BULLETIN

The International Institute for Central Asian Studies was established

on July 5, 1995, the outcome of a large-scale UNESCO Silk Road project.
The idea for Institute’s creation emerged during an international scientific
expedition on the Central Asian steppe route; organized within the
framework of the “Integral Studies of the Silk Roads: Roads of Dialogue”
program, a major project of the World Decade for Cultural Development
(1987-1997). Initially, Azerbaijan, Iran, Kazakhstan, China, South OF THE INTERNATIONAL INSTITUTE
Korea, Kyrgyzstan, Pakistan, Tajikistan, Turkey, and Uzbekistan signed
an agreement to establish the Institute. Mongolia joined IICAS in 2020. FOR CENTRAL ASIAN
IICAS’s mission is to draw attention to a wide audience concerning
the scientific and cultural challenges of Central Asia and to strengthen STUDIES
cooperation between local scholars and their international counterparts

BULLETIN OF IICAS 33
in the interdisciplinary study of the region, including tangible and
intangible cultural heritage, environment, archaeology, art history, history
of religions, history of science, ethnology, historical geography, written
and oral literature, and social sciences among others. The objectives and
functions of IICAS are reflected in the research and applied projects
carried out by the Institute. The Bulletin of IICAS is intended not only to
reflect research outcomes but also to be a publication that promotes an
expanding communicative space for interaction between experts from
different countries.
All articles submitted to the editorial board are peer-reviewed, and
publications are reflected in the RSCI bibliographic database. We hope to
improve research standards by publishing scholarly articles and making
all the materials freely available to those interested. The editorial board
also considers it a priority to provide the academic community with
opportunities to initiate scientific discussions and share opinions.
Within each section of the journal, materials are grouped not by
subject, but by the authors’ names in alphabetical order. This neutral
principle applies not only to thematic blocks, where the autonomy of
each article is inappropriate; but also, more importantly is the logical
linkages between the texts presented. The journal focuses on publishing
specific studies’ outcomes in the disciplines mentioned above, as well
as polemics, criticism, and a bibliography with the most recent sources.
This allows users to track and evaluate all the essential matters regularly
emerging in the study of the Central Asian history and contemporary IICAS
culture.
Regulations and instructions for contributors and the entire archive

33
of the journal is freely accessible at www.unesco-iicas.org.
 ISSN 1694-5794

BULLETIN
OF THE INTERNATIONAL INSTITUTE
FOR CENTRAL ASIAN
STUDIES

33

PUBLISHED TWICE A YEAR

Founded in 2005

SAMARKAND
2022

1
IICAS
International Institute
for Central Asian Studies (IICAS)
by the UNESCO Silk Road Programme

International Advisory Board

Chairman Dmitry Voyakin, PhD. in archaeology, Director of IICAS; Bakhtiyar Babajanov, Dr. Sci. (Hist.), The Abu
Rayhan Biruni Institute of Oriental Studies of the Academy of Sciences of the Republic of Uzbekistan; Christoph Baumer,
Founding Member and President of the Society for the Exploration of EurAsia, Switzerland; Jian Ma, professor of the School
of Cultural Heritage at Northwest University, Xi’an, China; Julio Bendezu-Sarmiento, PhD. in prehistory, ethnology
and anthropology, University of Paris 1 Sorbonne Pantheon, French National Centre for Scientific Research (CNRS-
ENS); Michael Frachetti, professor, Department of Anthropology Washington University in St. Louis, USA; Michael
Jansen, professor, The German University of Technology in Oman (GUtech); Egor Kitov, PhD. Institute of Ethnology
and Anthropology of the Russian Academy of Sciences, Institute of Archeology of the Ministry of Science and Education
of the Republic of Kazakhstan; Bulat Khusainov, Dr. Sci. (Economics), Associate Professor, Kazakh-German University,
Almaty; Pavel Lurje, PhD. in philology, Oriental Department of the State Hermitage Museum, St. Petersburg; Simone
Mantellini, Ph.D. in archaeology, University of Bologna; Shahin Mustafayev, Dr. Sci. (Hist.), Academician, Institute
of Oriental Studies of the National Academy of Sciences of Azerbaijan; Claude Rapin, Dr (HDR), National Centre for
Scientific Research (CNRS-ENS), Paris; Ayrat Sitdikov, Dr. Sci. (Hist.), Institute of Archeology named after A.Khalikov,
Academy of Sciences of the Republic of Tatarstan; Michael Shenkar, Associate Professor of Pre-Islamic Iranian Studies,
The Hebrew University of Jerusalem; Rafael Valeev, Dr. Sci. (Hist.), Professor of Kazan Federal University, Vice-President
of National Committee ICOMOS Russia; Ona Vileikis, PhD. in engineering science, the UCL Institute of Archaeology;
Kazuya Yamauchi, Professor of Archaeology, Teikyo University, Tokyo.

Editorial board

Editor-in-Chief Ruslan G. Muradov, Professor of the International Academy of Architecture, Moscow branch (IAAM);
Bakyt Amanbaeva, PhD. in archaeology, Professor, Institute of History and Cultural Heritage of the National Academy
of Sciences of the Kyrgyz Republic; Farda Asadov, Dr. Sci. (Philology), Professor, Institute of Oriental Studies of the
National Academy of Sciences of the Republic of Azerbaijan; Enkhbat Avirmed, the School of Business Administration
and Humanities, Mongolian University of Science and Technology; Bauyrzhan Baitanayev, Dr. Sci. (Hist.), Academician,
Institute of Archaeology of the Ministry of Science and Education of the Republic of Kazakhstan; Larisa Dodhudoeva,
Dr. Sci. (Hist.), Institute of History, Archeology and Ethnography of the Academy of Sciences of the Republic of Tajikistan;
Steven Gilbert, PhD. in historical and ethnographic and theological studies, the Lanier Center for Archaeology at
Lipscomb University, USA; Svetlana Gorshenina, Dr (HDR), University of Geneva - National Centre for Scientific
Research (CNRS-ENS), Paris; Hee Soo Lee, Professor of the Department of Cultural Anthropology, Hanyang University,
Seoul; Alexander Jumaev, PhD. in art studies, Research Group ‘Makam’ of the International Council for Traditional
Music, Tashkent; Saeid Khatibzadeh, Professor, Institute for Political and International Studies (IPIS), Ministry of
Foreign Affairs of Iran; Philipp Meuser, Ph.D, Visiting Professor for Public Humnaties, Brown University, Providence/
Rhode Island; Tigran Mkrtychev, Dr. Sci. (Art studies), Director of the State Museum of Arts named after I. V. Savitsky,
Nukus; Shakirjan Pidaev, PhD. in archaeology, Fine Arts Research Institute of the Academy of Sciences of the Republic
of Uzbekistan; Dilshod Rahimi, Research Institute of Culture and Information of the Ministry of Culture of the Republic
of Tajikistan; Ghani-ur Rahman, Assistant Professor, Taxila Institute of Asian Civilizations Quaid-i-Azam University,
Islamabad; Evren Rutbil, Turkish Cooperation and Coordination Agency (TİKA); Tim Williams, Associate Professor in
Silk Roads Archeology, the UCL Institute of Archaeology.
Editorial Office: Anastasia Stepanova

The authors are responsible for the choice and the presentation of the facts contained in this edition and for the opinions
expressed therein, which are not necessarily those of IICAS and do not oblige the organization in way, nor do they represent
the expression of any opinions as the part of IICAS concerning the legal status of any country, territory, city or of its authorities,
or concerning the delimitation of its frontier or boundaries.

© International Institute for Central Asian Studies, 2022

2
 CONTENTS

Central asian declaration

of the principles of archaeological heritage management .......................................................................5

Cultural StudIes

Mavlyuda Abbasova-Yusupova
Little-known Sufi complexes in the Bukhara oasis during the 18th-19th centuries:
Formation, Architecture, Typology .............................................................................................................22

mikhail baskhanov
Visualisation of Strategic spaces:
Turkestan Through the Lens of the Russian military Photographers .....................................................38

Maria Zagitova
Double Standard Fashion: Politics and Design ..........................................................................................55

Armen Kasparov
The Purpose of the Clay Craftsmanship Items of the Sapalli culture .......................................................67

Dmitriy Miloserdov
Ornamentation and Decoration techniques used
on Cold Weapons in Afghanistan from the 18th to early 20th centuries ...............................................75

Philipp Meuser
The Typology of the Eurasian City ...........................................................................................................88

Tatiana Starodub
"Kalila and Dimna" in the Miniatures of Arabic Manuscripts ............................................................113

HISTORIOGRAPHY ISSUES

Sergey Abashin
Three Hundred years after the Campaign .......................................................................................129

Farda Asadov
Archeology and textual Source Studies for Khazar Historical Research:
Scholarly Interaction in the 20th Century and Prospects of Cooperation .....................................133

3
 BULLETIN OF IICAS 33/2022

Aydogdy Kurbanov
German archaeological Activities in Turkmenistan .............................................................................138

Tigran Mkrtychev
A New Word about Benkov .......................................................................................................................150

CHRONICLE

Mavlyuda Abbasova-Yusupova
Edvard Vasilyevich Rtveladze (1942-2022) ...........................................................................................161

Maral Khabdulina
Viktor Fedorovich Seibert (1947-2022) ...................................................................................................161

Timur Khasanovich Ochilov (1963-2022) .............................................................................................164

Kayrat Zhambulatov
Yerlan Kazizov (1983–2022) ......................................................................................................................166

Saida Ilyasova, Jangar Ilyasov

Two Friends – One Fate ..........................................................................................................................168

Bokijon Matbabayev, Hikmatulla Khoshimov

On the Anniversary of Bakyt Amanbayeva .............................................................................................173

Life as a Dreamer (The 70th Anniversary of Christoph Baumer) ......................................................177

Yuri Yolgin
Celebrating the 60th Birthday of the Academician Bauyrzhan Baitanaev .........................................179

Addresses of Authors...................................................................................................................................182

Abbreviations................................................................................................................................................183

4
 CENTRAL ASIAN DECLARATION
OF THE PRINCIPLES OF ARCHAEOLOGICAL HERITAGE
MANAGEMENT

Authors of the initial text of the Declaration: “Central Asian Declaration of the Principles of
Archaeological Heritage Management” was globe
Dmitriy Voyakin (Kazakhstan) discussed and unanimously adopted on the sidelines
Natalya Voyakina (Kazakhstan) of the international conference “Archeology and
Tourism: Identifying Potential and Managing Her-
Contributors: itage” held under the auspices of UNESCO, on Sep-
tember 16-17, 2021, in Nukus, Republic of Uzbek-
Tim Williams (UK), istan, by the world-renowned scholars representing
Baurzhan Baitanaev (Kazakhstan), over 20 countries.
Kazuya Yamauchi (Japan),
Michael Jansen (Germany),
Bakyt Amanbaeva (Kyrgyzstan), What are the objectives of this international
Pavel Lurje (Russia), initiative?
Roland Lin (France),
Gai Jorayev (UK), The diversity and richness of cultural heritage is a
Ona Vileikis (UK), fundamental feature of any civilized society. They are
Airat Sitdikov (Russia), an integrating component of the national and state
Paul Wordsworth (UK), identity. The concept of "cultural heritage" is a broad
Li Erwu (China), one. It includes a mentality that determines moral
Ruslan Muradov (Turkmenistan), criteria, behavior stereotypes, and folklore systems -
Simone Mantellini (Italy), from the realm of imagery, to “migratory subjects”, to
Tigran Mkrtychev (Russia), the pertinent musical harmony. The tangible part of
Michael Frachetti (USA), cultural heritage is some sort of materialized memory
Rafael Valeev (Russia), of an ethnic group or a nation. The most important
Djamal Mirzaakhmedov (Uzbekistan), and quantitatively significant part thereof is the ar-
Rustam Suleymanov (Uzbekistan), chaeological heritage, covering all types of archaeo-
Ganiur Rahman (Pakistan), logical sites: whether it be ruins of fortifications or
Naranbaatar Baassansuren (Mongolia), settlements, sagged burial grounds, remains of an-
Shakirjan Pidayev (Uzbekistan), cient camps or towns, or spectacular monumental
Aisulu Yerzhigitova (Kazakhstan), structures. Properly excavated, preserved, examined
Eduardo Escalante (Mexico), and documented by professionals, they visibly carry
Shahin Mustafayev (Azerbaijan), the information the bygone centuries, communities
Andrey Omelchenko (Russia), and even nations. The monuments that have not yet
Andrei Khazbulatov (Kazakhstan), been studied make up invaluable arrays of data that
Amriddin Berdimuradov (Uzbekistan), belong to the humanity, serving as its indelible tangi-
Galina Karimova (Tajikistan), ble memory.
Tatiana Krupa (Ukraine), At the same time, the archaeological heritage is an
Dzhangar Ilyasov (Uzbekistan), non-renewable resource of cultural wealth, and scien-
Julio Bandezu Sermiento (France), tific potential. In being so, it requires especially care-
Peter Rauxloh (UK), ful protection. Therefore, the archaeological heritage
Jordi Tresseras (Spain) sites are of extremely unique value, as they are poten-
tially an integral part of the world cultural heritage.
The declaration was initiated and prepared with While possessing a number of special qualities such
the assistance and under the patronage of the Minis- as being hidden from view under the ground, antiquity
try of Tourism and Sport of the Republic of Uzbeki- (appurtenance to the past), fragility, exceptional histor-
stan, the National Commission of the Republic of Uz- ical and cultural value, scholarly importance and vast
bekistan for UNESCO, and the International Institute informative potential, high probability of accidental
for Central Asian Studies. discovery, the very principles of conducting scientific

5
 BULLETIN OF IICAS 33/2022
archaeological research, and the need for taking special
conservation measures, – do require that a special re-
gime be established for their use and protection.
Relevance and timeliness of adoption
of the Declaration
In the twentieth century, there appeared such a
concept as “archaeological heritage” and the entire
multitude of organizational activities associated with
the heritage, referred to as archaeological heritage
management.
However, in Central Asia, due to certain objective
circumstances, this process was not fully developed,
nor implemented.
The archaeological heritage throughout the Cen-
tral Asian region, owing to its fragility on one hand
(after all, the vast majority of the monuments are ar-
chitecture of earthen-brick or adobe-brick structures)
and, on the other hand, due to their quality of being
hidden from view (the archaeological monuments are
buries under the thickness of soil strata and are not
always easily discernible) undergoes extremely rapid
destruction when exposed to both natural elements
and human touch. The number of monuments and
sites, according to the scientific data and documenta-
tion, is rapidly decreasing.
The adopted document has, as its ultimate goal,
the higher guarantee of protection of the archaeo-
logical heritage, the implementation of its standards
shall not entail any negative legal, political or social
consequences. The Declaration is, in effect, aimed at
saving the archaeological heritage through develop-
ment and implementation of competent and, most
importantly, effective management mechanisms for
this utterly important and capacious resource, which
is absolutely fundamental for the national spirit and
for the identity of each nation state.
The practical significance of the adoption
of the Declaration
Adhering to the principles provided for by the
Declaration, is sure to bring about a significant in-
crease in the protection of archaeological heritage
sites from the negative anthropogenic impact in the
context of the upcoming intensification of develop-
ment of territories. This will lead to the formation of
a systemic approach to the interfaces among the gov-
ernmental bodies, land users and organizations con-
ducting archaeological research.
The positive consequences of adoption of the
Declaration will be the increasing international pres-
tige of the countries of Central Asia. These states shall
be viewed as highly developed countries from the hu-
manitarian standpoint, as they care about the existing
6
tangible and intangible heritage of their cultures and
ethnic groups that have inhabited the territory of this
vast region for centuries. Furthermore, the effective
integration of archaeological heritage sites into the
economy of the nation states through development
of the basic tourism infrastructure will ensure an in-
crease in internal and external tourist flow, entailing
an inflow of domestic and foreign investment in the
hospitality industry, creation of new jobs and devel-
opment of suburban territories.
Due to the fact that the Declaration of Principles
of Archaeological Heritage Management is aimed at
the qualitative development of public administration
in this territory by increasing the efficiency of the
existing system for the protection and use of histori-
cal and cultural values, introducing successful world
experience, creating effective legal mechanisms to
ensure conservation of the archaeological heritage,
adopting this document and promoting it on the in-
ternational arena, will bring the process of archaeo-
logical heritage management to a qualitatively new
level.
The novelty of the proposed heritage management
principles presented in the Declaration
Among the principles of the Declaration: are
the standards and criteria of creation of the Unified
Electronic Register and the State Reserve of Archaeo-
logical Monuments; provisions on the prohibition of
illegal excavation and research using metal detectors
and other search equipment without special permis-
sion; instructions on the financing of archaeological
expertise and conservation and rescue operations on
monuments that find themselves to be in the areas
subject to planned development, at the expense of
the customer of the area development; norms for the
conservation and maintenance of the conditions and
status quo of archaeological heritage sites and objects.
The requirement for strict scientific control over
archaeological excavations and the need to carry
them out in accordance with state-of-the-art tech-
nology of the archaeological science, as fundamental
principles, were reflected in the Declaration.
The inclusion of regulations on encouraging the
exchange of information on ongoing archaeological
research and excavations, including international
ones, and on prevention of illegal exchange and cir-
culation of archaeological heritage items will also
ensure the study and conservation of archaeological
heritage sites at a qualitatively new level.
Prospects for further promoting the Declaration
at the international level.
With the support of the governmental authori-
 BULLETIN OF IICAS 33/2022
ties of Uzbekistan and the international community,
the document adopted by the Nukus conference is
planned to be ratified in the form of a declaration or
recommendation at the highest international level -
the UNESCO General Assembly and General Confer-
ence. This initiative will not only bring international
fame to such an important undertaking, but will also
call on all the countries of Central Asia to unite their
efforts in the careful management of archaeological
heritage - the treasure bequeathed to us by our an-
cestors and which we will pass on to our descendants.
Famous scholars expressing
their opinions
on the adopted Declaration:
I strongly welcome the ground-breaking CENTRAL
ASIAN DECLARATION OF THE PRINCIPLES OF
ARCHAEOLOGICAL HERITAGE MANAGEMENT.
This is a very timely Declaration, at a moment when
the region faces the numerous challenges around the
recovery from the pandemic, the need to build sustain-
able tourism, and the broader pressures of the climate
crisis. The call for “national unified electronic state reg-
isters of archaeological sites”, including electronic ar-
chaeological maps, is of the utmost importance in pro-
viding a platform to proactively plan for the impacts of
development at all levels. Archaeological sites are major
scientific and cultural assets for Central Asia, and the
Declaration affirms their importance, and their contri-
bution to sustainable development in the 21st century.
Professor Tim Williams
UCL Institute of Archaeology, UK
A full ranged and scaled declaration that involves
almost every fields of cultural heritage protection, con-
servation, preservation, archaeology, legislation, coop-
eration, monitoring and research of Uzbekistan and
Central Asia countries; a milestone of the conservation
and nomination for the Silk Roads heritage sites. My
profound salutes and congratulations! And deepest
greetings to all my colleagues in Uzbekistan, the immi-
nent crossroad of the great Silk Roads!
Dr. Erwu Li
Director of Secretariat ICOMOS
International Conservation Centre-Xi'an, China
The Central Asian Declaration of the Principles
of Archaeological Heritage Management, unanimous-
ly adopted by scientists from more than 20 countries,
within the framework of the International Archaeolog-
ical Conference "Archeology and Tourism: Identifying
Potential and Managing Heritage" under the auspices
of UNESCO, held in Nukus, Uzbekistan on September
7
16-17, 2021, represents an extremely important, a pro-
fessionally developed and, most importantly, relevant
document for the entire Central Asian region. I am
convinced that in the very near future the Declaration
will be adopted by many countries as a fundamental
document in the field of archaeological heritage man-
agement.
Professor Kazuya Yamauchi
Teikyo University, Japan
Having reviewed the CENTRAL ASIAN DECLA-
RATION OF THE PRINCIPLES OF ARCHAEOLOG-
ICAL HERITAGE MANAGEMENT, signed in Nukus,
Uzbekistan on September 17, 2021, I believe it is of
undeniable importance for charting a socially responsi-
ble and scholarly approach to movable and immovable
cultural resources in Uzbekistan, and Central Asia. The
declaration sets the framework for conscientious doc-
umentation, study, preservation, and management of
all forms of the archaeological past, as well as the ap-
preciation of cultural traditions that have profoundly
impacted the world throughout history. I am delighted
to see this declaration enacted and for its core principles
to be adopted among communities of scholars, politi-
cal leaders, and the public alike. The declaration will
help preserve the past for future generations of Central
Asian communities and is a fundamental act of human
rights for all people to help communicate and share
their common historical connection and heritage.
Dr. Michael Frachetti
Professor of Archaeology and Central Asian
Prehistory Department of Anthropology
Washington University in St. Louis, USA
The declaration adopted in Nukus is an important
stage in the formation of a modern system for conser-
vation of historical and cultural heritage. The time-
ly tasks set in the Document respond to modern-day
challenges, meanwhile highlighting priorities for iden-
tifying new directions. The document provides ample
actionable opportunities for government agencies, re-
search and academic institutions, public organizations
in Central Asia and cross-border regions. It is beyond
doubt that the emergence of this Declaration will be key
for conservation of cultural heritage and development
of tourism in the context of the current global trends,
for many years to come.
Professor Airat Sitdikov
Director of the Institute Archaeology of the Re-
public of Tatarstan, Russia Federation
For the first time in the history of Uzbekistan and
Central Asia, an international conference "ARCHEOL-
 BULLETIN OF IICAS 33/2022
OGY AND TOURISM: IDENTIFYING POTENTIAL
AND MANAGING HERITAGE" was held under the
auspices of UNESCO. The conference presented a fun-
damentally new document, which will raise the protec-
tion and use of the region's immovable archaeological
heritage to new levels. The government of Uzbekistan
quickly responds to the challenges of the time and
makes wise decisions which are bound to ensure safety
of our cultural heritage in the future. This document
will serve as a model and example for other countries
for the possible use and management of cultural herit-
age.
Rustam Suleimanov,
Academician of the Academy of Sciences of the
Republic of Uzbekistan
Central Asia experienced drastic changes during
the last decades, many of which altered irreversibly the
cultural landscapes and urbanscapes of this region. The
regulation of the archaeological heritage not only repre-
sents a crucial step in the safeguard of national cultural
heritages, but also a unique opportunity for local com-
munities to consolidate the long-standing relationship
with their native territory. The possibility to develop ar-
cheological tourism in Central Asian countries, includ-
ing the creation of archaeological park around major
sites, is also a tempting challenge that could bring bene-
fits at different levels, and increase the global awareness
on such a unique cultural and historical legacy.
For this reason, I strongly support the proposal
of the CENTRAL ASIAN DECLARATION OF THE
PRINCIPLES OF ARCHAEOLOGICAL HERITAGE
MANAGEMENT.
Professor Simone Mantellini,
University of Bologna, Italy
This event, which was hosted by the Government
of Uzbekistan, was a timely one. The conference has
brought together many experts from various countries
of the globe: archaeologists, restorers, architects and
others. It is attended by many experts from the region
as well. I believe its main positive effect is the Decla-
ration, which offers a solution to the main problem
common to the Central Asian countries – the conser-
vation of the cultural heritage, of our past. Many issues
were discussed, for example, the boundaries between
fundamental and applied science, impact mechanisms,
methodology of applying archeology for the develop-
ment of tourism, while producing related economic re-
sults. Once the declaration is enacted, the development
of tourism will directly depend on proper conservation
and management of historical and cultural heritage.
The cultural heritage sites appeared each at their time
regardless of their current state pertinence. By the same
8
token, tourism should have no borders. Of course, we
need to do a lot for personnel training, to reach our
goals.
It is very important that the declaration should
be adopted by all countries of this region, and that the
states should put it on their priority agendas. A similar
event should be held by every nation state in Central
Asia.
Bauyrzhan Baitanayev,
Academician of the National Academy of Scienc-
es of the Republic of Kazakhstan
Comparatively, Central Asian states have a very
good legislation in terms of protection of archaeolog-
ical heritage. Nevertheless, we often see the instances
of neglect and destruction, often done in the name of
development. There seem to be a lack of awareness or
understanding of the legalities. A declaration that you
are proposing could serve a great purpose and help the
specialists communicate the requirements for protec-
tion better. It will explain the ideals of protection and
care rather than complex legal requirements. I therefore
wholeheartedly support the idea of developing a com-
monly agreed text that will streamline the approaches
across the region.
Dr. Gai Jorayev,
UCL Institute of Archaeology, UK
Declaration, with our joint international support,
can become another effective measure to strengthen the
principles of managing the archaeological heritage of
our vast region.
Dr. Bakyt Amanbaeva
National Academy of Sciences of the Kyrgyz
Republic
The worldwide recognition of the Central Asian
Declaration for the Principles of Archaeological Herit-
age Management is a milestone in achieving the long
term conservation while managing change. Bringing
communities as the heart of well managed archaeo-
logical landscapes will bring economical opportunities
contributing to the achievement of the sustainable de-
velopment goals.
The Declaration reflects the know-how and state-
of-the-art of a shared vision of the academic commu-
nity and practitioners that will undoubtedly serve as
a guidance for national Central Asian governments
while improving the heritage legal and management
framework.
Dr. Ona Vileikis. University College London
(UCL) Institute of Archaeology, UK
 BULLETIN OF IICAS 33/2022

Declarations and guidelines regarding the man-
agement and protection of archaeological heritage are
substantial references for the international standardi-
zation of archaeological heritage preservation in coun-
tries with such rich past and cultures.
Authorities should consider the adoption of dec-
larations and recommendations within their legal
framework in order to strengthen their institutions on
implementation of cultural policies. The preservation
of archaeological heritage is essential for the consolida-
tion of cultural identity.
For the use of archaeological heritage sites it is
important for the governmental institutions to adopt
cultural policies regarding delimitation of protection
areas and the habilitation of archaeological parks for
cultural heritage dissemination, education and touris-
tic promotion. Countries like Mexico have adopted the
1990 ICAHM Charter and the 1990 ICOMOS Decla-
ration of Mexico, from which policies have being imple-
mented for the development of the National Network
of Archaeological Zones Opened to the Public and the
Federal Declarations of Archaeological Monuments
Zone, identifying and overlapping several protection
legal frameworks for the preservation of archaeologi-
cal heritage. Such initiatives are possible and needed in
Uzbekistan and surrounding region with a substantial
declaration as the Central Asian Declaration of the
Principles of Archaeological Heritage Management.
Important during the current urban era that sever-
al countries in the region are experiencing, special re-
gime for land use within the boundaries of the archae-
ological sites is necessary measure to be implemented
within legal frameworks. After the definition of special
protection areas and boundaries, the regularization of
the land use will help in the development of social in-
frastructure and tourism regarding the preservation of
archaeological heritage. These protection measures are
the core element of the Declaration.
Dr. Eduardo Escalante Carrillo,
Director of the Museum of Anthropology and
History of Mexico City, Mexico

Central Asian Declaration of the Principles

of Archaeological Heritage Management
International Archaeological Conference "Archeology and Tourism: Identifying the Potential and
Managing Heritage" under the auspices of UNESCO,

considering its strong conviction that the archaeological heritage sites, while possessing a number of spe-
cial qualities such as being hidden from view under the ground or under water, antiquity (appurtenance to the
past), fragility, exceptional historical and cultural value, scholarly importance and vast informative potential,
high probability of accidental discovery, the very principles of conducting scientific archaeological research,
and the need for taking special conservation measures, – do require that a special regime be established for
their use and protection,
acknowledging that the national archaeological heritage sites enrich the entire humanity,
emphasizing the particular vulnerability and irreplaceability of archaeological heritage,
recalling that, despite the general technological advancement facilitating the development and dissemi-
nation of knowledge and concepts, the numerous factors accompanying this technological advancement, in-
cluding urban growth and economic development of new territories, lead to the catastrophically rapid loss of
archaeological heritage,
considering the features of development of the Central Asian region,
also recalling that a corpus of UNESCO standard-setting documents, including conventions, recommen-
dations and charters exists on the subject of conservation of historic areas, all of which remain valid, and
among which are such international documents as:
- Convention for the Protection of Cultural Property in the Event of Armed Conflict. The Hague, 1954.
- Recommendations on international principles applicable to archaeological excavations, 1956.
- International Charter for the Conservation and Restoration of Monuments and Sites (Venice Charter).
Venice, 1964.
- Recommendation concerning the Preservation of Cultural Property Endangered by Public or Private
Works. Paris, 1968.
- UNESCO Convention on the Means of Prohibiting and Preventing the Illicit Import, Export and Transfer
of Ownership of Cultural Property (1970).
- Convention concerning the Protection of World Cultural and Natural Heritage (1972).

9
 BULLETIN OF IICAS 33/2022

- UNESCO Recommendation concerning the Protection, at a national level, of the Cultural and Natural
Heritage, 1972.
- International Cultural Tourism Charter. Brussels, 1974.
- The Recommendation concerning the Safeguarding and Contemporary Role of. Historic Areas. Nairobi,
1976.
- The Washington Charter: Charter on the Conservation of Historic Towns and Urban Areas, 1987.
- ICAHM Charter: Charter for the Protection and Management of the Archaeological Heritage, Lausanne,
1990.
- European Convention on the Protection of the Archaeological Heritage. (Revised). Valetta, 1992.
- The Nara Document on Authenticity. Nara, 1994.
- Principles for the Recording of Monuments, Groups of Buildings and Sites. Sofia, 1996.
- The Convention on the Protection of the Underwater Cultural Heritage. Paris, 2001.
- UNESCO Declaration Concerning the Intentional Destruction of Cultural Heritage, 2003.
- Declaration on the Conservation of Historic Urban Landscapes (Vienna Declaration), 2005.
- Recommendation on the Historic Urban Landscape. Paris, 2011.
- The Valletta Principles for the Safeguarding and Management of Historic Cities, Towns and Urban Areas.
Valletta, 2011.
- The Menorca Declaration on Development and Use of Best Practices in Management of Archaeological
World Heritage Sites. Menorca, 2012.
- Salalah Guidelines for the Management of Public Archaeological Sites. New Delhi, 2017.

adopts the following principles set out in the Central Asian Declaration of the Principles of Archaeolog-
ical Heritage Management:
This declaration defines the general principles of management of archaeological heritage for nation states
whose archaeological heritage is an integral part of the cultural heritage of the Central Asian region. The Decla-
ration is intended to promote the convergence of the legislative and methodological foundations of the Central
Asian States in the field of archaeological heritage management.

(1) Sites of archaeological heritage

The archaeological heritage

For the purposes of this Declaration, the term “archaeological heritage” means material evidence of the life
of the communities of the past (movable or immovable properties), preserved in the natural conditions on the
ground, underground, or under water, requiring the use of archaeological methods for their identification and
research.

Immovable archaeological heritage

Immovable archaeological heritage are the sites and places that have still keep traces of human habitation
and settlement, which make it possible to record any manifestations of the historical activities of people.
Immovable archaeological heritage of any type, regardless of its functional purpose, including individual
elements and structures of archaeological nature, as well as their groups; isolated archaeological sites, groups
and complexes of archaeological monuments, places of archaeological sightseeing1,, are all regarded as archae-
ological monuments.
Areas with archaeological potential2 around the identified elements of an archaeological site is immovable
archaeological heritage and is subject to protection as the territory of an archaeological site until the borders of
the identified archaeological site have been approved.

Movable archaeological heritage

Movable archaeological heritage includes archaeological finds (individual archaeological items, archae-
ological collections, massive archaeological material, as well as ancient human remains associated with the
archaeological site (anthropological material), remains of animals and plants, the soil (osteological, carpolog-

1
Places of archaeological sightseeing – are purposefully created or naturally developed archaeological landscapes, being areas where
archaeological monuments, as the main landscape-forming elements, are in close relationship with the natural environment
See also Art. 1 of the 1972 Convention concerning the Protection of World Cultural and Natural Heritage.
2
See Section 7 of this Declaration, “Areas with Archaeological Potential”

10
 BULLETIN OF IICAS 33/2022

ical, paleobotanical materials, etc.) discovered in the process of conducting legal (authorized) archaeological
research, or obtained as a result of illegal excavations or illegal search, as well as hoards, treasures and random
finds showing signs of archaeological heritage.

(2) Use of archaeological heritage sites

The objects of the archaeological heritage are used for scientific, interpretational, educational, and tourist
purposes, as well as for the revival and development of the spiritual, historical and cultural traditions of the
nations of the Central Asian region.
By the basic purpose, all archaeological heritage monuments and items act, in the first place, as objects of
scientific research. Upon appropriate scientific examination and research, archaeological finds are transferred
to museums, and are further used as museum exhibits (museum collection items).
Individuals and legal entities may be allowed to use objects of archaeological heritage, subject to the above-
mentioned objectives, in function to their nature and original purpose, provided that their protection require-
ments are met.
The use of objects of archaeological heritage for other purposes, in breach of the requirements of national
and / or international legislation is prohibited and punishable by law.

Special Protection Areas

Ensembles and clusters of archaeological sites of special historical, scientific, artistic or other cultural value
may be declared an Area of Special Protection (reserves, museums, archaeological parks) and act, along with
other archaeological sites, as objects of tourism (tourist resources).

Archaeological parks
Archaeological parks are protected, managed, exhibited archaeological sites, which are, in effect, archaeo-
logical landscapes formed in antiquity (during the past centuries), where archaeological sites, being the main
landscape-forming elements, are closely interconnected with their natural environment. These are objects of
scientific research and sources of dynamic updating of the archaeological data, thanks to the latter, serving as
instruments of modern perception and interpretation by visitors of the common past of the mankind, thereby
sustaining the conscious preservation of heritage.

(3) System of measures for the protection of objects of archaeological heritage

The system of protection of archaeological heritage sites consists of legal, administrative, financial, prop-
erty-related, informational and other measures taken by the competent authorities3 aimed at identifying and
recording of archaeological heritage sites, preventing destruction or harm that might be caused to them.
The system of measures for the protection of archaeological heritage sites includes, but is not limited to:
1) ensuring compliance with national and international legislation on the protection and use of archaeo-
logical heritage;
2) authorization-based procedures being in place prior to carrying out any field archaeological research, or
scientific restoration work at the archaeological sites;
3) ensuring identification of objects of archaeological heritage;
4) state documentation and registration of objects of archaeological heritage;
5) creation of the National Reserve of Archaeological sites;
6) ensuring compliance with the requirement for mandatory archaeological examination of lands subject
to development;
7) ensuring that salvage and rescue archaeological works are carried out;
8) imposing restrictions (encumbrances) on ownership or other legal title to the plots of land where an
archaeological site is located, setting forth requirements for its conservation, for observing a special procedure
for its maintenance and use, for ensuring access to the archaeological site and other requirements (protection
obligation);
9) establishing specific and definite responsibility for any possible damage, destruction or annihilation

3
Competent authorities are bodies and organizations of various level of government, institutions authorized to perform certain actions
within their areas of competency, e.g. in the field of archaeological heritage management. This competency is, in effect, a set of legally
established powers, rights and obligations that determines the place and role of the institution within in the system of government.

11
 BULLETIN OF IICAS 33/2022

of an archaeological heritage site, for its movement, theft, plundering, looting of an archaeological heritage
object, causing damage to an archaeological heritage object and taking actions that may have entailed other
negative changes to the archaeological heritage;
10) establishment of the special regime and conditions for the use of lands within the boundaries of the
territory of the archaeological site; a special regime for the use of the land plot, where the archaeological site is
located; a special regime and conditions for the use of the part of the water body where the archaeological site
may be located; establishing regimes and conditions of land use within the boundaries of the archaeological
site protection areas, and ensuring observance thereof;
11) setup of conventional provisional borders for the archaeological site and areas of its protection to en-
sure the operation of protection regimes of land use within these borders until the actual physical boundaries
of the archaeological site have been approved;
12) establishing the boundaries of the territory of the archaeological site as a site of urban planning activi-
ties under special regulation; establishment of protection requirements for urban planning regulations within
the boundaries of the territory of the archaeological site and within the boundaries of the territories of protec-
tion areas of the archaeological site, and ensuring observance thereof;
13) installation of informative plaques and signs on the archaeological monuments;
14) carrying out conservation4 for movable and immovable archaeological heritage;
15) implementation of measures to ensure the preservation of the archaeological site in the course of sur-
veying, exploration, engineering, construction, economic, forest management and other activities;
16) approval by competent authorities of the project design documentation required for carrying out pro-
tection, salvage and restoration operations, works on the preservation and research of the archaeological site
– the documentation should be developed by the prospective contractors;
17) approval of reporting documentation on the work being carried out or having been completed along
the lines of preservation and research of the archaeological heritage site;
18) development and implementation of obligatory standards for storage of movable archaeological prop-
erty at relevant facilities or with specialized companies;
19) ensuring safety of movable archaeological property after restorative and conservative measures,
through strict regulation and standardization in the field of collection storage. This calls for introduction of a
requirement for specialized organizations engaged in further safekeeping of the movable archaeological herit-
age to be staffed with scientific restoration professionals;
20) “Organization, support and development for the museum complexes at the archaeological parks, which
would include exhibition spaces, storage facilities, conservation and restoration laboratories, lodging for re-
searchers and staff and conference halls."
21) monitoring by competent authorities of ensured safety of movable archaeological property at the var-
ious stages (identification, research, restorative and conservative operations, further storage, exhibiting) by
scheduled inspections.

(4) Integration of the provisions of international law into national legislation

To create additional guarantees for the fulfillment by the Nation-States of their international obligations
arising from international agreements, including the Convention on the Protection of the World Cultural and
Natural Heritage of 1972 and the Operational Guidelines for its implementation, it is necessary to implement
(introduce) the norms and provisions of international law in the national legislation.
To ensure the implementation of international standards, it is recommended that:
- the terminology used in the national legislative acts to be brought in line with the notions and the con-
ceptual framework used in international documents, including in the documents of the World Heritage Com-
mittee and the operational guidelines for the Implementation of the 1972 Convention,
- direct integration of the conceptual framework, principles and of the most efficient mechanisms of legal
regulation in the field of archaeological heritage management into the national legislation;
- implementation of the norms of international law through their adaptation and adoption by the state of
the new norms, while amending, and / or abolishing the existing norms of the national law.

(5) Special regime for land use within the boundaries of the archaeological site
Within the boundaries of the territory of an archaeological site, a special regime of land use should be es-
4
See Section (13) of this Declaration “Measures for the conservation of archaeological heritage”

12
 BULLETIN OF IICAS 33/2022

tablished, allowing to provide for the necessary conditions for the preservation of the site integrity, its historical
authenticity, and cultural value.

