex during the
Karakhanid period. The last of the excavated mauso-
leums from that time period were the ruins of a mau-
soleum discovered in 2004 which Nemtseva identifies
with the tomb of Lachin-bek. He is mentioned in a
waqf of the 13th century. An unusual feature of that
building is the antechamber of a narrow vestibule that
protrudes into the mausoleum’s interior. After the
Karakhanid dynasty exited the political arena at the
beginning of the 13th century, their necropolis began
to collapse and during the construction of new tombs
in the Timurid period they were dismantled and the
spolia was used for mausoleums of the 14th and 15th
centuries.
One of the most controversial results from the ar-
chaeological research at Shah-i-Zinda involved Nemt-
seva’s discovery of the walls and foundations from the
Karakhanid period on the western side of the upper
section of the site. Nemtseva confidently connected
them with the remains of the Hanafi madrasah which
in 1066 was ordered to be built near the mashhad of
Kutham by the second supreme ruler from the dynas-
ty of the great Khagans of the Western Karakhanid
Khaganate, Ibrahim ibn Nasr Tamghach Bugra Khan
also known as Böritigin. It is also identified with the
Kuthamiya madrasah, which the Khwarezmian au-
thor Nasir ibn Abduseyid mentioned at the end of the
12th century (Volin 1940: 69-70). This site is located
behind the partially preserved portal of the “Anony-
mous 2” mausoleum (dated to the 1390s) which has
now been completely reconstructed. It also included
the cross-shaped crypt of the 15th century adjoining
it from the west along with a group of features from
the north which contains a section of a crypt dating
to the 16th century, a crypt from the mausoleum of
the 16th or 17th century, the mausoleum of Emir Bu-
runduk (also 1390s) and a section of the Tuman-aka
mosque (1405–1406).
Nemtseva presented her findings in three ear-
lier publications (Nemtseva 1970; 1974; Nemtseva,
Schwab 1979), which brought severe criticism from
Sergey Chmelnizkij. He did not accept the present-
ed evidence and denied that the excavated ruins dat-
ing to the 11th century belonged to the Tamghach
Bugra Khan madrasah described in written sources.
He believed that the revealed architectural remains
could not belong to this integral, unique building
and in reality represented traces of various buildings
142
from the pre-Mongol period (Chmelnizkij 1993). A
public controversy ensued between the two scholars
(Nemtseva 1996; Chmelnizkij 1999). The scholar of
Arabian history, Oleg Bolshakov initially located the
Bugra Khan madrasah as being near the al-Naubahar
gates, which, in his opinion, were also called the “Iron
Gates” and were to be found in the western part of
Afrasiyab (Bolshakov 1971: 172, notes 13; 174; 1973:
221, 225, 229). The same view was shared by Chmel-
nizkij. But other researchers have proven that the
Bugra Khan madrasah was located in the southern
part of Afrasiab, near the Kesh, or Iron Gates (Nemt-
seva 1974: 127-130; Buryakov, Tashkhojayev 1975: 16,
note 28; Shishkina 1975: 23, 25-26, 40-41; Davidovich
1978: 114). Western researchers have also supported
Nemtseva’s hypothesis (Haase 1997, Leisten 1998).
Obviously, further excavations of the site adja-
cent to the specified group on the western side of the
Shah-i-Zinda mausoleums and now partially occu-
pied by a later cemetery could bring final clarity, but
this seems unfeasible in the foreseeable future. An in
depth analysis of the 11th century waqf that has come
down to us from the Kutham madrasah is still pos-
sible. That docuement testifies to the important role
of the mashhad of Kutham in the ideology and pol-
itics of the Karakhanids. Although the original text
and translation of this tremendously important and
rare thousand-year-old manuscript has been pub-
lished several times,4 no serious attempts have been
made to correlate its data with the cultural material
revealed in the Shah-i-Zinda complex until recently.
Nina Nemtseva was actually the very first person to
do so rather convincingly.
Most of the Central Asian and Iranian madrasahs
are laid out according to the iwan-courtyard type of
building whose genesis can be traced at least from the
Parthian period. In the Middle Ages, their composi-
tion enhanced the inclusion of perimeter buildings
and corner premises (e.g. auditoriums or a mosque)
and became the universal pattern of construction
of various functions. Nemtseva considers the Kuth-
amiya madrasah, constructed in the 11th century, as
the typological forerunner in the development of the
Transoxanian madrasahs of the 14th through 17th
centuries. The architectural type of synchronous ma-
drasahs in the Middle and the Near East (as found in
Khargerd, Shahr-e Rey, and Baghdad) took their de-
sign in accordance with some different architechtural
standards. In the 1220s, all power in the region passed
into the hands of the Mongol-shamanists, creating a
pause of more than a century in the development of
Shah-i-Zinda. The conquests also, to some extent,
lowered the status of Islam. But even at that time, the
4
The most accurate and carefully verified Russian translation was
made by Kamoliddin, et. al. in 2012.
 RUSLAN MURADOV
Muslim shrine remained an important religious and
cultic center. It is possible that the mashhad of Kuth-
am was restored under the patronage of Chagatai,
the second son of Genghis Khan, or one of his family
members as early as the middle of the 13th century
(Haase 1997: 218-219). According to the testimony of
Ibn Battuta, the suburban shrine at this stage was reg-
ularly visited not only by the people from Samarkand,
but also by Mongols themselves who also came with
generous donations.
The second chapter of the book under review (pp.
155–223) describes the main section of the Shah-i-
Zinda architectural ensemble which arose under
Timur and with construction beginning in the 1370s
and lasting until the first years of the 15th century.
But that brilliant period was preceded by the con-
struction of two earlier mausoleums, that of Khoja
Akhmad (1340s) and an anonymous female mausole-
um of 1360 or 1361. Legends attribute this latter grave
to one of Timur’s wives, Kutlug-aka. In total, it was
during the life of the great conqueror, that eight of
the most well-preserved mausoleums and a number
of destroyed ones were erected. These were revealed
during excavations. Basically, they are single-cham-
bered tombs, not overwhelmingly large in mass or
scale, unlike other monuments of Timurid Samar-
kand. On the contrary, the components of this 14th
century ensemble are secluded and graceful. Their
effect, as the author notes, is in harmony and propor-
tionality to the scale, as well as in a consistent poly-
chrome palette of facades that make up the ensemble’s
panorama.
Nemtseva’s third chapter (pp. 224–257) is devoted
to Shah-i-Zinda under Ulugh Beg, who ruled from
1409 to 1449. At that time, the so-called “lower group”
of buildings appeared in the collection along the outer
slope of the Afrasiab settlement. This included an en-
trance portal, a darvazakhana (gatehouse), a mosque,
and a bath for winter ablutions that were excavated in
2004 (Nasreddinov 2006). The renovations of Shah-i-
Zinda was part of Ulugh Beg’s state program related
to his construction of an observatory on the Kukhak
(whose modern name is Chupan-ata) northeast of
Afrasiab. For the first time, two entrances appeared
in the Shah-i-Zinda – the old western one used for
ordinary pilgrims extending from Timurid Samar-
kand through the former Kesh or Iron Gates; and the
southern one, with a monumental portal constructed
in 1434/35 which led from the country road leading
to the observatory. This road was used for a solemn
ziyarat or pilgrimage of the ruler with his retinue to
the mashhad of Kutham.
Many publications have described the existing ar-
chitectural ensemble which dates from the 14th and
15th centuries as a masterpiece of Central Asian me-
dieval architecture. It represents an important page in
143
the history of culture and ornamental architecture of
Samarkand in particular and Transoxania in gener-
al. The royal tombs of Shah-i-Zinda are the highest
order of rich architectural and artistic design. The
best local and foreign craftsmen – the latter of whom
Timur brought to his capital as a part of his conquests
– were involved its construction. Some of their names
are engraved on the main facades and included in the
complex ornamental patterns. However, most of the
huge army of engineers, architects, epigraphists, and
designers who created the masterpiece remain anon-
ymous.
“Shah-i-Zinda of the 14th to 15th centuries,”
writes Nemtseva, “is a kind of living encyclopedia, in
which, through its consistent development, presents
monumental architecture of not only Samarkand, but
also the entirety of Central Transoxania where the Sa-
markand school of architects set the tone. There is no
equal architectural site on such a huge scale or with
such historical and cultural significance that reveals
the construction details, aesthetic priorities, tradi-
tions, and cultural innovations of the region across
the centuries in Central Asia.” She emphasizes that
the primary advantage of the ensemble is found in
its artistic appearance, its extraordinary variety of
design and applique techniques, and in the diversity
of its geometric and epigraphic patterns. In Shah-i-
Zinda, the applique materials changed, transformed
and combined over a short period of time. In the
mausoleums of the 14th and 15th centuries all known
types of painted majolica, carved glazed terracotta,
inlaid kashin and brick mosaics, multicolored paint-
ings on ganch carving with a large amount of gild-
ing, ganch carving and ceramic pillars, draped engi-
neering structures that are transitions into the dome,
pandjara lattices with openwork patterns and colored
glass inserts are all present. All those elements and
structures give an extraordinary charm to the Timu-
rid ensemble. Finally, experts agree that Shah-i-Zin-
da’s monumental calligraphy remains unique among
all surviving architectural ensembles of the Islamic
world in terms of its richness and diversity. Ten differ-
ent types of stylized calligraphy have been identified.
In addition, if one takes into account their individual
variations, in which the synthesis of various styles is
obvious, then the number increases significantly (Ba-
bajanov, Rakhimov 2015: 536).
In the course of only one century – from the mid-
dle of the fourteenth to the middle of the fifteenth
century – Shah-i-Zinda clearly demonstrates the evo-
lution of the structural and architectural composition
of a single-chambered tomb. The early mausoleums
of the 14th century had squat proportions, single-lay-
er domes, small foundations, no basement and a
structural connection between the surface and the
crypt. Shortly thereafter, around the turn of the 14th–
15th centuries other vertical dimensions were al-
ready appearing. The tombs were extended by double
domes mounted on a faceted or cylindrical pedestal
or tholobate. This particular construction technique
is found especially in the Tuman-aka mausoleums in
the northern part of Shah-i-Zinda and in the tomb
of the ‘Mother of the Sultan’ in the southern part.
Here powerful buttresses holding the helmet-shaped
domes are hidden by high pedestals. This technique
increased the height of the 15th century mausoleums
by almost three times (from 8 cm to 24 m) in compar-
ison with the tombs of the 14th century.
The nature of the crypts also changed and, with
it, therefore, the funeral cult in the royal court envi-
ronment changed as well. In the early crypts of the
14th century all burials were made on top of the floor
and the entrance corridor was then walled up. In the
crypts at the turn of the 14th to 15th centuries and,
especially in the 15th century, the burials were placed
under the floor into the ground (for instance, in the
mausoleum of the Mother of the Sultan and in the
15th century crypt behind the Anonymous 2 mauso-
leum). This change enabled the site to be visited re-
peatedly, thus combining the funerary and memorial
rites. This feature is also seen in the crypts of other
mausoleums in Samarkand dating back to the 15th
century, where, in addition to the entrance corridor
for the burial, there are separate stepped descents
into the underground gurkhana (e.g. Gur-i Amir, Ak
Saray, Bibi Khanym, Ishrat Khana mausoleums) al-
lowing for subsequent visits to the tomb.
In the final chapter, Shah-i-Zinda in the 16th–19th
Centuries (pp. 258–275) Nemtseva describes the life
of the site following the collapse of the Timurid state.
It deals with the so-called dakhmas – a new type of
burial structure that no longer resembled the por-
tal-domed masterpieces of the bygone era. Austere
wooden “sarcophagi” appeared at that time which
were simple log structures with short legs. They also
had marble gravestone blocks, completely covered
with carvings with epigraphy in ornamental frames.
These tombs were only located in the “lower court-
yard,” where at the beginning of the 19th century
to the west of the darvazakhana of the Ulugh Beg
era, the small provincial-type madrasah of Davlet
Kushbegi appeared. To the east, at the beginning of
the 20th century, a summer mosque was built in the
144
iwan style on wooden columns with a painted ceiling,
friezes and ganch carved walls.
Over the course of its existence, the Shah-i-Zin-
da ensemble was rebuilt many times, but the initial
general layout, based on the urban plan of southern
Samarkand (a channel with a street perpendicular to
the channel) remained unchanged. The final recon-
struction of the complex took place before our very
eyes and somewhat changed the usual structure of the
ensemble that had existed for hundreds of years in the
form of a narrow corridor along the road of the 9th
and 10th centuries. While making it more convenient
for the flow of modern tourists, at the same time it
destroyed, together with the various sections of the
Karakhanid walls, the elusive aura of its authenticity.
At one point, Nina Nemtseva expressed significant
criticism about the practical reconstruction of a num-
ber of the Shah-i-Zinda objects that took place be-
tween 2004 to 2007; but the scholar’s lone voice could
not influence the result that we have today. Sadly, the
restoration actually swallowed up many of the medi-
eval ruins and made the authenticity of a number of
areas with glazed cladding questionable.
This reality severely contradicts the restoration
principles proclaimed by the Venice Charter for the
Conservation and Restoration of Monuments and
Sites. However, at the level of Uzbekistan national
legislation with regard to the protection of histori-
cal monuments, there is no contradiction. Moreover,
the excessive reconstruction of Shah-i-Zinda has not
caused condemnation at all by the local society, but,
on the contrary, is perceived as a manifestation of the
care and attention provided by the modern state to
the living shrine.
In a slight paraphrase of Mircea Eliade: an archi-
tectural historian is used to finding his or her prob-
lems, as well as the means to solve them, not in the
texts of one’s predecessors and colleagues, but in the
objects of research themselves. The more complex
these objects are, the more interesting they are to deal
with. Such words clearly describe Nina Borisovna
Nemtseva’s methodology. She presented to profes-
sional scholars not only the primary sources that she
first introduced into scientific circulation, but also a
number of her comments for the purpose of attract-
ing scholarly attention and to encourage further re-
search.
 RUSLAN MURADOV
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Nemtseva, N. B. (2006). K voporosu o vodosnabzhenii yuga
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istoricheskaja retrisoektiva (The Mashhad of Kutham in
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kolodtsy Tsentralnoy Azii (“Living” Springs and Wells
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Latest News about Shah-i-Zinda), in: Izvestija Uzbek-
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NAMES IN SCIENCE

147
148
 SVETLANA GORSHENINA

GALINA PUGACHENKOVA’S ARCHIVES

IN OPEN ACCESS
This article providers a brief description of the contribution of Academician Galina Anatolyevna Pugachenkova
in the development of the humanities in Uzbekistan and neighbouring Soviet republics. Demonstrating a kind
of universalism for Central Asian studies that was still possible in her time, she covered many themes in the
history of ancient and medieval archaeology and art in Central Asia. Today, whatever the topic, any researcher
will certainly come across the works of Pugachenkova. In an effort to supplement her published works with
unpublished documents, the international observatory Alerte Heritage has created a virtual archive of G. A.
Pugachenkova’s work. This Open Access internet archive was opened on 16 May, 2020 (http://pugachenkova.
net).

Key words: archaeology, art history, history of architecture, digitalization, online resources.