Protection measures
A special regime for the use of lands within the boundaries of the territory of an archaeological site calls
for the following protection measures:
1) the creation of favorable environmental conditions for the preservation of the archaeological site, in-
cluding the provision of a favorable hydrogeological environment and the favorable temperature and humidity
conditions, cleanliness of the air-shed and reservoirs, protection from dynamic influences (vibro-acoustic,
electromagnetic), protection from the effects of chemically active substances and other negative factors;
2) ensuring the invariability of the appearance of an archaeological site (insomuch as it is possible given the
comprehensive character of the archaeological operations) by protecting it from damage, destruction, annihi-
lation, plundering of cultural layers, historically valuable site, uncovered archaeological structures, archaeolog-
ical finds and the interrelation among these elements, including protection from damage and distortion which
might occur during their research;
3) creation of favorable conditions for the viewing of the archaeological site;
4) bans on the placement, design, operation of facilities that may negatively affect the safety of the archae-
ological site;
5) prohibiting exploration, land management, earthwork, construction, reclamation, general labor, forest
management and other activities, with the exception of works aimed at research and preservation of the ar-
chaeological site, conservation of its historical, cultural and natural environment.
- prohibiting agricultural and any other economic activities on the territory of the site, with the exception
of activities for the improvement of the territory of the archaeological site, which allow to ensure its function-
ing in the modern conditions, and does not contradict the requirements for ensuring the site conservation;
- prohibiting the movement of vehicles, self-propelled units and mechanisms, with the exception of spe-
cialized equipment used for the research and conservation of the archaeological site, subject to the require-
ments for the conservation of the archaeological site.

Approvals of work methods and plans on the territory of the archaeological site

Work methods and plans contemplated to be carried out by way of research and conservation of the ar-
chaeological site within the boundaries of its territory, as well as work methods and plans on improvement of
the territory of the site are subject to prior approval by the competent authorities in the field of archaeological
heritage management.
Work on the research and conservation of an archaeological site, as well as general labor activities aimed
at improvement of its territory, carried out within the boundaries of the archaeological site and affecting the
areas of the cultural strata, archaeological structures, may only be allowed with the obligatory presence of a
professional archaeologist who would carry out the relevant archaeological supervision.

(6) Buffer and conservation zones for protection of archaeological sites

In order to create conditions conducive to the conservation of archaeological sites, protection zones are
established (for the archaeological site):
- buffer zone5;
- zone of regulation of urban development and economic activity6;
- zone of protected natural landscape7.

5
Protection area zone is a territory within where, to ensure the preservation of an archaeological monument in its historical landscape
environment, a regime of land use is established prohibiting development and construction. Exceptions are made where special
measures are aimed at conservation and study of the monument and its surroundings, and improvement of the territory, following the
requirements of modern use, but not marring the historically valuable cultural environment and natural landscapes;
6
The development regulation zone is a territory where such a regime of land use is established which prohibits or restricts construction
and development, and ensures a harmonious perception of archaeological monuments within modern urban planning or natural
environment.
7
A protected natural landscape area is a territory where such a regime of land use is established which prohibits or restricts any activity
that may occasion changes to the essence of the natural or artificially created landscape, associated by the overall artistic composition
with the archaeological monuments, or changes to particular parts or elements thereof.

13
 BULLETIN OF IICAS 33/2022

Outside the protection zones, the implementation of urban planning, economic and other activities shall
not have any direct or indirect negative effect on the conservation of the archaeological site, its historical and
cultural surroundings and the natural landscape, otherwise the territory of the protection zones shall be ex-
panded to ensure reliable protection of the archaeological site.
The boundaries of the protection zones of an archaeological site are to be documented in the historical
and architectural urban development master plan, and recorded on the schematic map of the corresponding
area, where the location of archaeological sites, other historical and cultural monuments and newly identified
objects of historical and cultural heritage is recorded.

(7) Area with archaeological potential

An area with archaeological potential is an area around or near the identified elements of an archaeological
site, where there is a high probability of further discovery of objects of archaeological heritage.

(8) The provisional borders of the archaeological site and its protection zones

The provisional borders of an archaeological site are established in order to ensure the protection of newly
identified archaeological sites, in relation to which no work has been carried out to determine the boundaries
of the site territory.
Provisional boundaries are established on the territory of a zone with archaeological potential around a
certain point where archaeological elements of the identified archaeological site had been recorded.
The provisional borders of an archaeological site are established from the moment of its discovery. A spe-
cial regime for the use of lands within the boundaries of the territory of an archaeological site shall be in place
within the provisional borders until the moment when the actual boundaries of the territory have been ap-
proved.
The provisional borders of the protection zones are determined as relative to the conventional boundary
line of the archaeological site. The corresponding protection regimes for the use of lands shall be effective
within the provisional borders of the protection zones until the actual boundaries of the territory of the archae-
ological site and the zones of its protection have been approved.
The competent authorities shall carry out or organize and manage works on the designation of the provi-
sional borders of archaeological sites and zones of their protection in the event that it is impossible to carry out
work to establish the actual boundaries of an archaeological site in the current year from the day the archaeo-
logical site was discovered.

(9) Unified electronic state register of archaeological sites

In order to effectively organize the documentation, registration, and protection of objects of archaeological
heritage, the relevant authorities shall maintain the Unified Electronic State Register of Archaeological Sites.

Information to be published in the register

The register is a state information system containing the following data on immovable archaeological her-
itage: the name of the archaeological site, location, category, type, dating, information on geographical bound-
aries, protection zones, protection obligations and other data. Uniqueness and comparability of records is
ensured through common principles of formation, methods, and forms of maintaining of the register.

Electronic archaeological maps and register of lost sites

An integral part of the Unified Electronic State Register of Archaeological Sites is an electronic archaeo-
logical map, as well as a register of lost archaeological sites. This register stores all information about archae-
ological sites excluded from the main register due to their destruction or research completed as a result of
archaeological protection, salvage, and restoration work.

(10) National Reserve of Archaeological Sites

In order to preserve for future generations the integrity, authenticity, and value of archaeological sites as the
most vulnerable and irreplaceable part of historical and cultural heritage, a National Reserve of Archaeological
Sites is created.

14
 BULLETIN OF IICAS 33/2022

The National Reserve of Archaeological Sites can include entire archaeological sites or individual elements
of particular sites.
The protection policy - for archaeological sites included in the National Reserve of Archaeological Sites is
based on programs of regular inspection, preventive care and maintenance of the archaeological sites, and on a
strategy of minimal intervention. This involves prohibition of archaeological research by destructive methods
that may affect the integrity of the sites, the authenticity of their design (appearance, decor), materials, opera-
tion, or environment. These prohibitions are established for long-term protection of the sites.
The criteria for the selection of archaeological sites, as well as the procedure for their inclusion in or exclu-
sion from the National Reserve of Archaeological Sites are determined by national legislation.

(11) Archaeological examination of lands and water bodies during economic development
of territories and the allotment of land and water holdings

In order to ensure the preservation of archaeological heritage during development of land and water terri-
tories, archaeological examinations are carried out before development commences. This work must be under-
taken when such studies have not been carried out on the territory previously, or if the information received as
a result of the previously conducted research requires further clarification.
Allotment of land and water plots for any type of urban development is granted only if a statement of
archaeological examination has been issued declaring an absence of archaeological heritage objects in the
territory.
Should the archaeological statement confirm the presence of archaeological heritage objects, allotment of
the land or water plot will be denied, and urban development work will not be permitted.
Allotment and development of a land or water plot can be allowed in the future only if conditions are pro-
vided for the preservation and/or archaeological study of any archaeological sites identified in the territory.
This can be accomplished by introducing prospecting, land management, earthwork, construction, reclama-
tion and other general labor activities, or relevant amendments and modifications approved by the competent
authorities.
Archaeological expert assessment is carried out at the expense of the customer for the development of the
territory.
(12) Security and rescue archaeological work

Security and rescue archaeological work is carried out on archaeological sites that fall within an economic
development zone and are subject to destruction through exploration, land management, earthworks, con-
struction, reclamation, economic and other works, or on archaeological sites that are in emergency condition
(emergency monuments).
Security and rescue archaeological work is included in the system of measures for the protection of ar-
chaeological heritage sites. This special type of archaeological research generates a complete archaeological
study of a site and associated archaeological finds, thus creating scientific knowledge about the life of previous
generations and their communities.

Principles for implementation of protective, salvage, and restorative archaeological work

Protective, salvage, and restorative archaeological work is carried out following a set of scientific principles.
When carrying out protective, salvage and restorative archaeological work, partial study of the archaeolog-
ical site is not allowed. Exceptions are made when works are carried out on a complex archaeological site where
several objects of immovable herniate are considered to be separate sites. The decision for full or partial study
of a complex archaeological site is made on the basis of the research methodology for carrying out protective,
salvage, and restorative archaeological work.
Protective, salvage, and restorative archaeological work is an urgent operation. During the related develop-
ment work, a complete study of the archaeological site must be carried out. This means that the site has to have
been studied over the entire area and throughout the depth of the cultural layers, entailing a complete physical
loss of the archaeological site.

Protective, rescue, and restorative archaeological work on archaeological sites included in the World
Heritage List
Carrying out protective, salvage, and restorative work on archaeological sites included in the World Her-
itage List is prohibited, except for cases where it is impossible to eliminate the threat of destruction, or when

15
 BULLETIN OF IICAS 33/2022

more than seventy percent of the monument is already lost or destroyed. The decision to carry out protective,
salvage, and restorative work on emergency archaeological sites included in the World Heritage List is made by
the competent state authorities, with obligatory notification of the World Heritage Committee.

Financing of protective, salvage, and restorative archaeological work

Protective, salvage, and restorative work on emergency archaeological sites is carried out at the expense of
national budget funds, at the expense of extra-budgetary funds, or at the expense of persons found guilty of the
emergency state of an archaeological site.
Protective, salvage, and restorative archaeological work on sites falling into a zone of economic develop-
ment is carried out at the expense of the customer for the economic development of the territory.

(13) Principles of Archaeological Research

- carrying out archaeological research on the basis of adherence to the principles of science, reliability,
completeness, integrated approach, and required expertise;
- field archaeological research should be carried out in accordance with the procedure and within the
framework of national legislation, and in compliance with the scientific research methods developed and ap-
proved by the competent authorities, taking into account the available modern-day international expertise in
scientific research;
- only persons (scientific organizations, museums, individuals) who have special permits issued by the
competent authorities, taking into account the applicants' qualifications, experience of archaeological work,
the availability of the materials and technological means, etc., could be permitted to conduct field archaeolog-
ical research on archaeological sites;
- archaeological research should be carried out by scientific methods, involving the use of the latest stand-
ards of science and technology, and particularly with non-destructive research methods where possible;
- data obtained as a result of field archaeological research must be reliable, complete, accurate, informative,
objective, and illustrative. To that end, both the process of conducting the field archaeological research and the
entire set of archaeological heritage objects recovered must be subjected to detailed documentation in situ. All
data obtained as a result of the field archaeological research must be reflected in the research project report;
- after the completion of field archaeological research, measures should be taken to preserve and maintain
the state of the archaeological heritage site;
- conservation of the discovered archaeological elements and structures should be carried out, preferably
in situ;
- earth dumps should be removed from the territory of the archaeological site to ensure good visibility of
the archaeological site;
- restoration of the land cover should be carried out in cases when contemporary restorative and interpre-
tive work is not planned , in order to ensure safety and preserve the original natural and cultural landscape;
- it is preferable to leave archaeological finds in their location (in situ) if possible, to ensure their safety and
preservation;
- for movable archaeological heritage objects withdrawn from their original locations, storage facilities
must be provided with appropriate conditions to ensure their safety and conservation;

Accessibility of the results of field archaeological research

The results of field archaeological research should be made accessible and available to the scholarly and
general public through publication in research project reports, specialized scientific research papers, catalogs,
compilations, corpuses etc.

Procedure of scientific appropriation of results of archaeological research

Development of a national regulatory procedure for appropriation of results of archaeological research
into scientific circulation is encouraged, including the introduction of temporal standards for bringing new
archaeological data into scientific circulation; standards regulating the copyright in the field of archaeological
research, including the rights of first publication, the rights of a discoverer, etc.

Research project report

The research project report is the main document containing the results of field archaeological research in
textual and graphical forms, including the results of photographic documentation. The research project report

16
 BULLETIN OF IICAS 33/2022

must contain an inventory of the identified archaeological finds. A research project report is part of the man-
datory scientific documentation and is subject to indefinite term of storage.

(14) Prohibition of field archaeological research at archaeological heritage sites

in absence of special permits

Governments, authorities, organizations, and institutions involved in the management of archaeological

heritage sites should endeavor to prevent any illegal excavation and seizure of elements of the archaeological
heritage:
- Any search for artifacts on the surface or within the cultural layers of an archaeological site, including the
use of metal detectors or other special technical means of search, as well as the use of earth-moving machines
at sites of archaeological heritage, by persons without special permits must be prohibited, and be punishable
by law;
- Archaeological items obtained in the course of illegal excavations are subject to transfer to relevant au-
thorities of the state in the manner prescribed by national legislation.

(15) Measures for the conservation of archaeological heritage

Conservation of archaeological heritage sites is a set of measures necessary to maintain archaeological

heritage sites in a state of good physical preservation, including regular inspections, permanent or periodic
maintenance, conservation measures after the completion of field archaeological research, organization and
implementation of scientific restoration (conservation, restoration (reconstruction)) of archaeological sites, as
well as conservation, restoration and reconstruction of movable archaeological heritage.

Conservation of archaeological sites

Conservation is a set of measures that protect an archaeological site from further destruction and ensure
the consolidation and protection of structural parts and decorative elements without changing the historical
appearance of the monument. Conservation also includes emergency response work, consisting of measures to
ensure the physical safety of the monument, and work on the remediation of excavations and pits.
Any field archaeological research involving the removal of cultural layers, opening of archaeological struc-
tures (apart from protective, salvage, or restorative operations), must end with the conservation of the archae-
ological site or its elements. The absence of such measures for comprehensive conservation of a site in research
methods statements is a basis for competent authorities’ refusal to grant a permit for archaeological research.

Restoration of archaeological sites

Restoration is a set of measures that ensure the preservation, restoration, and exposure of the historical,
architectural, and artistic appearance of an archaeological site by freeing it from layers that have no value and
that may be distorting the appearance of the site. It may also include reproducing lost elements on the basis of
scientifically grounded data using historical restoration technologies.
Restoration work on monuments included in the World Heritage List or in the Tentative World Heritage
List is allowed only if the original state of the archaeological site is restored (for a multilayer archaeological
monument - subject to restoration of the state of the monument belonging to a certain stage of its past life) on
the basis of a historical and critical analysis of the available scientific data, excluding assumptions (hypotheses).
The materials and decorative fragments used to reconstruct the lost elements of the archaeological site, in their
external appearance, should be noticeably different from the original ones (per the relevant standards and best
practices generally accepted for international reconstruction projects).

Reconstruction of archaeological sites

Reconstruction is a set of measures to recreate a lost archaeological site, or lost parts thereof. The process
is realized through new construction, based on scientifically grounded data.
Reconstruction is not permitted on archaeological sites, except in the following exceptional circumstances 8:
1) when reconstructing a lost monument or parts of a destroyed archaeological site from its own surviving
materials, scattered fragments using construction methods corresponding to the original (anastylosis) in the

8
See also p. 86 Operational Guidelines for the Implementation of the World Heritage Convention, 2017.

17
 BULLETIN OF IICAS 33/2022

presence of accurate and comprehensive documentation data on the lost archaeological site (or its parts). The
method of anastylosis allows for the use of the necessary minimum of modern materials or elements, which are
noticeably different from the original ones, to ensure the restoration of the site’s original form;
2) if within the framework of the restoration process, individual elements and details of a monument are
recreated in order to restore and reveal the historical, architectural, and artistic appearance of an archaeolog-
ical site at a certain time in the past, in presence of accurate and comprehensive scientific data on the parts,
elements, and details of an archaeological site that have not survived to present;

Conservation, restoration and reconstruction of movable archaeological heritage

The conservation, restoration and reconstruction work (including 3D-modelling) of movable objects of
the archaeological heritage can only be carried out by qualified personnel with appropriate education and
experience. The activities are aimed at restoring the original appearance of the individual objects and archae-
ological collections in order to obtain new scientific data, exhibit, and protect them from further destruction.
The materials used in restoration to reproduce the lost elements (parts), individual fragments, decorative
elements of movable archaeological heritage in their external appearance should differ significantly from the
original ones according to the standard adopted in international practice.

Restoration passport of movable archaeological heritage

The restoration passport is the main document containing a detailed description of the process and re-
sults of restoration and conservation activities in textual and graphical forms, with attachment of detailed
photographs of the restoration process. The restoration passport is drawn up in two copies (one is kept at an
institution (museum) that provides further storage of movable archaeological heritage that have undergone
restoration or conservation; the other copy is kept in the restoration laboratory) and refers to mandatory sci-
entific documentation and is subject to indefinite term of storage.

Availability of results of restoration and conservation

The restoration and conservation results should be available to the scientific and general public through
publication in research project reports, specialized scientific research papers, catalogs, etc.

Principles of Scientific Restoration (Conservation) of Archaeological Heritage Sites

When carrying out restoration and conservation activities on archaeological monuments (hereinafter re-
ferred to as Monument) and on movable archaeological heritage item (hereinafter referred to as Item), the
following principles must be applied:
- maximum preservation of the original materials of the monument / item;
- restoration of a monument / item in its original form (for a multilayer archaeological monument - subject
to restoration of the state of the monument belonging to a certain stage of its past life);
- identification and documentation of historical and artistic values of the monument (item);
- certainty and scientific validity of the restoration intervention (availability of accurate and comprehen-
sive documentary fixation of the monument / item, the validity of the applied restoration and conservation
techniques, a complete study of the historical context and the environment, presence of chronologically and
artistically close analogies of the monument / item, etc.);
- minimal interference with the historical materials of the item and proven consistency of such interfer-
ence;
- application of well-proven techniques;
- reversibility of the applied techniques.

(16) Interaction of governing bodies with the national and international community

Enhancing professional competencies of officers and workers in the field of archaeological heritage
management
The effectiveness of the management process in Nation-States should be ensured by enhancing the profes-
sional competencies of the government officials, employees of specialized institutions, and scientists involved
in the management and conservation of archaeological heritage through organization of appropriate focused
programs and increasing the level of engagement in these events.

18
 BULLETIN OF IICAS 33/2022

Focused programs
Focused programs dedicated to management of archaeological heritage may include:
- development of educational courses (refresher courses) on archaeological heritage management;
- inclusion of issues of archaeological heritage management in educational programs for all levels;
- organization of a personnel training system in the field of restoration of movable archaeological heritage;
- reforming the system of personnel training in the field of museum affairs and museology;
- preparation and holding of scientific and practical conferences, symposia, seminars, thematic exhibitions,
and presentations on protection, conservation, use, and interpretation of archaeological heritage sites;
- other events.

Outreach programs and stimulation of public interest in archaeological heritage

Improving the quality of management of archaeological heritage is achieved through stimulation of public
interest in archaeological heritage and enhancing public awareness of the historical value of archaeological
sites and existing threats through the following activities:
- ensuring access to archaeological heritage sites for scientific, cultural and other purposes through the
museumification (representation) of archaeological sites, creation of archaeological parks, exhibiting archae-
ological finds, and monitoring compliance with the requirement for public accessibility of archaeological
heritage;
- improving the quality of perception of archaeological sites by creating special viewing points or plat-
forms, ensuring lighting in the dark, installing special signs, information plaques and boards;
- increasing the level of national and international tourism for historical sites, through dissemination of
tourist information about the archaeological heritage both domestically and abroad, the development of tour-
ist routes including archaeological sites, archaeological parks, historical and cultural monuments, and histor-
ical and cultural reserves;
- increasing interest of the community in archaeological science, in the challenges of conservation and use
of the archaeological heritage through sufficient coverage of these issues in the media, including through is-
suance of popular science literature, informative, reference and advertising publications, creation of television
and radio broadcasts, films - and videos.

(17) International cooperation

International cooperation in the management of archaeological heritage should be based on intellectual

and moral solidarity of the human community of Earth, ensuring freedom of scientific research, equality in
the field of scientific, methodological, and technological achievements in archaeological science, in interdisci-
plinary research including the international exchange of experts (specialists, educators responsible for further
professional training), exchange of accumulated knowledge (technologies, books, and archives), scientific and
technical assistance, and active mutually beneficial interaction in the field of international historical tourism.

(18) Final clauses

Governments, authorities, organizations, and institutions involved in the management of the archaeo-
logical heritage are guided by the principles of this Declaration, and should ensure their implementation and
dissemination among organizations, institutions, and individual researchers involved in the processes of iden-
tifying, studying, preserving, interpreting, or popularizing archaeological heritage in the territory of their
states and beyond.
This declaration is intended to act as the basis for the development of normative legal acts of national legis-
lation and binding international agreements concerning certain areas of archaeological heritage management.
This in turn could become a unified methodological basis for the implementation of state control in the field
of protection and conservation of archaeological heritage, in the field of scientific research, in the domain of
management of archaeological sites pertaining to the tourism industry, etc.

19
ВЕСТНИК МИЦАИ 33/2022

20
CULTURAL
STUDIES

21
ВЕСТНИК МИЦАИ 29/2020

22
 MAVLYUDA ABBASOVA-YUSUPOVA

LITTLE-KNOWN SUFI COMPLEXES IN THE BUKHARA OASIS

DURING THE 18TH-19TH CENTURIES:
formation, architecture, typology
When studying architecture related to Sufism, many researchers have paid more attention to the brilliant
architecture of khanqahs (a building where dervishes gathered) and complexes during their heyday between
the 15th-17th centuries. However, this article aims to research Sufi abodes built at a later period using five
building complexes as examples, three of which are poorly studied. Such examples include the Eshoni Imlo
Sufi abode in Bukhara, which was destroyed around the middle of the 20th century, and the Khalifa Niyazkul
madrasah complex from which only the entrance, now called Char-Minar, has survived. Only the khanqah
building remains from the Sufi Dehkon complex in the Bukhara oasis. Two other Sufi monasteries — Khalifa
Khudoydot in Bukhara itself and Kyz-bibi in the Bukhara region — are relatively well researched, but some
new information has been obtained along with their typological analysis. Summarizing and analyzing archival
materials, information from written sources, publications by previous researchers, as well as additional data
and information from her own field surveys, the author has attempted to identify the developmental stages,
layout, architecture, and typology of these five Sufi complexes and reveals some little-known data about the
personality of an associated saint, client, and donor, as well as the construction history of each complex.

Keywords: Bukhara, Sufism, saints’ cult, khanqah, madrasah, architecture, Eshoni Imlo, Khalifa Khudoydot,
Khalifa Niyazkul, Sufi Dehkon, Kyz-bibi.
Citation: Mavlyuda Abbasova-Yusupova (2022). Little-known Sufi complexes in the Bukhara oasis during
the 18th-19th centuries: formation, architecture, typology, Bulletin of IICAS 33, 23-37.
Article link: https://doi.org/10.34920/1694-5794-2022.33en.001

W
ith the spread of Central Asian Sufi or-
ders and the more active penetration of the
pre-Islamic saint cult into Islam, the buri-
als of sheikhs became objects of worship and pilgrim-
age. In the 8th-9th centuries, the main provisions for
the theory of Ilmi-at-tasavvuf were established, and
the construction of the first Sufi monasteries began.
For almost a thousand years of development (ca. be-
tween the 9th and 19th centuries), the architecture
and layouts of Sufi complexes and particularly khan-
qahs changed many times in accordance with the
evolution of Sufism and its ritual practice (Yusupova
1997: 51-59; Yusupova 1999: 121-132).
Between the 11th-14th centuries, large Sufi mon-
asteries emerged around mazars (graves of saints).
They consisted of a courtyard with a pool surround-
ed by buildings including the mausoleum of the holy
eponym for the monastery; a ceremonial hall for Sufi
ecstatic rites and other ritual gatherings (suma-kha-
na), which sometimes also fulfilled the functions of
a mosque; a dwelling for the sheikh and his family;
rooms for reading and learning the Qu’ran; cells for
murids (disciples); cells for pilgrims including free ac-
commodation and meals; and other structures (Knysh
1991). This was the arrangement of the Sayf ad-din
Boharzi complex in Bukhara during the 14th centu-
ry according to the Arab traveler Ibn Battuta and the
waqf documents for this monastery (Ibragimov 1988:
82-83; Chekhov 1965; 82). These complexes, as well as
the adjacent building with its ceremonial hall, began
to be called zawiya in the Arab world, while in Cen-
tral Asia they used the Persian term, khanqah (Aki-
mushkin 1991; Starodub 2004).
During the late 14th through 17th centuries, this
type of architecture flourished almost throughout
the entirety of Central Asia. Sufis cooperated more
actively with the authorities and received large do-
nations. The khanqah buildings became increasingly
more monumental and significantly larger and taller
than other structures in the complex. Their construc-

23
 BULLETIN OF IICAS 33/2022
tion, while at times initiated by Sufi sheikhs, were
more often initiated by rulers and other donors who
were their murids. From the late 15th century, Su-
fis, according to the original Islamic traditions, were
once again buried in open air dahmas1 (e.g. Khoja
Akhrar Vali dahma in Samarkand among others) or
in sagans,2 located in burial courtyards, or hazira.
Former khanqah complexes with courtyards found
at mausoleums were transformed into memorial and
cultic centers with the term khanqah now narrowed
to designate not the entire complex, but rather only
the structure with a ceremonial hall included within
it.
At the peak of development, the khanqah’s archi-
tectural categories can be identified by three building
types (15th-17th centuries): 1) the early type, with a
large hall surrounded by a columned iwan3 on two or
three sides (eg. Khoja Zain ad-Din khanqah mosque
in Bukhara, 16th century); 2) the monumental type,
containing a portal and dome with a large central hall
(eg. 16th century Baha ad-Din Naqshband khanqah
in Bukhara, Kasim Sheikh khanqah in Kermin and
others); and 3) the type with a portal and dome at-
tached to an ancient mausoleum of a revered person
(eg. Zangi-ata near Tashkent, Sayf ad-Din Boharzi in
Bukhara (Nemtseva 1989, 2004), Khoja Abdi Darun
in Samarkand).
During the late period between the 18th to ear-
ly 20th centuries, the at-tasawwuf teaching declined,
yet Sufism became more widespread as its doctrines
and ritual practices simplified. An economic decline
led to the construction of more modest khanqah
buildings which increasingly also functioned as local
mosques. They again took on the form of the early
khanaqah types in which a columned iwan adjoined
the prayer hall.
While studying architecture related to Sufism,
many scholars (Voronina 1969: 304-331; Pugachenk-
ova 1976; Mankovskaya 1980: 125-134; and others),
including the author of this article (Yusupova 1997:
99-114; Yusupova 2004: 265-273), paid more atten-
tion to the brilliant khanqahs and complexes from
the 15th-17th centuries, a period when this architec-
tural type flourished. However, this article will exam-
ine research concerning Sufi abodes built during the
later period drawing upon five examples of building
complexes, three of which are poorly studied. These
include the Eshoni Imlo Sufi abode in Bukhara
1
A dahma is a large burial platform in the form of a parallelepiped,
faced with brick or stone.
2
A sagana is a small, above-ground mausoleum or tombstone,
rectangular in plan, roofed with a pointed vault.
3
Ed. note: An iwan is a two- or three-sided vaulted arch doorway
that marks the entrance of monumental buildings, often of a
religious nature in Central Asian architecture.
24
(whose structure was destroyed around the middle
of the 20th century) and the Khalifa Niyazkul ma-
drasah complex from which only the entrance, called
the Char-Minar, has survived. Additionally, only the
khanqah building remains of the Sufi Dehkon com-
plex in the Bukhara oasis. The two other Sufi monas-
teries — the Khalifa Khudoydot in Bukhara city and
the Kyz-bibi in Bukhara region — are relatively well
studied but some new information has been obtained
with their typological analysis. This article summariz-
es and analyzes archival materials, information from
written sources, documents, publications by previous
researchers, as well as other data and information
obtained from field surveys by the current author. Its
purpose is to identify the developmental stages, lay-
out, architecture, and typology of the five Sufi com-
plexes; as well as reveal some little-known data about
the personality of an associated saint, client, or donor,
and provide a summary of the history of each com-
plex’s construction.
Prior to analyzing these five architecturally di-
verse sites, it is necessary to note their common fea-
tures which include a courtyard enclosed with vari-
ous structures along the perimeter, of which one is a
monumental khanqah with a pillared iwan connect-
ed on one, two, or three sides. Khanqahs of this type
were probably common in Transoxiana as early as the
12th-14th centuries. Judging from waqf documents4
and the remains of the 1407 Muhammad Khoja Porso
khanqah in Bukhara, such buildings in Transoxiana
appear no later than the early 15th century and were
quite frequent by the 15th-17th centuries alongside
the more common khanqah types constructed with a
portal and a dome.
The early type khanqahs, as noted above, consist-
ed of dome-covered room, or sometimes had a flat
roof supported by columns with a pillared iwan at-
tached on one, yet more often on two or three sides.
Such khanqahs, along with one-story hujras (cells), a
darvazakhana (entrance), a taharatkhana (ablution
room) and other structures, formed a series of build-
ings running around the courtyard creating a com-
plex where Sufis lived in community. These are exem-
plified by khanqah mosques in Bukhara built during
the period of their flourishing: Khoja Zain ad-Din
(16th century) with a domed hall, and Shohi-Ahsi
(late 16th-early 17th centuries) with a multi-pillared
hall and flat roof. This tradition was continued by
khanqah mosques during the 18th-19th-century Sufi
complexes in Bukhara (Khalifa Khudoydot, Khalifa
3
Updates on the Epigraphy and History of Architectural Monuments
in the Bukhara Region. Deciphered and translated by B. M.
Babajanov. Arkhiv NII iskusstvoznaniya Akademii khudozhestv
RUz. IA (M), №1152/1, s. 23.
 MAVLYUDA ABBASOVA-YUSUPOVA
Fig. 1. Eshoni Imlo complex. Plan.
Source: (Lavrov 1950: 152)
Niyazkul, and Eshoni Imlo) as well as in the complex-
es of the Bukhara oasis (Sufi Dehkon and Kyz-bibi)
in which a columned iwan was later attached to an
earlier constructed portal-and-dome building.
The Eshoni Imlo Sufi complex in Bukhara stood
near the well-preserved Caliph Khudoydot khanqah
until the middle of the 20th century. This lost monu-
ment’s architecture and history are interesting, as is
the personality of the saint buried near it for whom
this complex was dedicated. According to the man-
uscript Tukhfat uz-Zoiryin, which is an important
historical source concerning Sufi personalities and
their associated architectural complexes during the
period under examination (Zahidova 2001: 54-59).
Hazrat Eshoni Imlo (d. 1749), was a major Bukha-
ran theologian with the noble title of Ohund Mullo
Muhammadi (Yuldoshev 1997: 27). As one of the few
25
Sufis that studied and received irshad 5 simultane-
ously from four sheikhs of the different tariqas – Ish-
kiya, Kubraviya, Yasaviya and Naqshbandiya (Jura-
bayev 2013: 96-102). He was reverently addressed as
Zhome as-suluk (a collection of Sufi brotherhoods).
Several divans (poetic collections) by Hazrat Eshoni
Imlo have been preserved. After his death, a khan-
qah and other religious buildings were erected in the
monastery named in his honor (Yuldoshev 1997: 27).
The complex’s known location is the territory of
Haji Habibullo, a large Bukharan quarter (Sukhare-
va 1976: 160-161), most of which by the early 20th
century was occupied by the Eshoni Imlo cemetery.
This cemetery has graves of the revered Sufi mentors
Eshoni Imlo and Khalifa Khudoydot with their tugs,6
as well interments of Bukharan khans, including the
ruler Emir Shakhmurad known as “the Sufi on the
throne” (Sukhareva 1976: 160-161). In the ceme-
tery’s center, near the Eshoni Imlo khanqah, is an old
sardoba, known as Chashma, with a small entrance
portal and descending brick staircase (Rempel 1981:
147). The original wooden roof of the sardoba was
replaced in the early 20th century by a dome made
from rectangular European-formatted bricks. The
Fig. 2. Eshoni Imlo complex. Sardoba. Plan. According
by I. M. Azimov, 1979. Archive of the Research Institute
of Art History of the Academy of Arts of the Republic
of Uzbekistan. IA (M), No. 1152/1
5
The irshad diploma in the form of a written certificate is given by
a Sufi mentor to confirm that this murid has achieved perfection
in spiritual development, as well as the level of knowledge and
skills that entitle them to be a murshid (mentor) and to educate
their followers.
6
Tug is a tall wooden pole with a yak or horse tail attached to its
top, marking the burial place of a revered clergyman.
 BULLETIN OF IICAS 33/2022

Fig. 3. Eshoni Imlo complex. General form. Photo 1937-1940 Archive of the Main Scientific and Production
Department for the Protection and Use of Cultural Heritage Objects, Tashkent

building was illuminated and ventilated through a

round opening in the top of the dome.
The Eshoni Imlo complex occupied a rectangu-
lar territory stretching along the north-south axis
and had a small courtyard. An open corridor extend-
ed south to north between graves with domed dar-
vazakhanas built at both ends (Lavrov 1950: 146).
The courtyard space was functionally divided into
three sections: the southern entrance which included
hujras, a kitchen and darvazakhana; the middle sec-
tion with a khanqah mosque occupying a significant
portion of the courtyard and a minaret located in its
northeastern corner; the northern section, surround-
ed by cells on three sides (except to the south), which
was probably a monastery built to accommodate the
murids who stayed for extended periods. The khan-
qah had a monumental roof with four brick domes,
rare for late medieval architecture, resting on a strong
brick pillar in the center of the hall and surrounded
on three sides, except the western one, by a pillared
iwan (Figs. 1-2).
In the 1950s and 1960s, the buildings of the
18th-century architectural monument com-
prising the Eshoni Imlo complex were left un-
attended and deteriorated along with the cemetery
proper with its significant and particularly revered
graves. These were demolished by local authorities
Fig. 4. Eshoni Imlo complex. Khanaka. Interior.
as a result of an anti-religious campaign and were Photo 1930-1940s. Archive of the Main Scientific and
completely lost. Only the monumental sardoba (Fig. Production Department for the Protection and Use
3) was preserved and stands near a secondary school of Cultural Heritage Objects, Tashkent

26
 MAVLYUDA ABBASOVA-YUSUPOVA

Fig. 5. Eshoni Imlo complex. Khanaka. Section drawn on the basis of drawings from a photograph of the 1930s-1940s.
Archive of the Main Scientific and Production Department for the Protection
and Use of Cultural Heritage Objects, Tashkent

and private buildings of the adjacent residential quar-

ter currently located on the former site. The previous
structures’ architecture can only be judged from ar-
chival photographs (Figs. 4-5).

One of the few, if not only, almost completely pre-

served 18th-19th century Sufi complexes in Central
Asia is Khalifa Khudoydot in the eponymous quar-
ter in Bukhara (Sukhareva 1976: 117-118).
Khudoydot Tash-Muhammad ‘Azizan al-Bukhari,
sheikh of the Yasaviya-azizon brotherhood, has only
recently become known as the largest Sufi theorist of
Transoxiana with ten extant works include on Sufism
(Babajanov 2003: 92). According to D. H. Jurabayev,
eminent Sheikh Hazrat Khalifa Khudoydot lived dur-
ing the second half of the 18th century in Bukhara
and served as the murid of Lutfulloh Shaikh Azizon.
For more than forty years he taught at the Miri-Arab
madrasah, educating hundreds of students. Khalifa
Khudoydot initially built a khanqah in Pirmast tu-
man7 near Bukhara, where he lived briefly, and then
he moved to Bukhara proper during the time of Emir

Fig. 6. Complex Khalifa Khudoydot. Plan. Archive of

7
Tuman is an administrative unit in the Emirate of Bukhara, a the Institute of Art History of the Academy of Sciences
province, or a rural district. of the Republic of Uzbekistan, IA (M)

27
 BULLETIN OF IICAS 33/2022
Fig. 7. Complex Khalifa Khudoydot. Facade. Photo: M. Abbasova-Yusupova, 2009
Haidar. Khudaydot bequeathed some waqf property
to both khanqah complexes. This Sufi’s authority was
so significant that the country’s ruler, Emir Haidar,
participated in his funeral in 1800 (Jurabayev 2013:
100).
Today, the complex occupies a trapeziform area
and widens toward the south and extends from north
to south. The inner enclosed courtyard in the area’s
center is surrounded by a row of varying structures
(Fig. 6). The complex entrance is through the main
southern facade, with the entrance in the form of a
portal-and-dome darvazakhana (Fig. 7). Adjacent is
a minaret and the southwestern quarter of the com-
plex’s grounds has a large domed khanqah-mosque
surrounded on three sides by a pillared iwan (Fig. 8).
On the other sides, the courtyard is enclosed with
rows of one-story residential and utility hujras.
The courtyard has a sardoba made of fired bricks
with a dome-covered tank filled with groundwater
and with a small portal entrance. An opening was
constructed on top of the dome to illuminate and
ventilate the sardoba, and a 1 m wide, ring-shaped
platform ran around the cistern under the dome so
people could find relief in this cool location by the
water during the hot season. Outside the courtyard,
28
to the north, was the aforementioned, large cemetery
with graves of the Sufi sheikhs Khalifa Khudoydot,
Eshoni-pir and their high-ranking murids, including
the Bukharan Emirate’s rulers. All these graves have
since been lost.
The Khalifa Niyazkul complex was also mul-
tifunctional and included a khanqah mosque and
hujras for students, thus, it was often referred to as
a madrasah. During the middle of the 20th century,
the complex’s main buildings were demolished, with
only its portal-and-dome entrance – a darvazakhana
with four turrets at the corners – surviving, giving
this expressive architectural object its current name,
Char-Minar, or four minarets (Fig. 9). Although the
definition of khalifa8 is clearly present in its name,
many researchers, along with almost all travelling
websites and guidebooks, attribute the construction
of the complex to a rich Turkmen merchant named
Niyazkuli. During his trading excursions, he allegedly
visited the Indian city of Hyderabad, which contained
8
Caliph, khalifa – assistant, deputy of or successor to a Sufi
mentor.
 MAVLYUDA ABBASOVA-YUSUPOVA
Fig. 8. Complex Khalifa Khudoydot. Khanaka. Interior. Photo: M. Abbasova-Yusupova, 2009
a monumental four-towered triumphal arch built in
1591 during the Qutb Shahi dynasty. He supposed-
ly decided to use this composition for a madrasah’s
entrance he was building in Bukhara. Indeed, this
Bukharan darvazakhana and the famous Charminar
in Hyderabad are similar in composition. Howev-
er, the similarity ends there as in both size and style
these buildings are completely different.
According to various sources, the complex’s con-
struction was ordered and sponsored by Niyazkuli
Khalifa al-Lebabi at-Turkmani (d. 1821), a native of
eastern Turkmenistan, a prominent theologian, and
a sheikh from the mujaddidiya-naqshbandiya broth-
erhood. For the last 30 years of his life, he served as
an imam-khatib at Bukhara’s main mosque, Kalan,
during the reign of Emir Shahmurad and his son
Emir Haidar, who were his murids. Niyazkul was
called ‘Pir-i dastgir’ (guardian mentor) and ‘at-Der-
vish ash-sheref ’ (noble dervish) (Jurabayev 2013: 99).
He is known to have written poems in Persian and
Turkmen with the pseudonym Niyazi, but there is no
evidence of his trade activities. Niyazkuli at-Turkma-
ni was buried on the Khoja Iskhak hill, south of the
Juybar quarter. After his death, his son and heir, who
was also apparently his assistant and successor in this
29
field, Abu’l-Fatah Ubaid Allah (d. 1852/1853), took
over the madrasah and khanqah’s management (von
Kugelgen 2003: 64).
The complex was in the residential quarter of the
same name.9 According to Anke von Kugelgen, dur-
ing the last quarter of the 18th century Khalifa Ni-
yazkul built a mosque also used as a khanqah and a
cathedral mosque, and during the rule of Emir Hai-
dar (1800-1826), a madrasah with 50 cells, a library,
a pool, and a mustarakhkhana (toilet) was attached.
Khalifa Niyazkul financed its construction and main-
tenance from his property’s income (von Kugelgen
2003: 63).
The complex’s plan was rectangular, and unlike
the other complexes under consideration, extended
frontally along the main street from west to east (Fig.
10). The entrance a type of portal-and-dome two-sto-
ry darvazakhana with four tower-minarets at the cor-
ners was shifted closer to the northeastern corner of
9
According to O. A. Sukhareva, the quarter named Khalifa
Niyazkuli is mentioned in two 17th century certificates stored in
the State Archive, so she believed that the dating of this site needs
specification. http://www.idmedina.ru/books/islamic/?3141 - _ftn1
 BULLETIN OF IICAS 33/2022

Fig. 9. Complex Khalifa Niyazkul. Char Minar is the entrance to the complex. Photo: M. Abbasova-Yusupova, 2006

Fig. 10. Complex Khalifa Niyazkul. The plan of the complex according to the measurement of Tovmanyants, 1948.
Archive of the Institute of Art History of the Academy of Sciences of the Republic of Uzbekistan, IA (M)

30
 MAVLYUDA ABBASOVA-YUSUPOVA

Fig. 11. Complex Khalifa Niyazkul. Char Minar. Plan of the lower and upper tiers according to measurement
Tovmanyants, 1948. Archive of the Institute of Art History of the Academy of Sciences of the Republic of Uzbekistan,
IA (M)

Fig. 12. Complex Khalifa Niyazkul. Char Minar. Photo: S. M. Prokudin-Gorsky, 1907

31
 BULLETIN OF IICAS 33/2022
Fig. 13. Complex Kyz-bibi. Plan.
Source: (Nekrasova 2001: 61)
the property, thus, it was arranged asymmetrically on
the main northern facade. A pool with stepped sides
built of large stone blocks was arranged in the court-
yard’s center surrounded by hujras. Its southwestern
corner was occupied by a large khanqah mosque with
a flat wooden ceiling supported by beams on nine
wooden columns and pillared iwans on its two sides.
The ground floor of the darvazakhana – the only
remaining part of the complex – is a hexagonal room,
or mionsaray (vestibule). The first-floor of this room
was originally a library. Brick staircases spiraled in-
side three of the four towers topped with blue glazed
domes leading to the first floor and the roof of the
darvazakhana (Fig. 11). On one of the darvazakhana’s
walls is an inscription dating either the construction
or repair of the building to 1807. The Khalifa Niyaz-
kul site is known by several historical photographs
(Fig. 12). The hujras of the madrasah and the khan-
qah mosque were demolished in the 1950s, probably
from one of the anti-religious campaigns. The pre-
served darvazakhana’s towers were restored in 1968.
In the early 1980s and later during the 1990s, four hu-
jras, a madrasah, and a house were restored at the site
(Almeyev 2011).
The one-of-a-kind Kyz-bibi female Sufi mon-
astery, located on the territory of a Varakhsha farm
in the Zhondor District, is one of the most inter-
esting Sufi complexes in the Bukhara region. The
person to whom this monastery is dedicated is the
murshida (female mentor) from the Naqshbandi-
ya Mastura-khanim or Ogoi Buzrug Sufi order (Ba-
bajanov 1992: 18). According to Tuhfat az-Zoirin a
manuscript by Nosiriddin Tur ibn Muzaffar Bukhari
(Akhrorova 2009: 37), the father of Ogoi Buzrug, was
the ruler (khokim) of Bukhara from the Sayyid fam-
ily (descendants of the Prophet Muhammad). Her
mother, Bibi Sharifa, was a famous woman in her day.
According to B. M. Babajanov, “she took over leader-
ship of the Sufi brotherhood (murshida) from Sheikh
Shadi Giyuti and his wife. Her grandfather and father
raised her in the ‘murshid’ spirit. Her murids included
both men and women; one of whom was the famous
Mughal Khanum (or Aisha Khanum) – Babur’s sister
and the wife of Sheibani Khan” (Babajanov 1992: 18).
Tukhfat az-Zoirin provides the following infor-
mation: “Amir Farrukh – the husband of Kyz-bibi,
whose actual name was Ogoi Buzrug – died on the
12th day of the month of Shawwal, 927 AH, and was
buried in a sardoba10 in Bogi-Haram. Two years lat-
er, in 929 AH (1523), when Ogoi Buzrug died, she
was also buried in the same sardoba. More than two
thousand people participated in her janosa (funeral,
funeral prayer service)….” This included eminent
secular and religious figures as well as sheikhs who
arrived from Bukhara and the regions of Khorasan
(Akhrorova 2009: 38). The traditional interpretation
concerning the nicknames of Kyz-bibi attributed to
saints who were virgins or an immaculate girl, in
this instance, may be different since Ogoi Buzrug
mentored girls (kizlarning bibisi) and her nickname
Kyz-bibi may reflect this reality.
Sadriddin Salim Bukhori analyzed the informa-
tion in the manuscript Tukhfat az Zoirin and con-
cluded that Ogoi Buzrug, her husband Amir Farrukh,
their children, students, and followers are buried at
the Kyz-bibi site. Two underground sardoba-crypts
are found at the complex. Kyz-bibi is buried in the
first crypt in Bogi-Haram while the second crypt,
called Bayt-us Sir (the secret room) and accessed via
12 descending steps, was arranged in the Kharamk-
hona (Bukhori 2000: 24).
At present, the restored Kyz-bibi complex occu-
pies an almost rectangular area extending deep into
the courtyard from the entrance along its north-south
longitudinal axis (Fig. 13). The courtyard’s interior
space is surrounded by buildings along its perime-
10
Traditionally, the sardoba is a large brick water storage tank
covered with a dome, most of which are located belo---w ground
level with a brick staircase. However, in the Middle Ages, due
to the similarity of the architectural design and underground
situation, burial crypts were also sometimes termed sardobas.
 MAVLYUDA ABBASOVA-YUSUPOVA

Fig. 14. Complex Kyz-bibi. General view of the khanaka and the mausoleum. Photo: M. Abbasova-Yusupova, 2013

ter and is functionally divided into three parts. The

southern entrance section is intended for pilgrims;
the middle section, including the main religious and
memorial buildings, is a place for worship and ritu-
als; the northern section of the courtyard is occupied
by a monastery, with hujras serving as a permanent
residence of novices (Nekrasova 1998: 61). The dar-
vazakhana’s entrance is shifted to the west from the
axis of the main southern facade.
Behind the entrance, the courtyard’s southern
section extends frontally, transversely to the main
axis, consisting of a row of hujras along the west with
several rooms and a kitchen along the eastern side.
In the middle section its entire western half is occu-
pied by a square portal-and-dome khanqah mosque.
An iwan supported by nine wooden columns equal
to the khanqah mosque in area adjoins it from the
south. Behind its western wall is a set of utility rooms,
including a bathhouse, toilet, and well. Opposite the
khanqah, in the courtyard’s middle section, is an iwan,
marking the front of Kyz-bibi’s domed mausoleum
along with several adjoining rooms. The courtyard’s
Fig. 15. Sufi Dehkon complex. Khanaka, 17th century
northern section contains the monastery surrounded with a late iwan. Plan. Archive of the Institute of Art
by hujras on all sides but the south. History of the Academy of Sciences of the Republic
Next to the darvazakhana, is a predominately un- of Uzbekistan, IA (M)

33
 BULLETIN OF IICAS 33/2022
derground mausoleum containing the grave of a Sufi
man considered the faithful guardian and defender
of this female monastery. This room has been identi-
fied as a chillakhana,11 and additionally, a single room
building outside near the entrance to the complex is
a place where mentally ill people were housed. In my
opinion, this external isolated structure could also
serve as a chillakhana, at least that is the name given
by the region’s old-timers, this was the term used dur-
ing the restoration project during the 1980s.12
V. A. Shishkin, who examined this monastery be-
tween 1950-1951, described it as the Hazret Kyz-bi-
bi mazar with a spacious courtyard paved with fired
bricks whose buildings comprised an interesting ar-
chitectural ensemble, although abandoned and some-
what ruined (Shishkin 1963: 135-136). He observed
the now lost decor of the mausoleum’s iwan made of
carved and composite wood with mirror inserts Also,
a marble slab with Qu’ranic inscriptions were still
observable “which, in addition to the usual Kalima,
ayat-al-Kursi and Ikhlas surah, contained the follow-
ing words: ‘This grave is the luminous, great Agha-i
Buzrug. The slave, the penitent Niyaz-Muhammad
katib wrote this in the year of 1231 (1815-1816)’”
(Shishkin 1963: 136). Murshida Ogoi Buzrug was
an enlightened mentor, who wrote works related to
Sufism. A decision was made to translate and pub-
lish one of them, the recently discovered manuscript
Mazhar ul-Ajoyib (Akhrorova 2009: 38).
Even during the Soviet years, women continued
to stealthily visit the Kyz-bibi Sufi complex. Current-
ly, it is well restored, re-designed for pilgrims, and
transferred to the believing community with a new
road connecting to Bukhara (Fig. 14). Women visit
not only from all regions of Uzbekistan, but also from
Turkmenistan and Tajikistan (Yuldoshev 1997: 27).
In the Bukhara region, many architectural com-
plexes, including Sufi ones, (eg. Sufi khanqahs) have
been partially preserved. Among them, the only one
preserved from the Sufi Dehkon complex is the lit-
tle-studied khanqah building examined in 1984 by
Z.A. Arshavskaya13 and also during the late 1990s by
this article’s author. According to information from
an 18th century manuscript entitled Ubaidullano-
11
Chillakhana is an underground or semi-underground room
with a single entrance opening, designed for spiritual solitude,
forty-day fasting, and prayers.
12
Archive of the Main Scientific and Production Department for
the Protection and Use of Cultural Heritage Objects, Tashkent.
This restoration project was developed in the UzNIIPIR (Uzbek
Research Planning and Surveying Institute for Preservation and
Restoration of Cultural Monuments) in the 1980s and based on
this project the Kyz-bibi complex was restored.
13
Svod pamyatneykov istorii i kultury Uzbekistana. Materialy k
tomu “Bukharskaia oblast.” Arkhiv Instituta iskusstvoznaniya AN
RUz, IA (M). S-48. – Tashkent, 1983-1984 gg.
34
ma, Sufi Dehkon from the Harkonrud district lived
during the second half of the 17th century (d. 1679
or 1680) (Yuldoshev 1997) and had many murids
among the artisans from the Bukhara region. Large
gardens and lands were among his fortunes. He had
many wives and children; preached Sufism to people
in the bazaars; and traveled from city to city with his
disciples (Yuldoshev 1997). Interesting information
about his construction of khanqahs is provided by
H. Rizayev: “Sufi Dehkon decided to build a khanqah
next to a well he dug, entrusting the construction to
his pious and diligent son, Abdullah. The building’s
project with its strict orientation along the points
of the compass was designed by the famous Sufi,
Boborahim Mashrab (1660s-1711), who placed sa-
cred earth brought from Mecca under the building’s
brickwork and poured zam-zam holy water brought
from Mecca into the well. The water there is still deli-
cious” (Rizayev 1998:13-17).
Initially, the structure was a rectangular portal-
and-dome building with a deep mihrab to the west
and two hujras along its sides, characteristic of khan-
qahs’ peak architectural development during the
15th-17th centuries (Fig. 15). The interior featured a
tier of arched pendentives supporting a large (9 x 9 m)
dome. The corners of the main facade were fixed with
guldasta turrets. Eighty years later (Rizayev 1998:16),
the ancient portal-and-dome building was rebuilt in
accordance with the developed trends of khanqah
architecture during the later period. It was probably
intended to combine the functions of a mosque in
which an iwan on fourteen wooden columns was at-
tached to the khanqah from three sides. For this rea-
son, the rising monumental entrance portal and its
corner turrets had to be shortened in order to make
them level with the top of the walls allowing for the
flat ceiling of the iwan.
The practice of converting earlier portal-and-
dome khanqahs into khanqah mosques with a col-
umned iwan was not uncommon in the Bukhara oa-
sis. Some 17th century portal-and-dome khanqahs
were restructured in this way, including Peshku-bo-
bo (Yusupova 2014: 205-206) in Peshku District; the
khanqah in the aforementioned Kyz-bibi complex;
and the famous 17th century Bolo-Hauz khanqah
mosque near the Ark citadel in Bukhara which during
the early 20th century usto Shirin Muradov attached
a painted iwan displaying columns with magnificent-
ly carved capitals. The Sufi Dehkon khanqah was
transformed in this same way, probably during the
same time as the other examples. Iwans, seven meters
high, were attached to the hall with a dome standing
15 m in height (Figs. 16-17). The hall’s interiors are
plastered with ganch while the facades are faced with
polished brick. An inscription with the date 1690-92
has been preserved (Rizaev 1998: 16). This date prob-
 MAVLYUDA ABBASOVA-YUSUPOVA

Fig. 16. Sufi Dehkon complex. Khanaka. General form. Photo: M. Abbasov-Yusupova, 2000

Fig. 17. Sufi Dehkon complex. Khanaka. ivan ceiling painting. Photo: M. Abbasova-Yusupova, 2000

35
 BULLETIN OF IICAS 33/2022
ably designates the domed hall’s completion or its re-
pair. The khanqah was built by craftsmen from the
neighboring village of Astarbof, famous to this day
for its builders. This khanqah, the Toshkuduk well14
5-6 m deep in its southwestern corner, and the sacred
300-year-old mulberry tree to the north of the khan-
qah mosque are what remains of the complex. The
khanqah has been well restored and now serves as the
cathedral mosque for the village.
***
Conclusion. The common feature in 18th-19th
century Sufi complex architecture was the predom-
inance of one court with a pond and/or well in its
center, surrounded by a khanaka mosque, hujras (res-
idential rooms, classrooms, utility rooms), a kitchen,
a takharatkhana,15 occasional baths, and other build-
ings. Often the mentor’s grave was located outside the
complex on the adjacent territory (i.e. Khalifa Khu-
doydot, Eshoni Imlo) or at a remote cemetery (i.e.
Khalifa Niyazkul).
This late stage of Sufi architectural development is
characterized by reverting to earlier types of khanqa-
hs that existed between the 15th-17th centuries con-
taining a prayer hall surrounded by a pillared iwan.
Over time (such as the Sufi Dehkon eighty years
later), iwans with a flat beam ceiling resting on wood-
en columns were attached on one (Kyz-bibi) or three
sides (Sufi Dehkon) to portal-and-dome khanqah
mosques, built more monumental according to the
old tradition.
Among the studied complexes, three sites have
a roughly rectangular and extended plan, stretch-
ing along a north-south line with the main entrance
on the southern facade forming a portal-and-dome
darvazakhana. In the Eshoni Imlo and Kyz-bibi com-
plexes the courtyard extending lengthwise was di-
vided functionally into three sections: the entrance
with kitchens and cells for pilgrims, the middle with a
khanqah mosque for rituals and prayers, and the sec-
tion farthest from the entrance with cells for murids
and pilgrims.
In the Khalifa Khudoydot complex, the entrance
and ritual-prayer sections were combined in the front
part of the courtyard. Immediately at the entrance to
the complex based upon the khanqah building’s loca-
tion along the main facade, it was originally built as
a quarter khanqah mosque. The second section, deep
in the courtyard with a sardoba, was intended for ed-
14
The ritual of childless female pilgrims is related to this ancient
well. Covered with a blanket and leaning over the well, they
look at their reflection in the water and, based on what they see
determines their fate of future motherhood. See: (Rizayev 1998: 17).
15
A room for ritual ablutions before namaz.
36
ucating and accommodating murids and pilgrims.
Therefore, during Sufi architecture’s late period a
type of specific composition extended lengthwise, in
which the space of a single enclosed courtyard was
divided into two or three functional zones.
Some Sufi complexes were completely (Eshoni
Imlo) or partially destroyed (Khalifa Niyazkul) in
the middle of the 20th century during the Soviet gov-
ernment’s second wave of its “struggle with religion.”
Other complexes, which were partially (Kyz-bibi, Sufi
Dehkon) or completely preserved (Khalifa Khudoy-
dot), have been restored and renovated to become
significant religious sites and historical architectural
monuments which are currently popular with pil-
grims and tourists.
REFERENCES
Akimushkin, O. (1991). Khānakāh, in: Islam. Entsiklope-
dicheskiy slovar [Islam. Encyclopedic Dictionary]. Mos-
cow: Nauka Publ. P. 272-273 (in Russian).
Akhrorova, A. (2009). Marifat gulzorining bulbullari, in:
Nakshbandiya. № 1. P. 36-38 (in Uzbek).
Almeyev, R. V. (2011). Osnovatel arkhitekturnogo kompl-
eksa Chor Minor v Bukhare Niyaz kuli at-Turkmani,
in: Islam v SNG [Islam in CIS]. № 3 (in Russian).
Babajanov, B. M. (1992). O zhenskikh sufiyskikh tsentra-
kh-mazarakh v Sredney Azii XVI-XVII vv., in: Sred-
nyaya Aziya i mirovaya tsivilizatsiya. Tezisy Mezh-
dunarodnoy konferentsii Instituta iskusstvoznaniya
Ministerstva kultury Uzbekistana. Tashkent, P. 17-18
(in Russian).
Babajanov, B. M. (2003). Khudaydad b. mulla Tash-Mu-
hammad ‘Azizan al-Bukhari, in: Islam na territorii
byvshe Rossiyskoy imperii. Entsiclopedicheskiy slovar.
Vyp. 4. Moscow: Vostochnaya literatura Publ. P. 92–93
(in Russian).
Bukhoriy, Sadriddin Salim (2000). Buhoro avlielari. Bu-
horo (in Uzbek).
Chekhovich, O. A. (1965). Bukharskiye dokumenty XIV
veka. Tashkent: Fan Publ. (In Russian).
Jurabayev, D. Kh.(2013). Sredneaziatskiye pismenny-
ye istochniki po istorii bukharskogo emirata vtoroy
poloviny XVIII — pervoy poloviny XIX v. (kratkaya
kharakteristika sochineniy), in: Uchenyye zapiski
Khudzhandskogo gosudarstvennogo universiteta. Hu-
jand. P. 163-179 (in Russian).
Jurabayev, D. Kh. (2013). Nauchnyye trudy svetskikh i re-
ligioznykh deyateley bukharskogo emirata v kontse
XVIII — nachale XIX veka, in: Vestnik Chelyabinskogo
munitsipalnogo instituta. № 36 (327). Istoriya. Vyp. 58.
P. 96-102 (in Russian).
Ibragimov, N. (1988). Ibn Battuta i yego puteshestviya po
Sredney Azii. Moscow: Nauka Publ. (In Russian).
Knysh, A. D. (1991). Zaviya, in: Islam. Entsiklopedicheskiy
slovar [Islam. Encyclopedic Dictionary]. Moscow: Nau-
ka Publ. P. 72 (in Russian).
Lavrov, V.A. (1950). Gradostroitelnaya kultura Sredney Azii
 MAVLYUDA ABBASOVA-YUSUPOVA
[Urban planning culture of Central Asia]. Moscow (in
Russian).
Mankovskaya, L. Yu. (1980). Tipologicheskiye osnovy zod-
chestva Sredney Azii (IX — nachalo XX v.). Tashkent:
Fan Publ. (In Russian).
Nekrasova, E. G. (2001). Kyz-Bibi, in: Islam na territorii
byvshey Rossiyskoy imperii. Entsiklopedicheskiy slovar.
Vyp. 3. Moscow: Vostochnaya literatura Publ. P. 59-62
(in Russian).
Nemtseva, N. B. (1989). Arkhitekturnyy kompleks na
okraine Bukhary, in: Gradostroitelstvo i arkhitektura
(Kultura Srednego Vostoka). Tashkent: Fan Publ. P.
115-125 (in Russian).
Nemtseva, N. B. (2003). Khanaka Sayf ad-Dina Bakhar-
zi v Bukhare (k istorii arkhitekturnogo kompleksa).
Bukhara: Buhoro Publ. (In Russian).
Pugachenkova, G. A. (1976). Zodchestvo Tsentralnoy Azii.
XV vek. Tashkent: Gafur Guliam Publ. (In Russian).
Rempel, L. I. (1981). Dalyokoye i blizkoye: stranitsy zhizni,
byta, stroitelnogo dela, remesla i iskusstva Staroy
Bukhary. Bukharskiye zapisi. Tashkent: Gafur Gulyam
Publ. (In Russian).
Rizayev, Kh. (1998). Utmishga bir nazar. Buhoro (in Uzbek).
Shishkin, V. A. (1963). Varakhsha. Moscow: AN SSSR
Publ. (In Russian).
Starodub, T. Kh. (2004). Ribat i khanaka: termin i arkhitek-
turnyy tip, in: Kulturnye tsennosti. Mezhdunarodnyy
yezhegodnik 2002-2003. St.Petersburg: Yevropeyskiy
Dom Publ. P. 89-101 (in Russian).
Sukhareva, O. A. (1976). Kvartalnaya obshchina pozdnefe-
odalnogo goroda Bukhary. Moscow: Nauka Publ. (In
Russian).
von Kugelgen, A. (2003). Niyaz-kuli at-Turkmani, in: Islam
37
na territorii byvshey Rossiyskoy imperii. Entsiklopedi-
cheskiy slovar. Vyp. 4. Moscow: Vostochnaya literatura
Publ. P. 63-64 (in Russian).
von Kugelgen, A. (2004). Legitimatsiya sredneaziatskoy di-
nastii Mangitov v proizvedeniyakh ikh istorikov (XVIII–
XIX vv.). Almaty: Dayk-Press (in Russian).
Voronina, V. L. (1969). Arkhitektura Sredney Azii XVI-
XVII vv., in: Vseobshchaya istoriya arkhitektury. Vol.
8. Moscow: Stroyizdat Publ. P. 304-331 (in Russian).
Yuldoshev, N. (1997). Buhoro avliyolarining tarihi. Buhoro
(in Uzbek).
Yusupova, M. (1997). L’évolution architecturale des cou-
vents soufis à l’époque timouride et post-timouride, in:
L’héritage timouride. Iran – Asie Centrale – Inde, XV–
XVIII siècle, Cageir d’Asie Centrale. № 3-4. Р. 99-114.
Yusupova, M. (1999). The Architecture of Sufi Complexes
in Bukhara, in: The Myth and the Architecture (A Pub-
lication of the Aga Khan Program for Islamic Archi-
tecture at Harvard University and the Massachusetts
Institute of Technology, Cambridge – USA). Rome:
Art. Also Palombi. P. 121-132.
Yusupova, M. A. (2004). K voprosu formirovaniya i tipologii
memorialno-kultovykh kompleksov Bukharskogo oa-
zisa XV–XVII vv., in: Transoxiana. Istoriya i kultura.
Tashkent: R. Elinin Publ. P. 265-273, 430-431 (in Rus-
sian).
Yusupova, M. A. (2014). Bukharskaya shkola zodchestva
XV–XVII vv. Osobennosti i dinamika razvitiya. Tash-
kent (in Russian).
Zahidova, S. A. (2001). Rukopis “Tukhfat-uz-zairin” Na-
siraddina ibn amir Muzaffara kak istochnik po
izucheniyu gorodskoy kultury Bukhary, in: ONU, №3.
P. 56-59 (in Russian).
 MIKHAIL BASKHANOV

VISUALISATION OF STRATEGIC SPACES:

TURKESTAN THROUGH THE LENS
OF THE RUSSIAN MILITARY PHOTOGRAPHERS
Drawing from unpublished documents in the Russian archives, this article explains the genesis and evolution of
Russian military photography in Turkestan from the second half of the 19th century until the outbreak of World
War I. The history of Russian military photography is usually considered to be on the sidelines of historical
studies concerning the Russian conquest of Turkestan and Russian rule in the region; but it was central to the
formation of the relevant Turkestan dossier. The dossier was instrumental for the imperial management of
Turkestan, as well for Russian military planning in this region. This article emphasizes military photography’s
role in Turkestan in the creation of a military archive widely used for intelligence, military planning, and
mapping of the Empire’s boundaries, neighboring countries, and eastern territories. This article also examines
the Russian photography collections composed by Turkestani military photographers during the imperial
period, providing a brief overview of their study and publications.

Keywords: Russian Empire, Turkestan, Central Asian conquests, defense of the Empire, military planning,
intelligence, military photography, photography collections
Citation: mikhail baskhanov (2022). Visualisation of strategic spaces: Turkestan through the lens
of the Russian military photographers, Bulletin of IICAS 33, 38-54.
Article link: https://doi.org/10.34920/1694-5794-2022.33en.002

T
he genre of the war photography originated
during the Crimean War (1853-1856) thanks
to the work of British photographer Roger Fen-
ton (1819-1869), who developed not only the tech-
nology for capturing the “battlefield” but also created
a unique image of man at war, and war itself. Fen-
ton became the “godfather” of the war photography
genre. His activity greatly contributed to the adap-
tation of photography to the needs of military arts.
The Crimean War was a major military conflict in
which technological innovations in warfare were sig-
nificantly demonstrated – steamships, field railways,
telegraph transmission, rifled guns, etc. During this
conflict, photography for the first time was used for
combat planning, reconnaissance, and target desig-
nation. This event paved the way for photography’s
use in modern warfare, which developed from the
first primitive images of enemy positions during the
Crimean War to today’s digital images from satellite
reconnaissance.
The history of photography in the Russian Im-
perial Army also began during the Crimean War. In
1854, Captain Nikolai G. Pisarevskii (1821-1895),
after becoming acquainted with the process of pho-
tography at the Vienna Geographical Institute, estab-
lished a small photography studio at the Main Staff
quarters in St. Petersburg (Istoricheskii ocherk 1872:
471-472). During this first stage of its history, Russian
military photography was associated with military
cartography but gradually found application in oth-
er areas – artillery, naval, and military engineering as
well as intelligence. In this respect, Russian military
photography followed the general trends and practic-
es prevalent in the leading armies of Europe.
The Russian Imperial Army, throughout its entire
existence, had no such military specialty as a war pho-
tographer.1 But this does not mean that there were no
professionally trained war photographers. Their main
contingent served as part of the Corps of Military To-
pographers (Korpus voennykh topografov) with duties
that included using photography equipment for the
1
Hereinafter, by referring to military photographers, we mean
officers or civil servants of the Military Establishment (Ministry)
who took photographs for both official business and private
purposes.

38
 MIKHAIL BASKHANOV

Fig. 1. Mannerheim K. G.-E. Xinjiang. Kalmyks in Chinese military service, shooting practice.
1907 (Sandberg 1990: 91)

preparation and replication of military topographic
maps. The study of photography techniques was in-
cluded in the curricula of the Military Topographic
School (Voenno-topograficheskoe uchilishche) and
the Nicholas General Staff Academy (Nikolaevskaia
akademiia General’nogo shtaba).
Russian photography’s presentation of the (Rus-
sian) Turkestan region (Russkii Turkestan, or Turk-
estanskii krai) and its neighboring territories in the
East, played a very special role. The conquest of Turk-
estan aroused wide interest in both Russian society
and within the Russian military in the newly acquired
territory and its people. This interest manifested itself
in various forms, such as scientific research, journal-
ism, painting, graphics, and photography.
Military photography in Turkestan, as a concept,
includes both the work of photographers from among
the officer corps, officials from the military establish-
ment, and their photographic heritage. Moreover,
the word “military” in reference to “military pho-
tography,” in this case, does not necessarily indicate
the mere the subject pertaining to military themes.
The overwhelming majority of Russian military pho-
tographers in Turkestan worked purely in the “civil”
genres and categories.
Russian military photography of Turkestan as a
historical phenomenon and an integral part of the
historical and cultural heritage of the former Asian
outskirts of the Russian Empire is still not thoroughly
studied. Today there is no unified corpus of ʺTurke-
stan photography,ʺ no complete list of photographers’
names, their biographies, nor details of their creative
activity. Revealing the heritage of photographers in
Turkestan is complicated by the wide dispersion of
main archival, museum, and library collections which
have are fragmented throughout Russia, the modern
post-Soviet countries of Central Asia, and a number
of other countries. Even less known is the corpus and
representative contents of private collections, wheth-
er Russian or foreign.
Yet, a certain amount of work has already been
done in identifying and publishing the cultural and
historical heritage from Russian military photogra-
phers who developed the Turkestani theme. It is suffi-
cient to mention just a few of the most important pub-
lishing projects. In 1990, in Helsinki, the Finno-Ugric

39
 BULLETIN OF IICAS 33/2022

Fig. 2. Iyas A. I. Kurdish hunters with the birds of prey. Persia, Nagade, 1912 (Tchalenko 2006: 119)

40
 MIKHAIL BASKHANOV
Society (Suomalais-Ugrilainen Seura), together with
the National Council of Antiquities,2 published the
famous Russian military Orientalist, General Carl G.-
E. Mannerheim’s (1867-1951) photography collection
which he compiled during the great reconnaissance
of Central Asia (1906-08) (Sandberg 1990) (Fig. 1).
In 2006, John Tchalenko, the grandnephew of
another famous Russian military orientalist, Colo-
nel Alexander I. Iias (1869-1914), in collaboration
with the University of London’s School of Oriental
and African Studies (SOAS) gave an exhibition in
London of Colonel Iias’ photography collection. It is
currently kept by the Finnish Museum of Photogra-
phy (Suomen Valokuvataiteen Museo) in Helsinki.
An informative and scientifically valuable exhibition
catalog specifically issued for the exhibition included
a large number of photographs taken by Colonel Iias
during his service in Russian Turkestan and Persia
(Tchalenko 2006) (Fig. 2).
In 2017, the Russian Geographical Society pub-
lished the complete photography collection of Ma-
jor-General Bronislaw L. Grombchevskii (1855-
1926), which he compiled during two Central Asian
expeditions (1888, 1889-90) (Baskhanov, Kolesnikov,
Matveeva 2017) (Fig. 3).
Recently, considerable interest has been shown in
the work and artistic heritage of Russian military ori-
entalist, Colonel Leon S. Barszczewski (1849-1910).
This is especially noticeable in his Polish homeland.
Barszczewski’s photographs were exhibited from De-
cember 2010 to February 2011 in Warsaw at the Na-
tional Museum of Archaeology (Państwowe Muzeum
Archeologiczne). In 2017, a similar exhibition of his
works was organized at the Muzeum Południowego
Podlasia in Biala Podlaska, which was supplement-
ed the following year with exhibitions in Lublin and
Włodawa. Before the exhibitions, Igor Strojecki, a
distant relative of the famous Turkestan photogra-
pher, prepared and published an album of Barszcze-
wski’s photographs, Utracony Świat (Strojecki 2017).
Russian war photographers’ special place in Turk-
estan’s history of photography is determined by the
specific historical conditions in which the area’s con-
quest took place and the role that the Russian Impe-
rial Army played in its conquest and governing the
region. Turkestan’s subjugation, in contrast to that of
the Caucasus, occurred during a period of photogra-
phy’s rapid development in Russia. Photography, un-
like painting, enabled the capture of a much larger
number of objects, scenes, and people. The conquest
of a huge territory like Turkestan and the subsequent
tasks for the local government and administration
2
Starting 2018 this is referred to as the Finnish Heritage Agency
(Museovirasto).
41
Fig. 3. Photo album for B. L. Grombchevsky’s
journey to Kanjut and Raskem in 1888
SA RGS. F. 45. Op. 1. D. 4.
gave rise to totally new forms for studying the coun-
try and its peoples and adapting this knowledge to
administrative tasks and military management.3
Turkestan’s administrative and military manage-
ment during its initial period was based on rather
primitive investigative knowledge. Meanwhile, the
need to organize such rule required the creation,
growth, and use of a considerable information base
or “information archive,” that could provide for the
collection of basic and topical data in the various
fields of knowledge – geography, history, ethnology,
linguistics, geology, botany etc. Throughout the entire
period of Russia’s presence in Turkestan during the
Tsarist era, managing the region required the creation
of two different information administrative archives
– one administrative the other military. They were
based on constantly updated natural scientific and
statistical information.
The administrative archive’s foundation was
formed by the work of local Turkestani experts and
Russian scholars and specialists from the European
part of Russia who carried out various types of natu-
ral scientific research. Besides the archive’s informa-
tion received by the Turkestan administration and
authorities’ representatives working in Turkestan;
regional statistical committees and offices of military
and people’s administration (voenno-narodnoe up-
ravlenie), also contributed to the various Turkestan
scientific societies. During later periods, this archive
was significantly expanded due to expeditions by the
3
For more details on the importance of scientific knowledge in
colonial management with the examples of the British Empire
see: Cohn 1996.
 BULLETIN OF IICAS 33/2022
Migration Department of the Main Directorate of
Land Management and Agriculture (Pereselencheskoe
upravlenie Glavnogo upravleniia zemleustroistva i
zemledeliia).
The Turkestan military archive was a vast collec-
tion of all types of military-statistical and military-ge-
ographical works complied by General Staff officers,
regiment officers, civil servants of military topogra-
phers, and officers of military and people’s adminis-
tration from the region. The archive contained a vast
array of materials from the field and reconnaissance
trips, intelligence and special missions, as well as data
obtained during the course of geodetic and topo-
graphic work.
Before the Russo-Japanese War, the Turkestan
military archive consisted of two basic elements –
military statistical and military geographical works
(printed and handwritten), and cartographic mate-
rials. After 1905, these two elements complemented
another one via shared photography. As a result, the
military archive represented a significant pool of in-
formation about the region (Turkestanskii krai) and
its neighboring countries and territories where mili-
tary geography, statistics, and cartography data were
supplemented by photography. The data was stand-
ardized and unified, constantly updated, and used by
the central and regional military administration, as
well as the higher civil administration. This constitut-
ed, as it were, a scientific base for the imperial admin-
istration of Turkestan (Turkestanskii krai).
Russian officers, military officials, and civil min-
istry officials were the first to encounter the newly ac-
quired land that remained little known scientifically.
Such a circumstance placed them in the exceptional
position as pioneer discoverers and researchers and
provided ample opportunities for a broad and sys-
tematic scientific documentation of nature and the
region’s population.
Not accidentally, the first reliable data on Turk-
estan came from the Russian military. Given their
theoretical and practical training, they possessed the
necessary basic knowledge to conduct research activ-
ities duly exploited by the local administration, espe-
cially prior to the arrival of professional researchers
to Turkestan.
Yet even later, the military continued to make im-
portant contributions in the exploration of Turkestan
and its neighboring countries. This was especially
true for politically and militarily unstable territories
which were governed under special conditions in-
cluding: the Murghab oasis, the Trans-Caspian rail-
way, the Pamirs, and several areas bordering China
and Afghanistan. In these areas, activities of civilian
specialists were endangered or not authorized for po-
litical reasons.
Not surprisingly, Russian officers were the first
42
to provide Russia with a visual image of the neigh-
boring Asian states and territories. Lieutenant Cho-
kan Chingisovich Valikhanov (1835-1865) delivered
sketches of Kashgaria (1858); Lieutenant Vsevolod
Ianovich Roborovskii (1856-1910) produced draw-
ings and photographs of Tibet and the inner regions
of China (1879-1881); expert topographer August
Ivanovich Skassi (1845-1911?) took the first photo-
graphs of the Pamirs (1878); Staff Captain Broniskav
Liudvigovich Grombchevskii produced the first pho-
tographs for Russia of Hunza and Raskem (1888);
General Staff Captain Lavr Georgievich Kornilov
(1870-1918) was the first Russian to photograph Af-
ghanistan (1899) (Fig. 4).
Officers, primarily young and full of vigor, were
most adapted for the difficulties of field service. Many
were good riders, athletes, and hunters, which is to
say, they had ideal qualities and skills for expedition-
ary and research activities conducted in these little
explored and rather remote areas.
The Russian military photographers predominat-
ed in the field of Central Asian photography. The very
first attempt at taking photographs of this little-known
region was by Lieutenant Anton Stepanovich Muren-
ko (1837-1875), a member of the military-diplomatic
mission of Colonel Nikolai P. Ignatiev (1832-1908)
during their expedition to Khiva and Bukhara (1858).
He compiled a unique photography album entitled
From Orenburg via Khiva to Bukhara, for which he
was awarded the silver medal by the Imperial Russian
Geographical Society (IRGS) (Devel, 1994).
This was followed by a rather long pause in pho-
tographic descriptions of Turkestan. The process re-
sumed only after the establishment of the Turkestan
Governorate General and the deployment of the
Turkestan Military District. This first stage of Turke-
stan’s conquest (1865-1868) remained unrecorded in
Russian historical photography, and today it is better
known for the picturesque and graphic works by art-
ist Vasilii Vasilievich Vereshchagin (1842-1904), who
participated in the events.
During the early 1870s, the first attempts were
undertaken to photograph Turkestan by the Rus-
sian military. In 1872, Lieutenant Grigorii Krivtsov,
an amateur photographer, took an active part in
compiling the famous Turkestan Album. The related
photography was conducted during the Ghulja cam-
paign (1871) and the occupation of the Ili region by
Russian troops. R. I. Metlitsyn, an aide-de-camp to
the Russian commander in the Semirechye region,
compiled a unique album entitled The Views of Sem-
irechye, Ghulja and the Indigenous Population during
the First Years of the Russian Conquest of these Areas.4
4
NA RGO. Razryad 112. Op. 1. No. 38.
 MIKHAIL BASKHANOV
Fig. 4. L. G. Kornilov. Afghan fortress of Dehdadi (Qala-i-Jangi). 1899. From a Scottish private collection
Lieutenant-General Gerasim Alekseevich Kolpak-
ovskii (1819-1896), the Russian Commander in the
Semirechye region, who was also fond of photogra-
phy, is credited with producing a fascinating two al-
bum photography collection – Semirechye, Ghulja,5
and The Ethnographic Album of the Ghulja district
and of the Semirechye Region. It is possible that other
Turkestani amateur photographers from the military
also worked during this period, yet, whose names and
works remain unknown.
The 1873 Khiva campaign became a milestone in
the development of military photography in Turke-
stan.6 Even during the planning phase, the Imperial
Russian Geographical Society (IRGS) showed great
interest in the prospects of studying the little-known
territories in terms of natural science. On the eve
of the campaign, the Society’s council drew up a
comprehensive program for the study of the Khiva
Khanate (Questions 1873). Some prominent Russian
geographers and orientalists jointly developed this
program which included: General Otto E. Schtuben-
dorf (1937-1918), Colonel Mikhail I. Veniukov (1832-
1901), Robert E. Lenz (1833-1903), Vasilii P. Vasiliev
5
NA RGO. Razryad 112. Op. 1. No. 40 and 520.
6
For more details on the Khiva campaign see: Morrison 2020.
43
(1818-1900), Vasilii V. Grigoriev (1816-1881), Petr I.
Lerch (1828-1884), among others.
Additionally, the program stated:
ʺIn relation to each of the ethnic groups inhabit-
ing the Khiva Khanate, it would be desirable to have
photographs of several male and female individuals;
the photos should be sized sufficiently for a clear dis-
tinction of facial features; and, at least in relation to
men, it is also desirable to have photographs in a for-
mat as large as possible, taken in the nude, so as to
evaluate the proportions of the limbs of their bodies
and proportions of the individual.ʺ (Questions 1873).
Another part of the program mentioned the de-
sirability of accompanying scientific material with “as
many drawings, photographs and plans as possible.”
(Questions 1873).
To carry out scientific work during the campaign,
the General Staff ’s officers and the regiment’s most
trained officers were assigned to the task. Among
those officers who participated in the Khiva cam-
paign, seven were full titular members of the Imperial
Russian Geographical Society, mainly those from the
General Staff. The Khiva campaign, in some respects,
continued the European tradition of public outreach
and coverage of military campaigns, accompanied
by scientific studies of the Central Asian countries
which resulted in a significant amount of visual ma-
terial, just as was the case with Napoleon’s expedition
 BULLETIN OF IICAS 33/2022
to in Egypt (1798)7 or the British military expedition
to Abyssinia (1867-1868) (Ryan 1997).
The Khiva campaign, unlike any other military
campaign in Central Asia, was presented both in
painting and photography. Yet, the campaign’s pho-
tography turned out to be very limited and is repre-
sented only in the album The Views and (Human) Ty-
pologies of the Khiva Khanate.8 During the campaign,
military engineer Captain D. M. Rezvyi made sketch-
es of “household items, rooms, views of fortresses,
and ruins.” He passed the collection of sketches to
Orientalist Alexander L. Kuhn (1840-1888) for fur-
ther analysis (Kuhn 1874: 58).
The Khiva campaign received visual representa-
tion through imagery reproduced in the Russian
press (e.g. in Vsemirnaia Illiustratsiia) or in the works
by Russian artists, e.g. Nikolai N. Karazin’s (1842-
1908) luxurious album of chromolithographs entitled
The Khiva Campaign (Karazin 1874). This colossal
album was so grand that one would barely notice the
Khiva campaign album of photographs by Krivtsov,
which was published in a very limited edition and did
not reach the bookstore shelves. As a result, the Khiva
campaign photography and exploration of the Khi-
va Khanate remained almost unavailable to both the
world scientific community and the general public.
At the invitation of Russian authorities, foreign
correspondents, in particular, Americans – Januarius
MacGahan (1844-1878) and Eugene Schuyler (1840-
1980)9 participated in the Khiva campaign. This be-
came the first and last Russian army campaign in
Turkestan that international correspondents covered
along with their Russian colleagues. After Khiva, the
unofficial history of the Russian conquest of Central
Asia is known primarily from literary works and his-
torical papers from the immediate eyewitnesses.
During the Khiva campaign, Russian journalists
were subject to censorship, while foreign correspond-
ents were relatively free from those restrictions. As a
result, in several foreign press publications, the cam-
paign was presented in a rather unfavorable light for
the Russian government. Foreign correspondence
7
For example, see an edition based on the materials collected by
French scientists during the expedition, a luxurious 26-volume
description of Egypt with 10 accompanying atlases. Description
de l'Egypte, 1820-1829: Paris.
8
Album Vidy i tipy Khivinskogo khanstva. Compiled by Second
Lieutenant Grigorii Krivtsov, and presented by the Turkestan
Governor General, K. P. Von Kaufman to the Library of the
Imperial Russian Geographical Society, which was announced
at the Session of the IRGS by its Vice President P. P. Semyonov.
See the Session Journal 1874: 227. Currently kept as part of the
collection of the Scientific Archive of the RGS. Razryad 112. Op.
1. No. 8.
9
Schuyler did not visit Khiva but covered the events of the
campaign from Tashkent.
44
from the “field,” at times biased and not always reli-
able, spoke of cases of violence against civilians, van-
dalism, and excessive brutality towards the weak ene-
my, etc. Therefore, the campaign, which initially was
widely declared as a military expedition by a civilized
power against eastern despotism and a stronghold of
obscurantism, barbarism, and slavery; was unexpect-
edly presented in the Western press mostly in a neg-
ative light and did not contribute to the good reputa-
tion and countenance of the Russian government.10
Aide-de-camp General Konstantin P. von Kaufman
(1818-1882), who first promoted the idea of the cam-
paign’s broad international coverage, concluded that
this practice was erroneous, and he later rejected it.
This policy change resulted in an abrupt decrease
in the volume of photographs of the military offensive
in Central Asia pertaining to the Russian army’s sub-
sequent campaigns. The official photography from
the Kokand campaign (1875-1876) and the Akhal-
Teke expedition (1880-1881) ceased. Correspondents
being admitted to the armed forces was considered
undesirable. In this regard, Aide-de-camp General
Mikhail D. Skobelev’s (1843-1883) renowned phrase
that he articulated during his personal audience with
Emperor Alexander II prior to his departure to Tran-
scaspia. When answering the emperor’s question con-
cerning what else it was that he wished for, Mr Skobe-
lev replied, “I wish there were no journalists with me.”
For this reason, practically no known photographs
reflect the period of Russian military campaigns in
Turkestan, or which directly record the hostilities or
battlefield situations. One rare exception could be a
photograph by an unknown photographer, presuma-
bly in reference to the Kokand campaign (1875-1876)
(Fig. 5).
Professional photography in Turkestan regarding
governance and military control began following the
formation of the Turkestan Military District (1867),
whose headquarters oversaw the coordination of
military-geographic, statistical, and cartography op-
erations in the region. The Turkestan Military Topo-
graphic Department’s formation (Turkestanskii Voen-
no-topograficheskii otdel, or Turkestan VTO), which
was responsible for topography surveys and mapping
of Turkestan, proved extremely important.11 The
question of organizing a special unit within the Turk-
10
In this regard, the negative reaction of the Russian military
ministry to Schuyler's book Turkestan (1877) is indicative. See
Po povodu zaiavlenii iz knigi amerikantsa Skailera (ʺTurkistanʺ)
o zhestokostiakh, budto by sovershennykh v Turkmenii russkimi
voiskami vo vremia pokhoda v 1873 g. RGVIA. F. 400. Op. 1. D.
477.
11
For more details on the history of the Turkestan VTO see
Galkov 1958.
 MIKHAIL BASKHANOV