Her Work and the Range of Research monuments, was the analysis of developmental trends
for various types of architectural structures. These

G
ALINA ANATOLYEVNA PUGACHENKO-
VA (1915–2007) is considered as one of the
founders of Ancient and Medieval Archaeol-
ogy and Art History of Central Asia. Being one of the
few women academicians of the Academy of Sciences
of Uzbekistan, she played a leading role in the devel-
opment of Soviet archaeology, history of art and ar-
chitecture of Central Asia. She also made a significant
contribution to the preservation and restoration of
architectural monuments of the region and strove for
the creation of a register of preserved cultural herit-
age sites and promoted their popularity worldwide.
After graduating from the Central Asian Indus-
trial Institute in 1937, G. A. Pugachenkova did not
become an architect, but instead choose to study the
ancient and medieval architecture in Central Asia.
However, many ancient architectural constructions
were only available for study in the context of archae-
ological work. Her meeting with Mikhail Yevgeniev-
ich Masson, who became her future husband, and
whose students and younger colleagues called the
“patriarch of archaeology,” predetermined her desti-
ny. Mastering archaeological science during the ex-
cavations of the South Turkmenistan Archaeological
Complex Expedition (YuTAKE), Pugachenkova, who
later became the head of her architectural unit, main-
tained a major focus on the study of ancient and me-
dieval architecture.
This topic became the basis of her doctoral disser-
tation “The Ways of Development of the Architecture
of Southern Turkmenistan in the Era of Slavery and
Feudalism”. The strength of this work, in addition
to excavating an impressive number of architectural
ranged from palaces and fortresses, to mausoleums
and mosques. She also proposed graphic reconstruc-
tions of the greatest monuments, in particular, the
Parthian complex of Old and New Nisa.
The theme of Timurid architecture, understood in
its broadest sense — from majestic palaces and reli-
gious buildings to legendary gardens — became one
of the most important subjects of her research. She
combined architectural analysis, reconstruction of
the historical context, a symbolic reading of architec-
tural forms and park spaces, with recommendations
for the protection and restoration of sites. Later, she
initiated the work of a group of specialists in publish-
ing several volumes of the “Corpus of Architectural
Monuments of Uzbekistan,” the full publication of
which is still pending.
Her desire to reconstruct the appearance of ar-
chitectural structures — often discovered only frag-
mentarily during archaeological excavations or poor-
ly preserved on the surface — led her to analyse the
medieval book miniatures, which provided a key to
understanding the structures of forgotten architec-
tural forms. Later, the study of numerous collections
of oriental miniatures in various libraries and muse-
ums around the world, and the creation of detailed
catalogues of miniatures preserved in Uzbekistan, al-
lowed her to conclude that there was a special Central
Asian school of painting during the Middle Ages.
Participation in archaeological excavations led her
to study fine art antiquities, including numismatics.
Sensational finds, such as the discovery of Hellenistic
rhytons (conical drinking vessels) and sculptures in
Old Nisa, resulted in a detailed study of iconography.

149
 M.E. Masson (center), G.A. Pugachenkova (right). During expeditionary works of YuTAKE. Detachment No. 7.
Meana, in front of the entrance to the tomb of Abu Said Abu’l Khair, 1949. Folder 272 of Pugachenkova’s Archive
Pugachenkova understood that in order to analyse
these archaeological artifacts, it was necessary to use
the concepts of art history.
Gradually, Pugachenkova determined her re-
searcher’s creed: the study of ancient art using the
methods of archaeology. In 1960, in order to im-
plement this creed, she initiated the Uzbekistan Art
Expedition (UzIsKE), which was mainly focused on
studies of the Hellenistic cultures of the region. In
particular, her discoveries on the sites of Khalchayan
and Dalverzin-tepe, which are the most important
monuments of the Greco-Bactrian and Kushan pe-
riods, allowed her to formulate new theories on the
complex genesis of local cultures. Studying the entire
collection of excavated materials, which included the
remains of architectural structures, coins, jewellery,
sculptures and paintings, gave her the opportunity
to speak about the syncretic nature of these works,
which, having Central Asian roots, absorbed the
trends of various types of Hellenistic culture from
Parthia to Gandhara.
These discoveries were correlated with the main
tasks of Soviet archaeology, which aimed to provide
tangible evidence of the existence of important local
150
civilizations in Central Asia, more or less free from
foreign influence. The official objective was to create
their own national history for each republic, thus, fit-
ting into the modern territorial framework of Soviet
Central Asia. It was in this precise context of Soviet
state-building that Pugachenkova, together with her
closest colleague, a brilliant art historian, Lazar Izrai-
levich Rempel, prepared the History of Art of Uzbek-
istan. This book, which corresponded to the politi-
cal demands of the time, received the Khamza State
Award for the Uzbek SSR, but faced harsh criticism
outside Uzbekistan for its “Uzbek centrality.” Howev-
er, being fully engaged in her research, Pugachenkova
learned to take into account the current situation in
order to receive the financial resources and political
support that was necessary for the advancement of
scientific activity. At the same time, many of her stud-
ies as reflected in the books The Art of Turkmenistan,
The Art of Afghanistan, and The Art of Bactria from the
Kushan Era, went beyond the borders of Uzbekistan.
It seems to me that Pugachenkova’s most important
contribution to science was her ability to summarize
research, synthesising numerous scattered facts into a
single coherent historical picture. Thus, the problem
 SVETLANA GORSHENINA

Merv, a mud-brick building east of Gyaur-kala. Field sketches by G.A. Pugachenkova, 1951.
Folder 256 of Pugachenkova’s Archive

of national borders became explicitly less important.
Pugachenkova, the author of many guidebooks
and anthologies, carried out widescale promotional
work. Demonstrating the universalism that was still
possible in Central Asian studies during her time, she
touched on almost every topic related to the history
of ancient and medieval archaeology and art of the re-
gion. That is why, in order to supplement her printed
works, the Alerte Héritage International Observatory
has created an open access website of her unpublished
and personal documents.
The Archives and
their History
These archives reflect Pugachenkova’s method-
ical and accurate nature, which characterized all of
her research. The various documents relating to each
new topic on which she began to work, schedules
of events, or correspondence with colleagues, were
carefully collected and stored in separate folders in
chronological order. This created a more or less uni-
form archive, resulting in an impressive collection of
342 folders.
These Soviet-style folders, with thick pockets and
tie strings, contain all types of documents that are
associated with the scientific archives of a researcher
working with material artefacts. They include biblio-
graphic extracts, abstracts of publications, sketches,
drawings, watercolours, plans, stratigraphic sections
of excavations, data tables on pottery, drawings, re-
constructions of architectural structures, hand-writ-
ten draft articles, typewritten texts of books (with
the author’s revisions), reviews, correspondence with
publishers, archaeological field diaries, conference
programmes, memos to the Academy of Sciences of
Uzbekistan, business correspondence with research-
ers from many countries of the world, clippings, di-
plomas and award sheets.
Numerous photographs capture both the material
cultural of art, architecture and numismatics of Cen-
tral Asia, as well as the everyday life of archaeological
expeditions, scientific events, or more private, family
scenes. Personal letters, which Pugachenkova herself
grouped together under the general title of “Letters
from the Old Days,” comprise three separate folders.
All the documents of the archive are connected
to the life of Pugachenkova. While the earliest family

151

A page from a typewritten copy of the article
The Artistic Significance of Rhytons from Staraya Nisa
with personal editorial marks by G. А. Pugachenkova.
Folder 128 of Pugachenkova’s Archive
photographs date back to the early 20th century, the
main array of documents date from the early 1940s to
the early 2000s, when Pugachenkova was in the midst
of her professional career. Here, the future researcher
will find documents to reconstruct the chronology of
her life and social environment, and the scientific and
political context of her work.
The geography of the documents covers a large
part of the region which is now called Central Asia.
They range from Iran and Afghanistan to the south-
ern area of the former Soviet Central Asian republics.
The largest number of documents relates to Uzbek-
istan, Turkmenistan and Afghanistan. A small part
of them cover Russia and Western Europe, where
Pugachenkova was a frequent guest at various con-
ferences, or where she was regularly invited to deliver
lectures.
As for the issues covered, they have a wide chron-
ological range – from antiquity to the present. The ar-
chives are as diverse as Pugachenkova’s activity. They
include information on Central Asian medieval min-
iatures, the architecture of Uzbekistan, Turkmenistan
152
and Afghanistan, numismatics, and the sculpture of
the Kushan kingdom; as well as documents on the
challenges of protection and restoration of archaeo-
logical sites.
In addition, her scholarly research is presented
not just in her final publications, but also in a whole
array of documents which make it possible to trace
the chain of books and articles. An analysis of biblio-
graphical extracts, abstracts of predecessors’ publica-
tions, drafts, field diaries, original manuscripts, their
typewritten and final copies with the author’s revi-
sion, as well as reviews and responses to them, will
provide an extensive and dynamic vision of the entire
internal laboratory of Pugachenkova-as-scholar, who
was both an art critic and a historian of architecture,
and to a lesser extent, an archaeologist. It was pre-
cisely at the crossroads of these disciplines that she
succeeded in creating her own fundamental interdis-
ciplinary work, which was reflected in her archives.
The archives also provide important materials for
understanding the structure of science in Soviet Uz-
bekistan, when Pugachenkova occupied one of the
central positions in the scientific hierarchy of the Re-
public. The archive contains extensive business and
private correspondence; fragments of Pugachenko-
va’s personal diaries, which she kept fairly regularly
throughout her life; field diaries, which include sci-
entific notes from excavations with personal assess-
ments and comments; daily routines of her expedi-
tions, which help to explain the organization of work
and everyday life; notes that seem more like protests
against the substandard restoration of monuments;
proposals for the reorganization of archaeological re-
search in Uzbekistan, etc. All these documents recon-
struct context, showing the figure of Pugachenkova
and her place in the history of Soviet science. They
also contribute to a deeper understanding of Soviet
life, from the point of view of a narrow circle of in-
tellectual elites, the “makers” of historical knowledge.
In this sense, these archives capture a real moment in
Soviet science.
These archives also contain important original
visual materials, which are incomparably better than
most of the published works. There is no doubt that
these give future researchers the opportunity to bet-
ter understand her material and to reproduce it in
higher quality in future studies. There is also many
unpublished photographs, drawings, and plans. Of
particular importance is the documentation related
to architectural monuments that have either been
destroyed, or poorly restored. Equally significant are
her numerous recommendations on the protection of
monuments, which remain valid today.
Of course, when working with digital documents,
there will no longer be that special “spirit of the ar-
chive” that is so familiar to all researchers. There will
 SVETLANA GORSHENINA
Khalchayan. Reception hall of the palace. Ist cent. AD. Graphic reconstruction by G. A. Pugachenkova, 1969.
Folder 338 of Pugachenkova’s Archive
no longer be the distinct smell of old paper, fingers
that turn black from the dust of long ago, pages yel-
lowed and brittle over time, the physical burden of
huge albums of photographs and drawings, the fear
of opening large plans and maps and not losing the
small pictures of coins, sorting out images from film
negatives, etc. Instead, the archives will be available
to a much broader group of people. It will be easier to
“run through” it in order to understand its structure
and content, to quickly “fish out” the necessary doc-
uments, which will always be available and can be re-
visited repeatedly. The quarantine situation related to
the COVID-19 pandemic only emphasizes the need
for this kind of virtual resource.
The Rescue of the Archives and the Prospects
of Ffurther Development of the Project
The fate of Pugachenkova’s archives was not trag-
ic, especially if one compares them, for example, to
the archives of her closest associate Lazar Izrailevich
Rempel, some of which burned in a fire at his Moscow
dacha. For several reasons, Pugachenkova’s archives
were not transferred to the Central State Archives of
the Republic of Uzbekistan after her death (although
the Central State Archives of the Republic of Uzbeki-
stan is the place where Pugachenkova transferred the
archives of her husband M. E. Masson). Instead, her
vast materials remained in the family of her eldest
son, Rostislav Olegovich Sosnovsky, who persistent-
153
ly, but unsuccessfully, offered them to various spe-
cialized institutions in Uzbekistan. Meanwhile, the
storage conditions of the archives worsened, as many
in the media wrote about the poor condition of the
house on Mironshokh Street. In recent years, the bulk
of the archives was stored in the hallway of the house.
Individual documents, especially photographs, con-
tinued to occupy their place on the shelves of numer-
ous bookcases in the Pugachenkova home office. Sos-
novsky tried to obtain official status as a “memorial
office,” for the location, but failed in his attempts.
The library of Pugachenkova and Masson met a
much more tragic fate. It has already been irretrieva-
bly swallowed up by the second-hand book market of
Uzbekistan and in a legendary way it now lives only
in the memory of several generations of their stu-
dents, who spent a lot of time in the apartment of the
professors’ couple in the House of Specialists on the
quay of the Ankhor Canal.
The Open Archives: The Galina Pugachenkova pro-
ject was implemented as part of the Cultural Emer-
gency Response Program of the Prince Claus Fund for
Culture and Development of the Netherlands and the
American Whiting Foundation, with the support of
the Embassy of Switzerland in Uzbekistan. The costs
were partially defrayed by the Alerte Héritage Obser-
vatory.
Together with the co-author of the project, Boris
Chukhovich, we managed to create a team of high-
ly professional specialists who, although stretching
 G. A. Pugachenkova and L. I. Rempel on the ruins of an ancient temple in the Garni fortress, Armenia, 1964.
Folder 330 of Pugachenkova’s Archive
from Tashkent and St. Petersburg to Montreal, Paris
and Lausanne, were able to carry out an enormous
amount of work in a fairly short time. It usually takes
four to five years to implement such projects. We are
therefore very grateful for the work of some key peo-
ple. These include Enver Asanov and Nabikhan Utar-
bekov for the high-quality digitization and processing
of a large volume of documents; Natalya and Vladimir
Mikulitsky who provided a detailed description of
the archives; and Aleksey Bartashevich who created a
special computer program for the database.
Having acquired the archives in December 2018,
we have so far managed to clean, organize, classify
and fully digitize the documents from 342 folders
(26,914 scanned files). In addition, a special program
has been developed for a multi-level search of the in-
formation in the database, as well as the methodo-
logical basis for the description and presentation of
the documents online. More than 7,500 documents
have already been described in detail and uploaded to
a virtual resource at http://pugachenkova.net.
154
By the end of 2020, we plan to fully complete our
work on the archives descriptions and its introduc-
tion on the Internet.
Once the digitization and description of the doc-
uments is completed, the entire archives will be do-
nated to the Central State Archives of the Republic
of Uzbekistan. The agreement, approved by the Alerte
Héritage Observatory and the Director of the Central
State Archives of the Republic of Uzbekistan, Dilbar
Zakhirova, is now pending final approval. After the
completion of the project, Pugachenkova’s paper ar-
chives will be merged with M.E. Masson’s archives
into a single collection.
Of course, these two collections of documents
complement each other perfectly and it would
be good, in theory, if they could be consulted for
cross-referencing not only in the reading rooms of the
Central State Archives of the Republic of Uzbekistan
in Tashkent, but also for remote users on the open
access archive we have created. But for now, unfortu-
nately, the idea of ​​digitizing and presenting Masson’s
 SVETLANA GORSHENINA

G.A. Pugachenkova and M.E. Masson in their apartment in the House of Specialists, Tashkent, 1977.
Folder 329 of Pugachenkova’s Archive

collection on an online open archive is probably just
a dream, although it would be good to see this as one
of the goals among several strategies for the future de-
velopment of Pugachenkova’s virtual archives.
We plan further work on the Pugachenkova web-
site. In addition to the archives, her published works
will be available for download. Ninety-two publica-
tions have been digitized and collected as PDF files
by Enver Asanov, and are in the library of the Alerte
Héritage Observatory. We would also like to include
in this archive about 2,000 additional photographs,
which could be developed from negatives recently
discovered by Pugachenkova’s family. We hope that
future users of the site will take the opportunity to
share other documents related to her, such as letters,
photographs, or publications.
In addition, we hope to organize an exhibition in
Tashkent dedicated to G. A. Pugachenkova on the ba-
sis of her archives, as well as artifacts she discovered
and objects from the home office that her son keeps as
a memorial. We hope that the open archive of Galina
Anatolyevna Pugachenkova will serve as a pilot pro-
ject to start such a work on other personal archives
of scientists, writers, and cultural personalities of Uz-
bekistan.
Principles for the Use of these Archives
First of all, I would like to emphasize that access to
all these documents will be constantly open and free
for all online users without exception.
To date, the archives are located on a dedicated
site, independent of any other structure. To date, this
resource has been presented only in a Russian lan-
guage version, primarily because the vast majority
of the documents in Pugachenkova’s archives are in
Russian. However, a user can still get an idea of the ​​
resource by using Web Translator, Google Translate
or any other automatic translation system: to do so,
enter a link to the site in the translation panel, select
the desired language, and then navigate to the address
suggested by the translator. Thanks to the support of

155
G. A. Pugachenkova with a gold necklace from the treasure discovered in 1972
in Dalverzin-tepe, Uzbekistan. Folder 338 of Pugachenkova’s Archive

156
 SVETLANA GORSHENINA

the French Embassy in Uzbekistan we will create dur-

ing 2021 the French version of the site.
While creating an interactive database, we sought
to develop an informative and easy-to-use resource
that would be user-friendly. Different searches or
combinations of searches, using various criteria in
the drop-down menus, enable users to find informa-
tion according to the name of the author, geographic
location, document type, chronology, specific indi-
viduals, document title, keywords, or some combina-
tion of criteria. The documents are available in JPG
or PDF format, and can be easily downloaded from
the site.

What Can the Archives Provide

to Researchers?

These archives do not involve “sensational docu-
ments”. The starting point is that the archive should
be considered as a whole. Moreover, it all depends on
who is searching and what they are looking for in the
archives. Someone may need a map of a city never
published before; someone else may need the original
photographs of the Dalverzin-tepe treasure; someone
else will be looking for information on academic pro-
grams related to the study of the Silk Road, or some-
one will need the history of the House of Specialists
on the Ankhor Quay, where Pugachenkova lived
most of her life. Others will reread her reflections on
the method of restoration and reconstruction of ar-
chitectural monuments, or look for new data in the
many letters on the history of science. It is important
that the archive is open to all and that everyone can
easily search the database for answers to any pressing
questions.
The permanent accessibility of the archive is an
important feature, as it should serve as a stimulation
for new publications. Today there are many data-
bases, but most of them are fee-based and closed. If
you are studying at a good western university, which
can pay for the use of such databases, then you will
have access to particular material. However, if we
are talking about educational and scientific institu-
tions in so-called developing countries, which do not
The first French ambassador in Uzbekistan
Mr. Jean-Paul Véziant, presents Galina Pugachenkova
insignia of the Order of Academic Palms
(l'Ordre des Palmes académiques). Tashkent, 1995
have the funds for such services, then the researchers
working there do not have access to as many virtu-
al information resources. Thus, the inequality be-
tween these two academic worlds – those of “devel-
oped countries” and those of the “Third World” – is
constantly increasing. This assigns to the former the
role of “knowledge producers” and to the latter that
of “providers of raw information” and “imitators of
Western ideas”.
In my opinion, programmes that involve the cre-
ation of digital archives based on local documenta-
tion from developing countries and their subsequent
transfer to closed or limited access archives in the
West are a kind of scientific neo-colonialism. We
wanted to avoid this situation with Pugachenkova’s
archives. The openness we have chosen will allow the
Central Asian region to be more widely included in
the global movement for access to cultural heritage in
virtual space, which should reduce the gap between
the “northern” countries of the “First World” and the
“Global South,” which has much less access to virtual
intellectual resources.

157
 AISULU YERZHIGITOVA, SERGEY YATSENKO

YERBULAT SMAGULOV:
CONTRIBUTION TO ARCHAEOLOGY
This article analyzes the activities of the archaeologist E.A. Smagulov (1952-2019). Under the influence of his
mentors (L.B. Erzakovich, V.M. Masson, K.M. Baipakov), he made the city and the fortress of the oases of
southern Kazakhstan in ancient and early medieval times his main focus of research. In 1996 he created the
Turkestan expedition and concentrated on the study of the Turkestan oasis. For the first time he managed to
explore and excavate large areas of important sites with mudbrick construction. These included the cities of
Sauran and old Sauran (Karatobe), Shavgar (Shoytobe), old Yasy/Turkestan with the early citadel of Kultobe,
the very important pre-Islamic religious center Sidak; and the Golden Horde city of Zhayik. A significant topic
of his work was the study of the early strata associated with the first state in the region – the “nomadic empire” of
the Kangju and their descendants. He considered the history and culture of the Kangju in connection with both
the more southern oases and the nomadic Sarmatians. E. A. Smagulov fought for the creation of continuous
protected areas around Sauran and old Turkestan in order to preserve historical landscapes; He paid much
attention to the restoration and cataloging of excavated sites and to the promotion of scientific knowledge.
Primarily, he was interested in the history of the planning and domestic dwellings, the development of burial
structures and funerary rituals, the manufacture of ceramics and non-ferrous metals, tamga signs. A special
place in his research involved the local pre-Islamic Mazdaism, its temple complexes in Sidak and Kultobe and
their comparison with their southern and eastern neighbors. An erudite specialist, he possessed an analytical
mind and, utilizing local materials, solved general issues related to Central Asian history and culture.

Key words: Kazakhstan, Kangju, early medieval dwellings and crafts, Mazdaism, historical landscape,
tamga signs

T
HE FAMOUS Kazakhstani archaeologist Yer-
bulat Akizhanovich Smagulov passed away on
October 5, 2019. Exactly half a century ago,
he entered the S.M. Kirov History Faculty at Kazakh
State University in the city of Alma-Ata (today’s Al-
maty). During his student days he actively participat-
ed in field research in southern Kazakhstan. He often
referred to the special role played by the famous re-
searcher of the upper layers of medieval Otrar, Lev
Borisovich Yerzakovich (1936-1993) in the forma-
tion of his scientific interests. Following graduation
in 1974, Smagulov began working in the Department
of Archaeology of the Institute of History, Archaeol-
ogy and Ethnography of the Academy of Sciences of
the Kazakh SSR, which in August 1991 was reorga-
nized as the A. Kh. Margulan Institute of Archaeol-
ogy of the Ministry of Education and Science of the
Republic of Kazakhstan. In that setting he worked as
a senior researcher for many years. The scientific di-
rection of Smagulov’s archaeological excavations was
determined in his early career at the ancient site of
Otrar beginning in 1986, specifically in Altyntobe
and Mardan-Kuyuk, as well as at Kokmardan in the
Otrar oasis as a part of the Southern Kazakhstan Ar-
chaeological Complex Expedition. He was very fasci-
nated with sites containing large urban settlements,
particularly, with their necropolises. Additionally,
Smagulov worked as a member of the Archaeolog-
ical Expedition on the Code of Monuments of the
Republic of Kazakhstan, the Southern Turkmenistan
Archaeological Complex Expedition, the Uzbekistan
Art History Expedition, the Western Kazakhstan Ar-
chaeological Expedition and several others.
In 1980-81, under the guidance of V.M. Masson,
he completed an internship at the Leningrad branch
of the Institute of Archaeology of the Academy of Sci-
ences of the USSR. This also noticeably affected Sma-
gulov’s areas of scientific interest in his connections
with his St. Petersburg colleagues. His formation as a
scientist was largely influenced by a continuous coop-
eration with the future director of the Institute of Ar-
chaeology and the head of the Southern Kazakhstan
Expedition, Karl Moldakhmetovich Baipakov (Fig. 1).
In 1990, in Samarkand, under Baipakov’s leadership,
Smagulov defended his PhD. dissertation on late me-
dieval ceramics in southern Kazakhstan (Smagulov

158
 AISULU YERZHIGITOVA, SERGEY YATSENKO
Fig. 1. E. A. Smagulov with his scientific advisor K.M. Baypakov. 2015 (photo by S. A. Yatsenko)
1990b). However, from then on, he became more and
more interested in the so-called “Kangju problem”
related to a comprehensive study of the cultural his-
tory of the first major state formation in Kazakhstan
– the “nomadic empire” of the Kangju (also known
as Kanga, 1st century BC to the first half of the 4th
century AD) which was initially associated with the
northernmost oases of the region. Even today, we still
know very little about this mighty empire of the past,
which was apparently created from a combination
of the Saka and Yuezhi tribes. The difficulty, among
others, is that the settlement layers from this period
are usually superceded by cultural layers of the later
periods.
For many years, Smagulov was also interested in
the cultural continuity from the succeeding genera-
tions of this state following its dissolution around the
early 4th century up to the active Turkification and
Islamization of the region. Even at an early stage of
study, it became clear to him that the post-Kangju
population made a considerable contribution to the
culture of later, “ethnographic” Kazakhs.
From 1985, Smagulov regularly focused on the
sites of the Turkestan oasis (Towards History, 2007).
Among them were the necropolises of Chon-Kapka
I and Konyrtobe I, studied from 1988 to 1990 (Bai-
159
pakov, Smagulov, Yerzhigitova 2005: 12-38, 41-62, 71-
84) (Fig. 2). This work was further facilitated through
the opening of the “Azret-Sultan” historical and cul-
tural reserve museum in August of 1989. In 1996,
the museum’s administration assisted Smagulov in
the initiation of the Turkestan Archaeological Expe-
dition. Its initial studies were associated with prepa-
rations for the celebration of the 1500th anniversary
of Turkestan in the year 2000. He also provided ar-
chaeological supervision in the work of the Turkish
restoration work on the mausoleum of Khoja Akhmet
Yassawi and its vicinity (Smagulov, Grigoryev, Itenov
1999). The revered grave of this famous Sufi, who
died in 1166, was located at this very site. The work
of the expedition significantly facilitated in clarifying
the tasks of restoration and revealed a necropolis near
the mausoleum that existed from the 5th century AD.
In connection with the general restoration of the fa-
mous monument in early 1997, Smagulov managed
to conduct excavations in the Kazanlak hall, that
revealed a series of burials and gravestones, the ma-
jority of which are associated with the nobility of the
Kazakh Khanate. He also apparently traced the area
of the sanctuary back to the Saka period. Smagulov
assisted considerably with the creation of the Turke-
stan museum located in the a former Russian impe-
Fig. 2. A cruciform temple at the Kultobe citadel, excavated in 2010-2011. Photo from the archive of E. A. Smagulov

Fig. 3. Sidak in the process of excavation. Photo from the archive of E. A. Smagulov

160
 AISULU YERZHIGITOVA, SERGEY YATSENKO
Fig. 4. E. A. Smagulov at the excavation site of Sidak. Photo by S. A. Yatsenko
rial barracks, which was significantly reconstructed
in 2014–2016. A significant part of the museum’s ex-
hibit was a result of excavations and surveys done
by the Turkestan Expedition. Smagulov and his staff ’s
work contributed to the inclusion of the mausoleum
complex of Khoja Akhmet Yassawi on the UNESCO
World Heritage List in 2003.
In 1998, he began research of Eski-Turkestan (Ka-
zakh for “old Turkestan”). Buildings from the Late
medieval period were uncovered. However, the most
significant findings were made on the southern out-
skirts of the old city in the oldest citadel of Kultobe
spanning an area of ​​27 hectares (the location likely
translates “holy hill”) (Smagulov, Yerzhigitova, Tor-
goyev 2011; Smagulov, Yerzhigitova 2013; Smagulov
2017; 2019). While the first small-scale excavations
allowed for the dating of the citidel to the 4th century
AD, the large scale excavations started by Smagulov
in 2010, enabled dating the oldest building in the cita-
del – a cross-shaped fire temple 18 × 18 m – to around
the turn of the first century AD (Fig. 3). The oldest
hexagonal-shaped citadel of Yassy (as Turkestan was
161
called until the early 17th century) existed from the
1st century until around the turn of the 3rd or 4th
centuries, when it was destroyed. In the 8th century,
with the arrival of Arab armies, the temple was de-
stroyed. This was followed by the construction of a
Turkic fortress lasting until the 10th century when it
expanded into a city that flourished up to the Mon-
gol invasion. Of course, the earliest Kultobe / Yassy
was not the capital of the Kangju state , but rather, ac-
cording to Smagulov, their capital was located where
the greatest concentration of monuments from the
1st through 3rd centuries existed on the middle Syr
Darya River, the site on the Otrar oasis and the set-
tlement of the same name, also called Mardan-Kuyuk
(Baipakov, Smagulov, Yerzhigitova 2005: 167). How-
ever, Yassy was also an important center. The types of
gold jewelry found at the temple are identical to those
of the more western Sarmatians from the steppes of
Europe. This is not surprising if we take into account
the information of the Chinese chronicles about the
dependence of a number of Sarmatian groups on the
Kangju. The city of Yassy was the place where jewelry
 Fig. 5. Sidak. Two sanctuaries, a cult courtyard
and a residential area.
Photo from the archive of E. A. Smagulov
was made for vassal tribes. The temple with the sa-
cred courtyards surrounding it as well as the walls of
the citadel and the premises in it, as revealed in the
initially extensive excavations are in a good state of
preservation and represent an important Kangju site.
Excavations advanced significantly after adminstra-
tive changes shifted to Turkestan in June 2018, and
financial sponsorship was provided by the private
humanitarian fund ERG Komek (see, for example:
Privalov 2019). In 2019, a geodetic scan of the site’s
entire territory was conducted to identify promising
areas for excavation. The creation of the Kultobe An-
cient Settlement archaeological park (Kultobe 2020)
was started in December 2019, but, unfortunately,
Smagulov passed away prior to its formal establish-
ment.
Along with Turkestan, the Expedition paid much
attention to the excavations of the ancient site of
Shoitobe located 5 km east of the Yassawi mausoleum
although the area had undergone significant plowing.
Written sources seem to identify it with the city of
Shavgar (Smagulov, Tuyakbayev 1997). Strategraphic
excavations conducted from 1996 to 2000 exposed 20
cultural layers beginning from the end of the Kangju
period in the 3rd-4th centuries. The city was probably
founded by former remants of the Kangju immedi-
162
Fig. 6. Main subject compositions on votive ceramics
from Sidak.
Drawing by E. A. Smagulov and S. A. Yatsenko
ately following the abandonment of Kultobe, which
was located nearby. Shoitobe’s fortress wall, dating to
the period of Arab rule in the 8th and 9th centuries,
are in a good state of preservation (Smagulov 1999).
For a long time, the ancient urban site of Sidak (Si-
da-ata) located 18 km west of Turkestan (Fig. 4) be-
came another major focus for Smagulov as he sought
to identify the continuity of culture with the Kangju.
Its extensive destructive layer has long aroused cu-
riosity in the archaeological community. Two strati-
graphic excavations at the site revealed 22 cultural
layers 16 meters in depth lying on an artificial surface.
The earliest of them dates back two thousand years.
It was an extensive religious center which apparently
arose during the Kangju Empire and was destroyed
by the troops of the Arab Caliphate around 740 (Sma-
gulov 2004a). The Turkestan Expedition conducted
large-scale excavations at Sidak from 2001 to 2012.
To date, only the later layers of the 5th through 8th
centuries have been uncovered over a large area (Fig.
5). The necropolis was also excavated (Yerzhigitova,
Smagulov 2004). Sidak was considered a holy place,
where, probably, the ancestors of the influential clans
of the post-Kangju population in the area and its
neighboring territories were first honored. There are
two sanctuaries and an extensive sacred courtyard,
 AISULU YERZHIGITOVA, SERGEY YATSENKO

Fig. 7. Late medieval building near the central square of Sauran. Photo by S. A. Yatsenko

Fig. 8. General view of Karatobe before the start of excavations (Smagulov 2011: 18)