Fig. 5. The Kokand campaign. 1875. From a Scottish private collection.

45
 BULLETIN OF IICAS 33/2022
Fig. 6. The album The Views, Scenes and Types from
Xinjiang. From A. Galkin’s travel album.
SA RGS. Razryad 112. Op. 1. No. 941
estan VTO responsible for photography (referred to
as a photography “pavilion”) was first raised in 1884
by General Mikhail G. Chernyaev (1828-1898), the
Commander of the Turkestan Military District.12
The photography unit, or pavilion, as it was offi-
cially called, at the Turkestan VTO conducted pho-
tography for the purposes of mapping, and, later, for
reconnaissance and geographical surveying for part of
the interior of Turkestan and neighboring territories.
Within this photography pavilion, both General Staff
and regimental officers were trained in the basics of
using the equipment during command post exercis-
es, battlefield tours, reconnaissance, and intelligence
operations. A few statistics characterizing the scope
of work done by the photography pavilion are wor-
thy of citing. For example, in 1909 it produced 916
negatives, 6645 photographs and 28 type-transpar-
ency matrices (Extract from the 1911 Annual Report:
21). The photography pavilion’s activity largely fo-
cused on cartography (map design and production).
Yet, the volume of photographic processing received
from the officers who participated in reconnaissance
and battlefield tours continuously increased. For in-
stance, the pavilion processed negatives and printed
photographs of scenes from the Pamirs, taken by the
General Staff offices, specifically Captain Alexander
K. Razgonov (1873-1938) during his reconnaissance
in the Pamirs and eastern Bukhara (1907) (Extract
from the 1911 Annual Report: 21); by Nikolai I. Ko-
sinenko (1881-1917) when he led a Pamir expedition
12
Report of the Commander of the Turkestan Military District
to the Minister of War on the need to establish a photography
institution under the Turkestan WTO, February 21, 1884 //
RGVIA. F. 404. Op. 6. D. 141. L. 1-2.
46
(1909);13 and by Colonel Aleksandr I. Egorov (1876-
1915) when he conducted reconnaissance on the bor-
der with China (1911).14
The Turkestan VTO’s photography pavilion was
the largest repository of photographs related to Turk-
estan and its neighboring territories. By the outbreak
of World War I, it had accumulated several thousand
negatives and prints related to Russian Turkestan and
the other regions of the East, including eastern Persia,
Afghanistan, India, and China (Xinjiang). The fate of
this unique and important photography archive re-
mains unknown. Ascertaining its whereabouts is one
of the important problems to resolve regarding his-
torical research of Turkestani photography.
Until the late 1890s, using photography for mil-
itary purposes by officers and military officials was
rather limited. Photography techniques that existed
at the time were cumbersome, requiring the labori-
ous process of taking photographs and processing the
negatives. Cost also remained an important factor, as
it was very expensive and, therefore, inaccessible to
most young officers. This situation changed drastical-
ly in the early 1900s with the advent of portable and
relatively inexpensive cameras. Equipment became
more affordable and gained great popularity among
officers. This is clearly recognizable from what ap-
peared in the army press at the time in which articles
and items popularizing photography occur exactly
during this period.15
This period also saw a change both in the func-
tional nature of military photography and in the
photography forces. A transition occurred from am-
ateur to professional photography and from amateur
military photographers to those who prepared to
take photographs used in their official activities. This
was primarily for the purpose of military geographic
study and documentation of the Central Asian ter-
ritories of the Russian Empire and its neighboring
countries in the East. This military photography force
was comprised of General Staff officers who actively
participated in the military geographic study of po-
tential theaters of operations. They received training
in photography skills while attending the Nicholas
General Staff Academy in St. Petersburg.
One of the first General Staff officers who wide-
ly used photography for special work purposes was
Captain Alexandr Semenovich Galkin (1855-1920).
13
The collection of N. I. Kosinenko is kept in the Scientific
Archive collection of the Russian Geographical Society: Alai -
Pamir - Darvaz // NA RGO. Razryad 112. Op. 1. No. 1071.
14
Thirty-two photographs taken by Colonel Eegorov in the
Pamirs were in a separate addendum to his report. RGVIA. F.
1396. Op. 2. D. 2153.
15
See for example: Apostles 1893; Apostles 1904; Zakrzhevsky
1897; Lebedev 1898, and other works.
 MIKHAIL BASKHANOV
Fig. 7. Galkin A. S. Types of uniforms and decorative weaponry of Chinese troops. 1887.
SA RGS. Razryad 112. Op. 1. No. 941
Over the course of two trips to Xinjiang (1885, 1887),
he managed take photographs of many routes, Chi-
nese troops, representatives of various ethnic groups,
etc.16 A. S. Galkin can be considered the first Russian
military photographer in Xinjiang, since his activities
chronologically preceded the work done by Captain
B. L. Grombchevsky in this same province of China
(Figs. 6, 7).
The Aide-de-camps to the Commander of the
Turkestan Military District, Lieutenant Pavel P. Rod-
stvennyi (1870 - circa 1921) used photography for
military planning purposes which continued in the
16
Currently, the collection is stored in the holdings of the National
Geographical Society: Views, Scenes and Types of Xinjiang from A.
Galkin's Travel Album // Discharge 112. Op. 1. No. 941.
47
summer of 1901 in the Pamirs. He was a member of
a reconnaissance party that consisted of the district’s
headquarters officers, including the later famed mil-
itary orientalist, Captain Andrei E. Snesarev (1865-
1937). Rodstvennyi travelled along the Great Pamir
Road, tirelessly locating the features of the road and
the road’s surrounding areas at regular intervals. Ev-
idence for this is found in Lieutenant Rodstvennyi’s
photography collection. His objective in photograph-
ing the Pamirs during this 1901 reconnaissance was
to visually present strategically important geograph-
ical objects to the military command which included
passes, the mountain defiles, advantageous defensive
positions, water obstacles, approaches to adjacent
territories, etc. In total, during his trip to the Pamirs,
Rodstvennyi took more than 350 photographs with
 BULLETIN OF IICAS 33/2022
Fig. 8. Rodstvennyi P. P. The Panj Valley. Qaziy administers judgment on the convicted. 1901
(Bashkhanov, Shevelchinskaya 2019: 277)
geographical views of the Pamirs and the adjacent
Afghan territory, and posts of the Pamir Squadron.17
Many photographs from those mentioned here con-
tained ethnographic images, views of historical mon-
uments, and remains of antiquities (Fig. 8).
Rodstvennyi’s collection demonstrates the strate-
gically important Taldyk and Khargosh passes which
connects the Alai Valley with the eastern and western
Pamirs; the main roads and directions, such as a fork
in the road leading to the Rang Kul and Pamir out-
posts, and the road along the right bank of the Panj
River. The Lieutenant charted the waterways of the
Pamirs which incorporates the Murgab, Pamir, and
Panj Rivers; the accesses to neighboring territories of
Afghanistan (the Afghan frontier of Kalai-Bar-Panj);
and the Chinese territories (the Kyzylsu River Val-
ley adjacent to the Russian Irkeshtam pass features).
17
For a long time, the collection of Kindred in an unattributed
form was kept in the AV IVR RAS and was practically unknown
even to specialists. In 2019, after technical preparation, image
attribution, and scientific description, the collection was
published in its entirety and put into circulation. See: Baskhanov,
Shevelchinskaya 2019.
48
Among Rodstvennyi’s photographs are views of stra-
tegically important structures such as the Wakhan
corridor, which at the time separated the Russian
and Indo-British possessions and the Igitarg tract in
the Panj Valley. This was the area of Russian territo-
ry closest to British India. Rodstvennyi also photo-
graphed Russian stationary outposts in the Pamirs
including the Pamir, Liangar, Ishkashim, and Khorog
outposts. (Fig. 9).
In 1899, the Turkestan military district headquar-
ters started to implement an important project for the
military-geographic and statistical study of Kashgar-
ia – the western section of the Xinjiang province in
China. To that end, a special position was established
under the Russian Imperial Consul General in Kash-
gar – an officer of the General Staff attached to the
Consulate General.18 Between 1899 and 1906, officers
of the General Staff conducted a broad military-ge-
18
The position was successively occupied by the following officers
of the General Staff: Captains L. G. Kornilov (1899-1901), Z. I.
Zaichenko (1901-1902), N. G. Chernozubov (1902-1903), A.
P. Fedorov (1903–1904), Lieutenant Colonel V. G. Lastochkin
(1904–1906).
 MIKHAIL BASKHANOV
Fig. 9. Rodstvennyi P. P. The Lyangar outpost of the Pamir expedition. 1901
(Bashkhanov, Shevelchinskaya 2019: 263)
ographic, cartographic, and photographic study of
Kashgaria.
Several sources indirectly indicate that photogra-
phy was conducted by Captain L. G. Kornilov, the
first commissioned officer to Kashgar. The first photo-
graphs of Sarykol, a strategically important territory
adjacent to the Russian Pamirs and the British posses-
sions in northern India, were taken by General Staff
Captain Alexandr Pavlovich Fedorov (? - ca. 1905).19
General Staff Lieutenant Colonel Vladimir Gurievich
Lastochkin (1871–1920) took detailed photos of the
routes, Chinese fortifications, strategically and tac-
tically important passes, road junctions, and cross-
ings. The information received by the General Staff
officers—the route descriptions, military statistical
data, and photographs—significantly complemented
the military district’s strategic archive and were used
for the military planning when designing the China
and British India offensives (Fig. 10).
As the Turkestan Military District formatted their
intelligence system this, in turn, contributed signifi-
cantly to the development of Turkestan military pho-
19
Concerning the mission of Russian officers to Kashgaria and on
the postal communication with this country see, January 2-July
30, 1904 // RGVIA. F. 1396. Op. 2. D. 1632.
49
tography. In 1898, the first specialized intelligence
unit—known as a reporting department (otchetnoe
otdelenie)— was established in the district’s head-
quarters, which in 1906 transformed into an intelli-
gence department (razvedyvatel’noe otdelenie). Rus-
sian Imperial Army intelligence developed along two
planes: Military planning and officer war training
which included command post exercises, reconnais-
sance, and battlefield tours.
“The main objective of battlefield tours (or tactical
exercises without troops) of the General Staff officers,
organized in the military districts on an annual ba-
sis, is to collect and update military, geographic, and
statistical data about the areas of renowned military
significance, which may potentially become a theater
of war. The importance of this objective, owing to the
extreme scarcity of military and geographic materials
on our outlying districts and border lands developed
through reconnaissance done by individuals and ex-
peditions, calls for careful analysis and processing of
the data obtained during the battlefield tours in order
to a form material suitable for further study of terrain
conditions.”20
20
O polevykh poezdkakh ofitserov General’nogo shtaba [On
Battlefield Tours of Officers of the General Staff], RGVIA. F. 400.
Op. 1. D. 246. L. 1.
 BULLETIN OF IICAS 33/2022
Fig. 10. G.S. Lieutenant Colonel V. G. Lastochkin riding a yak at the Ter-art pass. Kashgaria. Ca. 1905
(Lastochkin 1911: App. Fig. 30)
By the end of the Russo-Japanese War, photogra-
phy’s use became even more widespread for the geod-
esy and topography in the Turkestan region and be-
yond. Supply of modern-day equipment for the army
began by reaching levels of adequate saturation, and
the troops started training in the use of the equipment
not only to capture and convey the area’s terrain, con-
figuration of valleys, passes, and other geographical
features; but also, to document and describe the mili-
tary and geographic conditions. This pre-war practice
was continued in order to illustrate the final reports
on geodetic and topographical surveys using photo-
graphs taken by military surveyors and topographers
in explored areas (Extract from the 1903 Annual Re-
port: 90–92; 112–122).
At this time, cameras appeared at almost every
border outpost of the Russian army in Turkestan
which were part of the District Staff ’s intelligence sys-
tem. These outposts were found at Turbeti Khaideri,21
Kushka, Termez and Sarai (on the Amu Darya River),
Tashkurgan,22 and the Pamir squadron. Out of all the
21
The Turbeti-Khaideri outpost was at the Russian anti-plague
border with Eastern Persia.
22
The Tashkurgan outpost was located on Chinese territory in the
village of Tashkurgan in the Syrykol Valley and provided a line
50
reconnaissance outposts listed here, the most exten-
sive photography was conducted at the outposts of
the Pamir squadron which included squadron chiefs
General Staff Captains Nikolai Stepanovich Anosov
(1866–1920) (Stankevich 1904: 472, 476) N. I. Ko-
sinenko, Grigoriy Andreevich Shpilko (1872–1936)
and the heads of the detached posts Sotnik Yurii Ip-
politovich Mamaev (1884 – 1920), Junior Captain Ol-
gerd Boleslavovich Tumanovich (1879 – circa 1926),
and military physician Anatolii Petrovich Berezskii
(1878 – 1945),23 among others.
New approaches to the use of photography equip-
ment often conflicted with its real capabilities, espe-
cially given the issue of regimental officer training in
photography. While there might be no problems with
supplying equipment to the troops, there were great
difficulties with operating it. The failure to provide
a unified system for training the District’s officers in
the basics of photography is the result of this situa-
tion. The District Staff did not organize any special
of communication between the Pamir squadron and the Russian
Imperial Consulate General in Kashgar.Op. 1. D. 246. L. 1.
23
The photography collection of A. P. Berezsky was recently
discovered and is currently being prepared for publication by the
author of this article, in collaboration with V. V. Fetisov.
 MIKHAIL BASKHANOV
Fig. 11. Cover page of the work titled Military-
statistical Description of the Turkestan Military District.
Fergana Region (Stokasimov 1912)
training courses nor did they issue instructions and/
or recommendations. There were no incentives en-
couraging officers who showed interest in photogra-
phy. In such an important matter, they relied more
on the regimental officers’ own initiative. In reality,
the officers considered photography as an addition-
al service load, a distraction from their direct official
duties. Indicative in this regard is evidenced by the
secretary of the Russian Consulate General in Kash-
gar, E. L. Berens, who visited the Russian Tashkurgan
outpost in 1911 during his consular trip. Noticing
a camera in the hands of the outpost’s head, Subye-
saul N. P. Kolbin, he inquired about its use. Kolbin
answered that the camera had been “issued” by head-
quarters to “take pictures” to then be sent to Tashkent,
but he himself, Kolbin, did not know how to take pic-
tures. During the three days of his stay, Berens offered
to teach Kolbin photography five times, but the latter
never found the time for it.24
24
Copy taken from the secret report of the Secretary of
the Russian Imperial Consulate General in Kashgar Berens
addressed to the Russian Imperial Consul General in
Kashgar, September 27, 1911, Yarkand // RGVIA. F. 1396.
Op. 2. D. 2333. L. 309 ob.
51
Fig. 12. Razgonov A. A. Brief Guide on the Compilation
of Regional Military Statistical Descriptions. Tashkent:
Publishing house of the Staff of the Turkestan Military
District, 1909. RGVIA. F. 2000. Op. 1. D. 486. L. 12.
A developmental milestone for Turkestani mili-
tary photography involved the District Staff ’s activ-
ity in compiling a fundamental, multi-volume mili-
tary-geographic and statistical description of the area
(1908-1914).25 This comprehensive and systematic
description called for the organization of numerous
military geographic tours and reconnaissance visits
in Turkestan and its neighboring territories in order
to collect geographical, statistical, ethnographic, and
military data. During this work, photo location be-
came more and more widespread. Photographs, with
an indexed value (indicating a place in the system),
were important for systematizing and summariz-
ing information, visualizing the information, and its
re-verification. Thus, the military used photographs
along with maps and diagrams in their expedition re-
ports (Ryan 1997: 36) (Fig. 11).
25
On military reviews of the Turkestan Military District, see //
RGVIA. F. 2000. Op. 1. D. 4291. L. 18-21.
 BULLETIN OF IICAS 33/2022
Fig. 13. Grombchevsky B. L. Kanjut. A road near the tract of Bulchi Das. 1888. SA RGS. F. 45. Op. 1. D. 4. L. 53
The Brief Guide for the Compilation of Military
and Statistical Descriptions of Localities compiled by
General Staff Captain Alexander K. Razgonov (1875-
1938) proved of great importance in developing pho-
tographic descriptions for military purposes and geo-
graphical surveys within Turkestan (Razgonov 1908).
The Guide emphasized the importance of photogra-
phy and the use of photographs for compiling mili-
tary and geographic descriptions (Razgonov 1908:19).
Razgonov extensively used the same method of field
photography a year earlier during a military-geo-
graphic expedition to eastern Bukhara and the Pa-
mirs. He took approximately 60 photographs with
scenes of river valleys, fords and crossings, mountain
passes, settlements (including a number of these from
Afghanistan), and population types in the reconnais-
sance areas (Razgonov 1910). Not all the images in-
volved a strictly military interest, and Razgonov not-
ed that “it would be desirable to satisfy the interests
of science, when in a new territory.” (Razgonov 1910:
38) (Fig. 12).
Photography of the strategically important re-
gions of Turkestan, Persia, Afghanistan, China and
52
Northern India was used by the district’s Staff to as-
sess the military-geographic conditions for the theat-
er of military operations and for military planning,
also. In this regard, is the exemplary photography
collection of Captain B. L. Grombchevskii, who em-
barked on two expeditions to eastern Bukhara, the
Pamirs, Hunza, and Chinese Turkestan (Baskhanov,
Kolesnikov, Matveeva 2017).
In his expeditionary reports, Grombchevskii of-
ten mentioned the routes leading from Russian Turk-
estan via the Pamirs to India as very convenient and
accessible not only for infantry units but also for ar-
tillery and supply cart trains. He used this argument
to substantiate the possibility of attacking India from
Russian Turkestan. Meanwhile, military experts and
national security professionals in St. Petersburg and
Tashkent, after analyzing Grombchevshii’s photo-
graphs of his route to Hunza, importantly conclued
that a massive invasion of the Russian troops into
India was impossible due to poor accessibility of the
mountain passes and a lack of food and provisions in
the territories that the troops would be going through
(Snesarev 1903) (Fig. 13).
 MIKHAIL BASKHANOV
***
By the beginning of World War I, photography
had become widespread among the Turkestan troops
and an integral part of informational support for mil-
itary planning. It was used by the Staffs in the analy-
sis of intelligence, as a compendium of military-ge-
ographic and statistical reports on Turkestan and its
vicinity, and the development of battle documents.
At the same time, a considerable archive was created
by Turkestani military photographers, in which the
geography, history, and ethnology of Turkestan and
its nearby Central Asian states were extensively de-
scribed.
The historical study of Russian military photogra-
phy in Turkestan is not only a process of learning
technological, genre-specific and aesthetic features in
a specific regional context, but also articulates and re-
REFERENCES
Baskhanov, M., A. Kolesnikov, M. Matveeva, (2017). Pa-
mir, Khunza i Kashgariia v ekspeditsionnykh fotografi-
iakh generala B. L. Grombchevskogo (1888-1890). St
Petersburg: Nestor-Istoriia Publ. (in Russian).
Baskhanov, M., S. Shevel’chinskaia, (2019). ʺIs kazach’ego
piketa byl uzh viden Gimalaiʺ: Pamir v fotoob’ek-
tive poruchika Pavla Rodstvennogo. St Petersburg:
Nestor-Istoriia Publ. (in Russian).
Cohn, B. C. (1996): Colonialism and Its Forms of Knowl-
edge: The British in India. Princeton: Princeton Uni-
versity Press.
Description de l’Egypte, ou recueil des observations et des
recherches, qui ont été faites en égypte pendant l’expédi-
tion de l’armée Française. Paris: C. L. F. Panckoucke,
1820-1829.
Devel’, T. M. (1994). Al’bom fotografii polkovnika N. P. Ig-
nat’eva v Khnivu i Bukharu 1858 goda, Strany i narody
Vostoka 27: 259-271 (in Russian).
Egorov, N. I. Otchet ob obsledovanii pogranichnoi s Ki-
taem polosy na Pamirakh, RGVIA. F. 1396. Op. 2. D.
2153 (in Russian).
Extract from the Annual Report on the Turkestan Military
Topographic Department for 1903, ZVTO GUGSH.
Ch. LXII. Dep. 1. St. Petersburg: Military type, (1906),
pp. 74–130 (in Russian).
Gal’kov, Ch. V. (1958). Turkestanskii Voenno-topografich-
eskii otdel i ego raboty po kartografirovaniiu Srednei
Azii (1867-1914). Unpublished Ph. D. thesis. Tashkent:
Sredneaziatskii gosudarstvennyi universitet Publ. (In
Russian).
Istoricheskii ocherk deiatel’nosti Korpusa voennykh topogra-
fov, 1822-1872. St Peterburg: n. p., (1872) (in Russian).
Izvestiia Imperatorskogo Russkogo Geograficheskogo Obsh-
chestva 1873, 9.2: 43-73 (in Russian).
Izvestiia Imperatorskogo Russkogo Geograficheskogo Obsh-
chestva 1874, 10.5: 226-244 (in Russian).
53
solves epistemological problems, such as the connec-
tion of photography with the targets of governance
and defense in the Turkestan region. It also exposes
the contradictions between humanitarian knowledge
and imperial propaganda and demonstrates the im-
portance of photography in producing a virtual mod-
el of the “battlefield” by providing an imagery for in-
terpretation to understand the generalized character
of a potential enemy.
Serious approaches to this research today are im-
possible without identifying the fullest range of the
photographic sources and study of their creation,
composition, historical context, and genetic relation-
ship with other sources. In this sense, the publication
of each new photography collection with “Turkestan”
origins creates favorable conditions for general re-
search into such a promising topic as the history of
Russian military photography in Turkestan.
Karazin, N. N. (1874). Khivinskii pokhod. Al’bom khromo-
litografii, ispolnennykh zavedeniem Vinkelman i Shtein-
bok v Berline po original’nym akvarel’nym risunkam N.
N. Karazina. St.Petersburg: Begrov Publ. (In Russian).
Kolpakovskii, G. A. Semirech’e, Kul’dzha, NA RGO. F. 112.
Op. 1. D. 40 (in Russian).
Kolpakovskii, G. A. Etnograficheskii al’bom Kul’dzhinsko-
go raiona i Semirechenskoi oblasti, NA RGO. F. 112.
Op. 1. D. 520 (in Russian).
Krivtsov, G. Vidy i tipy Khivinskogo khanstva. Al’bom
sostavlen po rasporiazheniiu komanduiushchego
voiskami, deistvovavshimi protiv Khivinskogo khan-
stva, von Kaufmana, Grigoriem Krivtsovym NA RGO.
F. 112. Op. 1. D. 8 (in Russian).
Kun, A. L. (1874). Poezdka po Khivinskomu khanstvu v
1873 g., Izvestiia Imperatorskogo Russkogo Geografich-
eskogo Obshchestva 10.1: 47-58 (in Russian).
Lastochkin, V. G. (1911). Vostochyi Turkestan. Kashgariya.
Tashkent: Printing House of the Headquarters of the
Turkestan Military District (in Russian).
Metеlitsyn, R. I. Vidy Semirech’ia, Kul’dzhi i tuzemnogo
naseleniia v pervye gody zavoevaniia etikh oblastei
(1860-1868), NA RGO. F. 112. Op. 1. D. 38 (in Rus-
sian).
Morrison, A. (2020). The Russian Conquest of Central Asia:
A Study in Imperial Expansion, 1814-1914. London:
Cambridge University Press.
O voennykh obozreniiakh Turkestanskogo voennogo
okruga, RGVIA. F. 2000. Op. 1. D. 4291. ll. 18-21 (in
Russian).
O polevykh poezdkakh ofitserov General’nogo shtaba, RG-
VIA. F. 400. Op. 1. D. 246. l. 1 (in Russian).
Po povodu zaiavlenii iz knigi amerikantsa Skailera (ʺTurk-
istanʺ) o zhestokostiakh, budto by sovershennykh v
Turkmenii russkimi voiskami vo vremia pokhoda v
1873 g., RGVIA. F. 400. Op. 1. D. 477 (in Russian).
Raboty, proizvedennye okruzhnymi Voenno-topografich-
eskimi otdelami. Turkestanskii Voenno-topografich-
 BULLETIN OF IICAS 33/2022
eskii otdel, 1905, Zapiski Voenno-topograficheskogo
otdela Glavnogo shtaba 64.1: 19-24 (in Russian).
Raboty, proizvedennye okruzhnymi Voenno-topografich-
eskimi otdelami. Turkestanskii Voenno-topografich-
eskii otdel, 1909, Zapiski Voenno-topograficheskogo
otdela Glavnogo shtaba 66.1: 19-22 (in Russian).
Raport komanduiushchego voiskami Turkestanskogo
voennogo okruga voennomu ministru o neobkhod-
imosti ustroistva fotograficheskogo zavedeniia pri
Turkestanskom VTO, 21 fevralia 1884 g. RGVIA. F.
404. Op. 6. D. 141. ll. 1-2 (in Russian).
Razgonov, A. K. (1908). Kratkoe posobie k sostavleniiu
voenno-statisticheskikh opisanii mestnostei. Tashkent:
Tipografiia Shtaba Turkestanskogo voennogo okruga
(in Russian).
Razgonov, A. K. (1910). Po Vostochnoi Bukhare i Pamiru.
Tashkent: Tipografiia Shtaba Turkestanskogo voenno-
go okruga (in Russian).
Ryan, J. R. (1997). Picturing Empire: Photography and the
54
Visualization of the British Empire. London: Reaktion
Books.
Sandberg P. (ed.) (1990). C. G. Mannerheimin Valokuvia
Aasian – Matkalta 1906–1908. Photographs by C. G.
Mannerheim from his Journey Across Asia, 1906–1908.
Keuruu: Otava Publishers.
Snesarev, A. E. (1903). Severo-indiiskii teatr: voenno-ge-
ograficheskoe opisanie. Tashkent: Tipografiia Shtaba
Turkestanskogo voennogo okruga (in Russian).
Stokasimov, N. P. (1912). Ferganskii rayon. Tashkent: Print-
ing house of the Headquarters of the Turkestan mili-
tary district (in Russian).
Strojecki, Igor (2017). Utracony Świat. Podróże Leona
Barszczewskiego po XIX-wiecznej Azji Środkowej
na podstawie wspomnień Jadwigi Barszczewskiej–
Michałowskiej. Katowice: Wydawnictwo ʺHelion.ʺ
Tchalenko, J. (2006): Images from the Endgame. Persia
through a Russian Lens, 1901-1914. London: Saqi in
association with Iran Heritage Foundation.
 MARIA ZAGITOVA

DOUBLE STANDARD FASHION: POLITICS AND DESIGN

ЗOver the past decade, modern trends in the Central Asian fashion industry demonstrate active interaction
with national costume and traditional craft elements such as embroidery, carpet weaving, and jewelry. This
is quite natural. On one hand, it is an experiment for fashion designers who skillfully combine fashionable
fabrics, patterns, and accessories with original textures and decorative elements to create expressive and
unique modern items in which national images are easily identified. On the other, the use of original national
resources portrayed in the historical and cultural heritage of the people and the revival and development of
crafts today are not necessarily state policy in the preservation of material culture, architectural monuments,
ancient rituals and craft; but rather serve as an ideological manipulator associated with the search for national
and state identity. However, cultural policy is not limited only to folklore or decorative and applied arts. Today,
authorities also use other resources to popularize national ideas in society. Recently, the fashion industry has
become one of the promising areas in addressing these issues.

Keywords: modern ethnic style, fashion industry, ideological instrument, national identity
Citation: Maria Zagitova (2022). Double standard Fashion: Politics and Design, Bulletin of IICAS 33, 55-66.
Article link: https://doi.org/10.34920/1694-5794-2022.33en.003

M
odern fashion in Central Asia, or
rather its folk collections, are widely repre-
sented in the fashion industry throughout
the region and today and are inextricably linked with
the internal state policy of the former Soviet repub-
lics; whose main task remains to seek and develop
national and state identity. The independent status
the post-Soviet states obtained in the 1990s required
new political resources to replace the abandoned
communist ideas and slogans. From their desire to
find their own ways of developing national policy,
politicians use various resources, including refer-
encing historical and cultural heritage and focusing
on the revival of folk crafts, customs, and holidays.
Sometimes the most popular and familiar tradition-
al household items and clothing, easily recognizable
and associated with the indigenous region, become
political instruments and ideological manipulators,
while traditional ornamental compositions gain the
status of state symbols. For example, the five carpet
gels, or ornaments – the original patterns indicating
ethno-territorial affiliation and location of carpet
production from the past – are depicted on Turk-
menistan’s flag symbolizing the country’s five velayats
(provinces). The modern ethnic style combining Eu-
ropean features and local (eastern) traditional cloth-
ing also serves as a model for such “ethnic labelling.”
The creation of these clothing styles began during the
Soviet period, but today, draw even more attention,
since ethnic fashion remains a priority in the effort to
popularize national ideas and societal unity.
Using fashion and clothing as an ideological tool
for propaganda purposes is not new to Central Asian
history. One of the most famous examples was Uz-
bekistan’s Khurjum campaign in which the paranja
was a political instrument.1 As is known, the Bolshe-
viks’ policy in the region aimed to decisively mod-
ernize the Central Asian patriarchal society through
industrialization and culturalization by introducing
the local population to a new “civilized life” with its
advantages, including modern art. However, this
was neither quickly adopted nor even successful. A
stronger argument to support Soviet innovations was
needed. An idea then emerged to involve Muslim
women in the modernization process in order, first,
to end their reclusive life, giving them the opportu-
nity to become equal citizens in society; and, second,
to make them formal propagandists of Soviet trans-
formations and power.2 The plan sought to fulfill this
1
Ed. Note: The paranja is a traditional robe worn by women
and girls in Central Asia, particularly in locations where Uzbeks
and Tajiks lived. Historically, reference to the paranja is found
in European sources from the 19th century. During the Soviet
period its use was discouraged or banned.
2
For more information about Khujum see: (Palvanova 1982: 163-
201) – ed.