163
 Fig. 9. Reconstruction of the interior of the house of the 13th century on Karatobe
(excavation site 1, building 8, room 20) (Smagulov 2011: 192, fig. 4)
as well as housing for attendants and pilgrims (Sma-
gulov, Yatsenko 2008; Smagulov 2008; 2013). Here, in
several rooms are a series of khums, or storage jars,
containing bones of the dead, cleansed according to
the Mazdean (Zoroastrian) rite, and stored for some
period of time. Numerous votive vessels with sacri-
ficial food or drink have depictions not only of a va-
riety of animals, people, and geometric patterns, but
also approximately 150 tamga signs (marks giving
tribal or owndership affiliation). These were left by
pilgrims from the Otrar oasis, Chach, Bukhara and
Samarkand, as well several Turkic clans that wan-
dered around the neighboring Karatau mountains.
This is the largest collection of tamgas in the oases
of pre-Islamic Central Asia, which indicates the great
interregional significance of Sidak as a religious cen-
ter.
As it turned out, just prior to the arrival of the
Arabs, the location was evacuated by its clerics, and
therefore, archaeologists did obtain much informa-
tion concering its religious attributes. Smagulov’s
particular interest focused on the graffiti of pilgrims
on sacrificial dishes. These contained mostly images
of wild animals, as well as horse and bulls with riders,
also included were depictions, among others of the
“World Tree” (baiterek in Kazakh) (Smagulov, Yatsen-
ko 2010; 2013a; 2013b) (Fig. 6).
164
Smagulov gained international renown for the
long-term study of the largest fortification system of
medieval Kazakhstan – the city of Sauran (14th-17th
centuries) which measured 800 m in length. Its pre-
decessor site, early Sauran (the fortifications known
today as Karatobe) was located 3 km from it and was
founded in pre-Arab times. The site also had not been
previously studied. Later Sauran began to be studied
by the Turkestan Expedition beginning in 1998 and
then to a larger extent, in accordance with the Ka-
zakhstan Cultural Heritage Program, from 2004 (Bai-
pakov, Smagulov 2006). Excavations revealed urban
structures that are unique in value for the territory of
Kazakhstan. They included a central square, contain-
ing a cathedral mosque from the 14th century; a Sufi
khanaka (prayer cells); a madrasah of the 16th centu-
ry; the main street, and a complex system of wall for-
tifications (Smagulov, Yerzhigitova 2009-2010; Sma-
gulov 2016a) (Fig . 7). In addition to the later city, one
site for examination was a ring of numerous estates
located in a radius of up to 1.5 km around the urban
features (following the excavations of V.A. Groshev,
1986). This included a well-preserved system of un-
derground watercourses (kyariz) along the streams of
Azhasay, Karachak, Maitandal and Aksay (235 loca-
tions covering a total length of 110 km) (Smagulov
2003) and sections of the city cemetery. Later Sauran
 AISULU YERZHIGITOVA, SERGEY YATSENKO

fell into decay due to climate change during the late
17th century.
The excavations in old Sauran (Karatobe), have
proceeded since 2006 and have come with unexpect-
ed results. The city consisted of three fortifications
enclosures and its citadel was built in the 8th centu-
ry by the Arabs (Fig. 8). In the 14th century it was
peacefully abandoned by residents who relocated to
a new city in the vicinity by decision of the author-
ities. The significant results of the work at Karatobe
involved the study of industry in the early feudal city
(especially pottery and the production of non-ferrous
metal products), as well as the system of residential
development made possible due to the absence of ex-
tensive destruction and the later development on the
site. It especially allowed for clarification of the vari-
ous layouts of households (Fig. 9) and their evolution
in the region (Smagulov 2011: 183-238). Smagulov’s
book, Ancient Sauran (Smagulov 2011), was highly
appreciated by the scientific community, which was
also noted in reviews by Russian and American col-
leagues (Yatsenko 2012; Waugh 2013).
Series of aerial photos from a hang glider revealed
the wonderful archaeological complex of the Mirto-
be 1,7 km from Sauran. This was a farmstead with a
vast, adjacent garden. According to the 15th century
Tajik writer Vasifi, at the turn of the 15th-16th centu-
ries this location belonged to a famous religious cleric
who was the spiritual guide of the Bukhara khan, an
Arab of Yemeni origin, Abdullah al-Arabi al-Yamani
al-Hadramauti. The late-medieval garden in Mirtobe
1, which measures 800 × 470 m in size and is incred-
ibly well-preserved compared to most Central Asian
contexts, and was hardly damaged following its aban-
donment in 1515 (Smagulov 2011: 53-60). Even to-
day, a specialist on the “gardens of Persian design” can
easily “read” the parts of the Charbagh – the quadri-
lateral garden layout based on the Islamic concept of
the four gardens of Paradise – and see the locations
reserved for young trees and flowering herbs (Fig.
10). Unfortunately, the joint project of “The Mirtobe
Archaeological Complex: The Study of the Medieval
Gardens of Kazakhstan” was not published as origi-
nally planned for in 2015.
Smagulov was very concerned about preserving
the historical landscapes around Sauran and ever
since 2007 he had dreamed of creating a continuous
conservation zone in the Sauran archaeological com-
plex consisting of the well-preserved sites of Karato-
be, Sauran, and Mirtobe. (Smagulov 2007, Smagulov

Fig. 10. Usalba Mirtobe with ruins from the turn of the 15th to 16th centuries and the drawn reconstruction of the
Charbah garden (drawing by S. A. Yatsenko)

165
2008; Smagulov 2011: 183-238) (Fig. 13), He also de-
sired to develop tourism in this region that displayed
the medieval cities, ancient mazars and the surviving
kyariz system. Though this dream remains unful-
filled, the entire complex of sites has been nominated
by Kazakhstan as a UNESCO World Heritage Sites in
2016. So far this has not happened and demonstrates
the need for further efforts.
In addition to his main areas of study – the Kangju
and early medieval times – Smagulov had the oppor-
tunity to pioneer the excavation of sites from other
eras. Among these were the Sherbay necropolis con-
nected to cattle breeders from the Bronze Age related
to the Andronovo community; the previously undis-
covered Golden Horde city of Zhaiyk near the city of
Uralsk (Baipakov, Smagulov, Akhatov 2005); individ-
ual elite burials of the Hunnic and late medieval peri-
ods; a mausoleum on the dried bottom of the Aral Sea,
etc. In 1999, The Turkestan Expedition conducted a
Fig. 11. Idols from the early citadel of Kultobe in
Turkestan. Photo from the archive of E. A. Smagulov
166
large-scale survey to identify new ancient settlements
which revealed 22 previously unknown sites. Smagu-
lov used to inspect places of various modern earth-
works, such as construction sites or modern cem-
eteries. One especially exotic find was in a modern
cemetery at Shaga village near Turkestan which was
revealed to occupy the site a post-Kangju necropolis.
While digging graves the residents often found whole
pitchers with tamgas and patterns, which they did not
destroy but put them on modern graves (Yatsenko
et al. 2019: 179). In the last year of his life, Smagu-
lov considered the option of archaeological surveys
in the area of the Lebedyovka / Segizsay, the site of
large burial mounds of the Savromat-Sarmatian peri-
od located in the southern Peri-Ural region. This area
has more than 300 mounds and funeral temples in
eight clusters originally discovered prior the the first
excavations in 1966. However, this project was never
supported.
During his study of various sites, Smagulov would
focus on contacts and joint publications with profes-
sionals from other specialities such as numismatists
(Burnasheva, Smagulov, Tuyakbayev 2006); experts
in early Arabic and Turkic runic writing,; as well as
conservation and restoration services, which was par-
ticularly important as he sought to develop the ex-
pansion of tourism and the creation of museums for
of the unique architectural structures at Sauran and
Kultobe. He worked extensively with data from aeri-
al photography, especially related to sites in the Sau-
ran area. Smagulov liked to invite experts and young
scholars from Uzbekistan, Russia, and Ukraine to his
expeditions. From his youth, he was an expert digger
of mudbrick structures and was nurtured on the ba-
sis of the best achievements of Central Asian archae-
ology from the Soviet period. He was a connoisseur
of ceramics of different periods and a person who was
always interested in improving excavation methodol-
ogy (see, for example: Smagulov 1983).
Apart from various aspects of the “Kangju prob-
lem,” his study of medieval pottery and his study of
the history of residential complexes (Smagulov 2010),
Smagulov also paid much attention to the evolution
of pre-Islamic, Mazdean funeral rites, particularly in-
humation burials (Smagulov 2016b) and remnaints of
pagan culture in the local early Islamic culture. He was
interested in traces of pre-Islamic rites in sanctuaries
like Sidak and Kairagach in Ferghana, the fire tem-
ple in Kultobe, as well as the layout of the sanctuaries
and their idols (Fig. 11), different amulets and other
religious objects, and home altars. He recognized the
need to have adequate criteria in distinguishing be-
tween different archaeological cultures. Thus, he did
not agree with the special designation for the so-called
Arys culture of late antiquity (Smagulov 2004b). Also,
in agreement with the previous research of Akishev
 AISULU YERZHIGITOVA, SERGEY YATSENKO

Fig. 12. E. A. Smagulov at the workshop of the IICAS project on tamgas of pre-Islamic Central Asia. Tashkent,
August 2017. Photo by S. A. Yatsenko

and Levina, he considered the Kenkol culture only as
a variation of the Kaunchin culture. He also desired to
foster attempts to highlight the early sites of the Huns
(Smagulov, Pavlenko 1998). Another object of his in-
terest involved the ethnic composition of the urban
populations of the northern oases of Central Asia as
it was obvious that almost any city from antiquity had
a rather mixed population (Smagulov 1990a). He was
always attracted to studies that compared early medi-
eval sites in this northern region with those excavat-
ed by colleagues in the Tashkent oasis, Ferghana, and
Sogd. Unfortunately, because Smagulov was unable
to dig pre-Islamic palace-type complexes on a large
scale, his interest in the recently explored palace of
the 8th century Turkic ruler Kulan is understandable
(Akylbek, Smagulov, Yatsenko 2017).
Even in his youth, while excavating the later lay-
ers of Otrar, Smagulov became interested in local
tamga signs and their practical functions in the ur-
ban environment (Smagulov 1979). Later, he became
fascinated by the use of the tamga supposedly used
by the founders of the Kangju state in southern Ka-
zakhstan (Smagulov, Yerzhigitova, Demidenko 2009).
From 2005, in the midst of excavations of the Sidak
sanctuary, he began working closely with one of the
authors of this article. It immediately became a tra-
dition to conduct an annual joint study for the pur-
puse of updating the collection of tamgas found at
Sidak, and then, those from Turkestan Kultobe. This
involved identification and mapping their locations
in the excavation, systematization, methodologies
for their description, and comparison with materials
from neighboring territories, etc. (Smagulov, Yatsenko
2006; 2010; 2010a; 2014b; 2014c). In 2014, as a result
of our discussions we were invited to Samarkand by
IICAS to discuss the topic of tamgas in pre-Islamic
Central Asia. Smagulov suggested and gained sup-
port that this topic be shared on the interational level.
The result was seven researchers investigating “Fam-
ily, clan and tribal emblems in the context of the cul-
ture of ancient and medieval Central Asia.” Smagulov
co-authoerd three chapters of the resulting collective
monograph (Yatsenko et al. 2019: 159-248). Through-
out the entire period the book was being prepared, he
actively participated in the creative discussion process
with his colleagues (Fig. 12).
In his lifetime, Smagulov published more than
200 scientific works over the course of 22 years, that