55
 BULLETIN OF IICAS 33/2022
Fig. 1. Geldymurad Muradov, Chairman
of the collective farm named after Stalin of the Kirov
district of the Ashgabat region, 1955.
From the archive of R. G. Muradov
56
task in six months, starting on March 8, 1927. How-
ever, not everything went according to plan, in fact,
it took at least a two decades to complete the project.
By example, Uzbek women were in no rush to deci-
sively say no to the paranja. The female population
divided into two political camps. Some welcomed the
new transformations and considered removal of the
paranja as liberating from male dependency, promot-
ing equal partnership with men in society with the
hope of employment leading to the prospect of career
growth. Others maintained adherence to the tradi-
tional way of life and views on family values and did
not sympathize with Bolshevik innovations. Some
women were forced to play a double game; at mass
events, defiantly tearing off their paranjas, but outside
public view, within their families, they continued to
hide their faces and figures under their clothes. Thus,
the paranja transformed into a piece of clothing with
dual-usage. On one hand, it was a traditional wrap
portraying the image of a backward, primitive Uzbek
Muslim woman; on the other hand, it was a politi-
cal attribute in the struggle of oppressed women of
the East for their rights and independence (Zagitova
2022: 68-69).
Another striking example of fashion’s use in Cen-
tral Asian political life was the adoption and spread of
Soviet style clothing, promoting a new socialist way
of life. The first sewn examples of urban-type men’s
and women’s costume began to pervade the region in
the 1920s and 1930s. The growing popularity of the
urban unified style, which gradually replaced the tra-
ditional style, was caused by the social and economic
changes and regional urbanization. The beginning
of industrialization along with modernized working
and living conditions seriously impacted changes
in Central Asian clothing. Long and uncomfortable
dresses and robes, wide trousers, high women’s hats,
and numerous adornments proved difficult to man-
ufacture. More comfortable and practicable types of
everyday items along with durable, diverse fabrics
and accessories were required for the new life. Ad-
ditionally, an increasingly large number of visitors in
the streets dressed in European-style clothes – trou-
sers, fitted jackets, and dresses. Therefore, fashion
changes soon followed. However, the changes did not
find an immediate and thoroughly positive response.
Homemade fabrics, widely replaced by manufactured
ones, spread even into remote areas. Young people
in cities and large villages switched to new clothing
types much more quickly than those on the periph-
ery, where people, particularly the elderly, possessed
more conservative views.
From the 1920s, men’s suits changed considerably
in appearance, which now combined traditional ele-
ments and Soviet, mostly military, style. Interestingly,
local Soviet authorities were the first among native
 MARIA ZAGITOVA
Fig. 2. Hero of Socialist Labor Orazgozel Esenova. 1973
From the album "Socialist Turkmenistan"
(Ashgabat, 1974)
inhabitants in both cities and villages who turned to
European-styled clothing. During these years, the so-
called urban style with the urban suit became popular
among the governing elite and the urban and rural
intelligentsia. It consisted of a jacket, trousers, shirts
with a turned-down or stand-up collar, and a tie. In
rural areas, progressive collective farmers and agron-
omists wore French jackets, military-style jackets, or
shirts with patch pockets and trousers or breeches
made of cloth or wool, which they tucked into boots
(Fig. 1). Above undergarments, during the warm sea-
son, men wore traditional robes, raincoats, or light
coats; while in winter, they adorned quilted robes or
quilted jackets (Vinnikov 1969: 189). Typical head-
wear during this period included military and civilian
57
caps, hats, and traditionally embroidered skullcaps or
hats. Boots of all kinds and rubber galoshes widely
replaced homemade shoes. Thus, by the middle of the
20th century, traditional men’s clothing in Central
Asia experienced significant change and was greatly
simplified, while some types of clothing disappeared
altogether and many ethno-territorial features were
lost. A new, eclectic style for men, which combined
European patterns and styles, indicating a local iden-
tity, developed in the region.
Central Asian women’s clothing was less open
to Soviet socio-economic transformations. Until the
mid-1950s, more than half of females’ wardrobes still
contained hand sewn traditional-style dresses made
by private seamstresses from local and imported (fac-
tory-made) fabrics, traditional broad trousers, and
even traditional hats. Although “during the years of
socialist construction, under the influence of intensi-
fied propaganda, the high and heavy traditional hats
(borik, khasaba, bovmach) of Turkmen women began
to decrease in size” (Vinnikov 1969: 201), thus, this
thoroughly simplified the ways of wearing headwear
and the number of traditional adornments on clothes
decreased. As women’s political activity grew, such as
their employment in local administrative bodies as
well as membership in various public organizations
(women’s departments, women’s clubs, etc.) (Vasi-
lyeva 1969: 270); this was reflected in their appear-
ance and clothing. The image of Gulchatay—from
the memorable film The White Sun of the Desert— a
weak and submissive oriental beauty gradually trans-
formed into an emancipated and self-sufficient wom-
an whose status was highlighted by new urban fash-
ions that penetrated Central Asia in various ways.
One such example involved a visit by the All-Un-
ion House of Models to the Central Asian catwalk,
which toured around the Soviet Union during this
period, promoting modern fashion among female
collective farmers and industrial workers, house-
wives, and other female residents in Central Asian
cities and towns. Local fashion-conscious women
greedily absorbed the urban trends, sewed their own
clothes, or ordered similar suits and dresses from
tailors. Nevertheless, certain elements of traditional
clothing remained a priority, especially in remote ar-
eas. An urban woman with an unveiled face wearing
a jacket or coat on top of a traditional dress, was a
common scene in Central Asian city streets. Hair and
head were always covered with a traditional turban
of manufactured headscarves or a skullcap. Another
curious set of markers included Soviet regalia and
adornments, sometimes worn in pairs on clothes. This
double-standard policy was not uncommon. For ex-
ample, the photography book, Socialist Turkmenistan,
published in 1974, contains a photo of Orazgozel Es-
enova, a Hero of Socialist Labor. Her dress’ elements
 BULLETIN OF IICAS 33/2022

Fig. 3. Tashkent models in dresses in ethnic style (From the magazine “Decorative Art of the USSR.
Moscow, 1968, No. 8. P. 20)

(in this instance, a striped keteni fabric) and her hat’s
adornments are an obvious marker of Turkmen na-
tional identity (or specifically the Tekin tribe), while
Soviet awards and the Order of Lenin displayed her
political views. (Fig. 2)
The policy’s focus sought the formation and dis-
semination portraying the uniform Soviet person
from the Central Asian republics which led to an al-
most complete obsolescence of traditional costume as
a variant of local identity depicting clan, tribe, zhuz,
etc.3 By the mid-1950s, a new, generalized image was
needed emphasizing the unity of the people. The na-
tional costume, assembled like a mosaic from several
local traditions, became such a symbol (Chvyr 2020:
153-163). In some regions, clothes worn by the elite
3
Ed. note: A zhuz, Turkic for “one hundred” is often translated
in English, as “horde” indicating a collection traditional tribal
groupings and clans, predominately from the previously nomadic
peoples of Central Asia.

58
 MARIA ZAGITOVA

(or a titular) ethnic group were used as an example.

National slogans in the republics were also support-
ed by Moscow’s actions. The decree “On measures
for further development of local industry, arts and
crafts,” issued by the Council of Ministers of the
USSR and published in September 1966, prescribed
that relevant local authorities were obliged to “expand
the production of consumer goods that meet the taste
and needs of the population, taking into account en-
vironmental, national, and other local conditions.”
(Turganbayeva 2011: 190-191).
In the Central Asian republics, people’s interest
in associated traditional elements and objects in-
creased. An intensive process of reviving folk crafts,
rituals, and holidays was initiated throughout the re-
gion. People were encouraged to restore handicraft
workshops and private production with partial sup-
port from the state. Departments of applied arts, such
as ceramics, carpet, and jewelry production, were
opened in state art institutes and colleges. In her arti-
cle, У ташкентских модельеров (“Visiting Tashkent
Fashion Designers”), A. Ochakovskaya, states: ‘... the
oriental style that took an important place in deco-
rative art and national motifs continue to penetrate

Fig. 5. Students. Dushanbe, 1968.

Photo from open Internet sources

modern fashion’ (Ochakovskaya 1968: 19-20) (Fig. 3).

Indeed, changes also affected the fashion indus-
try. Certainly, the population was not expected to
change urban clothing back to traditional costume.
Although some segments of the population, particu-
larly in rural areas, continued wearing traditional
robes, trousers, and clothes designed with classi-
cal motifs which gradually came into fashion. Such
items, easily recognizable thanks to local fabrics and
designs, became markers of national identity. These
examples, developed by professional fashion design-
ers from Central Asian republic fashion houses, pre-
miered in the late 1960s in Tashkent, Dushanbe, Al-
ma-Ata (present-day Almaty), Ashgabat, and Frunze
(present-day Bishkek), following the trend set by the
All-Union Fashion House in Moscow. Thus, the Zinat
Model House was opened in Dushanbe, and the Sym-
bat Model House continued its work in Alma-Ata.4
Since the profession of fashion designer did not actu-
ally exist in Central Asia during those years, initially,

4
The Symbat Republican House of Models was opened in 1947
within the sewing laboratory in Alma-Ata. Since 1987, all three
model houses (clothing, footwear, and knitwear) merged into
the Symbat Center for the Development of Light Industry and
Fig. 4. Cover of fashion magazine "Symbat". Clothing Culture. In 1992, the center was renamed the Symbat
Alma-Ata, 1992 Fashion Academy; which exists to the present.

59
 BULLETIN OF IICAS 33/2022

Fig. 6-7. Turkmen ties, 1940s. Photo by M. A. Zagitova and A. O. Sopiev

60
 MARIA ZAGITOVA
local seamstresses and specialists from the All-Union
House of Models worked together in the state-run
studio. Moscow colleagues helped local tailors mas-
ter design development and modern clothing styles,
considering numerous technological nuances rang-
ing from the properties of local fabric to production
specifications. By the late 1960s, thanks to these new-
ly opened fashion houses, Central Asia possessed its
own fashion industry and designers who developed
various clothes, knitwear, and shoes for the mass con-
sumer. The first designer collections also appeared
around this time. As a rule, such elite clothes proved
popular with actors, officials’ wives, and representa-
tives from the commercial and industrial elite. Each
model house issued an illustrative advertising and
informational fashion magazine, presenting the main
fashion and design trends with articles and instruc-
tions on sewing and knitwear technologies. (Fig. 4).
The magazine’s pages contained clothing patterns for
making clothes at home. Photos of clothes with folk
designs were also published. This trend, known to-
day as ethnostyle, combines modern and traditional
features
Thus, Central Asian fashion designers began
working with a new format, demonstrating unique
and experimental images which combined Asian
flavor, Soviet laconic personality, and femininity in
styles and patterns (fig. 5). Trapeziform dresses and
fitted sarafans along with trousers, shirts, and jack-
ets, were in fashion. Clothes with factory-sewn fab-
rics were produced at local enterprises that included
natural silk, crepe de chine, chiffon, and a range of
traditional textiles such as ikat, bekasab, keten, felt,
and leather. Between 1967-68, famous designers from
the Tashkent House of Models developed by A. Laty-
pova, A. Povitskaya, and E. Klyuzina; inspired by an-
cient architectural landscapes, traditional ceramics,
and tiles in Samarkand palaces, developed a series of
summer clothes. Known as “green water” and “fairy
tale,” these styles utilized the popular Uzbek striped
silk bekasab. These same designers also considered
the male population and offered a summer holiday
collection based on the traditional loose shirt and
shorts making use of the same fabrics (Ochakovskaya
1968: 20). Costume designers decorated clothes with
antique embroideries, stylized decorations, fragments
of suzani, and carpets. Designers from Ashgabat al-
ways decorated clothes with traditional adornments,
most often with breast pendants such as the gulyak
brooch, which eventually became a national symbol
of Turkmenistan.
Since the mid-1950s, home-based seamstresses
and private ateliers continued working in the repub-
lics, expanding the range of folk fashion. Now, how-
ever, it included foreign European influence, such as
small shoulder bags, midi and miniskirts, tights and
61
Fig. 8. Embroidered "Chust" skullcap.
Photos from open Internet sources
socks. Moreover, specific fashionable ethnic items ap-
peared in some of the republics. For example, a tie
with traditional embroidery proved popular among
young people in the Mary District of Turkmenistan
(Fig. 6). Soviet symbols, such as the Moscow Kremlin,
the abbreviation USSR, the Soviet state emblem, etc.,
gave such clothing an unusual appearance. Such ties
were embroidered by brides for their grooms. People
often said that the quality of embroidery depended on
the girl’s attitude toward her boyfriend. Interestingly,
the tie’s length and pattern also depended on the size
of the dowry. Today, finding such an item is consid-
ered great luck by collectors.
In the 1990s, following the disillusion of the
USSR and the formation of newly independent states
on the geopolitical map of Central Asia; the issue
concerning new directions proved a priority for each
republic. New ideological resources proved necessary
in the formation and popularization of national ide-
as within society. Their leaders turned their gaze to
history and traditional culture – folk music, dance,
decorative, and applied arts – which were abundant
in ethno-cultural images (Chvyr 2020: 153-163) as
well as original, recognizable symbols associated with
ethno-territorial identity as found in carpets, ceram-
ics, jewelry, and traditional costume with its individ-
ualized elements. For example, silk or velvet chust
skullcaps (dupi), square in shape and decorated with
embordered images of seedpods and almonds, be-
came a symbol for Tajiks and Uzbeks (Fig. 7). Every-
one in the region is familiar with Uzbek ikat fabrics
and Turkmen akhal carpets, today regarded as state
brands.
A most promising, and perhaps specific, direc-
tion in statehood formation has been the fashion or,
 BULLETIN OF IICAS 33/2022
Fig. 9. Designer Albina Ahmadi. Model. Uzbekistan,
Tashkent, 2021.
Photo from open Internet sources
rather, ethnostyle fashion industry based on the syn-
thesis of traditional canons and modernity. Modern
women’s ethnic clothing is quite eclectic in which
masters skillfully combine into one item contempo-
rary fashionable styles and traditional fabrics, felt ap-
pliqué, traditional embroidery, and decoration. Also
traditional items are adapted to modern realities, yet,
easily recognizable by local residents (Fig. 8). Such
works are gaining in popularity among connoisseurs
and admirers of Central Asian exotics and people
of fashion who desire an original look and want to
demonstrate their individuality, since most of these
items are unique.
Fashion and clothing design professions have
become quite popular. State universities with spe-
cialized departments of artistic fashion design are in
great demand today. The profession can be learned
outside universities as well, such as the Shumbat
Kazakh Fashion Academy which offers professional
fashion design courses for both clothing and textile
design, as well as for those who want to become spe-
62
Fig. 10. Designer Aya Bapani. Dress in ethnic style.
Kazakhstan, Almaty, 2010s.
Photos from open Internet sources
cialists in the textile and light industry. Significantly,
in addition to general skills, students also study tra-
ditional weaving and sewing techniques for national
costumes. Students exhibit their wares at inter-uni-
versity and inter-republican competitions. The most
qualified artists present seasonal collections at a Fash-
ion Week held annually in each of the former Soviet
republics. Usually, main trends at fashion shows pro-
duce storylines inspired by certain cultural and his-
torical events or holidays, nature, and architecture. In
2020, Tajik designer Nafisa Imranova presented her
Navruz collection at an international show in Paris;
while young Kyrgyz fashion designer Aliya Kaliyeva
demonstrated her self-designed collection, The Pop-
pies of the Pamirs, at a show in Bishkek. Inspired by
the national culture, designers demonstrate to the
public bright and completely unexpected combina-
tions from East and West. At one fashion show in Ka-
zakhstan, Aya Bapani (aka. the Queen of Felt due to
her dedication to this traditional technique) showed
bold and frank designs of transparent and catchy
 MARIA ZAGITOVA

Fig. 11. Designer Dilyara Kaipova in front of art objects. Uzbekistan, Tashkent, 2020s.
Photos from open Internet sources

dresses in the Kazakh style. In the designer’s words,
“perhaps they are not so modest (serving as a chal-
lenge to conservative religious prejudices), but they
follow national standards” (Omarov 2012) (Fig. 9).
Objects of original art using traditional clothing
can also be considered innovative for the Central
Asian fashion industry as demonstrated by Dilara
Kaipova, a fashion designer from Tashkent. Known
for her extraordinary interpretation of Uzbek tradi-
tional ikat motifs based on the traditional loose robe;
she combines familiar patterns with characters and
symbols from pop and art culture, such as Mickey
Mouse, Darth Vader, and others. Her creative works
are popular with collectors across the world. Several

63
 BULLETIN OF IICAS 33/2022

Fig. 12. Designer Khorshad Sattarov. Tajikistan, Dushanbe, 2000s.

Photos from open Internet sources

of her robes are found in museums in other countries
(Fig. 10). Central Asian fashion designers engage in
not only making clothes for individual clients and
original clothing for their collections; but also take
orders from the government, developing national
costume styles, sports, and school outfits as well as
uniforms for official events and holidays which in-
cluded specific state dress codes.
Modern ethnic collections are not only these de-
signers’ experiments. Recently, the fashion industry
has served as a kind of business card for the state, a
way of presenting the country at international exhibi-
tions and projects. Visitors to pavilions of the post-So-
viet Central Asian countries at Expo 2020 in Dubai,
for example, tell the richness of their cultural heritage
and enable them not only to acquaint themselves with
ethnographic artefacts, but also learn about the latest
trends in the art world and modern fashion from fa-
mous fashion designers.
Thus, the state remains one of the main driv-
ers for the development and promotion of the local
fashion industry. Funding for fashion projects with
finance from businesses in this area vary from region
to region. Nevertheless, according to some designers,
these investments fail to improve the local fashion in-
dustry at least to the level of developed Asian coun-
tries. Sometimes funds are lacking to make specific
collections or to rent a showroom and atelier. Thus,
they must rely on their own strength in business or
search for sponsorship. For obvious reasons, state
support differs in each country. In Dushanbe, Tajik-
istan, local city authorities have given the Navruzg-
oh complex (generally used to celebrate the Navruz
holiday) to designers for organizing workshops and
pavilions. Fashion designers are also supported by
Tajikistan’s Ministry of Culture. Nevertheless, Tajik
designers complain that their country’s industry does
not find a similar response from government offi-

64
 MARIA ZAGITOVA

tarov and Mavlyuda Khamraeva (Tajikistan); Lariya

Dzhakambayeva and Aida Kaumenova (Kazakhstan);
and Sheker Akiniyazova (Turkmenistan) among oth-
ers. The third category includes designers who expe-
rienced the demand for oriental themes and created
inexpensive and uniform clothing and accessories.
These designers comprise a majority, but have learned
to use a variety of ornamental patterns, colors, and
textures to deftly manipulate their ideas and create
non-repeating, attractive items.
The most interesting of today’s fashion design-
ers hail from Uzbekistan and Kazakhstan. Following
popular European trends, these designers successfully
combine classic designs and fabrics resulting in bright,
lively, and bold images flavored with ethnic original-
ity. Couturiers from Kyrgyzstan and Tajikistan work
in the same way, but the latter, though more balanced
in choosing clothing styles, are too enthusiastic in ap-
plying traditional embroidery which sometimes en-

Fig. 13. Designer Lali Fazylova. Fashionable dresses in

ethnic style. Uzbekistan, Tashkent,
2010s. Photos from open Internet sources

cials, as, for example, it does in Uzbekistan (Mirzoeva

2020) (Fig. 11).
Generally, the fashion industry level varies in
Central Asia, as does the designers’ professionalism.
They can be divided into several categories. The core
of the industry consists of couturiers who started
their careers in the 1990s. Today, these masters, with
sufficient experience and clientele, continue work-
ing on exclusive collections, open shops, and show-
rooms. They not only do so in neighboring countries
but also participate in foreign and national fashion
weeks, arranging theatrical shows, and drawing cre-
ative inspiration from their national culture. One
of such fashion “guru” in Uzbekistan, Lali Fazylova,
opened the famous LALI Fashion House in Tashkent
in 2011 (Fig. 12). Her commercial strategy, aimed
at a more couture and artistic approach, finds new
forms in the synthesis of fashion and oriental tradi-
tions. Her clothes focus on wealthy modern Uzbek
and European women with fashion weeks held under
the auspices of her LALI Fashion House. Another re-
markable Uzbek designer, Dina Sayfi, uses a complex
felt technique in her work. A representative from the
older generation of designers in Kyrgyzstan is Dil-
bar Ashimbayeva, founder of the DILBAR Fashion
House. She is followed by younger certified fashion
designers, who harmoniously and stylishly combine
the East and West in their clothing and have already
gained some success. The list in this category is quite
long and includes the names of Dildora Kasymo- Fig. 14. Turkmen models. Ashgabat, 2018.
va and Zulfiya Sulton (Uzbekistan); Khurshed Sat- Photo by V. A. Sarkisyan

65
 BULLETIN OF IICAS 33/2022
dows their products with a touch of kitsch. Designers
from Turkmenistan remain the most conservative in
the selection of patterns and decor. Modern fashion
there is tightly squeezed by conventional traditions,
with a predominance of graceful and majestic, yet,
old-fashioned clothing sewn from national fabrics
and decorated with the prevailing ethnic embroidery.
The playful ethnic images characteristic of designers
from the other Central Asian countries are virtually
absent in Turkmenistan (Fig. 13).
Clothing is an important aspect of cultural devel-
opment and an identity marker, endowing people’s
lives with a unique and essential flavor. The modern
REFERENCES
Chvyr, L. A. (2020). Etnokulturniye obrazy v Sredney Azii:
natsionalniy kostyum [Ethnocultural images in Cen-
tral Asia: National costume], Vostok. Afro-aziatskie ob-
schestva: istoriya i sovremennost [The East. Afro-Asian
Societies: History and Modernity]. Moscow, Nauka
Publ. vom 6. P.153-163 (in Russian).
Mirzoeva, A. (2020). Chelovek-brend. Kutyurye. Khurshed
Sattorov, URL: https://limu.tj/main /people/kutyure_
khurshed_sattorov (in Russian).
Ochakovskaya, A. (1968). U tashkentskikh modelyerov
[From Tashkent Fashion Designers], Dekorativnoye
iskusstvo SSSR (Decorative Arts of SSSR). No 8 (129), P.
19-20 (in Russian).
Omarov, R. (2012). Vozvraschayuschaya matriarkhat [Re-
turning Matriarchy], ‘Express K’ Newspaper. № 147
(17505). 11.08.2012. URL: https://www.inform.kz/ru/
dizayner-aya-bapani-hochet-dokazat-chto-kazahsk-
ie-nacional-nye-plat-ya-krasivee-arabskih-odezhd_
a2486299
66
fashion industry is actively developing in Central
Asia; interacting with traditional fabrics and styles,
embroidery and designs, creating rich diversity.
Who started this creative game? Was it the design-
ers themselves, who were interested in restoring lost
techniques? Or, was it suggested by government offi-
cials who desired cooperation with ethnic “origins” to
further develop and popularize the new style serving
as an ideological instrument to demonstrate national
unity to society and the world? It is not clear what
developmental direction ethnic fashion will take. In
any case, this subject, which is still completely unex-
plored, requires attention and analysis.
Palvanova, B. P. (1982). Emansipatsiya musulmanki (Eman-
cipation of a Muslim Woman). Moscow: Nauka Publ.
(in Russian).
Sotsialisticheskiy Turkmenistan (1974). [Socialist Turkmen-
istan]. Ashgabat (in Russian).
Turganbaeva, Sh. S. (2011). Stanovleniye i razvitiye dizay-
na v Kazakhstane [Formation and Development of
Design in Kazakhstan], Filologiya i Iskusstvovedeniye
[Philology and Art History], P.190-191 (in Russian).
Vasilyeva, G. V. (1969). Preobrazovaniya byta i etnicheskikh
protsessov v severnom Turkmenistane [Life and Ethnic
Processes Transformation in Northern Turkmenistan].
Moscow: Nauka Publ. (in Russian).
Vinnikov, Ya. R. (1969). Khozaystvo, kultura i byt selskogo
naseleniya Turkmenskoy SSR [Economy, Culture, and
Life of the Rural Population of the Turkmen SSR]. Mos-
cow: Nauka Publ. (in Russian).
Zagitova, M. A. (2022). Pust zakroyut litsa [Let them Cov-
er their Faces]? Chelovek i mir. Dialog. Projeсt Media
Group Publ. Vol. 1(16), pp. 68-69 (in Russian).
 ARMEN KASPAROV

THE PURPOSE OF THE CLAY CRAFTSMANSHIP ITEMS OF

THE SAPALLI CULTURE1
The discovery of the Sapalli culture gave a powerful impetus to the study of such important issues as the
problem of urbanization of the region, the formation of the first state formations and the Bactrian cultural
genesis in general. This paper considers another aspect of the cultural-historical retrospective of the materials
of this culture, namely monofunctional clay forgeries found in the burial-cult site of Buston VI. When they
are studied and verified with Vedic sources, a large number of parallels are observed, which cannot be a mere
accident. The peculiarity of the products under consideration is that they are represented by a standardized
set, which includes anthropomorphic figurines that are directly identified with certain deities of the Vedic
pantheon, various products that had a ritual and symbolic orientation, as well as ritual utensils (a vessel and
a devil-spoon) for sacred offerings. The work defines not only their parallels with the data of the Vedas, but also
the origin associated with the arrival of the steppe Eurasian tribes in the territory of Northern Bactria. The
relevance of this study is determined by the possibility of restoring ideological ideas and structuring the picture
of the mythological worldview of the Sapalli society in the Late Bronze Age. The influence of the cattle-breeding
Srubna-Andronovo tribes, which left a significant mark on the culture of ancient farmers, which served as the
basis for the formation of a new Vedic culture in North India, is emphasized.

Keywords: Sapalli culture, Bronze Age, Buston VI necropolis, clay handicrafts, verification, Vedas
Citation: Armen Kasparov (2022). The purpose of the clay craftsmanship items of the Sapalli culture,
Bulletin of IICAS 33, 67-74.
Articl: https://doi.org/10.34920/1694-5794-2022.33en.004

S
tarting the early 1970s, the yearly archaeo-
logical excavations of the new Sapalli culture dis-
pelled the myth of the “Bactrian mirage” (Popov
2015), made adjustments to the problems of the for-
mation of the urban civilization and statehood in the
south of Central Asia.
Geographically, this culture occupies the territory
of the south of the modern-day Uzbekistan (Fig. 1).
Its sites date as far back as the Bronze Age and gener-
ally cover the period of only the 2nd millennium BCE.
The Sapalli culture (hereinafter referred to as the SC)
is a vivid example of the ancient Eastern proto-urban
civilization. This is an ancient rural culture, the basis
of its economy being agriculture with a small share of
animal husbandry. It is known from such monuments
as the settlement-proto-city of Sapallitepa, proto-city,
temple and burial grounds of the same name particu-
larly referred to as Sapalli burials of Dzharkutan, Mo-
lali, and Buston (Askarov 1973; 1977; Askarov, Abdul-
laev 1983; Avanesova 1989: 63-77).
Among all the monuments of the SC, the Buston
VI necropolis (hereinafter referred to as B-VI) stands
out for its originality and peculiarity, where the clay
handicrafts covered in this article were recorded. As
is known, clayware or earthenware finds2 are not that
frequent in archaeological research in general. Find-
ing earthenware items within earth, or else clay with-
in other clay, requires great skill and professionalism
from an archaeologist. Especially if the age of this find
is in excess of three millennia. Discovery of an en-
tire standardized set of such things within enclosed
Bronze Age complex is a rare occasion requiring
some undivided attention. This article focuses on a
number of standardized monofunctional unfired clay
handicraft items found within graves B-VI.
Over the fourteen split field seasons implemented
within the period from 1990 to 2008, the site research
was carried out by archaeologists and students of Sa-
markand State University as part of their field archae-
ological internships, under the constant guidance of
the principal researcher, Prof. N. A. Avanesova.
1
The work is based on archaeological materials and fact-based
sources of the Samara State University Museum of Archeology.
2
It is not ceramics or fired clay that we are dealing with, of course,
but earthenware without heat treatment.

67
 BULLETIN OF IICAS 33/2022
statuette
votive votive
altar vessel
Fig. 1. Grave with clay crafts – a variant of symbolic burials
Buston VI3 is a polyritual site, where not only
the the dead of the tribes were buried, but also var-
ious ritual actions were performed. This statement
is confirmed by 211 burials, in which various ways
of dealing with the corpses were revealed, including
cremation, which is not characteristic of the Sapalli
culture. Besides, evidence was found of rituals related
to the burial practice of the Eurasian steppe culture
traditions.
The uniqueness of the complex is due to the fact
that some of its purposes were various solemn reli-
gious ceremonies. The figure shows that more than
half (58.3 per cent) of all studied objects of the ne-
cropolis are of a ritualized nature (Fig. 2). These may
be various death bills, altar pits, cenotaphs and ficti-
tious graves, animal burials, or handicrafts, including
anthropomorphic figurines. Such items were mono-
functional (since they were made of unfired clay),
intended for a single ritual act that would occur at
the time of the burial. In the grave, they were always
clearly localized and compactly occupied a certain
place.
3
The timeframe of the functioning of the complex under consid-
eration is limited by the final stage of the Sapalli culture (the 13th
– early 10th century BC).
68
As a result of the many years of research,
N. A. Avanesova discovered approximately forty
graves,4 in which a standardized set of the same type
of clay items was to be found (Fig. 3). A set comprises
one, or, much less often, two anthropomorphic figu-
rines, a rounded votive altar, three cone-shaped to-
kens, a scoop or spoon, and a miniature pot-shaped
vessel, in which small pebbles were sometimes found.
It is quite obvious that we were faced with a complete-
ly new, previously unknown ceremony practiced by
farmers of Northern Bactria, which should have ap-
peared in mid to late 2nd millennium BC.
The burial ground was formed and functioned
during the period of active penetration of the Eura-
sian steppe tribes into the local environment, which
served as a strong impetus to transformation of ap-
pearances of the culture. This is evidenced by a new
burial rite of cremation, rituals associated with fire
and its symbols, by the material culture, heteroge-
neity of the pertinent anthropological system, etc.
(Avanesova, Toshpulatova 1999; Avanesova et al. 2010:
4
Enclosed complexes are taken into account, where
monofunctional clay items acted both as the principal grave
goods and as goods accompanied by burials of whole animal
carcasses or human remains.
 ARMEN KASPAROV
Fig. 2. Variants of an anthropomorphic figurine
118-136; Avanesova 2013a; 2013b; 2014; Avanesova,
Kasparov 2015: 27-54). It can be assumed that rituals
using the items in question could appear under the
influence of the steppe ethnic groups. However, the
origin of the these mortuary gifts and grave goods is
not known to us. Of not is that even among the ear-
ly farmers of the Dzheitun Neolithic culture, similar
handicrafts, though made of fired-clay, are known to
us: anthropomorphic and zoomorphic figurines, and
chips or tokens (Masson 1971: 43-44, Pl. XL, XLI).
If we assumed that the origin of the Sapalli culture
(SC) is associated with the ancient agricultural oases
of Turkmenistan, we cannot exclude the formation of
this rite among the sedentary tribes.
Upon review of Vedic literature, N. A. Avanesova
interpreted the clay handicrafts of the burial ground
at issue as artifactual writing. In her article “The arti-
factual writing of the pre-urban Bactria” [Predmetnoe
pis’mo dourbanistichaskoi Baktrii] (Avanesova 2004),
the author arrived at the conclusion that this rite was
used for ritual writing, relying, among other things,
on the analogy of the artifactual writing cited by Her-
odotus in his description on the Scythians’ response to
Persian ruler Darius: “... Scythian kings... sent a herald
with gifts to Darius, sending him a bird, a mouse, a frog
and five arrows... the Persians convened a council... He
69
[Gobryas] explained the meaning of the gifts as follows:
“If you Persians do not fly into the sky like birds, or bur-
row yonder in the ground like mice, or jump away into
swamps like frogs, you will not return, but be struck by
these arrows.” (Herodotus IV: 131-132).
Indeed, the clay handicrafts considered in this
work bear very clear reminiscence to Vedic charac-
ters, and to ceremonial symbolic paraphernalia. Thus,
for instance, especially bright in our opinion is inter-
pretation of the anthropomorphic figurines whose
sizes vary from 14 to 25 cm. The human-like figures
differ morphologically and stylistically and are based
on the typification of the human image. The position
of hands varies, but, for the most part, hands are in a
special ritual position: the arms are bent in front of
the chest, or pulled up at the elbows, with the hands
brought together, as it were, in prayer (Fig. 4 b, c). In
some cases, the depiction of the limbs is only stylized
(Fig. 4 a), which is yet another piece of evidence to-
wards the ritual symbolism of the very presence of the
statuette, leaving detail symbolism aside. The gender
was only manifested in two cases.
Initially, the author and supervisor of the exca-
vation work made an assumption that these anthro-
pomorphic figurines are a kind of “substitute” for
the body of the deceased, which, for one reason or
 BULLETIN OF IICAS 33/2022
Fig. 3. Anthropomorphic deities of the “water element”
another, the tribesmen could not bury in their burial
ground (for example, if the person died in a foreign
land or went missing). However, with accumulation
of artifacts, and, most importantly, owing to the pos-
sibility of verifying them with the data of the Vedas,
the understanding of their purpose has changed rad-
ically. Thus, for example, on some anthropomorphic
figurines, horizontally drawn parallel lines were iden-
tified, creating an impression of some wavy surfaces
(Fig. 5). It is common knowledge that wavy lines in
many cultures denoted water and the water element
as such.
Since, as a rule, votive metal wands (a symbol of
power) were also found in combination with such
figurines, it can be assumed that we are faced with
mythological characters of the Indo-Aryans such as
Varuna (the god of rain), Indra (master of thunder
and keeper of waters), Sarasvati (fruitful power of
rivers), Maruta or Rudra (gods of the wind, storm,
thunderstorm, lightning, that kill people and live-
stock), related to water (РВ V 29-2,41-11,12, 85-3 and
others). Apparently, the “thunder club of Trishandha”
(AB XI, 11) should be interpreted as votive metal bi-
70
or tri-digitate wands found in some burials with an
anthropomorphic statuette (Fig. 5). The number of
endings on the wand, apparently, was of crucial sig-
nificance. It is likely that the wand, which had three
branches, represented the “three-membered cudgel of
Indra” (AB 1989: 38) and served as a “deadly weapon”
in the fight against asuras (lower deities in opposition
to the gods - Suras) (AB XI, 10).
As mentioned above, there are known cases when
pairs of figurines were found in burials. Thus, for in-
stance, in one of the burials, in a standard set of earth-
en items, two figurines were found, made in the same
style, but definitely of different sexes. In this regard,
an interesting fact is that in the Rigveda there is a
mention of opposite-sex twins – Yama and his sister
Yami (PB X, 10). Yama (literally means “twin”) - the
king of the dead, the first mortal who by having died
laid the foundation for death. In the Vedic notions,
it was from the incest between these twins that the
human race originated (in the times of the Rigveda,
incest was already condemned from the standpoint
of morality, and was called “not befitting the nature of
genus” (РВ Х, 10-9)). Apparently, the identification of
 ARMEN KASPAROV
Fig. 4. Different-sex “twins”
these deities with fertility and childbearing led to the
creation of these figurines.
The relative diversity of the discovered anthropo-
morphic figurines makes it possible to develop an in-
terpretation and put forward various correspondence
theories between the Vedic gods and the anthropo-
morphic figurines. We have only illustrated some of
the options.
Not only anthropomorphic images find their
analogies in the Vedas. A clear verification against the
data of the ancient Indian literature is also shown by
other votive items from the mentioned standard set
of clay handicrafts. Some of the most frequently re-
corded items are rounded votive altars, which in some
cases have even preserved charcoal as the remains of
ritual burning (Fig. 7). These5, probably, symbolize
5
It must be noted that wheels mockups were found in the burials
of the Buston VI necropolis, some of these mockups had “spokes”
depicted on them (Avanesova 2013а). With a certain degree of
conventionality, it can be assumed that these finds might also
symbolize the solar disk, and the "spokes" on the wheels rep-
resented the sun's rays. Another option for verifying the altars
71
the solar disk, the eternal change of day and night. In
Vedic literature, Mitra is identified in various versions
with the daylight hours, while Varuna with the dark
hours: “Surya takes on this color of Mitra (and) Varu-
na, To be visible in the bosom of the sky. One side of it
is infinitely bright, Another, black side, is put together
by (his) mares” (РВ I, 115-5).
Adhering to this interpretation of ancient texts,
we can talk about the appeal of the Sapalli tribe to
the greatest deities of the Vedic pantheon, identified
with the solar disk and verified by us as represent-
ed by the votive altars. Besides, the dual personifi-
cation of Mitra as day, and Varuna as night fits into
the dualistic concept of the world’s earliest religion
(Zoroastrianism), which later became dominant over
a vast territory from India, to Iran, to Azerbaijan. It
should be noted here that the seemingly dual day-
night (light-darkness, good-evil) juxtaposition can
can be a ring, disk, etc., which might also be associated with the
concept of the sun, and are widely known and generally accepted
symbols, in this regard (Avanesova 2004: 22).
 BULLETIN OF IICAS 33/2022
Fig. 5. Votive clay altars and tokens
also be interpreted as the unity of being, the constant
change of day and night, where Mitra and Varuna
rule together (Dumézil 1986: 51). Moreover, in the
Rigveda, emphasis on differences between gods can
be discerned extremely rarely, and manifests itself
only in vague wording and subtle allusions. In the lat-
er Atharvaveda, the division is much clearer cut, and
the deities are often described in direct juxtaposition
to each other. The latter makes it possible to suggest
that during the period of the initial formation of the
beliefs in question, which spread in Northern India
with the advent of the Eurasian nomads, Mitra and
Varuna were personified as a single deity.
Often, miniature votive altars were combined with
cone-shaped tokens or tags (Fig. 7). Their semantics
is connected, in the first place, with the symbolism
of number 3. In Vedic literature, this figure runs like
a red line both in the social component (three main
varnas) and in all religious texts and canons (one of
the main ones is the trifunctionality of the Indo-Ira-
nian gods, and the cosmogonic idea of the three ver-
tical worlds). The universe consists of three parts: the
world of the gods (the sky), the world of people (the
atmosphere) and the world of the dead (the under-
ground). It is possible that the clay chips embodied
the idea of the cosmos trinity (Dumézil 1986: 12) (РВ
Х, 125). The tripartite nature of the world is associat-
ed with Agni (the god of fire, mediator between the
people and the gods). It is trinitarian in relation to
the three levels of the universe; it is also represent-
ed by three sacrificial fires (РВ X, 90. 15), which are
also there in the structure of the necropolis - on its
sacral platforms (Avanesova 2013: 511-524). Thus, the
presence of three tokens or tags in the set of the clay
72
handicraft items semantically reflects the symbolism
of the primacy of the religious cult component in the
social and public life of Sapalli society.
Speaking about their purpose, let us go back to
the analogy with the cone-shaped “chips” of the Jei-
tun archaeological site. Let us assume that such items,
having passed through the epochs along with the
settlement of the pioneering farmers, spread to the
East through Margiana and, having reached North-
ern Bactria, were transformed from items having a
narrow utility purpose to a kind of relay repeater of
religious and mythical ideas. V. M. Masson, in search
of similar phenomena, drew attention to the pres-
ence of the “chips” in Tepe-Sialk (Central Iran), the
early Tripoli settlement of Luka-Vrublevetskaya, and
others. He concluded that they may have served as
playing pieces and may have come from a single set
(Masson 1971: 42).
The symbolism of some clay handicrafts also con-
veys the desire of the Sapalli people to offer a ritual
repast. The ritual repast to be offered to ancestors and
gods implied that there was a need to produce mono-
functional vessels and scoops (Fig. 8). The dishes were
presented in various shapes, but most of them were
shaped as a cauldron. Some vessels contained pebbles
(Fig. 6), which we interpret as a crushing stone (РВ
IX, 67-19), and this leads us to believe that the vessels
were intended for the sacral drink of soma (or “xao-
ma”). The significance of this sacral drink as the main
offering to the gods is evidenced by the fact that the
entire Mandala IX refers “To Soma” and starts with
the following lines: “With the sweetest, most exhila-
rating flow // Do purify thyself, oh Soma, // Squeezed
Indra art thou, made for drinking!” (РВ IX, 1).
 ARMEN KASPAROV
Fig. 6. Monofunctional earthenware vessels and votive scoops
Almost all the vessels were accompanied by
spoons, which were apparently intended for scooping
and drinking the ritual offering contained in the ves-
sel. In the Rigveda (РВ Х, 118-2) and the Atharvaveda
(АВ XVIII, 4-5, 6) the spoon appears as an oblatory
utensil. At the same time, their variability is obvious,
which is consistent with the concept of the world di-
vided into three parts (the sky, the atmosphere and
the underground) and is explained in the Atharvave-
da: “A butter spoon supports the sky, a pouring spoon
supports the air, and the oblatory scoop holds the fir-
mament of the earth” (АВ XVIII, 4-5).
The question of the time of compilation of the
Vedic literature is highly debatable. But if one should
adhere to the opinion that this literature, and the Rig-
veda, as its most ancient component, are the same age
as the crafts under discussion, then the obvious con-
clusion is that the religion of the ancient Vedas and
the religious beliefs of the population of Northern
Bactria are verifiable on the basis of the artifacts of
the B-VI necropolis.
REFERENCES
Askarov, A. A. (1973). Sapallitepa. Tashkent: Fan Publ. (In
Russian).
Askarov A. Drevnezemledel’cheskaya kul’tura epokhi bronzy
yuga Uzbekistana (Ancient agricultural culture of the
Bronze Age in the south of Uzbekistan). Tashkent: Fan
Publ. (In Russian).
Askarov A. A., Abdullayev B. N. (1983). Jarkutan. Tash-
kent: Fan Publ. (In Russian).
Atkharvaveda (1989). Izbrannoye. [Favorites]. Translation,
73
Thus, summing up the data published herein on
the monofunctional clay handicrafts, this research
material proves, at most, that the artifacts draw their
origin from the establishment and dissemination of
the religious beliefs of the ancient Indo-Aryans, and,
at least, that the same cultural element must have af-
fected both the formation of these artifacts and the
existence of the trends mentioned here. The entire
complex of the clay handicrafts of B-VI mark the ad-
dress of the Sapalli community to the mythologized
deities of the Vedic pantheon and Vedic cosmology,
or, according to N. A. Avanesova, - they are artifac-
tual text.
They make up a single holistic picture of the
worldview, and they help to clearly outline a unified
mythological structure, providing an idea of what
were the beliefs of three thousand years ago. Clay
handicrafts are are intended to “explain” the mytho-
logical and ideological concepts of the population of
the pre-urban Northern Bactria using the language of
symbols.
commentary and introductory article by T. Yelizaren-
kova). Moscow: Nauka Publ. (In Russian).
Avanesova, N. A. (1989). Epokha bronzy Sredney Azii [The
Bronze Age of Central Asia]. Tutorial. Part I. Samar-
kand, SamGU Publ. (In Russian).
Avanesova, N. A. (2004). Predmetnoye pis’mo doistorich-
eskoy Baktrii [Subject writing of prehistoric Bactria],
in: Transoxsina. History and Culture. Tashkent: R. Eli-
lin Publ. S. 16-24 (in Russian).
Avanesova, N. A. (2013a). Buston VI – nekropol’ ognepok-
lonnikov dourbanisticheskoy Baktrii (Buston VI - the
 BULLETIN OF IICAS 33/2022
necropolis of the fire-worshippers of pre-urban Bactria).
Samarkand: IICAS Publ. (in Russian).
Avanesova, N. A. (2013b). Pogrebal’nyy obryad nekropol-
ya Buston VI kak otrazheniye mezhkul’turnykh vzai-
modeystviy [The funeral rite of the Buston VI necrop-
olis as a reflection of intercultural interactions], in:
Kul’turnyy transfer na perekrestkakh Tsentral’noy Azii:
do, vo vremya i posle Velikogo Shelkovogo Puti [Cultural
transfer at the crossroads of Central Asia: before, during
and after the Great Silk Road]. Paris – Samarkand: II-
CAS Publ. S. 27-34 (in Russian).
Avanesova, N. A. (2014). Ritual’naya ingumatsiya nekropol-
ya Buston VI [Ritual inhumation of the Buston VI ne-
cropolis], in: Zarafshon vodiysi arkheologiyasi masala-
lari [Zarafshon vodiysi archeology and masalalari].
Samarkand: SamGU Publ. S. 92-104 (in Russian).
Avanesova, N. A., Toshpulatova N. A. (1999). Simvolika
ognya v pogrebal’noy praktike Sappalinskoy kul’tury
(po materialam nekropolya Buston VI) [The symbol-
ism of fire in the burial practice of the Sappali culture
(based on the materials of the Buston VI necropolis)]
in: IMKU 30. Samarkand. P. 27-36 (in Russian).
Avanesova, N. A., Dubova, N. A., Kufterin V. V. (2010).
Paleoantropologiya nekropolya Sapallinskoy kul’tury
Buston VI [Paleoanthropology of the necropolis of
the Sapallinskaya culture Buston VI], in: Arkheologiya,
etnografiya i antropologiya Yevrazii. No 1 [Archeology,
74
Ethnography and Anthropology of Eurasia. No 1]. No-
vosibirsk. P. 118-136 (in Russian).
Avanesova, N. A., Kasparov A. R. (2015). Praktika vtorich-
nogo zakhoroneniya nekropolya Buston VII [The
practice of secondary burial of the Buston VII necrop-
olis], in: Bulletin of IICAS, 21. P. 27-55 (in Russian).
Dumézil, G. (1986). Verkhovnyye bogi indoyevropeytsev
[Supreme gods of the Indo-Europeans]. Moscow: Nauka
Publ. (In Russian).
Herodotus (1972). Istoriya v devyati knigakh. Kn. IV
“Mel’pomena” [History in nine books. Book. IV “Mel-
pomene”]. Translation and notes by G. A. Stratano-
vsky; ed. by S. L. Utchenko. Leningrad: Nauka Publ.
(In Russian).
Masson, V. M. (1971). Poseleniye Jeytun [Settlement of
Jeytun] (MIA 180). Leningrad: Nauka Publ. (In Rus-
sian).
Popov, A. A. (2015). Mesto Greko-Baktrii v istorii i kul’ture
drevnosti [Place of Greco-Bactria in the history and
culture of antiquity], in: Vestnik Sankt-Peterburgskogo
gosudarstvennogo universiteta kul’tury i iskusstv [Bul-
letin of St. Petersburg State University of Culture and
Arts] № 4 (25). St.Petersburg. S. 49-54 (in Russian).
Rigveda (1999). Mandalas V-VIII. Ed. prepared by T.
Yelizarenkova). Moscow: Nauka Publ. (In Russian).
Rigveda (1999). Mandalas IX-X. Ed. prepared by T. Yeliza-
renkova. Moscow: Nauka Publ. (In Russian).
 DMITRIY MILOSERDOV

ORNAMENTATION AND DECORATION TECHNIQUES

USED ON COLD WEAPONS IN AFGHANISTAN
FROM THE 18th TO EARLY 20th CENTURIES
This article discusses various techniques for decorating bladed weapons of Afghanistan from the 18th to early
20th centuries and their ornamental designs. It explains the unique features of three decorative approaches –
Indian, Persian, and Afghan. It also focuses upon design patterns that have survived since pre-Islamic times.
Afghanistan's cold weapons are characterized by a mix of ornamental motifs and decorative techniques.

Keywords: : Afghanistan, Persia, India, koftgari, kundan, cartouche, arabesques, torture scenes, solar symbols,
khyber knife, pulwar, talwar, chura, lohar
Citation: Dmitriy Miloserdov (2022). Ornamentation and Decoration techniques used on Cold Weapons
in Afghanistan from the 18th to early 20th centuries, Bulletin of IICAS 33, 75-87.
Article link: https://doi.org/10.34920/1694-5794-2022.33en.005

T
he multi-ethnic state of Afghanistan is in-
habited by more than twenty nationalities.
The largest include the Pashtuns, Tajiks, Haz-
aras, Uzbeks, Chahar Aimaq, Turkmen, Baluch and
Nuristanis (Kafiristanis) (Bellew 1880: 13-14; Sne-
sarev 2002: 93-94). This variety of nationalities, trib-
al groups, and clans resulted in the development of
different decorative styles, which are also observed
in weapons. This stylistic diversity in weapon design
was also due to almost every village having its own
blacksmith (Elphinstone 1839, Vol. II): 108). Also,
the ornamentation of Afghanistan’s weapons was
undoubtedly influenced by neighboring India and
Persia. Since Babur’s time, hundreds of craftsmen
captured in India lived and worked in Kabul and Af-
ghanistan’s other cities, working as armorers and jew-
elers (Ackerman 1964: 1144). In the 19th century, the
country’s blacksmiths and armorers even studied in
India (Schinasi 2016: 82). Persia also influenced Af-
ghanistan’s weaponry and its decor. According to El-
phinstone, rich Afghan men carried “Persian–shaped
sabres. Its hilt is similar to ours [the English], except
that it has no finger guard; the blade is narrower and
more curved than ours. Indian steel is considered
the most valuable as raw material, but the best sa-
bres are made in Persia and Syria” (Elphinstone 1839
(Vol. II): 353, emphasis by author). Durrani soldiers
were known to carry Persian sabers (Elphinstone 1839
(Vol. II): 273). Alexander Burnes, the English explor-
er and spy, referred to Persian blades from Khoras-
an in his memoirs writing that they were valued by
the Afghans and were quite widespread in the region
(Burnes 1843: 54).
Eventually, at least three decorative styles devel-
oped in Afghanistan: Indian, Persian, and Afghan.
Each had its own distinctive features. Persian and
Indian ornamental styles in cold weapons were asso-
ciated with the prosperous. Yet, it must be remem-
bered that the vast majority of weapons belonging to
low-income people often contained no decoration.
For example, the handles of pulwars and talwars were
almost completely smooth.
Indian influence. According to the British col-
lector, Egerton, an author on Indian and Oriental
weapons published in the late 19th century, “pure,”
geometric, and floral ornamental designs in weapon
décor were found in the northwestern regions of In-
dia, Kashmir, and the Punjab bordering Afghanistan.
Images of flowers were typical (Egerton 1880: 46-47).
The Indian ornamental style is most often found on
the various elements of khyber knives and on the
handles of talwars.
Although the talwar or tulwar is rightly con-
sidered a cold weapon from India (Stone 1961: 601;
Gilles 1860: 231), it was also used in Afghanistan, as
noted in the memoirs of many British officers (Rat-
tray, Carrick 1848: 9; Sterndale 1879: 80; Hensman
1882: 398, 417; Grant 1884: 137). In rare cases, the
handles of Afghan talwars were decorated with floral
designs made from precious metals using the koftgari

75
 BULLETIN OF IICAS 33/2022
Fig. 1. The handle of a Khyber knife with metal details
decorated with a floral ornament, inlaid with gold
using the koftgari technique. 19th century Afghanistan.
Private collection (UK). Photo: D. Toor
technique (Fig. 1). First, the craftsman applied lines
resembling a grid with a needle onto an item’s surface
on the site where the design was to be placed. Then,
pliable gold or silver wire was hammered into the
pattern’s grooves tracing its contours. The wire was
twisted in various directions until the entire pattern
was filled with gold. The handle was then heated to
the necessary temperature, and in the final stage was
sanded with agate powder and cleaned with lemon
juice. This firmly affixed the precious metal to the
handle’s surface (Egerton 1880: 46-47). However, the
very thin layer often wore off over time, exposing the
grid lines.
76
Fig. 2. The handle of a Khyber knife, the jade lining
of which is decorated with precious stones using
the kundan technique. 19th century India.
Private collection (Ukraine). Photo: O. Feldman
The khyber knife, sometimes considered the em-
bodiment of Afghanistan, was apparently so func-
tional that after Babur’s Afghan invasion these knives
became established in northern India, where or-
nate samples can be found in considerable number
throughout museums in the country. Therefore, quite
logically, Khyber knives decorated in the Indian style
using Indian jewelry techniques were also widespread
in Afghanistan. An example includes Khyber knives
in which the handle’s metal elements are decorated
with gold and silver in the above mentioned koft-
gari technique (Skralivetsky, Efimov, Obraztsov 2013:
106-107). Much less common are Khyber knives
 DMITRIY MILOSERDOV
Fig. 3. Stylized carvings of flowers on the metal parts of
the handle of a Khyber knife.
Late 19th century Afghanistan.
Private collection (Russia). Photo: P. Bogomazov
with handles decorated with the kundan technique.
This special method consisted of attaching precious
and semi-precious stones to the handle’s base (Gray
1895: 81) (Fig. 2). Kundan translates as something
made from ultra-refined gold. This most refined gold
is flattened into the thinnest of strips. Its degree of
purity ensures a molecular bond under the pressure
of the tools, which are used to crimp the gold foil
around the precious stones. Then, the stone in the
foil is pressed into a recess of any hard surface (Kin
2009: 18), such as rock, bone, or metal. The handle’s
metal elements were often embossed or carved. The
khyber knife blades decorated with gold in the Indi-
77
Fig. 4. Highly artistic carvings of flowers in the Mughal
style on the metal parts of the pesh-kabz knife handle.
18th century Afghanistan (India?).
Private collection (Russia). Photo: P. Bogomazov
an style and using the koftgari technique, were also
quite common in Afghanistan, particularly Kabul
(Gray 1895: 81). The handles (Skralivetsky, Efimov,
Obraztsov 2013: 106-107), blades (Volkov 2018: 79),
and scabbards of khyber knives were commonly dec-
orated with classical Indian plant or floral designs.
Most 19th century knives decorated this way were
characterized by a somewhat dry style (Fig. 3), which
reflect the degradation from a realistic approach in
depicting flowers and plants typical of Mughal art
from the 17th and 18th centuries (Fig. 4). Yet even
this should not be taken literally, in the European
sense. The flowers are not beyond recognition. Their
 BULLETIN OF IICAS 33/2022

Fig. 5. Cartouches made on the plane of the blades

using the gold incision technique (left) and carving
technique (right). Private collection (Russia).
Photo: P. Bogomazov

images follow a certain convention, a general compo-

sitional formula (Despande 2008: 256). As for talwars,
with their richly decorated handles, along with some
decorated khyber knives designed in the Indian style
and common among Afghans, it is impossible to say
whether they were made by craftsmen in Afghanistan
or brought from India in the same way as most armor.
(Gray 1895: 82; Mahomed Khan 1900: 202).
Persian influence. During the 18th and 19th cen-
turies, no strict borders existed between Afghanistan
and Persia. Based on this connection, individual dec-
orative elements typical of Persian weapons common
in the region were used by Afghan craftsmen to dec-
orate weapons. For example, shamshirs – sabers of
Persian origin – were found in the region. The blades
considered most valuable were supposedly made in
Persia by armorers from Isfahan named Asad Ullah
and Zaman. Often such weapons with these blades
had no decoration except for a cartouche (an elabo-
rate frame with an enclosed text) with the manufac-
turer’s information (Fig. 5). Also, the flat of the blade
could be decorated with verses from the Qu’ran or
the owner’s name. This, however, did not necessarily
make the blade more valuable. For example, a sham-
shir taken from Isfahan by the Afghans and sent by
the ruler of Kabul to the governor-general of India,
was undecorated except for a few gold features on
the hilt and gold embossing on the scabbard (Egerton
1880: 53).
Concerning the Persian decorative style, ar-
abesques carved in metal were the primary feature. Fig. 6. Images of animals typical of Iranian art and
These complex oriental designs were often used in Is- “tormenting scenes” on the metal parts of the pesh-
lamic (including Persian) art (Riegl 1893: 259), with kabz knife handle. XVIII-XIX centuries Iran.
combined geometric and floral motifs, the latter be- Private collection (Russia). Photo: P. Bogomazov
ing most predominate. Thin spirals or arcs with in-

78
 DMITRIY MILOSERDOV

Fig. 7. Shackle guard on the handle of the Khyber knife.

19th century Afghanistan.
Private collection (Russia). Photo: P. Bogomazov

terwoven, shaped lines were among the most remark-

able arabesque elements in the Persian style. Several
basic types repeated in various combinations (Riegl
1893: 261) (Fig. 6).
Specific Persian craftmanship is easily identified,
which in contrast to Afghan examples, is character-
ized by more detail, elegance of lines, and carving ac-
curacy. Additionally, animal images (Owen 1868: 75)
and depictions of people were often found on Persian
weapons, not typical for the rest of the Muslim world Fig. 8. Pulvar saber pommel decorated using the
which displays Shiite influence upon the Persians through-perforation technique. 19th century
(Obraztsov 2010: 66). However, such images were Afghanistan. Private collection (Russia).
extremely rare on weapons in Afghanistan whose Photo: P. Bogomazov
majority population adhered to Sunni Islam which
prohibited the depiction people and animals. Even
today, the minority population professing Shiism are Europe and the United States—are modern repro-
Persians (mainly in Herat and Farah), Tajiks inhabit- ductions for tourists, which, judging by the time of
ing the mountains, and Hazaras with some Pashtuns their appearance on antiquity markets, were made
living in eastern Afghanistan. Probably, it was these specifically for the soldiers of the International Secu-
people who used weapons dipeciting animals and rity Assistance Forces led by NATO. It is curious that
torture scenes typical of Persia (Fig. 6). Even so, such the crooked Persian khanjars, traditional for the 19th
images in the décor of bladed weapons were relatively century, are never recorded in Afghanistan. Perhaps,
rare, with only individual examples originating from this was because the bone handles for such daggers
Afghanistan. Weapons with crudely engraved animal were often decorated with carved anthropomorphic
images on their blades—in recent years exported to figures, which are unacceptable for Sunnis.

79
 BULLETIN OF IICAS 33/2022

hamed 2008: 178) and handle and armor designs dec-

orated with applied perforations on steel plates (Kho-
rasani 2006: 714, 716). However, it should be noted
that this openwork design found on Persian pieces is
non-geometric. Usually, these types have plant motifs
or calligraphy (Chodyński 2000: 378; Khorasani 2006:
714, 716; Hales 2013: 66; Pinchot 2014: 152). But it
is more probable that in Afghanistan this technique
was simplified and widely adopted. Therefore, this or-
namental style with various weapon’s decorative fea-
tures possessing variously shaped open holes should
be considered of Afghan origin. Of course, there are

Fig. 9. Geometric ornaments made of perforated holes,

found on the details of the weapons of Afghanistan.
Drawing by A. Dementieva

The elegant shape of the curved hand guard,

which are found on many examples of medium- and
long-bladed weapons in Afghanistan from the late
19th century, was probably also of Persian origin (Fig.
7). The curve of the blade evokes clear associations
with swans typical of Persian art and found on both
household items (Allan 2005: 59) and Persian weap-
ons (Khorasani 2006: 425, 665; Pinchot 2014: 16).
Afghan influence. Concerning weapons decorat-
ed in the Afghan style, it is necessary to distinguish
between objects produced in cities – such as the cul-
tural centers of Kabul and Herat where dozens of ar-
morers and jewelers worked (Elphinstone 1839, Vol. I:
336) – and those made and decorated by blacksmiths
in rural areas. Those weapons manufactured at large
production centers are characterized by elegant decor
and sometimes a mixture of decorative styles. The de-
signs found on items made by rural blacksmiths are
usually more archaic.
It is possible that openwork décor on steel ele-
ments of weapons could be considered typical for Af-
ghanistan. Most often, such ornamentation is found
on the surface of pulwars (Fig. 8). Similar perforated
designs are found sabers and khyber knife handles
as well as the crosspieces of shamshirs, crimp rings,
chape, and in some instances, on the mouths of scab-
bards. In some examples, variously shaped non-per-
forated holes usually form a geometric ornament of
triangles and rhombi (Fig. 9). They are either separate
geometric figures or combined into decorative lines.
In other cases, holes fill the flattened surface of the
crosspiece ends (Fig. 10). The open holes form a de-
sign made on various objects with varying degrees of
accuracy, which, from this writer’s opinion, provides
a distinction between weapons decorated by urban
Fig. 10. Holes on the flattened surface of the ends of the
craftsmen with those decorated in rural areas (Fig. 11).
cross and crosshairs of the pulwar saber. 19th century
Most likely, this technique originated in Persia, Afghanistan. Private collection (Russia).
where one finds weapons with openwork blades (Mo- Photo: P. Bogomazov.

80
 DMITRIY MILOSERDOV

Fig. 11. Pulwar saber hilts decorated by an urban craftsman (left) and a craftsman from the village (right).
19th century Afghanistan. Private collection (Russia). Photo: P. Bogomazov

several shamshirs considered Persian (Mohamed
2008: 85) whose crosspieces and crimp rings are also
decorated in this style. An investigation of the largest
work on Persian weapons to date provides no exam-
ples of crosspieces or sheath crimp rings decorated
with perforations in the style characteristic of weap-
ons from Afghanistan (Khorasani 2006: 424-557).
While this does not confirm that Persian weapons
were not decorated in this style, it does indicate that
either these saber elements decorated with a similar
technique, were made in Afghanistan, or made to
order for Afghans. These simplified techniques and
decoration may also indicate that Persians actually
adopted the Afghan style.
These decorative elements on traditional, blad-
ed weapons with red mastic is absolutely indigenous
(Fig. 12). Strictly speaking, this technique is a simpli-
fied version of the one discussed above. The decora-
tive holes, in this case, do not perforate the feature.
Rather, they are variously shaped, repeated, shallow
depressions of pre-perforated holes and filled with
red or black mastic. The recesses filled with mastic
are grouped into rather primitive geometric designs
of previously mentioned rhombi, triangles, and lines.
As far as is known, the colored mastic technique was
used almost exclusively for khyber knives. The weap-
on elements decorated in this style were usually made
of brass. This technique suggests that it became wide-
spread during the late 19th and early 20th centuries.
Blade décor deserves special attention. Some
were decorated with variously inscribed cartouches,
others bear an image of a square talisman known as
beduh which are found on both Indian and Persian
weapons. A third type of design are symbols imitat-
ing the gurda motif (Winkler 1894: 292), which as not
surprising, since some blades used by Afghans were
Persian or Indian in origin, while others imitated
these cartouches.

81
 BULLETIN OF IICAS 33/2022

More primitive and com-

mon design motifs typical of
Afghan blades were often small
symbols resembling a three-fin-
gered bird’s footprint (dactyl)
and can be found on the blade
flats of Khyber knives, sabers,
and pulwars. These types were
made either through insertion
(yellow metal) or engraving.
Such dactyls are a design ele-
ment well known throughout
Central Asia (Fakhretdinova
1972: 115; Margulan 1986: 147;
Asankanov 2002: 201). Actual
bird claws have served as pro-
tective amulets for the region’s
people since pre-Islamic times
(Borozna 1975: 282-284) It can
be assumed that their schemat-
ic images on sword and knife
blades served the same purpose.
Such symbols provided addi-
tional sacred protection for the
weapon’s owner.
The second design motif
found on blades are S-shaped
symbols arranged in two parallel
chains (Fig. 13). In some cases,
these S-shaped symbols merge
(Fig. 14), forming a so-called
running wave. This design is
known on all continents, but be-
came most widespread in West-
ern and Central Asia. According
to some researchers, it symboliz-
es a snake (Golan 1993: 72). The
snake cult is a totemic symbol
known in Central Asia since the
ancient times (Sazonova 1970:
134; Bayalieva 1972: 28). Snake-
skin amulets are known to have
been made in Central Asia dur- Fig. 13. Ornamental motif in the form of S-shaped
ing the 19th century (Fahretdi- signs lined up in two parallel chains, made using the
nova 1988: 60). Some scholars technique of engraving on the blade of an army Khyber
are of the opinion that the draw- knife. End of the 19th century Afghanistan.
ing’s accompanying dots, both Private collection (Russia). Photo: P. Bogomazov
between and outside the two

Fig. 12. Khyber knife, the metal

parts of the handle of which are
decorated with red mastic. Early
20th century Afghanistan. Private
collection (Russia).
Photo: P. Bogomazov
S-shaped lines, indicate the spots on the snake’s skin
(Golan 1993: 72, 82). Yet, the image of a spotted snake
had a deep symbolic meaning in Central Asia (Kam-
alova 1995: 16) considered to be amulets protecting
the wearer against death and possessing living pow-
er (Khamidzhanova 1960: 219; Antonova 1984: 161).

82
 DMITRIY MILOSERDOV

Fig. 14. Ornamental motif in the form of S-shaped

signs, merging and forming the so-called "traveling
wave", made using the technique of engraving
on the blade of a Khyber knife. End of the 19th century
Afghanistan. Private collection (Russia).
Photo: P. Bogomazov

The wavy lines on the blade, broken or solid, probably

were snake images serving as talismans for the weap-
on’s owner. By the late 19th century, these pre-Islamic
images original meaning was probably lost and were
inscribed on the blades as ordinary, meaningless or-
namental motifs.
A geometric design consisting of small circles
with a dot in the center (Fig. 15), located both on
blades and handle elements of Afghan cold weap-
ons, also deserves mention. Most often, this design
was found on more recent objects made during the
late 19th to early 20th centuries and even later. They
include churas, lohars, khyber knives, and axes. Re-
searchers who have examined this circular ornament
correctly think it was one of the most widely distribut-
ed decorations across time and location (Grach 1980:
65). Known since the Neolithic era (Okladnikov 1950:
390), it is found on almost all continents. In Egyptian
hieroglyphics, a circle with a central point represent-
ed the sun and was a glyph denoting a specific ob-
ject (Avdiyev 1960: 7; Doblhofer 1963: 98). In ancient
Chinese characters, the same symbol also represented Fig. 15. Circular ornament (geometric ornament
the sun. This same circle with a dot in the center is of small circles with a dot in the center) on the handle
also seen among pictographs on ritual bronze vessels of a chura knife. 19th century Afghanistan.
dated to the 2nd millennium BCE. (Istrin 1961: 105, Private collection (Russia). Photo: P. Bogomazov
110). It is also found among late Chinese designs;
used by the Indians of South and North America; and or black paint is sometimes inserted into the carved
many European peoples (Ivanov 1963: 468-469) and contours of the circles (Ivanov 1963: 469), just as was
African tribes (Hoffman 1897: 815; Buschan 1922: done in the region millennia before (Weinberg 1967:
501; Sydov 1923: 137. 140). This exact technique is found on bone décor on
Central Asia is no exception. The solar cult was some cold weapons from Afghanistan (Fig. 16). Why
common among nomads (Grach 1980: 62). Even to- place them on weapons? Perhaps, because in the late
day, the motif ’s echo is still found in the circular orna- 19th to mid-20th centuries the amulet’s power was at-
ments on household items and musical instruments tributed to the sun which harkened back to the time
used by Tajiks, Uzbeks, Persians, and Hindus. Red of the early nomads (Basilov 1992: 61). Yet, the solar

83
 BULLETIN OF IICAS 33/2022

Fig. 16. Circular ornament with rubbed red paint on the bone overlays of the hilt of a lohar (folding combat sickle).
19th century Afghanistan. Private collection (Russia). Photo: P. Bogomazov

Fig. 17. Variants of mixing geometric, circular and floral ornaments on the handles of chura knives
from Afghanistan. Rice. A. Dementieva

design’s widest distribution on objects made of bone,
horn, and metal fails to assist in knowing its origin,
since the pattern and technique used are the same
across time (Ivanov 1963: 473). The solar symbol with
its circle and central dot existed in decorations uni-
versally across the world and symbolizing the sun,
light, burning, heat, and fire. In some instances, the
symbol retains this diverse semantic symbolism, in
others it loses its meaning and becomes a mere or-
namental motif devoid of its symbolism (Grach 1980:
66). In the case of the weapons in question, it is very
difficult to determine. However, presumably, the cir-
cular decoration (as in the two abovementioned bird’s
footprint and snake design) was to protect the own-
er of the weapon. Although, given the dominance of
Islam in the region at that time, the masters who ap-
plied this ornament to the weapons were likely driven
by historical memory. The deep meaning of the circu-

84
 DMITRIY MILOSERDOV

lar ornament as an image of the sun has

been lost.
Concerning ornamentation of the
chura, these knives were widely distrib-
uted in the early 20th century and are
decorated in a variety of styles. Their
décor’s unique characteristics are asso-
ciated with their location of production.
Churas demonstrate all possible variants
of mixed geometric, circular, and flo-
ral design (Fig. 17). Nevertheless, some
knives are decorated in one style, such
as those with only circular or geometric
patterns. The decorations are engraved
or embossed on the handle’s metallic el-
ements, while animal horn applique on
the handles are at times decorated with
engraving or small nails made of white
metal. Four, six, and eight-petalled flow-
ers on the churas are schematically de-
picted and, therefore, it is not possible
to associate them with specific plants.
But it is possible that the style’s influence
comes from neighboring India.
Afghanistan’s cold weapons are char-
acterized by a mixture of ornamental
motifs and decorative techniques. Items
typical of Afghanistan, such as khyber
knives, based on the handle’s material,
decoration techniques, and ornamen-
tation; are made in India or by Indian
craftsmen. Yet, their scabbards are often
made in the Persian and Afghan style
(Fig. 18). In other cases, the Khyber knife
proper is decorated in the Afghan style,
but its scabbard decoratively embossed
in the Persian style using the Persian tech-
nique, while its metal tip is crowned with
a chape typical of Afghanistan (Fig. 19).

Fig. 18. Khyber knife, made at the

beginning of the 19th century. in India,
with a scabbard, the base and mouth of
which are made in the Persian style, and
the tip in the style typical of Afghanistan.
Private collection (Russia).
Photo: P. Bogomazov

Fig. 19. Khyber knife (beginning of the

19th century) with a scabbard embossed
in Persian style and technique, with a
metal tip topped with a “shoe”, typical of а б
Afghanistan. Private collection (Russia).
Photo: P. Bogomazov

85
 BULLETIN OF IICAS 33/2022
REFERENCES
Ackerman, P. (1964). A Survey of Persian Art from Prehis-
toric Times to the Present. Chicago: Oxford University
Press.
Allan, J. W. (2005). Persian Steel: The Tanavoli Collection.
Tehran Oxford University Press.
Antonova, E. V. (1984). Ocherki kultury drevnih zemledelt-
sev Peredney i Sredney Azii [Essays on the Culture of
the Ancient farmers of Western and Central Asia]. Mos-
cow: Nauka Publ. (In Russian).
Asankanov, A. A. and O. Osmonov (2002). Istoriya Kyr-
gyzstana: s drevneyshih vremen do nashih dney [His-
tory of Kyrgyzstan: from Ancient Times to the Present
day]. Bishkek: Mezgil Publ. (In Russian).
Avdiyev, V. I. (1960). Vozniknoveniye drevneyegipetskoy pis-
mennosti [The Emergence of Ancient Egyptian writing].
Moscow: Vostochnaya literature Publ. (In Russian).
Basilov, V. N. (1992). Shamanstvo u narodov Sredney Azii
i Kazakhstana [Shamanism among the Peoples of Cen-
tral Asia and Kazakhstan]. Moscow: Nauka Publ. (In
Russian).
Baialiyeva, T. D. (1972). Doislamskiye verovaniya i ikh
perezhitki u Kirgizov [Pre-Islamic beliefs and their sur-
vivals among the Kirghiz]. Frunze: Ilim Publ. (In Rus-
sian).
Bellew, H. (1880). The Races of Afghanistan: Being a brief
account of the principal nations inhabiting that country.
Calcutta: Thacker, Spink and Co.
Borozna, N. G. (1975). Nekotorye materialy ob amuletah
— ukrasheniyah naseleniya Sredney Azii [Some mate-
rials about amulets – ornaments of the population of
Central Asia], Domusulmanskiye verovaniya i obryady
v Sredney Azii [Pre-Muslim beliefs and rituals in Cen-
tral Asia]. Moscow: Nauka Publ. (In Russian).
Burnes, A. (1843). Cabool: a personal narrative of a journey
to, and residence in that city in the years 1836, 7, and 8.
Philadelphia: Carey and Hart.
Buschan, G. H. T. (1922). Illustrirte Volkenkunde, Bd. I, St-
tutgart : Verlegt von Streeker & Schroder.
Chodyński, A. R., ed. (2000). Persian Arms and Armour /
Oręż Perski. Malbork: Muzeum Zamkowe w Malborku.
Deshpande, O. E. (2008). Prikladnoye iskusstvo Mogolskoy
Indii [Applied Arts of Mughal India], Ot Kitaya do
Yevropy. Iskusstvo islamskogo mira [From China to Eu-
rope. Art of the Islamic world]. St.Petersburg: Chistyy
list Publ. (In Russian).
Doblkhofer, E. (1963). Znaki i chudesa [Signs and Won-
ders]. Moscow: Vostochnaya literatura Publ. (In Rus-
sian).
Egerton E. W. (1880). An Illustrated Handbook of Indian
Arms. London: W. H. Allen.
Elphinstone, M. (1839, I). An account of the Kingdom of
Caubul, and its dependencies, in Persia, Tartary, and
India; a view of the Afghaun nation, and a history of the
Dooraunee monarchy. Vol. I. London: Richard Bentley.
Elphinstone, M. H. 1839, II). An account of the kingdom
of Caubul, and its dependencies in Persia, Tartary, and
India: comprising a view of the Afghaun nation, and a
history of the Dooraunee monarchy. Vol. II. London:
Richard Bentley.
86
Fakhretdinova, D. A. (1972). Dekorativno-prikladnoye isk-
usstvo Uzbekistana [Decorative and Applied Art of Uz-
bekistan]. Tashkent: Gafur Gulyam Publ. (In Russian).
Fakhretdinova, D. A. (1988). Yuvelirnoe iskusstvo Uzbeki-
stana [Jewelry Art of Uzbekistan]. Tashkent: Gafur Gu-
lyam Publ. (In Russian).
Grach, A. D. (1980). Drevniye kochevniki v tsentre Azii
[Ancient nomads in the Center of Asia]. Moscow:
Nauka Publ. (In Russian).
Grant, J. (1884). Recent British Battles on Land and Sea.
London: Cassell and Company.
Gray, J. A. (1895). At the Court of the Amīr. London: Rich-
ard Bentley and son.
Golan, A. (1993). Mif i simvol [Myth and Symbol]. Moscow:
Russlit Publ. (In Russian).
Hales, R. (2013). Islamic and Oriental Arms and Armour:
A Lifetime’s Passion. Guernsey: Robert Hales C.I. Ltd.
Hamidzhanova, M. (1960). Nekotoryye predstavleniya
tadzhikov, svyazannyye so zmeey [Some representa-
tions of Tajiks associated with a snake], Pamyati
Mikhaila Stepanovicha Andreeva. Sbornik statey po
istorii i filologii narodov Sredney Azii [In memory of
Mikhail Stepanovich Andreev. Collection of articles on
the history and philology of the peoples of Central Asia].
Stalinabad: AN Tadzh. SSR Publ. (In Russian).
Hensman, H. (1882). The Afghan War of 1879-80. London:
W.H. Allen and Co.
Hoffman, J. W. (1897). The Graphic Art of the Eskimos.
Washington: Government printing office.
Ivanov, S. V. (1963). Ornament narodov Sibiri kak istorich-
eskiy istochnik (po materialam XIX - nachala XX v.),
[Ornament of the peoples of Siberia as a historical
source (based on the materials of the 19th - early 20th
centuries)]. Moscow - Leningrad: AN SSSR Publ. (in
Russian).
Istrin, V. A. (1961). Razvitiye pisma [Development of Writ-
ing]. Moscow: AN SSSR Publ. (In Russian).
Kamalova, D. M. (1995). Uzbekskaya khudozhestvennaya
kultura [Uzbek Artistic Culture]. Tashkent: Ibn Sina
Publ. (In Russian).
Khorasani, M. M. (2006). Arms and Armor from Iran: The
Bronze Age to the End of the Qajar Period. Tübingen:
Legat Verlag GmbH.
Kin, M. (2009). Sokrovishchnitsa mira: yuvelirnoe iskusst-
vo Indii v epokhu Velikikh Mogolov [Treasury of the
World: Indian Jewelry in the Mughal Era], Kollektsiya
al-Sabah, Dar al-Asar al-Islamia, Natsionalnyi muzey
Kuveyta [al-Sabah Collection Dar al-Asar al-Islamia,
National Museuem of Kuwait]. London: Thames &
Hudson (in Russian).
Mahomed Khan (1900). The Life of Abdur Rahman, Amir of
Afghanistan, Vol. 1. London.
Margulan, A. Kh. (1986). Kazakhskoye narodnoye priklad-
noye iskusstvo [Kazakh folk applied art]. Vol. 1. Al-
ma-Ata: Oner Publ. (In Russian).
Mohamed, Bashir (2008). The Arts of the Muslim Knight:
The Furusiyya Art Foundation Collection. Milan: Skira.
Obraztsov, V. N. (2010). Oruzhiye stran Vostoka XV – na-
chala XX veka [Weapons of the countries of the East
15th - early 20th century], Katalog vystavki ‘Khu-
dozhestvennoye oruzhiye iz sobraniya Gosudarstvenno-
 DMITRIY MILOSERDOV
go Ermitazha [Catalog of the exhibition Artistic Weap-
ons from the State Hermitage Collection]. St.Petersburg:
Slaviya Publ. (In Russian).
Okladnikov, A. P. (1950). Neolit i bronzovyi vek Pribaykalya
(istoriko-arkheologicheskiye issledovaniya). [Neolithic
and Bronze Age of the Baikal region (Historical and ar-
chaeological research)]. Part I-II (MIA, №18). Moscow
– Leningrad: AN SSSR Publ. (In Russian).
Owen, J. (1868). The Grammar of Ornament. London: Pub-
lished by Day and Son.
Pinchot, O. S. (2014). Arms of the Paladins. The Richard R.
Wagner Jr. Collection of Fine Eastern Weapons. Woon-
socket: Mowbray Publishing, Inc.
Rattray J. and R. Carrick (1848). Scenery, Inhabitants &
Costumes, of Afghaunistaun from drawings made on
the spot by James Rattray, Atmaran Hindoo of Pesha-
war, plate 9. London: Hering and Remington.
Riegl, A. (1893). Stilfragen: Grundlegungen zu einer
Geschichte der Ornamentik. Berlin: Verlag von Georg
Siemens.
Sazonova, M. V. (1970). Ukrasheniya uzbekov Khorezma
[Jewelry of the Uzbeks of Khorezm], Traditsionnaya
kultura narodov Peredney i Sredney Azii [Tradition-
al culture of the peoples of Western and Central Asia].
MAE Collection, vol. 26). Leningrad: Nauka Publ. (In
Russian).
Schinasi, M. (2016). Kabul: A History 1773-1948. Leiden/
Boston: Brill.
Skralivetsky, E. B., Efimov, Yu. G., and V. N. Obraztsov
(2013). Vostochnoye oruzhiye v chastnykh kollektsiyakh
[Oriental Weapons in Private Collections]. St.Peters-
87
burg: Russkaya kollektsiya Publ. (In Russian).
Snesarev, A. E. (2002). Afghanistan. Moscow: Russkaya
panorama Publ. (In Russian).
Sterndale, R. A. (1879). The Afghan knife. Vol. II. London:
Sampson, Low, Marston, Searle & Rivington.
Stone, G. C. (1961). A Glossary of the Construction, Decora-
tion and Use of Arms and Armor in All Countries and in
All Times. New York: Jack Brussel Publ.
Sydov, E. V. (1923). Die Kunst der Naturvolker und Vorzeit.
Berlin: Propyläen-Verlag.
Wainberg, B. I. (1967). Koy-Krylgan-kala – pamyatnik
kultury drevnego Khorezma IV v. do n. e.- IV v. n. e.
[Koi-Krylgan-kala is a cultural monument of ancient
Khorezm of the 4th c. BC – 4th c. AD], Trudy HAEE
[Proceedings of the KhAEE]. Vol. V. Moscow: Nauka
Publ. (In Russian).
Vinkler, P. P. (1894). Oruzhiye. Rukovodstvo k istorii,
opisaniyu i izobrazheniyu ruchnogo oruzhiya s drevney-
shikh vremen do nachala XIX veka [Weapon. A guide to
the history, description and depiction of hand weapons
from ancient times to the beginning of the 19th century].
St.Petersburg: I. A. Efron Publ. (In Russian).
Volkov, V. and A. Kozlenko (2018). Khayber, Kholodnoye
oruzhiye mira [Cold Weapon of the World]. Moscow:
Bombora Publ. (In Russian).
Zhil, F. A. (1860). Tsarskoselskiy muzey s sobraniyem oru-
zhiya, prinadlezhashchego gosudaryu imperatoru
[Tsarskoye Selo Museum with a Collection of Weapons
Belonging to the Sovereign Emperor]. St.Petersburg: Po-
litekhnograficheskoye zavedeniye A. Baumana Publ.
(In Russian).
 PHILIPP MEUSER

THE TYPOLOGY OF THE EURASIAN CITY

This article discusses a new model of urban development in post-Soviet cities arising from the historical
development of settlements in the expanses of the Russian Empire, and then the Soviet Union. This refers
to the emergence in a unique environment for a new type of city whose definition gradually crystallized the
concept of a "Eurasian city," characterized by wild capitalism, developing based on socialist structures. The
question is discussed as to whether there is a proper Eurasian format for a city and whether there is continuity
or lack thereof in the Eurasian space, unlike other regions. Eurasian cities are considered in the context of the
following questions: what architectural styles and construction methods prevail; what features are brought
to the fore; how the internal structure is formed; and how politics influenced city formation? On this basis,
the author provides assumptions about what elements characterize the modern and, primarily, the future
Eurasian city and what parameters exist for future urban planning and construction projects.