167
included seven books he either authored or co-au-
thored. He presented conference reports not only
throughtout the various cities of Kazakhstan, but also
San Francisco, Paris, Moscow, Tashkent, St. Peters-
burg, Samarkand among others. He worked until his
last days, although he suffered from a serious heart
problem which intensified with the hot weather.
Yerbulat Smagulov was a wise man with a big
heart and a sharp, skeptical mind. Yet, he remained a
romantic and a dreamer despite all his practical expe-
rience. This side of him was evident in his ability to
talk with sponsors, although he was often a dreamer
with a sad smile since many of his plans went cruel-
ly unfulfilled. However, he was still surprisingly able
to achieve many accomplishments. His research on
the oases of Central Asia resulted in successfully un-
earthing large areas across many seasons and, almost
from scratch, opened a series of first-class sites such
as Sauran, Karatobe, Sidak, and Kultobe to the scien-
tific world and the general public, providing a heri-
tage to the world.
He skillfully and actively advocated not only for
individual archaeological sites, but also for entire
historical and cultural landscapes. He never tired
of propagating reliable knowledge of the past to the
press and on television in various public forums. His
REFERENCES
Akylbek, S. Sh., Smagulov, Ye. A., Yatsenko, S. A. (2017).
Décor of the 8th Century Turkic Rulers’ Residence in the
Citadel of Kulan Town, in: The Silk Road. Vol. 15. Seat-
tle. pp. 65-82.
Baipakov, K. M., Smagulov, Ye. A., Akhatov, G. A. (2005).
Srednevekovoe gorodishche Zhaiyk (The Medieval An-
cient Settlement of Zhaiyk). Almaty: Credo Publ. (in
Russian).
Baipakov, K. M., Smagulov, Ye. A., Yerzhigitova, A. A.
(2006). Rannesrednevokovye nekropoli Yuzhnogo Ka-
zakhstana (The Early Medieval Necropolises of South
Kazakhstan), Almaty: Baur Publ. (in Russian).
Baipakov, K. M., Smagulov, Ye. A. (2006). Srednevekovyi
gorod Sauran (The Medieval City of Sauran). Almaty:
Institut arkheologii MON RK Publ. (in Russian).
Burnasheva, R. Z., Smagulov, E. A., Tuyakbayev, M. K.
(2006). Klady i monety Turkestana (Treasures and
Coins of Turkestan). Almaty: Baur Publ. (in Russian).
Yerzhigitova, A. A., Smagulov, Ye. A. (2004). Pogrebalnye
sooruzheniia nekropolia gorodishcha Sidak (The Burial
Constructions of the Necropolis of Sidak Ancient settle-
ment), in: Izvestiia NAN RK. Seriia obshchestvennykh
nauk (News of NAS RK. Social Sciences Series). No 1.,
pp. 285-302 (in Russian).
Yerzhigitova, A. A., Smagulov, Ye. A. (2007) K isto-
rii arkheologichaskogo issledovaniia pamyatnikov
Turkestana (On the History of Archeological Studies
of Turkestan Monuments), http://www.archaeolog.
kz/index.php?option=com_content&view=catego-
168
activity had considerable cultural resonance in soci-
ety and governmental officials listened to him, thus,
allowing him to preserve the best concerning the ap-
pearance and traditions of old Turkestan. In addition,
he saved many important historical artifacts in the
region from destruction.
He was not spineless and always spoke out against
laziness and sloppiness in life and especially in ar-
chaeology. He openly criticized unrealistic plans,
“far-out” ideas from a number of colleagues about
the alleged sacred meaning of different images, false
ethnic attributions, various kinds of classifications,
the continuous search for “mysterious inscriptions,”
and others. His historical and cultural findings were
based on a broad outlook in ethnography and reli-
gious studies. His home and expeditionary libraries
were an attractive oases of knowledge. This remark-
able scientist died in the midst of yet another major
work in the center of old Turkestan and the load on
his heart was affected by the hot summer months.
Yerbulat Smagulov worked on the expedition most of
the year, from April to November, and often stayed at
the base to processes materials. He left unexpectedly,
having managed to solve and pose many important
questions for his colleagues and left a glowing mark
on our souls.
ry&id=11&layout=blog&Itemid=8 (in Russian).
Yerzhigitova, A. A., Smagulov, Ye. A. (2020) Kultobe.
Arkheologichskii Park. Turkestan (Kultobe: The Ar-
chaeological Park. Turkestan), https://kultobe.com/
ru/o-gorodishhe-kultobe/ (in Russian).
Privalov, V. (2019). Sokhranit’, no ne navredit’ [interviu s
E. A. Smagulovym] (How to Save without Harm) [in-
terview with Ye. A. Smagulov], in: Yuzhnyi Kazakhstan
(South Kazakhstan) [newspaper] September 18 (in
Russian).
Smagulov, Ye. A. (1979). K izucheniyu znakovoi sistemy
pozdnesrednevekovogo Otrara (On the Study of the
Tamga system of Late Medieval Otrar), in: Izvestiia
NAN RK. Seriia obshchestvennykh nauk (News of NAS
RK. Social Sciences Series). No 6, pp. 58-64 (in Russian).
Smagulov, Ye. A. (1983). K razrabotke sistemy ponyatii fik-
satsii massovogo materiala pri raspopkakh “shirokimi
ploshchadyami” (On the Development of Concept Sys-
tem of the Description of Mass Marerials during the Ex-
cavations on Wide Areas), in: Srednevekovaya gorodska-
ya kul’tura Kazakhstana i Srednei Azii (The medieval
urban culture of Kazakhstan and Transoxiana) (Ed. by
K. M. Baipakov). Almaty: Nauka Publ., pp. 121-136.
(in Russian).
Smagulov, Ye. A. (1990). K voprosu ob etnicheskoi atributsii
kul’tury pozdnesrednevekovogo Otrara (On the Issue of
Ethnic Attribution of Culture in Late Medieval Otrar),
in: Pozdnesrednevekovyi gorod Srednei Azii (Late medi-
eval city of Transoxiana). Tashkent: Fan Publ., pp. 211-
215. (in Russian).
Smagulov, Ye. A. (1990b). Pozdnesrednevekovaya keramika
 AISULU YERZHIGITOVA, SERGEY YATSENKO
Yuzhnogo Kazakhstana kak istochnik po istorii kul’tury
(Late medieval pottery of South Kazakhstan as a source
on the cultural history). PhD Dissertation, Almaty (in
Russian).
Smagulov, Ye. A. (1999). Gorodishche Shoitobe (Shoitobe
ancient settlement), in: Goroda Turkestana (Cities of
Turkestan) (Ed. by K. M. Baipakov). Almaty: Gylym,
pp. 71-82. (in Russian).
Smagulov, Ye. A. (2003). Kyarizy Turkestanskogo oazisa
(Kyarizes of Turkestan Oasis), in: Izvestiia NAN RK.
Seriia obshchestvennykh nauk (News of NAS RK. Social
Sciences Series), pp. 172-190 (in Russian).
Smagulov, Ye. A. (2004). Arabskoe nashestvie na Yuznyi Ka-
zakhstan (The Arab Invasion in Southern Kazakhstan),
in: Mobilizovannyi arkheologiei (Mobilized by Archae-
ology) (Ed. by K. M. Baipakov). Astana: Euraziiskii
natsional’nyi universitet, pp. 103-113 (in Russian).
Smagulov, Ye. A. (2004). Arysskaya arkheologicheskaya
kul’tura: mif i real’nost’ (The Archaeological Arys cul-
ture: Myth and Reality), in: Izvestiia NAN RK. Seriia
obshchestvennykh nauk (News of NAS RK. Social Sci-
ences Series), pp. 284-300 (in Russian).
Smagulov, Ye. A. (2007). Sauranskii arkheologicheskii kom-
pleks: definitsiia, soderzhaniie, granitsy (Sauran ar-
chaeological complex: definition, content, borders), in:
Izvestiia NAN RK. Seriia obshchestvennykh nauk (News
of NAS RK. Social Sciences Series), pp. 126-136 (in Rus-
sian).
Smagulov, Ye. A. (2008a). Sidakskii kul’tovyi tsentr v sisteme
mezhregional’nykh svyazei (The Sidak Religious Center
in the System of Interregional Relations). in: Drevnyaya
i srednevekovaya urbanizatsiia Evrazii i vozrast goro-
da Shymkent (The ancient and medieval urbaniza-
tion of Eurasia and the age of Shymkent city) (Ed. by
K. M. Baipakov). Shymkent: Yuzhno-Kazakhstanskii
gosudarstvennyi universitet Publ., pp. 378-408 (in
Russian).
Smagulov, Ye.A.(2008b). Sauran Medieval Archaeological
Complex in South Kazakhstan, in: Transoxiana. Núme-
ro 13. Buenos Aires, http://www.transoxiana.org/13/
smagulov-sauran.php
Smagulov, Ye. A. (2010). K istorii proiskhozhdeniia i razvi-
tiya “zhilishcha otrarskogo tipa” (On the History of the
Origin and Evolution of the “House of Otrar Type”), in:
Izvestiia NAN RK. Seriia obshchestvennykh nauk (News
of NAS RK. Social Sciences Series), pp. 70-90. (in Rus-
sian).
Smagulov, Ye. A. (2011). Drevnii Sauran (Ancient Sauran).
Almaty: ABDI Company Publ. (in Russian).
Smagulov, Ye. A. (2013). Kul’tovye postroiki khramovogo
kompleksa na gorodishche Sidak, Yuzhnyi Kazakhstan
(The Religious Buildings of the Temple Complex in the
Sidak Ancient Settlement, Southern Kazakhstan), in:
Sogdiitsy, ikh predshestvenniki, sovremenniki i nasled-
niki (Sogdians, their predecessors, contemporaries and
successors) (Ed. by P.B. Lurie, A.I. Torgoyev). St. Peters-
burg: Hermitage Publ., pp. 96-128 (in Russian).
Smagulov, Ye. A. (2016a). Zastroika tsentral’noi ploshchadi
g. Sauran XIV-XVI vv. (Development of the Central
Square of Sauran City in the 14th-16th centuries.), in:
Povolzhskaya arkheologiya (Volga basin archaeology).
169
No 2 (16), pp. 93-119 (in Russian).
Smagulov, Ye. A. (2016b). Mesto nazemnykh sklepov v
pogrebal’nom obryade rannesrednevekovoi Srednei Azii
(The Place of Ground Vaults in the Burial Rituals of
the Early Medieval Transoxiana), in: Drevnie nekrop-
oli i poseleniia: postpogrebal’nye ritualy, simvolicheskie
zakhoroneniya i ogrableniya (The Ancient Necropolises
and Settlements: Post-burial Rituals, Symbolic Graves
and Looting). St.Petersburg: Institut istorii material’noi
kul’tury RAN Publ., pp. 241-250 (in Russian).
Smagulov, Ye. A. (2017). Drevnii Turkestan: Shtrikhi k is-
toricheskomu portretu (Ancient Turkestan: Sketches for
the Historical Portrait). Almaty: Institut arkheologii
MEC RK Publ. (in Russian).
Smagulov, Ye. A. (2019). A. K voprosu o vozraste goroda
Turkestane (On the Issue of the Age of the City of Turke-
stan), in: Povolzhskaya arkheologiya (Volga basin ar-
chaeology). No 2 (28), pp. 17-31 (in Russian).
Smagulov, Ye. A. Grigoriev, F. P., Itenov, A. A. (1999).
Ocherki istorii i kul’tury srednevekovogo Turkestana
(Essays on the History and Culture of Medieval Turkes-
tan). Almaty: Gylym Publ. (in Russian).
Smagulov, Ye. A., Yerzhigitova, A. A. (2009). Issledovanie
drevnego Saurana. 1-2 (Studies of the ancient Sauran.
1-2), in: Izvestiia NAN RK. Seriia obshchestvennykh
nauk (News of NAS RK. Social Sciences Series). No 1,
pp. 236-257; 2010. No 2, pp. 226-243 (in Russian).
Smagulov, Ye. A., Yerzhigitova, A. A. (2013). Tsitadel’
drevnego Turkestana: nekotorye itogi arkheologichesk-
ogo izucheniya. 2011-2012 gg. (The Citadel of Ancient
Turkestan: Some Results of archaeological Study. 2011-
2012), in: Izvestiia NAN RK. Seriia obshchestvennykh
nauk (News of NAS RK. Social Sciences Series), No 3,
pp. 82-99 (in Russian).
Smagulov, Ye. A., Yerzhigitova, A. A., Demidenko, S. V.
(2009). K proiskhozhdeniyu odnoi Chachskoi dinastii
(On the origin of one Chach dynasty), in: Izvestiia NAN
RK. Seriia obshchestvennykh nauk (News of NAS RK.
Social Sciences Series), No 1, pp. 168-173 (in Russian).
Smagulov, Ye. A., Yerzhigitova A. A., Torgoyev, A. I. (2011).
Otkrytie arkhitekturnogo kompleksa tsitadeli drevne-
go Yassy/Turkestana (Discovery of the Architectural
Complex of the Citadel of Ancient Yassy/Turkestan),
in: Materialy mezhdunarodnoi nauchnoi konferentsii
“Arkheologiya Kazakhstana v epokhu nezavisimos-
ti: itogi, perspektivy” (Proceedings of the International
Conference “Archaeology of Kazakhstan at the Time
of Independence: Results and Perspectives”). Т. III.
(Ed. by B. A. Baitanayev). Almaty: Institut arkheologii
MON RK Publ., pp. 61-71 (in Russian).
Smagulov, Ye. A., Pavlenko Yu. V. (1998). Gunny na puti
v Evropu (Huns on their way to Europe), in: Voprosy
arkheologii Kazakhstana (The Problems of the Archae-
ology of Kazakhstan). Ed. 2. Almaty, pp. 142-151 (in
Russian).
Smagulov, Ye. A., Tuyakbayev, M. K. (1997). Yasy – Turkes-
tan – Shavgar: arkheologicheskie dannye k istoricheskoi
identifikatsii (Yassy, Turkestan, Shavgar: Archaeological
Data for their Historical Identification), in: Izvesti-
ia NAN RK. Seriia obshchestvennykh nauk (News of
MES RK. Social Sciences Series), No 1, pp. 35-44.
Smagulov, Ye. A., Yatsenko, S. A. (2006). Znaki i risunki na
keramike Sidaka so Srednei Syrdar’i (The Tamgas and
Graffiti on the Pottery of Sidak on the Middle Syrdarya),
in: Turan-Turkestan: problemy kul’turno-istoricheskoi
identichnosti. Drevnost’ i srednevekovie (Turan-Turke-
stan: problems of cultural and historical identity. In An-
tiquity and Middle Ages). Turkestan: Muzei-zapoved-
nik “Azret Sultan” Publ., pp. 246-268 (in Russian).
Smagulov, Ye. A., Yatsenko, S. A. (2008). Sidak sanctuary –
One of the Religious Centers of Pre-Islamic North Tran-
soxiana: Some Sacred Objects of the 5th through Early
8th Centuries, in: Transoxiana. Número 13. Buenos Ai-
res, http://www.transoxiana.org/13/smagulov_yatsen-
ko-sidak_sanctuary.php.
Smagulov, Ye. A., Yatsenko, S. A. (2010). Znaki – nishan i
syuzhetnye graffiti V – VIII vv. na keramike gorodishcha
Sidak na srednei Syrdarie (Nishan Signs and Graffiti of
the 5th-8th Centuries on the Pottery of the Sidak Ancient
Settlement on the Lower Syrdarya), in: Otzvuki Velikogo
Khorezma. K 100-letiyu so dnya rozhdeniya S. P. Tolsto-
va (The Echoes of Great Khorezm. On the 100th anni-
versary of the Birth of S. P. Tolstov) (Ed. by E. D. Ziliv-
inskaya). М.: Institute etnologii i antropologii RAN,
pp. 190-221. (in Russian).
Smagulov, Ye. A., Yatsenko,S. A. (2013a). Graffiti Sidaka,
Yuzhnyi Kazakhstan) (Graffiti of Sidak, Southern Ka-
zakhstan), in: Izvestiia NAN RK. Seriia obshchestvenny-
kh nauk (News of NAS RK. Social Sciences Series), No 3,
pp. 210-225 (in Russian).
Smagulov, Ye. A., Yatsenko, S. A. (2013b). Graficheskie
syuzhety na keramike rannesrednevekovogo Sidaka,
Yuzhnyi Kazakhstan (Epigraphic Subjects on the Pot-
tery of Early Medieval Sidak, Southern Kazakhstan),
in: Minule i souchastne Volynita Polissya (The Past and
Present of Volyn’ Polessie). Ed. 45. Lutsk, pp. 139-150.
Smagulov, Ye. A., Yatsenko, S. A. (2014a). Tamgoobraz-
170
nye znaki iz doislamskikh sloev pamyatnikov Turkes-
tanskogo Oazisa, Srednyaya Syrdarya (Tamga-marks
in the Pre-Islamic Layers of the Turkestan Oasis’ Sites,
the Lower Syrdarya), in: Materialy IV Mezhdunarod-
noi nauchnoi konferentsii “Kadyrbaevskie chteniya –
2014” (Proceedings of the IV International Conference
“M. K. Kadyrbayev Readings – 2014”). Aktobe: AO
TsIEА Publ., pp. 175-188 (in Russian).
Smagulov, Ye. A., Yatsenko, S. A. (2014b) New Series of Clan
Signs on the Pre-Islamic Pottery of Sidak and Turkestan
on the Middle Syrdarya, in: Bulletin of IICAS. Vol. 19,
pp. 47-67.
Smagulov, Ye. A., Yatsenko, S. A. (2014). Novye nakhodki se-
rii doislamskikh znakov tamga/nishan v Turkestanskom
oazise (gorodishcha Kultobe i Sidak): svyaz’ s kochevym
mirom (New Finds from a Series of Pre-Islamic Tamga/
Nishan Signs in the Turkestan Oasis (Kultobe and Si-
dak Ancient Settlements):The Connection with the No-
madic World), in: Problemy izucheniya nematerial’nogo
kul’turnogo naslediya narodov Kazakhstana i Tsen-
tral’noi Azii: toponimika, epigrafika, iskusstvo (Prob-
lems in the Studies of the Intangible Cultural Heritage of
Kazakhstan and the Central Asian peoples: Toponymics,
Epigraphy, Art) (Ed. by I. V. Yrofeyeva). Almaty: EVO
PRESS Publ., pp. 274-282 (in Russian).
Waugh, D. (2013). Review on Ye.A. Smagulov. Drevnii Sau-
ran, in: The Silk Road. Vol. 11. Seattle. pp. 229-231.
Yatsenko, S. A. (2012). Retsenziya na knigu Ye. А. Smagu-
lova “Drevnii Sauran” (Review of the “Ancient Sauran”
A Book by Ye. A. Smagulov)m in: Izvestiia NAN RK.
Seriia obshchestvennykh nauk (News of NAS RK. Social
Sciences Series), No 3. pp. 233-235 (in Russian).
Yatsenko, S. A., Rogozhinskii, A. E., Smagulov, Ye. A., Ta-
baldyev, K. Sh., Baratov, S. R., Ilyasov, J. Ya., Babayarov,
G. B. (2019). Tamgas of Pre-Islamic Central Asia. Sa-
markand: IICAS Publ.
CHRONICLE