Keywords: Russia, USSR, Central Asia, urban planning, architecture, geopolitics, Moscow, St. Petersburg,
Kazan, Nur-Sultan, socialist cities, wild capitalism
Citation: Philipp Meuser (2022). The Typology of the Eurasian city, Bulletin of IICAS 33, 88-112.
Article link: https://doi.org/10.34920/1694-5794-2022.33en.006

C
ities of the former Soviet Union are grow-
ing ever faster, undergoing a major transfor-
mation, and searching for their own unique
identities. In a globalized world, attempting to define
these new urban typologies without any historical
distance may very well lead to false predictions that
will seem laughable for future generations. Nonethe-
less, this essay will venture to analyze the typology
of the Eurasian city—an entity that has been taking
shape since the 1990s—by looking back on the re-
gion’s architectural history. The terminology already
represents our first stumbling block and warrants ex-
planation. The “Eurasian city” is intended to signify
an urban prototype that, following the dissolution of
the USSR in 1991, can no longer be adequately de-
scribed as “post-Soviet,” that is, by way of negation.
The following analysis explores the current develop-
ment of cities in Russia and in the adjacent regions
to the south, specifically, cities in the Caucasus and
Central Asia. The “Eurasian city” thus replaces the
“post-Soviet city,” by bringing the spatial dimension
rather than the temporal one to the fore.
In 1921, Russian prince Nikolai Trubetzkoy,
while in exile in Vienna, proclaimed that Eurasia is
more than just the geographical sum of two conti-
nents sharing a landmass (Geier 1996: 140). His cen-
tral idea stated that Russia was essentially a separate
continent independent of both Western Europe and
Asia – in essence, that the landmass was divided into
three, rather than two, continents (Kaiser 2003: 80-
81). This theory is derived in part from the fact that
Russia is a completely landlocked region unlike the
coastal states of Europe or East Asian countries such
as China, Japan, and Korea, which all have direct ac-
cess to the sea.
Problematic Interpretations of “Eurasia”
Alexander Dugin returned to this concept after
the dissolution of the Soviet Union. But he did not see
Eurasia simply as an independent continent that is by
chance near Europe and Asia. He conceptualized it as
a Slavic-Turkic empire destined to control the entire
continent – from the Straits of Gibraltar to the Bering
Strait – with Russia at its center.
This essay will use the term Eurasia without any
reference to the unsettling “Eurasianist” ideology,
particularly disturbing in the current geo-political
climate. This essay disavows the theories of Alexan-
der Dugin, who merely appropriated and abused the
historical term for his own purposes. In this case, our
principal interest is to investigate how the typology
of the Eurasian city differs specifically from that of
the European city, whose fortunes have been swayed
by the enlightened middle classes ever since the Re-
naissance (in Italy) and the French Revolution (in
northern Europe). The aim is to open a debate on the
typology of the Eurasian city, which can no longer be

88
 PHILIPP MEUSER

Fig. 1. A patchwork of density: Moscow’s skyline has dramatically changed with a carnival of different architectural
styles. Source: iStock (Mordolff)

characterized as a post-Soviet city, one generation fol-
lowing the Soviet Union’s collapse.
Throughout history, religion and trade were two
main engines of development for cities both in Russia
and Western Europe. However, an important differ-
ence also existed in how the city evolved in these two
regions. In Europe, above all in France and Germany,
the bourgeoisie also played a hand in determining the
fortunes of the city. In Russia, this power always lay
entirely with the state. Later, in the Soviet Union, the
three agents of change – the church, the market, and
the state – were replaced by the party, the five-year
plan, and the Supreme Soviet.
For centuries, city planning decisions in Russia
were dictated from the top down, almost exclusively
based on political and military considerations. Rus-
sian cities were strategically planned and never the
balanced result of political, civic, and economic pro-
cesses. This can be seen as a common thread linking
the important city planning projects throughout the
history of Russia, from the beginning of the Tsarist
regime to the October Revolution through the Soviet
era.
The collapse of the Soviet Union precipitated a
break from this tradition. A new form of urban de-
velopment emerged, which cannot be adequately cap-
tured by the term post-Soviet. It is much more accu-
rate attributing a completely new urban typology as
growing out of a pre-existing environment: the Eur-
asian city, marked by turbo-capitalist urban develop-
ment, rising from the foundations of earlier socialist
structures.
Below, we will explore whether the Eurasian city
can be said to have its own style by comparing and
contrasting the continuities and discontinuities of
Eurasian space with those of cities from other re-
gions. More specifically, the following questions will
be examined regarding Eurasian cities:
1. What are the predominant architectural styles
and construction methods?
2. Which functions are prioritized?
3. How is the internal structure organized?
4. How is urban design politically determined?
On this basis, speculation will be provided con-
cerning the elements that are most important for the
current and future development of Eurasian cities in
an attempt to obtain parameters that can be used in
future urban planning and construction projects.

89
 BULLETIN OF IICAS 33/2022
From Moscow to the East – the Multi-Ethnic,
Multi-Religious State
The city of Moscow was Eurasia’s center of pow-
er for extended periods throughout history and ex-
ercised, and still exercises, much influence over the
region. As such, this city is crucial for understanding
the identity of the Eurasian space. The architecture of
central Russia, and of Eurasia, was initially character-
ized by Byzantine influences. A sea of wooden houses
was interspersed with Byzantine stone churches, pri-
marily built between the eleventh and sixteenth cen-
turies, with high domes and cross-in-square plans.
An illustrative example is the Cathedral of the Dor-
mition, built in the Moscow Kremlin between 1475
and 1479 as the city’s main church. It was designed
by Aristotele Fioravanti from Bologna, who had em-
igrated to Moscow from Hungary in 1474. The ar-
chitect based his design on the Byzantine tradition,
though he also added allusions to the Dormition
Cathedral in the city of Vladimir. Centuries later,
standardized building types were developed in Mos-
cow and realized across the entire Soviet Union. This
urban planning model had historical precedents – in
the more distant past, Russia’s colonialist movements
emanated from its center of power towards the east
and west, with consequences for city planning in Eur-
asia as a whole.
Tsarist Russia’s founding myth as a multi-ethnic,
multi-religious state can be traced back to the leg-
endary military campaign that Ivan IV (or Ivan the
Terrible) waged against the Muslim Mongols in 1552.
Architecture played a central role in his conquest, as
it did in the military campaigns of Ancient Rome.
(Indeed, Moscow imagined itself time and again as
Rome’s successor.) The Roman Empire expanded
its territory outwards from a fixed center, by rapid-
ly establishing standardized forts, or military camps,
wherever they marched (Southern 2014: 320). Such
traces of military forts are still visible in the plans of
many European cities today.
Ivan IV needed to establish a secure camp in or-
der to lay siege to the Khanate of Kazan, the capital
and the region’s economic center. Thus, he ordered a
team of carpenters in Uglich, 200 km from Moscow,
to build a wooden fortress that could be dismantled
into sections. This structure was then transported on
rafts down the Volga River to the heavily fortified city
of Kazan, approximately 1,500 km away. There, it was
rapidly reassembled by 75,000 workers in less than a
month. This provided Ivan with a hilltop fortress at
the mouth of the Sviyaga, a tributary to the Volga Riv-
er, in the heart of a foreign territory. This architectur-
al gambit of raising a city with prefabricated parts en-
abled him to capture Kazan on October 2, 1552. The
Tatar Turkic state, populated predominantly by Mus-
90
lims, thus became part of the multi-religious Russian
territory, or the defining moment for the founding of
Tsarist Russia.
Kazan, which served as the hub for several impor-
tant trade routes, was almost completely razed during
the siege. However, it was quickly reconstructed with
a clearly defined political function as a fortress for the
state’s eastward expansion. The Kazan Kremlin was
built on the former site of the khan’s residence. How-
ever, the kremlin’s peripheries were more hazily de-
fined, in part because the Tatar population remained
largely nomadic. The city thus represented a fusion
of Asian and European influences, more so when
considering the future fate of the wooden fortress
that enabled the capture of Kazan in the first place.
The fortress was converted into a Christian monas-
tery, used to export Russian Orthodoxy eastward.
The building created the illusion that the military
campaign was a holy war dedicated to the Christian
faith. The monastery, the Assumption Cathedral, was
placed on the UNESCO World Heritage List in 2017,
explaining that the structure on the island-town of
Sviyazhsk provides “real evidence of ... historical and
geo-political interchanges in Eurasia at a time when
the Russian State undertook its expansion eastwards.”
In other words, the cathedral was a precursor to a
Eurasian fusion. UNESCO further explained:
The architectural image of the cathedral with its 16th
century cycle of wall paintings with scenes from the Old
and New Testaments express Ivan IV’s political and reli-
gious program to convey his royal power and the power of
Orthodoxy to the Tatars, via a comprehensible/acceptable
religious vocabulary based on the Old Testament and on
the Virgin Mary.1
This fusion of the East and West, of Islam and
Christianity, of nomadic culture and urban culture,
still forms a central part of the city’s identity. This
explains the city’s decision to build the Kul Sharif
Mosque, which has occupied the Kazan Kremlin’s
geographical center since 2005 and which now dom-
inates the profile of the historic citadel with its min-
arets standing almost 60 meters tall. The cityscape
of the Kazan Kremlin previously was defined by the
Annunciation Cathedral’s soaring towers, the Sav-
ior-Transfiguration Monastery, and Saint Peter and
Paul’s Cathedral. The dominance of these Christian
symbols was then tempered by the introduction of a
Muslim counterpoint which, according to many, was
long overdue. After all, Kazan served as an Islamic
center even during the communist period, not least
as the Chief Mufti’s place of residence for Sunni Mus-
lims during the Soviet period. The mosque’s prom-
1
URL: http://whc.unesco.org/en/list/1525.
 PHILIPP MEUSER

Fig. 2. Nation-building through urban development: With the conquest of Kazan in 1552, Ivan IV expanded
the Russian sphere of influence to include the entire Volga region. He consolidated
the power of orthodoxy through sacred buildings. Source: iStock

inent location in the urban environment makes its
architectural forms and details even more visible. The
edifice, for its kind, is highly unusual. A central dome
roof holds all the elements together, which include a
series of windows arranged in the form of a wreath, in
the old Russian style, as well as a gothic ribbed vault
completely atypical for mosques. Lancet windows,
typical of early gothic style with floral stained-glass
patterns, complete the architectural image of the
mosque which is as strange as it is sublime. Near the
obligatory crescent moons on the minarets and dome
and along the base of the edifice are ornaments un-
mistakably oriental in style. Verses from the Koran
are engraved in the pointed arch portals’ tympanum.
Overall, the edifice is a symbol of eastern and western
fusion and serves more broadly as a synecdoche for
Kazan as a Eurasian city in the sense meant by Nikolai
Trubetzkoy.
In Moscow, Ivan IV initiated the construction of
Saint Basil’s Cathedral in Red Square from 1555 to
1560 as a monument to his triumph over the Tartars.
His motivation for this project was to build a chapel
for every saint on whose feast day a battle was won
during the military campaign. The cathedral broke
from architectural conventions that had governed
Russian Orthodox church construction. It comprises
nine interconnected chapels, each with its own dis-
tinct floor plan and dome. However, the cathedral
was not completely without precedent. The structural
composition, with a large centrally placed octagonal
tower, can be traced back to the Church of the As-
cension, completed in Kolomenskoye in 1532. This
edifice, in turn, was modelled after Russia’s vernac-
ular wooden churches that unfortunately no longer
survive.
Window on the West – Geopolitics through
Urban Design
Moscow’s next major colonialist campaign, while
blazing through this condensed account of Russian
history, headed west. In 1703, Peter the Great found-
ed St. Petersburg. This, too, can be considered as a
planned city with a precisely defined function, a city
born from an autocratic will and created based on
construction methods and architectural styles drawn

91
 BULLETIN OF IICAS 33/2022

Fig. 3. State formation through urban planning: With the founding of St. Petersburg in 1703, Peter I laid
the foundation for the Russian Empire. To this day, the metropolis is home to the most important
commercial port of the world’s largest territorial state. Source: iStock (kkrz)

from international examples. Stefan Zweig wrote:
This second capital of Russia is not merely a supple-
ment to Moscow but its counterpoint. As much as Moscow
was created haphazardly, by chance and by the congrega-
tion of people, the old Tsarist City was planned deliberately
and willfully, categorically designed. The former grew out
of its own inner drive, the latter dictated by a sudden des-
potic will; the former glancing towards Asia, towards the
distant horizons of Tartary and China, the latter towards
Europe (Zweig 1981: 127).
This planned city was, in the words of Alexander
Pushkin in his poem The Bronze Horseman, a “crea-
tion of Peter,” marked by a “strict symmetry” char-
acteristic of cities designed on the drawing board,
a symmetry that would later also influence other
planned cities with far more rectangular forms.
But what motivated Peter the Great to build a new
city in the first place? If he had simply wanted a new
residence, he certainly could have found easier sites
on which to construct than the marshy land along the
Neva River which was constantly a flood risk. In fact,
the city was designed to serve political and military
purposes giving Russia a firm geopolitical anchor in
the west, for the purpose of establishing a sphere of
influence. Tsar Peter wanted to create a “window on
the west,” primarily by gaining access to the Baltic
Sea, enabling Russia, until then a landlocked state, the
ability to trade with the rest of Europe and wage war
against Sweden.
Thus, the city was planned from the top down by
a single stroke, designed to serve purposes precisely
defined in advance. It was created in an exceptional-
ly short period – with forced labor of approximate-
ly 30,000 conscripted peasants. (Stalin would later
assume a similar approach to city building.) It is no
coincidence that the city was built around the Peter
and Paul Fortress for its nucleus. This edifice, on Hare
Island, along the northern banks of the Neva River,
was an architectural expression of the city’s primary
function as military stronghold. The city was officially
founded on May 27, 1703, marked by the laying of the
fortress’ foundation stone. The Peter and Paul Cathe-
dral, designed in the early Dutch Baroque style, was
soon erected inside the fortress. Religious tones were
thus overlaid on military ones. The military conflict

92
 PHILIPP MEUSER
against Sweden, a Lutheran nation for which St Pe-
tersburg served as a bulwark, was cast as a holy war.
Domestically, the city served as a demonstration of
the Tsar’s political power. No building was allowed to
tower above the Tsar’s summer palace, which also be-
came an architectural symbol of the Tsarist dynasty.
St. Petersburg was not built from prefabricated
sections, as the fortress in Sviyazhsk, but it featured
existing architectural forms found across Europe.
Thus, the city became an architectural expression of
Russia’s opening to the west and of its moderniza-
tion. “Here, there is none of the architectural confu-
sion of Moscow,” wrote Stefan Zweig in 1928. “One
immediately senses that the city was suddenly willed
into being by a single autocratic will, precisely mold-
ed by the vision ... of its lord and progenitor, Peter
the Great.” (Zweig 1981: 127). The Cathedral of Our
Lady of Kazan was modelled after St. Peter’s Basili-
ca in Rome and thus formed an architectural bridge
between the Russian Orthodox Church and Rome
as Christianity’s founding state. The canal system
invoked the waterways of Amsterdam as well as the
Netherland’s naval supremacy, which Russia sought
to emulate with its access to the sea. Even the city’s
name served a purpose. Originally Sankt Pieter Bur-
kh, the name was changed to St. Petersburg to suggest
an affinity to Germany. The city’s name changed fre-
quently, attesting to a functional view of the concept
of the “city.” At the outbreak of World War I, it was
changed to Petrograd. Following the October Revo-
lution, the city was renamed Leningrad in a move to
downplay the then undesirable associations with the
Tsarist Russia, highlighting the city’s role as the birth-
place of the revolution.2 Stefan Zweig wrote in 1928:
“Precisely here, in this symbolic place, where Tsar Pe-
ter the Great pressed the iron signet of his sovereign
will into the soft, marshy clay of the land, is where the
old Russia was shattered, and this former Petersburg,
later Petrograd, and now triumphantly Leningrad, is
today merely a historical monument to its lost power.”
The perception of a city’s name as a provisional la-
bel, subject to change at any moment, continued into
the late twentieth century when the earlier name, St.
Petersburg was restored once more in an attempt to
downplay the communist interlude in Russian histo-
ry and signal a more western orientation.
By state decree, St. Petersburg was built from
stone. This material’s use, instead of the more tradi-
tional wood, also signaled the nation’s drive toward
modernization. Tsar Peter ensured the availability of
2
St. Petersburg was not the only city given new names. This
was in fact a recurring pattern in Russian history. For example,
in memory of Lenin, his birth city, Simbirsk, was renamed
Ulyanovsk. Most indicative in this case is the series of renaming
Kazakhstan’s capital.
93
the material by banning the stone building construc-
tion in the rest of Russia between 1714 and 1741.
This, in turn, had enormous consequences for the
entire country’s architectural history. The Tsar also
forced many people to settle in the new capital. Not
even the Russian nobility were spared forced settle-
ment, building their homes at their own cost in a
style befitting their respective ranks and ordered to
take up residence in the new capital with their entire
households. All of this was done to endow the city
with grand architecture reflecting the latest fashions.
St. Petersburg thus emerged, at first, as a rococo city.
Later, neoclassicism flourished, when this style be-
came more fashionable in European countries. Today,
only the city’s church architecture still retains what
is considered traditional Eurasian features with the
domes of the Kazan Cathedral – whose construction
began in 1801 – and of Saint Isaac’s Cathedral. Al-
though Asian influences are now largely absent and
St. Petersburg appears as a western city, it was born
from the interplay of various influences, from plan-
ning to construction, and, hence, still symbolizes the
Eurasian city.
The Moscow Trap – The Military Function
of the City
The next important milestone in Russia’s histo-
ry was its victory against Napoleon’s troops in 1812.
This, too, was ultimately an architectural and urban
event.
In the early nineteenth century, Napoleon, em-
peror of France, resolved to capture Moscow, Russia’s
power center. As Tolstoy wrote in War and Peace:
“Moscow, the Asiatic capital of this great empire, the
holy city of the peoples of Alexander, Moscow, with
its innumerable churches in the form of Chinese Pa-
godas!” This Moscow would not let Napoleon’s imag-
ination rest.”3
Until the late eighteenth century, one function
of a city was to protect against foreign threats. Cit-
ies performed this function with their defensive
walls. Famous examples include the fortifications of
Thebes and the legendary walls of Troy, built by Po-
seidon himself. The Roman poet Propertius wrote:
“Semiramis built Babylon, the Persian city, so that it
rose a solid mass with ramparts of baked brick, and
two chariots might set out on the walls, in opposite
directions, without their axles touching and sides
scraping.”4 Already in antiquity, a city was defined as
3
Leo Tolstoy, War and Peace, translated by Constance Garnett,
The Modern Library New York, 810.
4
Sextus Propertius, The Love Elegies, translated by A.S. Kline,
Book III.11. <http://www.yorku.ca/pswarney/3110/Propertius.
htm#BkIIIE11L1>
 BULLETIN OF IICAS 33/2022

Fig. 4. Emancipation through destruction: In 1812, burning Moscow deprived the French army of the basis
for further occupation of the city. Painting by Albreht Adam, 1841. Source: Moscow Kremlin Museum

a city the moment its surrounding walls were erect-
ed. It is no coincidence that Rome’s foundation myth
alludes to the “walls which ... Remus, Ilia’s son, leapt
across to his undoing.”5 According to legend, Remus
jumped over the city walls, newly erected by his
brother Romulus, to prove how useless they were, be-
fore being murdered in reprisal. The Romans began
to celebrate a festival, called the Parilia, on April 21st,
commemorating the day Rome began construction of
its walls.6
Moscow, first mentioned in written sources
in 1147, was at its core a defensive stronghold. Of
course, it was not always successful in this regard. In
1571, the Tartars burned down the still largely wood-
en city. Such setbacks notwithstanding, the city grew
organically, maintaining its medieval urban fabric.
5
Ovid, Tristia: Ex Ponto, translated by A. L. Wheeler, revised
by G. P. Goold, Loeb Classical Library 151 (Cambridge, MA:
Harvard University Press, 1924), 171.
6
Propertius, The Love Elegies, Book IV.4.
The triangular kremlin, located at its center along the
Moskva River where both secular and religious elites
settled, eventually housed the head of state’s residence
like other comparable European cities. The city ex-
panded radially outwards from this center, though it
kept within its ringed wall.
However, by the late eighteenth century, military
engineering advancement rendered traditional city
walls incapable of offering any real protection. Mos-
cow, too, lay relatively unprotected against Napole-
on’s invasion despite its perimeter wall. The city was
unable to perform its original function as a defensive
stronghold against the Grande Armée. So, what did
the Russian military strategists choose to do? They
simply vacated the city. In so doing, they changed
the city’s concept from a protective space for citizens
into a place of residence and trade to be abandoned in
times of war. During the French occupation of Mos-
cow a fire destroyed about two-thirds of the city, still
largely built from wood, making it impossible for the
army to manage its supplies.

94
 PHILIPP MEUSER
The cause of the great Fire of Moscow, which ulti-
mately sealed the fate of the Grande Armée, is much
debated,. Fingers have pointed at both the Russians
and the French, but the narrator of Leo Tolstoy’s War
and Peace traces the fire to the traditional Russian
city’s architecture:
The French attributed the Fire of Moscow to [Rostop-
chin’s ferocious patriotism], the Russians to the barbarity
of the French. In reality, however, it was not, and could not
be, possible to explain the burning of Moscow by making
any individual, or any group of people, responsible for it.
Moscow was burned because it found itself in a position
in which any town built of wood was bound to burn, quite
apart from whether it had, or had not, a hundred and thir-
ty inferior fire engines. Deserted Moscow had to burn
as inevitably as a heap of shavings has to burn on which
sparks continually fall for several days. A town built of
wood, where scarcely a day passes without conflagrations
when the house owners are in residence and a police force
is present, cannot help burning when its inhabitants have
left it and it is occupied by soldiers who smoke pipes, make
campfires of the Senate chairs in the Senate Square, and
cook themselves meals twice a day. In peacetime it is only
necessary to billet troops in the villages of any district and
the number of fires in that district immediately increases.
How much then must the probability of fire be increased
in an abandoned, wooden town where foreign troops are
quartered. ‘Le patriotisme feroce de Rostopchine’ and the
barbarity of the French were not to blame in the matter.
Moscow was set on fire by the soldiers’ pipes, kitchens, and
campfires, and by the carelessness of enemy soldiers occu-
pying houses they did not own. Even if there was any arson
(which is very doubtful, for no one had any reason to burn
the houses- in any case a troublesome and dangerous thing
to do), arson cannot be regarded as the cause, for the same
thing would have happened without any incendiarism.
However tempting it might be for the French to blame
Rostopchin’s ferocity and for Russians to blame the scoun-
drel Bonaparte, or later on to place an heroic torch in the
hands of their own people, it is impossible not to see that
there could be no such direct cause of the fire, for Moscow
had to burn as every village, factory, or house must burn
which is left by its owners and in which strangers are al-
lowed to live and cook their porridge. Moscow was burned
by its inhabitants, it is true, but by those who had aban-
doned it and not by those who remained in it. Moscow
when occupied by the enemy did not remain intact like
Berlin, Vienna, and other towns, simply because its inhab-
itants abandoned it and did not welcome the French with
bread and salt, nor bring them the keys of the city.7
The victory of Russian architecture over the
French army became the germ for a new Russian
consciousness. Russian intellectuals gradually ceased
writing in French in favor of their own national lan-
guage. In Germany, the French occupation galvanized
7
Leo Tolstoy, War and Peace, Seaburn World Classics, 2015, 612.
95
the Brothers Grimm to protect German cultural
identity against the influences of France by collecting
German fairy tales and starting a German dictionary.
Russia, too, underwent a similar development. It ex-
perienced the dawn of a new national literature, per-
haps associated most with Alexander Pushkin. And
it is telling that Pushkin also turned to Russia’s victo-
ry over France. In his verse novel Eugene Onegin, he
wrote:
Yet now they’re near. Before them lies // White Mos-
cow, stone and blazing fire // Where cupolas raise to
glowing skies // Their golden crosses, lifted higher. // Ah,
friends! How often joyous, too, // I suddenly beheld that
view, // Of park and palace, spire and dome, // With all its
mysteries of home. // How often, dumb with separation, //
In my nomadic exile, then, // Moscow, I dreamed of you
again! // Moscow…what depths of fascination // Live in
that name, what echoes start, // And sound in every Rus-
sian heart! // Surrounded by its ancient trees // There the
Petrovsky palace rises, // Proud, in its glorious memories,
// For here, elated by the prizes // Fate had granted, Na-
poleon, // Waited on Moscow’s submission, // Crawling to
him on her knees, // To offer up the Kremlin keys. // But
there was no capitulation, // My Moscow chose not to bow;
// No gift, no feast she gave him now, // Only a mighty con-
flagration. // From here, plunged in thought, he saw // The
threatening flames skyward soar.8
The reconstruction of Moscow began in 1813.
This was a prestige project, leading to the city walls’
demolition in favor of more modern infrastructure.
Nicholas I, Tsar of Russia from 1825 to 1855, called
on the arts (including architecture) to place more fo-
cus on national traditions. As a result, new church-
es featured allusions to their historical forerunners.
Government buildings and residences of wealthy
citizens drew more heavily on Russian architectural
traditions. Country houses and villas were built with
decorative elements adopted from wooden vernacu-
lar buildings. The facade of the State Historical Mu-
seum in Moscow, built between 1874 to 1893, is an
example of this new direction with allusions to ar-
chitectural monuments found across Russia, ranging
from Novgorod to Kazan.
Moscow’s architecture, burned to the ground and
rebuilt, serves as the symbol of a nation’s rebirth. The
fortress walls, destroyed by Napoleon, gave way to a
mix of gardens and paths. Though these have since
been replaced by a ring road, it is memorialized in the
name of that road – Garden Ring.
8
Alexander Pushkin, Eugene Onegin, translated by A. S. Kline,
chapter 7, stanzas 36 and 37, <https://www.poetryintranslation.
com/PITBR/Russian/Onegin7.php>.
 BULLETIN OF IICAS 33/2022

Fig. 5. Urban chronicles in terra incognita: Architect and historian Semyon Remezov was the first to document
and record the settlements in Siberia. Silver plant, 1710. Source: Official Book Siberia

Eurasian Gold Rush Towns – Urbanization along
the Trans-Siberian Railway
Encouraged by victory over France, Russia set out
to expand its territory from Moscow as its established
center, south and eastward, to an area previously of
little interest to the major powers. The nation pursued
its colonial efforts pragmatically. Like the Romans,
who created standardized forts for their military
campaigns, the Russians established mono-function-
al settlements in strategically favorable locations on
their way to the east. It was this military expansion,
also, which first introduced urban life to the nomadic
culture of Kazakhstan during the nineteenth century.
Astana, the capital city, was originally built as a mili-
tary fortification.9
Colonial expansion was accompanied by the con-
struction of new infrastructure which included the
Trans-Siberian Railway. At first glance, Russia’s foray
into Siberia recollects the American frontier. How-
ever, while the Americans moved westward largely
without state oversight, Russia’s new settlements were
centrally planned and thus more analogous to the
Rome’s planned cities. Of course, an old trade route
previously existed linking east and west. Yet, Russia
could no longer depend on horse-drawn vehicles
along this route to transport grain and other resourc-
es harvested across Siberia. Therefore, Alexander II
initiated this major railway project in the 1870s. Con-
9
Ed. Note: When the Russian fort was founded in 1830, it
was given the name Akmoly (Kazakh for “white tomb”) with
the town’s name of Akmolinsk. In 1961, it was then named
Tselinograd in honor of the Virgin Land campaign and changed
in 1992 following Kazakhstan’s independence to Akmola. In
1998, the city was named Astana (Kazakh for “capital”) until it
was renamed Nur-Sultan in 2019 in honor of Kazakhstan’s first
president, Nursultan Nazarbaev, following his resignation.

96
 PHILIPP MEUSER
struction lasted several decades and did not end until
October 1916, under Alexander III, resulting in the
longest continuous railway line in the world.
The railway needed new bridges for river cross-
ings on its way to Siberia. Many new settlements were
planned and built on the western banks of the rivers to
manage bridge construction. These mono-functional
settlements naturally grew over time. The Trans-Si-
berian Railway not only led to economic growth but
also significantly increased the Siberia’s population.
The history of Novosibirsk exemplifies how the
railway’s construction led to widespread urban devel-
opment in the region. The city was officially founded
on May 20, 1893, when the foundation stone for the
bridge across the Ob River was laid. A settlement had
to be built near the village of Krivoshchekovskaya
to house railway workers. This settlement’s name
changed many times over a short period. First, was
the functional description, Novaya Derevnya (New
Village). Next came the successive changes of Gus-
Fig. 6. The fascination of railways: In 1929, the artist
Semyon Semjonow designed a poster for
the heroic film Turksib in the style of the time.
Source: Christie’s, London
97
sevka, Krivoshchokowski, Alexandrovsk, and No-
vo-Nikolaevski. When the settlement was granted
city status in December 1903, it was renamed Novo-
nikolayevsk, after the ruling Tsar, Nicholas II, Rus-
sia’s last tsar. After the revolution, its association with
the Tsarist regime became undesirable and the city’s
name changed once again in 1926 to Novosibirsk in
accordance with the residents’ wishes.
The centrally located railway station is still one
of Eurasia’s largest, though its original structure was
replaced by a constructivist successor in 1939. This
station testifies to the city’s history and its origins as a
functional settlement. Saint Nicholas Chapel, intend-
ed to mark the geographical center for Tsarist Russia,
is another architectural expression for their desire to
modernize Siberia.
The city underwent different developmental
phases which reflected the changes in its primary pur-
pose. The city lost its importance as a trade hub quite
early. Under Stalin, it was repurposed as an industri-
al center with the construction of two railway lines
– one towards Turkestan, and another towards the
Kuznetsk Basin, a coal mining region. During World
War II, Russia dismantled many of its own industrial
plants in the west to prevent them from falling to the
German army. These plants were reassembled in No-
vosibirsk, which became a new production center for
the arms industry. Meanwhile, the city outskirts ex-
perienced an expansion of slums due to uncontrolled
migration during the winter famine of 1932-1933.
These settlements thereafter became independent city
districts, with later construction of prisoner-of-war
camps. In 1957, Akademgorodok, a city dedicated to
science with fourteen research institutes, was initially
founded just outside Novosibirsk.
Despite these many changes, city planning in the
Soviet Union was overwhelmingly centralized. Thus,
the planned model cities all shared a similar layout.
In the center was a parade ground, often with a mon-
ument to Lenin, surrounded by political and admin-
istrative headquarters and connected to a ceremonial
avenue. Exceptionally grand buildings lined the av-
enue and surrounded the parade ground. Grouped
around this center were microregions – residential
complexes designed to offer equal living conditions
for all – in keeping with the spirit of the Soviet model
city.
German architect Rudolf Wolters was one of
many specialists who arrived in Russia as part of
the great modernization drive initiated under Stalin
in 1929. In his memoir, Spezialist in Siberien (1933),
Wolters gave an account of the city’s state of develop-
ment in the years 1932-1933:
There, where Krasny Prospekt [Red Avenue] of No-
vosibirsk leads to the Great Steppe, a section of the new
 BULLETIN OF IICAS 33/2022
Fig. 7. The first five-year plan 1928-1933: While new
industrial plants were being built all over the Soviet
Union, people lived in wooden barracks and mud
houses for another generation, as seen here
in Novosibirsk (photo from 1932).
Source: Archive Friedrich Wolters
Siberian University for Railway Engineers, or at least the
carcass of it, had already been completed. Three five- ac-
commodation buildings for students had been built near-
by, no less haphazardly than the university building itself.
And now, a development plan had to be created for the rest
of the site – for all the buildings that still had to be built as
part of the second five-year plan ....
The remaining sections of the university building still
had to be designed. Also required was a design for the ac-
commodation buildings, a club for all residents, a cinema,
a canteen, a hospital, a warehouse, a swimming pool, a
laundry facility, a stadium, nurseries, childcare facilities, a
school, a power station, a district heating plant, a fire sta-
tion, in short, everything that belongs to a settlement de-
signed to be fully self-contained and autonomous. There
was a similar though more interesting task that also had to
be carried out. This is the task that fell on me. I had to de-
vise a program for a settlement in a district just outside of
Novosibirsk – near a large railway repair shop and shunt-
ing yard. This settlement was to accommodate 6,800 work-
ers and their families. It also needed to be provided with
full amenities as part of the second five-year plan. Based on
the statistics and standards of the People’s Commissariat
in charge, we calculated that around 25,000 residents – in-
cluding women, children, and other workers – would be
needed to run the city itself.
We received the numbers of infants, school-aged chil-
dren, single people, married couples, and so on, deter-
mined based on the official statistics. Based on the differ-
ent standards ... we then determined how many communal
apartments, private apartments, and restaurants would be
needed, and how big the rooms should be .... Like the uni-
versity compound, this railway workers’ district was to be
autonomous, self-contained, and self-governing, although
it was within the urban area of Novosibirsk (Wolters 2015:
144-145).
98
The state was conducting large-scale housing
projects in order to solve the housing shortage in the
Eurasian region – a shortage which had existed since
the Tsartist regime. These projects in turn led to the
development of a new communal apartment typology
called kommunalka.
However, these efforts could not fill the demand
fast enough, which meant a certain degree of improv-
isation was necessary. As Wolters wrote: “I was plan-
ning three-story stone houses in the European style as
prescribed ... but my plans were completely ignored
on the building site, and instead, miserable wooden
barracks were being erected.” It wasn’t until much
later that the wooden barracks were replaced with
standardized, prefabricated panel buildings, mostly
five-story residential buildings named khrushchyov-
ka.
The self-contained residential districts were reg-
ulated by Soviet planning standards. The total area
could not exceed 80 hectares and the maximum dis-
tance between the residential buildings and central-
ly placed public utilities was also defined. The func-
tional nature of these districts comes to the fore since
most of them were simply given a number in place of
a name.
City planning usually began with the infrastruc-
ture’s arrangement. In theory, it was to follow a spe-
cific plan, but in practice, it was largely improvised.
When Wolters arrived in Novosibirsk, the city still a
bare settlement, mostly comprised as a transport cor-
ridor between Moscow to Vladivostok:
The street is paved with crooked stones, the pavement
on either side made of wooden planks. In the middle of the
boulevard, there is a sandy footpath lined by puny birches.
The Krasny Prospekt [Red Avenue] near my hotel is lined
by large new stone buildings, housing the government and
state bank for example. There is also the shell of an enor-
mous theatre, whose auditorium alone could house the en-
tire opera house in Charlottenburg. The buildings on this
street are uneven, high and low, and still largely incomplete.
But they all cleave to the Red Prospect, which traverses the
entire city, straight as an arrow, though in a rather magnifi-
cent way due to its incredible length. One end of the street,
in the far distance, is delimited by the Ob River. The banks
on the far side rise gently but endlessly into the horizon.
Look towards the other side of the street, and there is no
end in sight. The street runs dead straight, flat and far into
the Siberian steppe (Wolters 2015: 115-117).
Once again, this is an instance of imported mod-
ern concepts from the west and adapted to the condi-
tions and requirements of Eurasia. The cities created
this way were purely functional and not necessarily
designed to last. As such, once their function be-
came irrelevant, they often simply disappeared, like
the gold-rush towns in America. “Every resource has
 PHILIPP MEUSER
Fig. 8. The dichotomy of free space: The installation in the Russian pavilion during the Architecture Biennale 2018
addressed the space reserves occupied by the railways in the inner cities of Moscow, Samara, Yekaterinburg
and Novosibirsk. Source: Citizenstudio / Studio 911
a life cycle, which must necessarily come to an end,
sooner or later, depending on ... its utility for indus-
trial processes.” (Milenina 2002: 59).
However, it is worth noting an important dif-
ference between the fate of cities in Western Europe
and in Russia. In Western Europe, with only a limit-
ed amount of space, cities might develop structural
problems, suffer economic downturns, and see a re-
duction in population; but they do not disappear en-
tirely. The situation is far different in Russia, with its
vast expanse of space.
Russia continued to build new cities, designed
purely for industrial purposes in a region with a large
repository of raw materials and continued to aban-
don them when they became obsolete. This trend
persisted even after the profound transformation
following the October Revolution. In the twentieth
century, Eurasian city planning followed a recurring
pattern, summarized as follows:
Settlements and cities created in the 1930s and 1940s
were closely tied to the timber industry and coal produc-
tion, which formed the basis for the country’s fuel supply
at the time. Meanwhile, cities built between the 1970s and
1990s were tied to the production of oil and gas (Milenina
2002: 59).
From the Tsar to the Party – Continuity Despite
the Revolution
In 1917, a major political change swept over Rus-
sia. The Tsarist regime was abolished and replaced by
a communist government. One might have expect-
ed this to cause significant changes in city planning,
99
too, especially since Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels
had already identified central problems in the field of
housing. Engels wrote in his Housing Question:
On the one hand, masses of rural workers are sudden-
ly drawn into the big towns, which develop into industri-
al centers; on the other hand, the building plan of these
old towns does not any longer conform with the condi-
tions of the new large-scale industry and the correspond-
ing traffic; streets are widened and new ones cut through,
and railways run through the center of the town. At the
very time when masses of workers are streaming into the
towns, workers’ dwellings are pulled down on a large scale.
Hence the sudden housing shortage for the workers and for
the small traders and small businesses which depend for
their custom on the workers. In the towns which grew up
from the very beginning as industrial centers, this housing
shortage is as good as unknown, for instance, Manchester,
Leeds, Bradford, Barmen-Elberfeld. On the other hand, in
London, Paris, Berlin, Vienna, the shortage took on acute
forms at the time, for the most part, continued to exist in
a chronic form.10
After the revolution, many people travelled across
Russia to witness its completely new form of govern-
ment. This early communist period saw the rise of
an innovative architectural style, now known as con-
structivism, which reflected the conviction of many
Russian architects that sought radical new solutions
for the tasks of the radical new form of government.
With the whole world watching, Russia set out to
rapidly industrialize the country, which in turn led
10
Friedrich Engels, The Housing Question, ‘1887 Preface to the
Second German Edition’ <https://www.marxists.org/archive/
marx/works/1872/housing-question/preface.htm>
 BULLETIN OF IICAS 33/2022