171
172
 ON THE ANNIVERSARY OF VALENTINA GORYACHEVA
Valentina Goryacheva at the archaeological base for the expedition at Krasnaya Rechka, 2009
M
OST Central Asian scholars and archaeol-
ogists need no introduction for the Doctor
of Historical Sciences, Professor Valentina
Dmitriyevna Goryacheva. Archaeologists dealing
with the medieval period of Central Asia know her
very well as a major specialist on the urban culture of
Zhetysu (Semirechye in Russian).
She was born in October 1939 in the town of Ry-
bachye (modern Balykchy) along Lake Issyk-Köl in
Kyrgyzstan. In 1959, she entered the Central Asian
State University later named the Tashkent State Uni-
versity the following year. She began her scientific ca-
reer in the field of architectural archeology, which re-
flects the great influence and charm of Galina Anatoli-
yevna Pugachenkova, Valentina’s first mentor during
173
her student practicum in 1960 at the excavations of
Khalchayan during the restoration of sculptures from
the palace of the Kushan rulers. Later, her passion for
architecture prevailed in her activities. That passion
was on full displaying during her diploma work while
excavating of a wealthy person’s inhabitance in Old
Merv on Sultan-Kala under the leadership of Svetla-
na Borisovna Lunina. By assignment of the univer-
sity and at the request of the Ministry of Culture of
the Kirghiz SSR, Valentina was sent to Frunze, pres-
ent-day Bishkek, in 1964.
At first, she worked as an inspector for muse-
ums and the protection of monuments at the newly
opened division under the Department of Cultural
and Educational Institutions. It was there that she
was noticed by the Minister of Culture, the legend-
ary Kuluypa Konduchalova, who recommended her
for the position of Deputy Chairperson of the Central
Council of the Kirghiz Republic’s Society for the Pro-
tection of Historical and Cultural Monuments (1966-
1970). During Goryacheva’s work there, she traveled
all over the republic, became familiar with the main
monuments and took part in cataloging them. In
those years, Valentina Goryacheva participated in the
development of the state plan for the restoration and
display of architectural monuments and archaeolog-
ical sites on the territories where they were located.
Goryacheva moved to the Institute of History of the
Academy of Sciences of the Kirghiz SSR in the ear-
ly 1970s. At the same time, she began to work at the
Uzgen settlement, and then at another monument of
medieval architecture, the Mausoleum of Safed-Bulan
(located at the Shakh-Fazil Archaeological Complex).
Simultaneously with those studies, she took part in
the excavations at the Burana settlement, which were
then led by Dmitriy Fedorovich Vinnik. With the as-
sistance of Valentina’s participation, they discovered
ruins of medieval mausoleums and examined the low-
er sections of the minaret. In 1972 and 1974 a man-
or in the rabat (a residential suburb of the city) was
studied. At the same time, she proposed and substan-
tiated the identification of the Burana settlement with
the capital of the Karakhanid and Kara-Khitan state,
which at that time was known as Balasagun, which is
now generally accepted. As a result of all those exca-
vations, Goryacheva defended her thesis as a Candi-
date of Sciences in 1977, and later she published her
monograph Medieval Urban Centers and Architectural
Ensembles of Kirghizia (Frunze, 1983), which was for
a long while a bibliographic rarity, but is now avail-
able in digital format. She devoted a separate book to
the study of Burana which was published in a collab-
oration with her teacher, the Academician Mikhail
Evgeniyevich Masson, who visited and worked at the
Burana settlement in the 1920s.
Another topic of investigation involved Valen-
tina’s research at the Krasnaya Rechka (Red River)
site (1978–2001). Thanks to her efforts, this site has
become widely known to the scientific community.
More than just experts read her popular science book
The City of the Golden Camel (Frunze, 1988), which
was dedicated to the memory of M.E. Masson. In an
entertaining and intelligible way, this book reveals the
essence of the ancient sites which are considered as
historical sources of the cultural and spiritual mate-
rial of early medieval cities. Archeological data from
this book is supplemented by information from an-
cient and medieval sources about the life of these cit-
ies along the Great Silk Road; the settlement of tribes
and nations; along with their customs, morals, cults,
and rituals. Her fellow archaeologists and architec-
174
tural historians discovered new scientific data on the
objects of her study, such as temple architecture, buri-
al complexes of an urban necropolis, handicraft pro-
duction, and the historical topography of permanent
valley settlements.
It should be noted that Goryacheva, deliberate-
ly only worked on medieval monuments that were
highly erroded or that were threatened with com-
plete destruction in the course of agricultural work
or construction. She explained that this approach was
justified due to the problem within the country with
the preservation of monuments following their com-
plete exposure and subsequent cataloging. Therefore,
she continued her study of several manor houses, a
necropolis, and a second Buddhist temple, which
to one degree or another had been subject to future
construction or excavations by previous researchers.
In the early 1980s, Kazakhstani archaeologists also
worked at the Krasnaya Rechka settlement under the
leadership of the Professor Karl Moldakhmetovich
Baipakov, who studied the citadel of the settlement
for several seasons.
Her most significant research at Krasnaya Rechka
involved those of the necropolis, the second Buddhist
temple, the country palace, and some other sites. The
urban necropolis was a very complex site in terms of
methodology. Nevertheless, in the process of the ex-
cavations, its stratigraphy was established, as well as
various types of burials were identified from the eth-
nically and religiously diverse population of the me-
dieval city. Moreover, Goryacheva almost fully com-
pleted the study of the second Buddhist temple and
as a result she clarified the phases of the building and
its floor plan. The entirety of the cultural material col-
lection, enabled Goryacheva to identify the Krasnaya
Rechka settlement with the medieval town of Navekat
(Nevkat, Sin-cheng), known from historical sources.
A significant part of her research materials was
published in the first volume of the new edition of
The History of the Kirghiz SSR in five volumes (1984–
1990). Since 1983, Valentina was actively engaged in
the all-Union publication entitled The Code of Histor-
ical and Cultural Monuments of the Kirghiz SSR, for
which a special department was created for its im-
plementation. As a result of the department’s activ-
ities, a large amount of material was collected on all
historical eras. Unfortunately, after the collapse of the
Soviet Union, that volume turned out to be irrelevant,
and its financial support evaporated. However, Go-
ryacheva, in collaboration with Svetlana Yakovlevna
Peregudova and Vladimir Ivanovich Deyev, managed
to publish a volume on the monuments of Bishkek,
and also in co-authorship with Svetlana Peregudova,
on the monuments of the Talas Valley in northwest
Kyrgyzstan.
In 1995, Valentina began teaching at the Kyr-
 ВЕСТНИК МИЦАИ 29/2020
gyz-Russian Slavic University (KRSU) where she
worked for twenty years until she emigrated to Russia.
She completed her archaeological fieldwork in 2001,
but continued her research within the framework of
lecturing at the departments of history and cultural
studies of the university from 1995 to 2009, and on
world cultures and religions for UNESCO from 1999
to 2015. She also taught the philosophy of science
from 2009 to 2015. In 2002 she was awarded the med-
al for the State Prize of the Kyrgyz Republic and given
the title of Laureate of the State for her work on a se-
ries of history textbooks on the Kyrgyz and Kyrgyz-
stan together with a team of co-authors.
After defending her doctoral dissertation in 2011
which summarized the study of the medieval urban
culture of the Turkic Khaganates of the Tian Shan re-
gion over the past several decades, she continued to
participate in the public life of the university and the
country. As a prominent scholar and a promoter of
science and culture, she was a member of a number
of governmental commissions and international proj-
ects on the preservation of cultural heritage and on
religious policy in Kyrgyzstan. At the same time, she
was a member of academic councils in all the organi-
zations where she worked, including her positions of
a full-time scientific secretary of the Institute of His-
tory of the Academy of Sciences of the Kirghiz SSR
LYDIA LVOVNA RTVELADZE (BUKINICH) – ARCHAEOLOGIST,
HISTORIAN, ARCHIVIST
L
YDIA LVOVNA RTVELADZE was a renowned
expert on archeology, archival studies, and the
history of Central Asian architecture and resto-
ration. She was born on March 8, 1942 in the Turk-
men village of Darvaza, now lost to the Karakum
Desert, her birthplace no longer exists. Her maiden
name, Bukinich, was well known in scientific circles.
Her great uncle Dmitriy Demyanovich Bukinich
(1882-1939) was a famous Central Asian explorer
who discovered many archaeological sites, including
the ancient agricultural settlement of Namazga Depe
in the foothills of the Kopet Dag. This site eventual-
ly became the symbol for stratigraphy in the region.
By that time, the Bukinich family were already in-
digenous Turkestani residents, since their ancestors
moved to the Turkestan region (first to Kazalinsk,
and then to Tashkent) in the second half of the 19th
century. 1
175
(1974–1978); a scientific secretary of the Dissertation
Council at the Kyrgyz-Russian Slavic University for
the specialties of National History and Political Sci-
ence; and a member of the Dissertation Council on
the specialties of Archeology and Ethnology at the
Balasagyn Kyrgyz State University; and at the Insti-
tute of History and Cultural Heritage of the National
Academy of Sciences of the Kyrgyz Republic.
Valentina Dmitriyevna Goryacheva now lives in
Krasnodar, Russia, but she has not lost ties with her
native Kyrgyzstan and is highly respected by her
friends, colleagues, and former students. Her kind-
ness and cordiality towards them are well known.
Therefore, on their behalf, we congratulate Valenti-
na Dmitriyevna on her birthday and wish her many
years to come, good health, inexhaustible energy, and
further creative success.
Bakyt Amanbayeva,
PhD., Institute of History, Archaeology,
and Ethnology of the National Academy
of Sciences of the Kyrgyz Republic
Saida Ilyasova,
PhD., Center for Archaeological Research
of the Academy of Sciences
of the Republic of Uzbekistan
Lyalya (which is what her family called her), was
born to a mother with different roots. Elizaveta Arkhi-
povna Shcherbakova was Ukrainian, from the city
of Berdyansk by the Sea of ​​Azov. After graduating
from high school in Charkiv, she was sent to Tash-
kent by assignment where fate brought her together
with D.D. Bukinich’s nephew – Lev Bukinich. Lev
was a mining engineer, or a mine surveyor, as they
were then known at the time, with very high qualifi-
cations. During World War II, he was sent to work in
the Turkmen SSR, where Elizaveta gave birth to his
daughter, Lydia. In 1946. Following completion of his
work in the salt mines, the family returned to Tash-
kent in modern day Uzbekistan.
1
Rtveladze E.V. Lydia Lvovna Rtveladze (Bukinich). Biographical
Travels // Life, Science, Family. The manuscript of the book,
which is being prepared for publication in Tashkent in 2020.
 Fig. 1. Archaeologist, PhD. Lazar Izrailiyevich Albaum, fourth-year student Lydia Bukinich, photographer-
archaeologist Efim Naumovich Yuditskiy, and Professor Mikhail Evgeniyevich Masson during a photography
session with a painted vase from the Buddhist complex in Merv. Tashkent, 1963.
Pugachenkova's archive

In 1959, after graduating from high school, Lyd-
ia Bukinich entered the history faculty of Tashkent
State University where she studied in the Department
of Archeology which in those years was headed by
its founder, the Academician Mikhail Evgeniyevich
Masson. From 1964 to 1972 she worked at the Insti-
tute of Archaeology of the Academy of Sciences of
the Uzbek SSR as a laboratory assistant and a junior
researcher. Then, she worked in the Special Scientif-
ic Restoration and Production Studios (SSRPS) and
for almost a quarter of a century, she was in charge
of the archive of the Main Scientific and Production
Department for the Protection of Historical and Cul-
tural Monuments of Uzbekistan.
Lydia participated in many archaeological expedi-
tions and architectural studies of historical locations
such as Bactria, Margiana, Sogd, Fergana, Khwarazm,
and Chach. She authored several works on Central
Asian archaeology and architectural history as well as
a number of popular science publications.
The Best Archivist
In 1978, when the topic of my thesis at the Facul-
ty of Architecture of the Tashkent Pedagogical Insti-
tute was chosen, entitled “The Study and Restoration
Project of the 15th century Kok Gumbaz Mosque in
Shakhrisabz.” my diploma supervisor was the great
connoisseur of the Central Asian architecture, Pro-
fessor Vladimir Anatoliyevich Nielsen. He sent me
to the archives of the Main Scientific and Production
Department for the Protection of Historical and Cul-
tural Monuments of Uzbekistan and to its head, Lydia
Rtveladze. “If you tell her the topic of the thesis, she
will help you find the materials you need,” my teacher
counseled.
I entered a large building with a multi-pillared
portico in front of the entrance at Navoiy Street,
which then housed the Ministry of Culture and its
subdivision, the aforementioned Main Scientific and
Production Department for the Protection of Histor-

176
 ВЕСТНИК МИЦАИ 29/2020

ical and Cultural Monuments of Uzbekistan. For a
long time, there was a rich archive there, occupying
three rooms that was very densely packed with ma-
terials. The head of the archive, Lydia Rtveladze, sat
in the first, central room filled with offices containing
shelves from floor to ceiling. In the large room on the
right were mainly albums and folders with measure-
ments of architectural monuments and drawings of
restoration projects, as well as all their related materi-
als. The smaller room to the right held a library with a
rich collection of books and field reports from archi-
tects, archaeologists, and ethnographers.
Lydia turned out to be a very charming young
woman with a short haircut and radiant smiling eyes.
I explained to her the purpose of my visit and she
suddenly became very serious and focused. Soon I
realized that she kept in her head almost the entire ar-
chive and sometimes knew almost precisely what and
where things were. She took it upon herself which
materials and in what sequence to give to the imma-
ture, future specialist which was me at that time.
Lydia, then pointed to several cabinets with bibli-
ography cards arranged alphabetically and by topic.
She herself went to a nearby storage room to gather
the materials exactly on my topic.
Afterwards, I went there regularly, either before
my thesis defense or later after I was hired to work at
the Uzbek Scientific Research Project Institute of Res-
toration and for all the subsequent years until Lydia
Rtveladze retired in 1997. She always kindly helped
everyone to identify archival materials; she treated all
the researchers with equal seriousousness and with
respect, whether they were a university graduate, a
restorer, or a venerable scientist. The archive of the
Main Scientific and Production Department for the
Protection of Historical and Cultural Monuments
of Uzbekistan, though huddled only in three rooms,
contained thousands of unique materials. In terms of
the wealth and value of the documents, it was a genu-
ine gold mine for researchers! The collection included
rare documents related to the study, restoration and
preservation of the architectural heritage and cul-
tural material from the end of the 19th century un-
til the end of the 1990s. These were the materials of
the first specialized institutions from the early Soviet
days that replaced each other under various names
(Sredazkomstaris / The Central Asian Committee on
Antiquity and Arts, Uzkomstaris / The Uzbek Com-
mittee on Antiquity and Arts, etc.). It also included
pre-revolutionary, illustrated publications and oth-
er rarities, field diaries of famous Central Asian re-
searchers of antiquity, and much more – everything
that was attractive and extremely significant for each
researcher. The archive also contained measurement
drawings, pre-project studies, restoration projects,
and much more that were created over almost a
century by true professionals in the field of heritage
preservation. One of the most valuable objects there
was the photo archive with almost a century’s worth
of history containing photo negatives on both film as
well as large-format glass plates. That particular ar-
chive was well known to numerous Central Asian re-
searchers and it was a center of attraction for many of
them. There was no reading room in the archive and
strangers were not allowed to take materials outside
its walls. Yet, Lydia Rtveladze in her own work room
allocated a place for each of them at a small table,
creating the basic conditions for a workspace. There
I met many famous scholar-architects including the
Academician G.A. Pugachenkova and the art histo-
rian, Dr. L.Y. Mankovskaya who later played a sig-
nificant role in my scientific development. I also met
famous architectural restorers such as N.N. Kuzmina,
K.S. Kryukov, and others along with colleagues who
came to the archive from the neighboring republics.
It was evident that Lydia, as an intelligent, kind
and sympathetic person, was the soul of the whole de-
partment’s team. Her colleagues visited her often and
many of them affectionately and warmly also called
her Lyalya. Over the years, she began to trust me as
a regular user who carefully handled all the materials
and allowed me to enter into the “sanctum sanctorum”
or the room with archival rarities. Quite often, rath-
er than the cafeteria at lunchtime, we got along with
sandwiches in her work room and had such pleasant
conversations over tea! I was always glad to talk with
her as my wise, elder friend. In her converstations,
Lydia was very delicate and even when discussing or-
Fig. 2. Lydia Lvovna Rtveladze and Edward Vasiliyevich
Rtveladze. Archive of E.V. Rtveladze

177
 Fig. 3. From left to right: Doctor of Art History Valentina Vitaliyevna Luneva, Edward Vasiliyevich Rtveladze,
Mavlyuda Aminzhanovna Abbasova-Yusupova, Yelena Vladimirovna Potorochina, Lydia Lvovna Rtveladze.
March 8, 2020
dinary female topics she remained extremely proper, more time than was allotted for those duties since
kept her distance, and never stooped to the level of she could not tear herself away from reading them,
gossip. I observed that aristocratic quality of hers un- especially some impressive fragments.
til the final days of her life. To me, Lydia Rtveladze I remember an episode when she read me one
has been the best, most competent and highly profes- of her teacher’s aphorisms. “Listen, how right words
sional archivist of all her local and foreign colleagues these are!” Lydia exclaimed, while reading M.E. Mas-
whom I have ever worked with. son’s note, “A dead sage is like a burnt-out library!”
After the renowned archaeologist M.E. Masson’s It was said so precisely given the place and circum-
death, his entire archive and the furnishings of his stances of that moment. I remembered those words
personal home office were transferred by his wife, well and sometimes, in appropriate cases, I quote the
G.A. Pugachenkova, to the department’s archive. At aphorism.
that time it was the right decision transfering that pre- Of course, Lydia Rtveladze treated Masson with
cious collection into the reliable, careful and highly great reverence. She learned from him the history of
professional hands of his former student, Lydia Rt- Central Asia and the basics of archaeology; under his
veladze. For Masson’s personal office, which included leadership she conducted a number of her profes-
an old desk and armchair, and most importantly, his sional excavations. In particular, during the Southern
library and archives, a special room was allocated at Turkmen Archaeological Complex Expedition in Old
the department, and was called “Masson’s office.” Lyd- Merv at the ancient settlement of Gyaur Kala, Lydia
ia took a long time and carefully entered into the of- participated in the excavations of the Buddhist temple
ficial catalog the data on the contents of her mentor’s complex which included a huge head of the Buddha
archive. Sometimes, going through the folders with and a unique painted vessel of the Sasanian period
Masson’s manuscripts and diaries, she spent much with handwritten scrolls found inside! Subsequent-

178
 ВЕСТНИК МИЦАИ 29/2020
ly, those findings were highlighted in many publica-
tions and information about them supplemented the
picture of the ancient culture of Margiana. However,
the very first article published about the findings was
written by a fourth-year student of the history faculty
– Lydia Bukinich – in the Tashkent University newspa-
per on February 18, 1963.
While on Masson’s expeditions, she got to know
her colleague and future husband, the dashing and
handsome Georgian, Edik Rtveladze.
Wife, Colleague, Friend and Ally
With Edward Vasiliyevich Rtveladze, who is now
an Academician of the Academy of Sciences of the
Republic of Uzbekistan, Lydia lived in love and har-
mony for over 55 years. Together they raised three
wonderful and talented children who gave them won-
derful grandchildren with whom they all celebrated
their golden wedding anniversary.
Although a very successful field archaeologist,
Lydia Rtveladze, following the birth of her children,
decided to leave her main profession and went to work
initially at the Special Scientific Restoration and Pro-
duction Studios, and then in the studio’s archive. This
latter job was very close to her specialty. She had to
support her family, raise the children and, of course,
help her spouse who was himself a successful scien-
tist. Despite her busy schedule, Lydia continued to do
research on various topics and to publish interesting
works. Those works included her articles in collec-
tions such as Ancient Tashkent (1972) and Antiqui-
ties of Tashkent (1974), which were dedicated to the
studies of Binkent and the settlement of Khanabad.
She also published, together with her husband, the
book Muslim Shrines of Uzbekistan (1995, the second
revised edition in 2020). While still working in the
archive of the department, she gave me her “List of
Restoration Works carried out on a Number of Mon-
uments in Bukhara,” which she compiled chronologi-
cally. It was similar to an ordinary working memo for
department, but if that document and other lists of
restoration work that Lydia Lvovna compiled includ-
ed with other historical cities, it would undoubtedly
be in demand by researchers were it published.
Since the late 1980s, I was fortunate enough to
work for a quarter of a century in the department of
art history which was and is still headed by the out-
standing scholar and a remarkable person – Edward
Vasiliyevich Rtveladze. Over the years, it became
clearer why Lydia gave way to her husband and began
to support him in all his endeavors. Edward Rtveladze
is a scientist from God, and he had to create a reliable
foundation in all respects. As a fellow archaeologist,
Lydia understood him well. She endured both the
hardships and inconveniences of his profession with
179
her husband’s long absences (sometimes lasting for
months) due to various expeditions and sometimes
publishing the results of his research with funds from
the family budget, just to name two examples. How-
ever, being a faithful friend and ally, she supported
him in everything. After Lydia retired, we saw her less
often, but invisibly she was always present in our team
through her husband’s stories or when he mentioned
her briefly in our conversations. He created very trust-
ing and friendly relationships within the department,
along with an atmosphere of complete mutual under-
standing and a serious attitude to science. Coopera-
tion as opposed to the spirit of rivalry reigned there.
We always perceived him, together with his wife, as a
single unit, and when we visited our boss at home on
business or on his or Lydia’s birthdays, we always had
lively and interesting discussions. At the same time,
Lydia Rtveladze constantly and deliberately stayed in
her famous husband’s shadow remaining refined and
attentive to him and his visitors.
Her birthday coincided with International Wom-
en’s Day (March 8th), and the female employees of our
department who were friends with her, despite being
busy on the holiday with their own families, tried to
find time in order to visit and congratulate her. Fortu-
nately, we managed to do the same on March 8, 2020.
We talked very heartwarmingly and, when saying
goodbye, did not at all think that we would see her for
the last time. I was planning to visit Lydia especially to
talk about the problems of the current restoration of
architectural monuments, ask about some of the old
restorers whom she remembered, reminisce about
the former structure of the Main Scientific and Pro-
duction Department for the Protection of Historical
and Cultural Monuments of Uzbekistan, and discuss
many other professional topics that vividly interested
both of us. I kept postponing my next visit, as I did not
want to bother her. I kept waiting for her to feel better,
and allowed my own daily routine to interfere as well.
Unluckily, on March 15, Uzbekistan announced the
introduction of a strict quarantine associated with the
COVID-19 virus pandemic, and movement around
the city was strictly prohibited. Exactly one-month
later Lydia Lvovna Rtveladze was gone.
In my memory, she will always be the friendly,
bright and pretty hostess of the archive and a gen-
tle, caring, and hospitable mistress of the Rtveladze
household, both from our first meeting, and after
more than forty years.
Mavlyuda Abbasova-Yusupova,
Doctor of Architecture, Professor,
Head of the Department of Architecture,
Institute of Art Studies of the Academy
of Sciences of the Republic of Uzbekistan
 KUVANDYK POLADOV
(1956-2019)

T
HE EXECUTIVE SECRETARY of the Nation-
al Commission for UNESCO in Turkmenistan
Kuvandyk Poladovich Poladov passed away
suddenly at the age of 63. For more than twenty years,
he coordinated UNESCO projects within the country
and made a significant contribution to the develop-
ment of international cultural cooperation in Central
Asia. He also contributed to the integration of his
country into the modern scientific community and to
the growth of the country’s reputation and prestige in
the commonwealth of nations.
Kuvandyk Poladov was born in the village of Ka-
bakly located on the left bank of the Amu Darya River
in the Lebap Velayat (Region) of Turkmenistan. After
graduating from a rural school, he went to Ashgabat
and entered the Turkmen Polytechnic Institute where
he graduated in 1978 with a degree in chemical en-
gineering and technology. By assignment, he began
working as a senior forensic expert at the Ministry
of Internal Affairs of the Turkmen SSR and since
1979 continued his career path at the Institute
of Chemistry at Turkmenistan’s Academy of Scienc-
es successively as an intern auditor, a junior research
fellow, and a senior researcher. In 1988 he successful-
ly defended a dissertation for the degree of PhD. in
Chemical Sciences in the Lensoviet Leningrad Insti-
tute of Technology (now called the Saint Petersburg List. These were Ancient Merv (1999), the Parthian
State Institute of Technology). In 1992 he was offered Fortresses of Nisa (2005), and Kunya-Urgench (2007).
the position of a chief technologist at an oil refinery With Poladov’s active assistance, the heroic Turkmen
in the town of Seýdi in his native Lebap Region and in epic art of Gorogly was placed on the Representative
1993 he was appointed as an Assistant to the President List of the Intangible Cultural Heritage of Humanity
of the Academy of Sciences of Turkmenistan. Since in 2015. In addition, the following year the multina-
1997 until the last day of his life, Dr. Poladov served tional holiday of Novruz was also placed on the list
as the Executive Secretary of the National Commis- as part of a joint initiative of Afghanistan, Azerbaijan,
sion for UNESCO in Turkmenistan. India, Iran, Iraq, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Pakistan,
Over those years, largely thanks to his efforts, dip- Tajikistan, Turkey, Turkmenistan, and Uzbekistan. In
lomatic talent, and personality, he achieved signifi- 2017, “Kushtdepdi: The art of Singing and Dancing”
cant success in the implementation of a number of was also added as well as the traditions of Turkmen
cultural initiatives. In particular, in close cooperation carpet weaving in 2019.
with the National Office of Turkmenistan for Protec- In recent years, Dr. Poladov was preparing doc-
tion, Study and Restoration of Historical and Cultur- umentation for nominating the Koytendag moun-
al Monuments, the World Monuments Fund (WMF), tain ecosystem with its famous karst caves and the
the University College London (UCL), the Interna- Badhyz and Sünt-Hasardag nature reserves on the
tional Centre on Earthen Architecture in Grenoble UNESCO List. He was also a member of the Coor-
(CRAterre); three archaeological sites of Turkmeni- dination Committee for the serial nomination of the
stan were included on the UNESCO World Heritage Great Silk Road on the UNESCO World Heritage List.

180
 ВЕСТНИК МИЦАИ 29/2020

Despite devoting his efforts, energy, and time to
official duties and social work, Kuvandyk Poladov re-
mained in collaboration with the Academic Institute
of Chemistry and investigated the physico-chemical
properties of oil. In the abovementioned area, he pub-
lished approximately 50 articles in scientific journals
and collections as well as registering patents. He par-
ticipated in a number of international conferences,
scientific symposia, and meetings on education and
science. The subject of his constant attention includ-
ed training, professional internships, and the further
promotion of young experts from Turkmenistan in
which he saw a promising future for specialists in his
field and for science in general. Kuvandyk Poladov
will remain in the memory of everyone who knew
him as one who understood the importance of coop-
eration for many years and as an exceptionally benev-
olent, intelligent, and sociable person whose open-
ness, personal charm, and constant sense of humor
earned him universal respect and a high reputation.
Yazgül Ezizova,
Editor-in-Chief,
'Construction and Architecture
of Turkmenistan' journal

MIKHAIL NIKOLAYEVICH FEDOROV

(1937-2020)

O
N January 3, 2020, an outstanding numis-
matist and archaeologist, Doctor of Histori-
cal Sciences, Professor Mikhail Nikolayevich
Fedorov passed away in Germany. He was born in
Tashkent on June 28, 1937. From 1954 to 1959 he
studied at the Central Asian State University for a de-
gree in archaeology. He counted Mikhail Evgeniyev-
ich Masson and Galina Anatoliyevna Pugachenkova
as his teachers under whose guidance he underwent
archaeological training in Old Merv (Turkmenistan)
He often liked to tell his students about that experi-
ence. Immediately after graduation, he began work-
ing at the Institute of History and Archaeology of the
Academy of Sciences of the Uzbek SSR in Tashkent,
where in 1961, he defended his Candidate of Sciences
thesis. Ten years later, Fedorov, like many of his Tash-
kent colleagues, became an employee of the newly es- 1978). In 1990, in Novosibirsk, he defended his doc-
tablished Institute of Archaeology at the Academy of toral dissertation on the coinage of the Karakhanid
Sciences of the Uzbek SSR located in Samarkand. He era.
did not work there for long, however, and in 1971 he Working at the Kyrgyz State University, M.N. Fe-
moved to Frunze (present-day Bishkek, Kyrgyzstan), dorov was engaged not only in training professional
where he taught at the Kyrgyz State University until historians and archaeologists, but also in archaeolog-
1996 progressing from a Senior Lecturer and an As- ical field research. Under his leadership from 1980 to
sociate Professor to a Professor and eventually Head 1988, excavations were carried out at the settlement
of the Department of Archaeology and Ethnography of Koshoy Korgon in the inner Tian Shan Mountains.
(1991–1994). While working at the history depart- He identified the medieval town of At-Bash, known
ment, Federov delivered lectures on numismatics, from Arab and Persian sources. As a result, the topog-
archaeology, and the medieval history of Kyrgyzstan raphy and fortification of the town were clarified; a
and Central Asia, which many of his students still palace-type building, as well as residential and handi-
fondly recall. During that time, he published the first craft buildings were also excavated. Simultaneously as
textbook on numismatics in Central Asia (Frunze, these excavations, archaeological surveys were con-

181
ducted to identify new sites and to take into account
the previously known historical and cultural monu-
ments of the inner Tian Shan range for the prepara-
tion of the corresponding volume on the Code of His-
torical and Cultural Monuments of Kyrgyzstan.
In 1996, Professor Fedorov immigrated to Germa-
ny with his family. He lived in Mannheim and worked
at the University of Tübingen.
His scientific heritage is very significant and com-
prises several monographs and about 240 articles,
mainly on Muslim numismatics. He is published in
Uzbekistan, Kyrgyzstan, Kazakhstan, Russia, the USA,
England, Belgium, France, and Germany. His final
publications, devoted to the circulation of money un-
der the Shaybanids, was published in the 48th volume
of the Archäologische Mitteilungen aus Iran und Turan
(Berlin, 2019). The fact that Professor Fedorov’s arti-
cles were published in different countries and in dif-
ferent languages prompted the scholar to summarize
the long-term results of his research, so that in 2018
the first volume of his collection of the articles called
Essays on Ancient and Early Medieval Numismatics
IICAS Activities in 2019
2019 was an extremely eventful year with meetings,
ideas and projects for the International Institute for
Central Asian Studies. In addition to its main activ-
ities, the institute took part in 20 projects that were
not included in its annual budget. At the end of the
year, 8 new publications were presented, each of
which proved quite popular among specialists. The
following are just a few of the milestones that have
marked 2019:
On February 16, 2019, the International Institute
for Central Asian Studies organized a workshop with
support from the Ministry of Culture of the Republic
of Uzbekistan concerning the restoration problems
of cultural heritage sites. Leading specialists and in-
ternational experts in the field for the protection of
cultural heritage sites as represented by the Director
of IICAS Dr. D.A. Voyakin and Ms. L.V. Dubrovskaya
made presentations concerning restoration and con-
servation for architectural and archaeological sites.
D.A. Voyakin, director of IICAS, was designat-
ed as a member of the Program Committee for the
“3D Digital Silk Road” Portal as decided on April 18,
2019 by the Council of the Institute of Computer Sci-
ence of Lublin University of Technology.
182
of Central Asia was published in Moscow. The author
did not manage to compile yet another collection of
his articles on the numismatics of Kyrgyzstan.
Historical fiction was another creative direction in
his life. First, was a trilogy The Gulyams whose setting
was during the events in Transoxania and Khorasan in
the 11th century. It was published in Tashkent in the
1970s. He also published a series of short stories about
Abu Rayhan al-Biruni. Mikhail Fedorov considered
the Tashkent writer Mikhail Sheverdin (1899–1984)
– the author of a series of historical adventure novels,
out of print but available online – as his mentor along
the literary path.
The memory of this scholar who made a signifi-
cant contribution to the study of the history of Kyr-
gyzstan and Central Asia will remain in the hearts of
his colleagues, students, and followers.
Bakyt Amanbayeva,
PhD., Institute of History, Archaeology,
and Ethnology of the National Academy
of Sciences of the Kyrgyz Republic
On May 20, a range of workshops and extensive
work on the inventory of Central Asian sites com-
menced in Samarkand. This project is planned to
extend for the next five years. The Central Asia Ar-
chaeological Landscapes Project is funded by the Ar-
cadia Fund. The team is led by Professor Tim Wil-
liams, University College of London. The project was
coordinated by IICAS directly on site in Central Asia.
Scientists from Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Uzbekistan,
and Tajikistan spoke under the auspices of the proj-
ect. In addition, professionals from China and Turk-
menistan also participated in the work.
The International Conference entitled “IT Tech-
nologies for Cultural Heritage Management”
(IT-CHM’2019) took place on May 22, 2019, at the
site of the madrasah of Ulugbek at the Registan com-
plex in Samarkand.
On June 14, 2019, a round table discussion took
place in Almaty, Kazakhstan, dedicated to the nomi-
nation of the dossier “Rock Art of Central Asia” to be
included on the UNESCO World Cultural Heritage
List. Participants from seven countries took part in
the round table and recommended appointing IICAS
as the secretariat for the nomination. The initial stage
 ВЕСТНИК МИЦАИ 29/2020
On the sidelines of the Salzburg Conference
of nomination dossier’s preparation involved the
book publication Central Asia Cultural And Rock Art
Landscapes: Frequently Asked Questions, in which its
authors Alexey Rogozhinsky and Viktor Novozhenov
outlined a number of problems and nuances in the
field of studies related to the heritage of petroglyphs
in general. It covered the sites in the five Central
Asian countries of Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajik-
istan, Turkmenistan and Uzbekistan. The book was
published in Russian and English and supplemented
by a specially created map designating the locations
of petroglyphs in the region.
The 6th International Conference “Syriac Chris-
tianity in China and Central Asia” organized by
Salzburg University and the Institute of Archeolo-
gy named after A.Kh. Margulan with the support of
the International Institute for Central Asian Studies
was held June 21-27, 2019 in Almaty, Kazakhstan.
Approximately 40 speakers made presentations on
various aspects of Syriac or, as it is commonly called
in the Central Asian region, Nestorian Christianity.
IICAS presented the event’s participants with a series
of books published by the Institute from various joint
projects, as well as the latest edition of its scientific
183
periodical journal The Bulletin of IICAS.
The 43rd session of the UNESCO World Heri-
tage Committee was held June 30 – July 10, 2019 in
Baku, Azerbaijan. Within the framework of the ses-
sion, business appointments of the delegations were
arranged from different countries and organizations.
Suggestions concerning mutually beneficial coopera-
tion were discussed as well. The director of IICAS, Dr.
D.A. Voyakin, took a direct part in this event.
The Forum “Humanitarian Security in the Mod-
ern World: Challenges and Practices for the Conser-
vation of Historical and Cultural Heritage of Central
Asian and Russia” was organized in cooperation with
IICAS and took place in Kazan (Tatarstan, Russian
Federation) on 26-28 July 2019. The main organiz-
er of the forum was the Institute of International Re-
lations of the Kazan Federal University. During the
forum, research fellow of IICAS, Madjer Massanov
made the presentation “Serial Nominations for the
UNESCO World Heritage List as an Effective Tool
for the Conservation of the Cultural Heritage Sites of
Central Asia,” in which he illustrated the key current
and future initiatives for the nomination of a series of
Central Asian cultural heritage sites for the UNESCO
 Meeting in Istanbul
World Heritage List. He pointed out the main advan-
tages provided by this approach to the nomination
process.
On August 8-10, 2019, the International Institute
for Central Asian Studies in cooperation with the
University College London organized, an interstate
meeting of the official representatives of the mem-
ber-states of the Silk Roads Coordination Committee
(Zaravshan-Karakum Corridor) in Istanbul, Turkey.
During the meeting the state representatives ex-
pressed their full support for the nomination process
that included requirements of the program entitled
Silk Roads: Zaravshan-Karakum Corridor for the
UNESCO World Heritage List. The mechanism for
the signing of the Memorandum of Understanding
between three countries as part of this nomination
was agreed upon during the meeting. Further techni-
cal issues related to the preparation of the nomination
dossier were also discussed during the meeting.
A workshop on modern documentation methods
including the use of drones took place in Tajikistan
from September, 2-9, 2019. Professor Kazuya Ya-
maguchi (Teikyo University, Japan), professor Tim
Williams (University College London), as well as two
specialists from the International Institute for Cen-
tral Asian Studies, Dr. Dmitry Voyakin and Farukh
Khabibullayev, along with Denis Sorokin of Archae-
184
ological Expertise, LLC (an invited specialist from
Kazakhstan), were the speakers. The workshop was
organized by the UNESCO-Japanese Fund-in-trust
Project for the Support of the World Heritage of the
Silk Roads in Central Asia (Phase II), the Nation-
al Commission of the Republic of Tajikistan for
UNESCO, and IICAS. The workshop was organized
for preparations concernng the nomination to the
World Heritage List of UNESCO. The experience
gained in learning this specific technology is planned
to be used in preparation for the serial transnational
nomination known as “Silk Roads: Fergana-Syrdarya
Corridor.”
The UNESCO World Heritage Centre and the
UNESCO Cluster Office in Tehran, in cooperation
with the Iranian National Commission for
UNESCO and the Iranian Cultural Heritage Hand-
icrafts and Tourism Organization, organized its 6th
meeting of the Coordinating Committee of the Serial
World Heritage Nomination of the Silk Roads from
September 22-26, 2019 in Hamedan, Iran. IICAS of-
ficially assisted UNESCO in organizing this import-
ant event.
On November 21, 2019, a seminar was held at the
UNESCO Almaty Cluster Office to summarize proj-
ect results implemented by an expert team of special-
ists of the International Institute for Central Asian
 Seminar in Khujand
Studies (IICAS) and aimed to develop remote sensing
methodology as part of the requirements for the se-
rial transnational nomination process known as Silk
Roads: the Routes Network of Chang’an-Tianshan
Corridor. The event was attended by organizational
representatives, government departments and minis-
tries of the Republic of Kazakhstan and those respon-
sible for the conservation and management of serial
nomination requirements.
The Scientific and Methodological Council for
the Protection and Use of the Historical and Cultur-
al Heritage of the Kyzylorda Region took place on
November 21 in the city of Kyzylorda, Kazakhstan.
Scholars and researchers that are implementing ar-
chaeological excavations in the Kyzylorda Region
gave presentations during the meeting. The Director
of IICAS Dr. Voyakin, gave a presentation that gener-
ated an intense discussion. He presented several proj-
ects implemented by the Institute including the work
of the International Kazakh-Uzbek Archeological Ex-
pedition which took center stage in the discussions.
On November 30 – December 3, 2019, the
ICOMOS (International Council on Monuments and
Sites) Uzbekistan Initiative Workshop was held in
Bukhara, Uzbekistan which was attended by IICAS
representatives. The seminar included discussions
related to cultural heritage, sustainable development
185
and heritage tourism. Special attention was given
to setting up an ICOMOS National Committee in
Uzbekistan, and the challenges of re-opening the
ICOMOS Kyrgyzstan and ICOMOS Tajikistan com-
mittees.
The 1st International Scientific and Practical Sym-
posium entitled “Preservation of Cultural Heritage
and its Contribution to Tourism Development” orga-
nized by the Institute of Tourism Development under
the State Committee for Tourism Development of the
Republic of Uzbekistan with support from the Inter-
national Institute for Central Asian Studies (IICAS)
was held on Desember 5, 2019 in Samarkand.
***
The year of Kazakhstan in Uzbekistan was marked
in the research field by the implementation of several
joint international Kazakh-Uzbek projects initiated
in 2018-2019 by the International Institute for Cen-
tral Asian Studies (IICAS) and supported by the Min-
istry of Foreign Affairs of Kazakhstan.
On December 24, 2019, the Embassy of the Re-
public of Kazakhstan in the Republic of Uzbekistan,
together with IICAS, held a conference entitled “The
Year of Kazakhstan in Uzbekistan, Joint Research
Projects: Results and Prospects,” which concluded
 BULLETIN OF IICAS 29/2020
the joint activities of research from Kazakhstan and
Uzbekistan in the framework of the above-mentioned
international projects. Participants of the conference
heard and discussed reports from prominent Kazakh
and Uzbek scholars and also learned about the unique
materials received during the complex archaeological
excavations on the territory of the ancient settlement
of Sygnak located in the Kyzylorda Region of the Re-
public of Kazakhstan. A film dedicated to the Sygnak
Archaeological Expedition and numerous three-di-
mensional models of magnificent beauty and master-
ful execution of gold jewelry and architectural deco-
ration found during the excavations was shown to the
participants of the conference. A special discussion
platform at the conference was organized for the par-
ticipants to discuss the extensive database and web-
site “Archive Materials of Central Asia” providing us-
ers with a wide range of different levels of Internet ac-
cess. The database contains the unpublished research
materials in the field of the humanities of the Central
Asian region. The archives involved in the project are
owned by Uzbek and Kazakh scientific institutes.
At the end of 2019 the International Institute for
Central Asian Studies was invited by the Ministry of
Culture of the Republic of Azerbaijan and Center for
Silk Road Studies under the Presidium of the Azerbai-
jan National Academy of Sciences to implement the
preparatory study concerning the potential of eventu-
ally including the historical and cultural heritage sites
of Azerbaijan on the list of requirements of the se-
rial transnational nomination known as “Silk Roads:
Caspian (Volga-Caspian) Corridor” the main vector
of which follows the Kura River. The itinerary of the
expedition covered the coastal area of the so-called
“Big Caucasian Passage” (its central route) located be-
186
tween the Big Caucasian Mountains and the Caspian
Sea, as well as the valley of the Kura River. In total 16
historical and cultural heritage sites were studied (6
components belonging to the Caspian Corridor and
10 components belonging to the Kurin Corridor). A
considerable amount of material was processed with
the use of the latest technologies and equipment and
was the basis for preparation of the topographic sur-
vey, orthographic photo plan, and 3D models.
***
The fourth field season of the archaeological ex-
pedition on the necropolis of the ancient settlement
of Ilibalyk was completed. It was organized by IICAS
with the financial support of Dr. Christoph Baumer,
the head of the Society for the Exploration of EurAsia,
as well as the Institute of Archaeology named after
A.Kh. Margulan and international participants from
the USA via the Tandy Institute for Archaeology. The
necropolis, with more than 80 excavated graves, has
revealed a large number of kayraks (gravestones) with
Old Turkic and Syriac epitaphs and cross inscriptions
dating to the 13th–14th centuries, as well as various
objects with Christian symbols including jewelry and
grave goods. The archaeological excavations during
the 2019 field season on the site of Kesken-Kuyuk
Kala, Kazakhstan, in the eastern Aral region were
organized by IICAS with the financial support of Dr.
Christoph Baumer and the Society for the Explora-
tion of Eurasia in October 2019. IICAS also imple-
mented archaeological excavations on the ancient
settlement of Ashutasty (Kostanai Region, Republic
of Kazakhstan) in cooperation with Archaeological
Expertise, LLC and Vilnius University.
 BULLETIN OF IICAS 29/2020

ADDRESSES OF AUTHORS

Nona Avanesova, PhD, Professor of the Department Armen Kasparov, Master of Archaeology, Lecturer
of Archaeology of Samarkand State University. at the Department of Archaeology, Samarkand State
Contact: non.avanesova@mail.ru University. Contact: murdacop@list.ru

Gennady Bogomolov, PhD, Senior Researcher at the Ruslan Muradov, Professor of the International
National Center of Archaeology of the Academy of Academy of Architecture (Moscow branch), Edi-
Sciences of the Republic of Uzbekistan. tor-in-Chief of the Bulletin of IICAS.
Contact: gennadiybog54@mail.ru Contact: turkmenica@yandex.ru

Boris Chukhovich, PhD in Art History, Associate
Researcher at the University of Montreal, President of
the Observatory for Cultural Heritage of Central Asia
Alerte Héritage. Contact: boris@colba.net
Svetlana Gorshenina, Professor (Director de reche-
vche), EUR'ORBEM (CNRS/Sorbonne Université)
and the Maison de l'historie of the University of Ge-
neva. Contact: sgorshen@gmail.com
Aysulu Erzhigitova, Senior Researcher, Institute of
Archaeology named after Margulan of the Ministry
of Education and Science of the Republic of Kazakh-
stan. Contact: aisulu6767@mail.ru
Dodo Nazilov, Doctor of Architecture, Professor of
the Tashkent Institute of Architecture and Civil Engi-
neering. Contact: firdavs.shelby@gmail.com
Bernard O’Kane, Professor of Islamic art and archi-
tecture at the American University in Cairo, Egypt.
Contact: bokane@aucegypt.edu
Allanazar Sopiev, expert on historical weapons sci-
ence, State Museum of Turkmenistan.
Contact: allanazar1958@mail.ru
Aleksey Ulko, linguist, culturologist, art critic, inde-
pendent researcher. Contact: alexulko@yahoo.co.uk

Anton Ikhsanov, MA in Asian and African studies, Sergey Yatsenko, Doctor of Historical Sciences, Pro-
currently - PhD student, The Faculty of Humanities, fessor of the Department of History and Theory of
Higher School of Economics, Moscow. Culture of the Russian State University for the Hu-
Contact: antonx2301@icloud.com manities. Contact: sergey_yatsenko@mail.ru

ABBREVIATIONS

CV Cultural Values (International Annual), St. Petersburg.

ENU Eurasian National University (Astana / Nur-Sultan).
IEA RAS Institute of Ethnology and Anthropology of the Russian Academy of Sciences (Moscow).
IA NAS RK Institute of Archaeology of the National Academy of Sciences of the Republic of Kazakhstan
IMKU Istoriya Material’noj Kul’tury Uzbekistana (The History of the material culture of Uzbekistan)
MIA Materialy i issledovaniīa po arkheologii SSSR (Moscow – Leningrad).
ONU Obschestvennye nauki v Uzbekistane (Social Sciences in Uzbekistan).
RA Rossiīskaīa arkheologiīa (Moscow).
SA Sovetskaīa arkheologiīa (Moscow).
SKSU South Kazakhstan State University (Shymkent).
SNRPM Special scientific restoration production workshops.
UzNIPIR Uzbek Research and Design Institute for Restoration (Tashkent).
YuTAKE Yuzhno-Turkmenistanskaja arkheologicheskaja kompleksnajaekspeditsija (Ashgabat).
VDI Vestnik drevneī istorii (Moscow).

187
Translated into English: Tatiana Goncharova, Zarina Kudabaeva

Cover illustration: Khiva, citadel, reception hall (1254/1838-9),

detail of side wall (photo: B. O’Kane).

Address: International Institute for Central Asian Studies

19, University Boulevard str., 140129, Samarkand, Uzbekistan
Tel.: (998 66) 239 15 40; 239 15 58
Fax: (998 66) 239 15 58
E-mail: iicasunesco@gmail.com
Web-site: www.unesco-iicas.org

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