Fig. 9. Glorifying machine aesthetics in endless space: Yakov Chernikov’s Architectural Fantasy No. 85 shows
his fascination with industrialization as part of the first five-year plan (1933). Source: Tchoban Foundation,
Museum of Architectural Drawings, BerlinFig. 10. Diesel tractor factory in Chelyabinsk,
planned by the American architect Albert Kahn (1930). Source: StadtBauwelt 128 (1995), 2816

100
 PHILIPP MEUSER
to rapid urbanization: “The number of cities of more
than 100,000 in the USSR has increased rapidly dur-
ing the Soviet period. The 1926 census recorded only
31 such cities, the 1939 census 82, the 1959 census
146 and the 1969 estimates, 209. Thus, in slightly over
40 years the number of large cities in the Soviet Union
increased more than sixfold.” (Harris 1970: 1-2).
On December 12, 1926, Joseph Roth published
an article entitled “Die Stadt geht ins Dorf ” (“The
City Goes to the Village”) in the Frankfurter Zeitung.
There, he wrote:
The difference between city and country was greater
in Tsarist Russia than in any other country in the world.
The farmer was further removed from the city than from
the stars. One of the central questions facing revolution-
ary Russia is, therefore, how can the city be brought to the
farmer?
Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels, too, recognized
that bridging the gap between town and country was
a necessary step towards establishing a communal so-
ciety:
The greatest division of material and mental labor is
the separation of town and country. The antagonism be-
tween town and country begins with the transition from
barbarism to civilization, from tribe to State, from locality
to nation, and runs through the whole history of civiliza-
tion to the present day (the Anti-Corn Law League).
The existence of the town implies, at the same time,
the necessity of administration, police, taxes, etc.; in short,
of the municipality, and thus of politics in general. Here
first became manifest the division of the population into
two great classes, which is directly based on the division of
labor and on the instruments of production. The town al-
ready is in actual fact the concentration of the population,
of the instruments of production, of capital, of pleasures,
of needs, while the country demonstrates just the oppo-
site fact, isolation and separation. The antagonism between
town and country can only exist within the framework of
private property. It is the most crass expression of the sub-
jection of the individual under the division of labor, under
a definite activity forced upon him – a subjection which
makes one man into a restricted town-animal, the other
into a restricted country-animal, and daily creates anew
the conflict between their interests. Labor is here again
the chief thing, power over individuals, and as long as the
latter exists, private property must exist. The abolition of
the antagonism between town and country is one of the
first conditions of communal life, a condition which again
depends on a mass of material premises, and which cannot
be fulfilled by the mere will, as anyone can see at the first
glance. (These conditions have still to be enumerated.) The
separation of town and country can also be understood as
the separation of capital and landed property, as the begin-
ning of the existence and development of capital independ-
ent of landed property — the beginning of property having
its basis only in labor and exchange.11
101
It was important to ensure people of all class-
es could live together. In this sense, Lenin believed
it was crucial to reorganize cities. The architect Ivan
Zholtovsky recounted a conversation he once had
with Lenin on this subject:
Vladimir Ilyich said that Moscow had to be trans-
formed into an artistically conceived city comfortable for
people. To this end, he continued, it was crucial to draw on
all the greatness and wisdom achieved by humanity over
the course of many centuries.
Moreover, Lenin said, the proletarian revolution em-
bodied a world of new ideas, and with it, all things beau-
tiful humankind had ever achieved, maintained, and pre-
served. At the same time, he strongly opposed any attempts
to cling onto traditions representing the tastes of the petit
bourgeoisie, and was particularly against the appearance
of bourgeoise tastes in new buildings (Sholtowski 2008: 5).
The new form of government had to educate the
rural population in order to awaken a lasting socialist
consciousness that could bring the proletariat revolu-
tion to a conclusion. The author Stefan Zweig saw this
process reflected in the country’s architecture. In his
Journey Through Russia (1928), he wrote:
While our cities in Europe, especially the capitals, are
subject to the unstoppable modern process of imitation
and replication, Russia remains completely unique. It is not
only the eye, it is not only one’s sense of aesthetics, that is
constantly put in a state of surprise by this primordial ar-
chitecture, by this new essence of a people; spiritual things,
too, seem to be shaped differently here, molded out of dif-
ferent pasts and into an exceptional future (Zweig 1981:
100).
This testimony gives the impression that radi-
cally new approaches to architecture were being ex-
plored, ones reflecting innovations in the sphere of
politics. Indeed, radical architecture did exist in the
beginning, in the form of constructivism for exam-
ple, aimed at solving urgent problems of urbanism.
As Stefan Zweig wrote: “…too many people had been
streaming into the new capital, and its buildings,
squares, and streets were overflowing, boiling over, as
a result of this tumultuous movement.” (Zweig 1981:
103).
The great drive towards modernization, con-
ducted as part of the first five-year plan, expressed
in architectural forms, began to take on a machine
aesthetic. Meanwhile, city plans also prescribed “the
construction of industrial plants in remote areas with
raw materials, namely, in mono-functional regions
with low population densities” (Chmelnizki 2008: vii).
11
Karl Marx/ Friedrich Engels, The German Ideology, edited and
with an introduction by C.J. Arthur (New York: International
Publishers, 2004), 68-69.
 BULLETIN OF IICAS 33/2022
Fig. 10. Diesel tractor factory in Chelyabinsk, planned by the American architect Albert Kahn (1930).
Source: StadtBauwelt 128 (1995), p. 2816
This drive is what brought Ernst May, city planner
of Frankfurt from 1925 to 1930, to the Soviet Union.
As a foreign specialist, he oversaw the planning and
construction of several new cities, such as Magnito-
gorsk, between 1930-1933. On August 1, 1930, he ex-
plained the task that lay ahead:
Previously, my work primarily entailed the expansion
of existing cities, though of course sometimes through the
creation of satellite towns. This has been the case with the
work of almost all city planners in western countries. Now,
it is my job to design new cities, which are to be created out
of nothing, as autonomous organisms (Düwel 2015: 20).
In the end, however, the promise of political and
architectural progress was not fulfilled. “The bor-
der-control office is like all other buildings of its kind,
except, instead of monarchs, it was Lenin, Engels,
Marx, and other leaders who gazed out of their por-
traits on the walls,” Stefan Zweig noted during his
trip to the Soviet Union (Zweig 1981: 101). In the end,
the Tsarist autocracy was simply replaced by other re-
strictive forms of government, and architecture, too,
remained the same in many places. The urban plan-
ner Nikolay Milyutin warned in his book Sotsgorod
(1930): “We cannot solve the problems of urbanism
by following the well-worn paths already taken by
102
pre-revolutionary Russia and many capitalist coun-
tries.” (Mechtscherjakow 2008: 5). However, his inno-
vative approach to urbanism, potentially leading to a
unique way forward, was suppressed.
Milyutin’s primary interest was to explore how
work and housing could be combined in new cities.
Despite the country’s vast size, his plans grouped
workers’ estates around factories in order to enable
short travel distances. He also paid special attention
to providing plenty of green spaces and recreation-
al areas, even considering the direction of wind. But
ultimately, his ideas were incompatible with the prin-
ciples of Stalinist architecture, which dominated the
Soviet Union from 1932 onwards. As a result, his
work disappeared from the public debates of the dis-
cipline (Chmelnizki 2008: v).
Stalin was not interested in cultivating a unique,
innovative architectural culture. He fiercely advocat-
ed socialist classicism, a historicist style, and called
for the construction of many prestigious state build-
ings, despite the enormous costs involved.
The most famous architects drew inspiration from
international examples. Ivan Zholtovsky (Chmel-
nizki 2008), for example, was highly influenced by
his three-year stay in Italy between 1923 and 1926.
Not only did he translate Andrea Palladio’s The Four
Books on Architecture, but he also modelled his de-
 PHILIPP MEUSER
signs unmistakably on the work of the Italian master.
Of course, such architecture was met with skepticism,
especially after the bold constructionist visions of the
early Soviet period. Zholtovsky defended his work as
follows:
It has been argued in Soviet architectural circles that
drawing on classical architecture impedes the develop-
ment of new, progressive, and modern methods of con-
struction. Some architects have even asked: is it not time
to completely renounce the classical style? I believe that we
must do precisely the opposite. The creativity of contem-
porary architects is in fact highly limited precisely by their
insufficient knowledge of the wise foundations of classical
architecture. True innovation is impossible without deep,
extensive knowledge of the past. And without innovation,
there is no true creation (Sholtowski 2008: 51).
This return to neo-classical architecture is seen as
an attempt by a totalitarian regime to ennoble itself
with allusions to the imperial styles and traditions of
Rome (Guiliani 2010: 10). Socialist classicism revert-
ed to the architecture of pre-revolutionary Russia.
Architecture, thus, became an expression of political
continuity, whereby the Tsarist regime was merely re-
placed by another form of totalitarian rule after the
revolution. The only difference was that grand archi-
tectural forms were now also dedicated to the com-
munist society. The new palaces were now under-
ground stations, cinemas, and residential buildings
for the elites.
Fig. 11. Sozgorod Gorki, planned by the former
Bauhaus director Hannes Meyer (1932).
Source: gta / ETH Zürich
103
Fig. 12. Orsk, new town, planned by Swiss architect
Hans Schmidt (1933-1937).
Source: gta / ETH Zürich
The state’s centralized power was reflected in its
rejection of de-urbanization. City planning under
the Soviet system highly resembled city planning in
Tsarist Russia, with only the demonstration of power
taking on even greater proportions. Tverskaya Street,
a grand boulevard from the Tsarist era with a width
measuring 16 to 18 meters, was made almost three
times wider in the 1930s and re-purposed for social-
ist parades under the name Gorky Street. The histor-
ical buildings lining the street were demolished with
architecture representing the Tsarist regime or the
church replaced by socialist propaganda. Such prec-
edents for this treatment of architecture were found
in Western Europe. In 1715, Charles III William, Ma-
grave of Baden-Durlach, demolished the church pre-
viously marking the center of Karlsruhe and replaced
it with his residence from which the city’s plan radiat-
ed outwards in the shape of a fan. This same principle
borne out in Moscow, too, except religious buildings
gave way not to the absolute power of the monarch but
to that of the party and its chairmen. In 1931, the Ca-
thedral of Christ the Savior was demolished to make
way for the Palace of the Soviets. This building would
have become the tallest in the world, measuring 415
meters in height though the construction plan was
never realized and its foundation was ultimately con-
verted into a swimming pool. Similarly, the Chudov
Monastery was demolished, and the Kremlin Presidi-
um, the supreme legislative body of the Soviet Union,
occupied its former site. While churches came under
sustained attack, their architectural language was ap-
propriated for public buildings which is prominently
on display at the Dobryninskaya metro station.
Under Stalin, a plan was devised to completely
overhaul the urban structure in order to create the
“New Moscow” as a socialist model city built to a
design by Sergey Chernyshev (Lykoshin, Cheredina
 BULLETIN OF IICAS 33/2022
Fig. 13. Magnitogorsk new town, masterplan
by German architect Ernst May (1930-1932).
Source: DAM German Architecture Museum
Fig. 14. Urban development in the form of an industrial
plant. Site plan for a housing estate in Novosibirsk
by Rudolf Wolters (1932).
Source: Archive Friedrich Wolters
2015. See especially Chapter 12). Although Moscow
was Russia’s most important transport hub, it did not
have a central railway station. Due to a lack of space,
several railway stations were located on the city’s out-
skirts with railway lines extending radially outward
from the center. Industrial facilities were built along
these lines, while large housing estates were placed
on the peripheries. The city possessed an organical-
ly grown urban fabric which, as in all historic cities
during industrialization, had been more improvised
than planned in efforts to meet the new requirements
104
of modernity. Due to this successive development,
the city was divided into separate functional zones.
Stalin wanted to reorganize this structure and mix its
functions. The writer Lion Feuchtwanger provided an
account of this development in his travelogue Mos-
cow 1937:
Reconstruction has, of course, been going on since
the beginning of the Revolution. Digging, excavating,
hammering, and building is incessant everywhere. Streets
vanish and streets appear. What seems large one day seems
small the next when a tower suddenly overshadows it.
Everything moves and changes unceasingly. As recently as
July 1935, the Council of the People’s Commissars decid-
ed to legislate for the alterations, that is, to mold the out-
ward appearance of the city as systematically as the internal
structure of the Union – and that within ten years.12
World War II contributed to this transformation
which meant that old buildings and city structures
earmarked for demolition were ultimately preserved.
The transformation of Moscow into a functional
modern city did not extend far beyond the planning
stage; only a small number of more minor changes
were conducted.
However, elsewhere, new cities were founded pri-
marily in the form of industrial complexes located far
away from the center in locations where they offered
maximal functionality. “Two hundred industrial cit-
ies and one thousand agricultural cities were to be
created in accordance with the first five-year plan.”
(Siebert 2016: 212). The initiative’s showpiece was
the transformation of Magnitogorsk into a city for
120,000 residents. Construction began in 1929 under
the supervision of German city planner Ernst May.
This city, Eurasian from a geographical standpoint
alone, straddling the Ural Mountains and is wide-
ly regarded as the border between Europe and Asia.
Indeed, like Istanbul, Magnitogorsk is divided into
a European section in the west and an Asian section
in the east. May’s concept for the city focused above
all on efficiency, with the homes and factories only
a short distance apart. However, the city’s construc-
tion began before May finalized his plans. As a result,
he was forced to adapt the city’s development to the
previously built structures. The outcome was not the
efficiently composed city he had originally envisioned
with homes and workplaces interwoven within a
compact geographical area. Of course, today, this is
seen as a fortunate accident, since environmental pol-
lution from the rapidly booming industry would have
12
Lion Feuchtwanger, Moscow 1937: My Visit Described for My
Friends, translated by Irene Josephy (New York: The Viking
Press, 1937), <https://www.revolutionarydemocracy.org/archive/
feucht.htm>, accessed 25 May 2020.
 PHILIPP MEUSER
Figs. 15-16. Sotsgorod the Soviet Modern City, 1966: After an earthquake, architects and builders from all over
the USSR came to Tashkent to rebuild and modernize the city.
Source: Archive Boris Golender
severely impacted the residents had they been settled
closer to the factories.
However, news of the problems related to the
city’s construction began to travel and the project was
regarded as a failure. Rudolf Wolters, May’s compatri-
ot stationed in Novosibirsk, attributed the problems
to the incompatibility between German and Ameri-
can influences concurrently shaping urban planning
in Russia. He also noted disputes between Giprogor,
the state institute for the planning of old cities, and
Standardgor, its counterpart for new cities:
It is well known that our American city planners work-
ing in Russia love the geometric city plan with orthogo-
nal streets, boulevards, and five-point intersections, like
in Chicago. The Americans seem to have journeyed across
the Bering Strait to Russia untouched by the city plan-
ning revolution that began in Europe 30 years ago. They
have brought a rigid school of urban planning to Russia,
one which is gaining the upper hand, especially since
those higher up in Moscow have decreed the ‘classical
style’ as the only true one when it comes to architecture:
namely, the radial city plan filled with Greek facades. This
brand-new course especially bodes ill for the other main
city-planning office of the Soviet Union: Standardgor, with
its famous “May’s Brigade.” This group’s task is not to ren-
ovate and expand old cities but to build new ones, often
in places where there was previously only wilderness. The
work of Standardgor, the planning office for socialist in-
dustrial cities, is very much influenced by May’s Brigade.
The Americans at Giprogor and the Germans at Stand-
ardgor positively hate each other and regard each other as
cattle. They represent two diametrically opposed world-
views that cannot in any way be reconciled. Unfortunately,
it is already clear that May and his people have been bested.
105
The German approach to city planning might have gained
more influence if at least one city, such as Magnitogorsk
near the Ural Mountains or Leninsk in western Siberia, had
actually been built to the original German plans, and if all
of May’s plans hadn’t looked so identical. Today, the Frank-
furt-born architect Ernst May is a fallen star in Russia. His
crowd of followers has dwindled down to a small number
of loyal disciples. And in all remote corners of Russia, the
unfinished linear blocks, brought to an early death, rise
sadly and warningly out of the sea of wooden huts (Wolters
2015: 147-148).
Ernst May left Russia in 1933 and thereafter lived
and worked as a farmer and architect in Africa from
1934 to 1954. He then returned to Germany to take
part in post-war reconstruction efforts, leading the
planning department of the Neue Heimat housing
corporation.
The problems for city planning projects in Rus-
sia around this time were caused by the fact that the
“ideal plan and reality did not come together” (Siebert
2016: 218). Construction of steel workers’ dormito-
ries began before the bold plans were completed. Af-
fordability and practical needs prevailed over daring
visions. Although the industrial plants were carefully
planned for the long term, the rest of the city was cre-
ated by improvisation. The cities formed around in-
dustrial sites, often as a result of forced resettlements,
experienced little investment. As such, they were
filled with provisional types of architecture surround-
ing factories. “The state focused most of its attention
on the large factories. Only afterwards did it consider
housing, and last of all the remaining infrastructure
of the new cities.” (Düwel 2015: 22).
 BULLETIN OF IICAS 33/2022
Only after Khrushchev came to power, following
the death of Stalin in 1953, did modernist principles
return, motivated primarily by the housing shortage.
An international competition was held for the
construction of a new city district, Novye Cheryo-
mushki, in Moscow. This showpiece project was in-
tended to redefine the standards of social housing by
returning to mass production of building parts. The
competition brief prioritized affordable and efficient
construction methods. The outcome was a city char-
acterized by the khrushchyovka, a typology composed
of two to four housing units grouped around a cen-
trally placed double-flight stairwell. The competition
brief also prescribed a minimum area of 14 square
meters for the living room. The bedroom, designed
for two people, was to measure 8 square meters.
Construction methods were required to be prac-
tical; industrialization was the magic word. Prefabri-
cated panel factories ensured fast and efficient build-
ing construction for different functions. As a result,
the layout of cities became increasingly standardized.
The new industrial cities of the USSR were planned
and built in accordance with a comprehensive set of bind-
ing regulations and norms. These prescribed how much
land would be allocated to the different social, cultural, and
infrastructural facilities of the cities. (Rietdorf 2002: 45).
This centralized approach’s aim for urban plan-
ning was not to create socialist utopias but to find a
way of rapidly building many homes under difficult
economic conditions. Building panel buildings with
prefabricated elements was far cheaper than main-
taining the historic building stock. Only a small num-
ber of buildings – either tourist attractions or those of
historical interest – were renovated or modernized.
Meanwhile, Tashkent, capital of Uzbekistan, rep-
resents an outlier in the history of Soviet city plan-
ning (Meuser 2015: 522–525). The city, situated along
the Silk Road and first mentioned in the third century
BC, was once filled with oriental adobe buildings as
well as pre-revolutionary Russian brick architecture.
On April 26, 1966, the city was almost totally de-
stroyed by an earthquake, whose epicenter lay three
to five kilometers below the city center. Most of the
structural damage was caused by the recurring seis-
mic tremors over the following three weeks. Only the
modern, structurally reinforced buildings remained
standing. As a gesture of solidarity, the Soviet Union
initiated a large-scale reconstruction effort to rebuild
the city based on the architectural styles of the differ-
ent Soviet republics. Parts of the oriental old town,
completely untouched by the earthquake, were also
rebuilt.
This reconstruction project was quickly initiated
because redevelopment plans for the city, even before
106
the earthquake, were already in place. The General
Plan, already approved in early 1966, made it possible
to promptly enlist many workers. As such, Tashkent,
formerly a collage of oriental, colonial, and Stalinist
styles (Koetter, Rowe 1978) rapidly transformed into
a model city with a new appearance, composed of an
extremely diverse range of facade designs. The foun-
dation stones for the C-1 and C-2 microregions were
laid just six weeks after the earthquake. The winding
streets were replaced by wide avenues modelled after
the ones in Moscow and more suited to the city’s in-
frastructural requirements.
Two decades later, another disaster precipitated a
rapid urban planning effort, this time in the Ukrani-
an SSR. An accident at the Chernobyl Nuclear Power
Plant in 1986 released an enormous amount of radi-
oactive material into the atmosphere. As a result, the
city of Pripyat, 50 kilometers away, was no longer safe
to inhabit. Soon afterward, the city of Slavutych was
built to house the evacuees.
The first residents arrived in Slavutych in October
1988. The city’s coat of arms was emblazoned with a
golden octagonal star, designed above all to symbolize
the cohesion of the eight neighboring Soviet republics
at the time – Armenia, Azerbaijan, Estonia, Georgia,
Latvia, Lithuania, Russia, and Ukraine. This cohesion
was also expressed in the city’s design. It was divided
into eight sections, each modelled after the architec-
ture of a respective republic. The Armenian section
was characterized using ochre tuff stone; the Azerbai-
janian section by oriental arabesque ornamentation;
and the Russian section by prefab panel buildings.
Turbocapitalism and Authoritarian Forms
of Government
The next radical change in the region’s history
occurred in 1992 with the dissolution of the Soviet
Union. Russia emerged from this event as a nation
seeking its new place in the world. First, it turned
away from its former communist doctrine and moved
towards turbo-capitalism. In the absence of major
regulations, private investors shaped the urban form
in what can now be described as an attempt “to cor-
rect the ‘architectural sins’ of the past – satellite towns
and prefab housing estates – while learning from the
work of international architects” (Trenn 2002: 5).
Moscow experienced a sharp increase in demand
for office space in the city center as an increasing
number of international firms wanted to headquarter
in the Russian capital with its new capitalist orienta-
tion. Rents and property prices, no longer regulated
by the state, increased significantly. Renovations and
new construction projects proved more lucrative.
Many residential buildings near the center were ei-
ther renovated or converted into commercial spaces.
 PHILIPP MEUSER

Fig. 17. Postmodern

Sozgorod, 1986: After
the nuclear accident at
Chernobyl, architects
within the framework
of the friendship of
peoples realized the last
ideal Soviet city:
Slavutych.
Source: Slavutych
Regional Museum
Archives
Urban architecture symbolizing the communist party
gave way to prestigious buildings exemplifying cap-
italism. New office buildings, generating higher and
higher returns, defined the city’s profile. Karl Marx
had already predicted this trend in Moscow:
“Improvements” of towns, accompanying the increase
of wealth, by the demolition of badly built quarters, the
erection of palaces for banks, warehouses, etc., the widen-
ing of streets for business traffic, for the carriages of luxury,
and for the introduction of tramways, etc., drive away the
poor into even worse and more crowded hiding places.13
Russia’s architecture returned to the pre-rev-
olutionary era, with copious allusions to art nou-
veau forms of the late Tsarist period. Glass facades,
prevalent in international architecture, sprang up in
Russia, too, as did buildings designed in the style of
socialist classicism. The Triumph Palace, completed
in 2006, donned a wedding-cake style clearly mod-
elled after the Seven Sisters built under Stalin in the
1930s. However, this architectural phase, centered on
a longing for Europe, came and went. The mood later
shifted towards a desire for an original Russian archi-
tectural identity.
The processes of urban development changed not
only in Moscow, but also in other Eurasian cities. The
Soviet Union’s collapse initiated a process of decen-
tralization, which gave rise to new regional centers.
Astana, for example, was essentially rebuilt from the
13
Karl Marx, Capital, Volume 1, Chapter 25, Section 5B, “The
Badly Paid Strata of the British Industrial Class,” <https://www.
marxists.org/archive/marx/works/1867-c1/ch25.htm#S5b>.
ground up.14 It originally was a small settlement, re-
named Akmolinsk after it was granted city status in
1832. It took on several new names in subsequent
decades: Tselinograd in 1962, Akmola in 1997, and
Astana in 1998, one year after it had been designat-
ed as the country’s new capital. The population of the
city jumped from 150,000 to one million people after
1991. Most of the newcomers were housed in new city
districts that emerged from the city’s southern expan-
sion. Nursultan Nazarbayev, president of Kazakhstan
(1990-2019), described the rapid urban development,
which he himself had initiated, as follows:
All guests in our capital, from those who are familiar
with the former Tselinograd or Akmola, to those who are
visiting for the first time, are deeply impressed by the rapid
changes taking place in the cityscape – by the new build-
ings, streets, squares, parks, and gardens.
He had initiated the relocation of the capital from
Almaty to Astana, which was essentially rebuilt from
the ground up. Once again, in his own words:
Astana symbolizes the renewal of Kazakhstan – sym-
bolizes the multi-ethnic Kazakh people’s boundless crea-
tivity and faith in their ability to build a new capital in dif-
ficult times. The city is a symbol of a free nation’s hope and
trust in a prosperous future. (Nazarbaev 2006: 17).
The state-planned city was subsequently filled
with architecture designed to symbolize the rebirth
of a people. In this regard it was much like St Peters-
14
Ed. Note: See footnote 9 above.

107
 BULLETIN OF IICAS 33/2022
burg only its development took place in tandem with
capitalist mechanisms. The 2017 World Expo hosted
in Astana put the city’s rebirth on full display to the
world, replete with its spectacular new buildings.
The city had no local traditions to draw on for
its new structures since the nomadic cultures indig-
enous to the region did not leave behind permanent
structures other than tombs and religious sites. As
such, the city was filled with international architec-
tural works comprised of iconic buildings by starchi-
tects from Europe and the US, but also, and above all,
with forms from the megacities of Asia and the Mid-
dle East. An outlier is the Khan Shatyr Entertainment
Centre, designed in the form of a nomadic tent.
Most planned cities of the past were designed in
a single stroke. Planners would design new buildings
on empty green fields without having to navigate an
existing urban environment. The procedure in Astana
was different. Japanese architect Kisho Kurokawa de-
signed the masterplan in the form of a grid, speci-
fying the locations for the city’s infrastructures but
otherwise leaving many open spaces. The idea was
Fig. 18. Capitalist Realism: Ten years after the collapse
of the USSR, Russian architecture reached its peak
of extravagant designs. Residential buildings in Malaya
Bronnaya Street completed by Sergey Tkachenko
in 2002. Photo: Alexander Rusov
108
for individual buildings to successively fill the grid so
that the people could determine how their own urban
environment would be shaped. Slavutych was built
in a similar manner. There the architects were free to
build without strict guidelines. Their only constraint
was that they should build within a grid plan, defin-
ing the main streets. In turn, this led to a planned city
with diverse architectural forms.
Astana was designed to accommodate future ur-
ban growth. On one hand, it was filled with buildings
associated with modernity such as western shopping
centers, some of which were designed by starchitects.
On the other hand, building forms and architectural
styles were also imported from the Soviet Union such
as twenty-story housing blocks. What makes the city
unique is not how it was constructed, but how it was
decorated. Some of the architectural designs resem-
ble textile art, alluding to the country’s early nomad-
ic traditions. Simultaneously, the city was also given
international architectural works the same way as St.
Petersburg in the eighteenth century. The presidential
palace, modelled directly after the White House in
the US, was explained by then President Narzarbaev:
“If you wish to play a central role in the global com-
munity, it is only logical to learn from the achieve-
ments that made the global community so wealthy.”
(Nazarbaev 2006: 127). This attitude opened the door
for international building techniques and styles that
were new to Astana.
But why was the capital of Kazakhstan moved in
the first place? According to Nazarbaev, the decision
was made for symbolic reasons: “Astana has served
its historical function. It has galvanized the other re-
gions of Kazakhstan through its very existence and
its innovative ability to achieve progress and devel-
opment. The new capital has had an immense mobi-
lizing effect, awakened the potential of all regions of
Kazakhstan, and generated waves of progress that are
now sweeping across the cities around Astana and far
beyond.” (Nazarbaev 2006: 50).
It remains to be seen whether Astana will con-
tinue to play this exemplary role in the future. Re-
nowned international architects have already realized
many iconic buildings in the city with Norman Fos-
ter as perhaps the most prominent figure. However,
such high quality is not to be found in all the new
buildings. Aside from architectural details, which are
often artistically incoherent, many buildings suffer
from structural inadequacies. The ceramic-granite fa-
cades on the nine to twelve-story blocks, built across
Astana, do not exemplify durability. Moreover, few
architects taking part in the building boom stop to
consider central questions regarding the purpose of
their work. Are the residential buildings, for exam-
ple, truly adapted to the expectations and needs of the
residents?
 PHILIPP MEUSER

Fig. 19. The city as a patchwork: Nur-Sultan’s new architecture partially appears to have accidentally been placed
in urban space. Photo: Yerbolat Shadrakhov

Clearly, such questions are also largely overlooked
in Baku, the capital of Azerbaijan. The city has a long
history dating back 1,500 years, and has been influ-
enced by the Russian, Ottoman, and Persian empires.
In the late nineteenth century, it quickly transformed
from a small town into a wealthy metropolis thanks to
the discovery of its large oil reserves. Today, the city’s
profile is defined by new skyscrapers. After the Soviet
Union’s collapse, a wide variety of styles emerged in
the city from buildings by major starchitects to mon-
umental mosques.
A similar development occurred in countless oth-
er Eurasian metropolises, now characterized by ex-
cessive eclecticism. Ashgabat, Turkmenistan’s capital,
features wide boulevards lined by marble buildings. It
is also home to several architectural curiosities, such
as the lighted pedestrian crosswalk inexplicably placed
near the presidential palace which is a car-free zone.
The Wedding Palace, an eccentric structure crowned
by an enormous globe, towers over most of the city-
scape. This city, founded in the nineteenth century as
a Russian military base, is located in a desert near the
Iranian border and was almost totally destroyed by an
earthquake in 1948. The desert’s harsh conditions are
overcome with a wasteful use of water.
The Eurasian City of the Future
Based on this analysis, one may now ask: How
might a Eurasian city be planned and built in the
future? It is worthwhile to note that architects and
city planners have no influence on the political con-
ditions that govern urban development. They must
work within the political and economic framework in
which they find themselves.
a) Political Conditions – Between Democracy and
Autocracy
The current political conditions make it possible

109
 BULLETIN OF IICAS 33/2022

Fig. 20. Eurasian prototype city: Astana (now Nur-Sultan) masterplan was handed over to the city administration
in 2001 by the Japanese architect Kisho Kurokawa. It contains an urban visionary plan up until 2030.
Source: Kisho Kurokawa Archives

to realize major building projects at a relatively fast
pace – for better or worse. Eurasian states will contin-
ue to plan new cities from the ground up based on the
long-standing belief that this is easier than working
with existing ones. Meanwhile, western democracies
will approach urban development by means of selec-
tive modifications. They will more often repurpose
brownfield sites in a city’s center than initiate radi-
cal reconstruction projects or found completely new
metropolises. Whatever the case, citizens will need to
play a larger role in the decision-making process to
ensure long-term success of city planning projects.
b) Architecture in Turbo-Capitalism
Urban development in Eurasia is governed by an
ethos of turbo-capitalism. Large sums of money are
invested in prestigious buildings in the center while
projects in other locations remain underfunded. This
has enormous consequences for the Eurasian city-
scape which is predictable based on Eurasia’s archi-
tectural history. Extravagant buildings will be erected
in a city center designed to represent a political or
economic system. Meanwhile, low-cost prefabricat-
ed housing estates will fill the peripheries. The state
will provide the necessary infrastructure, and the
grid layout will continue to be characterized like the
planned cities of Rome and that still characterize to-
day’s American suburbs. Public transport will decline
and city infrastructures will cater more and more to
motorists, especially since rising real estate values in
the city center will increase the number of commuters
travelling in from the outskirts.
c) Architecture and Identity
But what will the specific architectural styles look
like? History tells us that Eurasian cities have always
been open to international innovations and ready to
adopt new influences, especially ones that are encour-
aged by the respective political situation. It will be in-
teresting to see whether – and how much – western

110
 PHILIPP MEUSER

Fig. 21. Architecture parlance in Baku: This carpet museum lies like a role against the backdrop of eternal flames.
Source: iStock (railelectropower)

Fig. 22. Architecture parlance in Ashgabat: This dental clinic follows a molar in its architectural form.
Photo: Ruslan Muradov

111
 BULLETIN OF IICAS 33/2022
trends affect the architecture of Eurasian cities. Yet, it
seems quite feasible that Eurasian cities will turn to
their own local traditions as they search for their own
unique characteristics, especially in times of repeated
disruptions and upheavals. While Russia has devel-
oped its own architectural identity over the last few
centuries many Eurasian states, which are no longer
REFERENCES
Chmelnizki, D. (2008). ‘Nikolaj Miljutins “Sozogrod”
vor dem Hintergrund der sowjetischen Geschichte’,
in Nikolaj Miljutin, Sozgorod und die Planung
sozialistischer Städte // ed. Dmitrij Chmelnizki, Berlin:
DOM publishers.
Düwel, J. (2015). Neue Städte für Stalin: Ein deutscher
Architekt in der Sowjetunion. Berlin: DOM publishers.
Geier, W. (1996). Russland und Europa: Skizzen zu einem
schwierigen Verhältnis, Wiesbaden.
Guiliani, R. (2010). ‘Totalitarnoye obayaniye’, in
Nedvizhimost i Stroitelstvo Petersburga, 5 July 2010, no.
26 (610), 10.
Harris, C. D. (1970). Cities of the Soviet Union. Chicago.
Kaiser, M. (2003). ‘Postsowjetisches Eurasien –
Dimensionen der symbolischen und realen
Raumaneignung,’ // ed. Markus Kaiser, Auf der Suche
nach Eurasien: Politik, Religion und Alltagskultur
zwischen Russland und Europa (Bielefeld: bibliotheca
eurasica).
Koetter, F. and C. Rowe (1978). Collage City. Cambridge
Massachusetts. London: MIT Press.
Lykoshin, I. and I. Cheredina (2015). Sergey Chernyshev:
Architect of The New Moscow. Berlin: DOM publishers.
Mechtscherjakow, N. (2008). ‘Vorwort’, in Nikolaj Miljutin,
Sozgorod und die Planung sozialistischer Städte // ed.
Dmitrij Chmelnizki, Berlin.
Meuser, Ph. (2015). Die Ästhetik der Platte. Wohnungsbau
in der Sowjetunion zwischen Stalin und Glasnost.
Berlin: DOM publishers.
Milenina, Е. (2002). “Probleme der Städte mit einseitig
112
satellites of Moscow but independent nations, have
yet to undergo this process. As such, they will per-
haps attempt to discover a new, unique architectural
identity in addition to adopting international starchi-
tecture. Given the importance of wood in Eurasian
architecture of the past, this material may experience
a renaissance.
ausgerichteten Wirtschaftszweigen,“ // Die Zukunft
der blauen Städte Sibiriens: Voraussetzungen für eine
nachhaltige Stadtentwicklung der Städte im sibirischen
Norden. Cottbus.
Nazarbaev, N. (2006). Im Herzen Eurasiens. Berlin, 2006.
Rietdorf, W. (2002). “Planung und Bau neuer
Industriestädte in der UdSSR,” // Die Zukunft der
blauen Städte Sibiriens: Voraussetzungen für eine
nachhaltige Stadtentwicklung der Städte im sibirischen
Norden. Cottbus.
Scholtowski, I. (2015). “Über die wahre und die falsche
Schönheit in der Architektur,” // Dmitry Chmelnizki,
Iwan Scholtkowski: Architekt des sowjetischen
Palladianismus. Berlin: DOM publishers, 51-54.
Siebert, K. (2016). “Das größte staatspolitische Experiment
aller Zeiten. Westeuropäische Architekten planen
sozialistische Städte in der Sowjetunion,” // Andri
Gerber and Stefan Kurath (eds), Stadt gibt es nicht!
Unbestimmtheit als Programm in Architektur und
Städtebau. Berlin: DOM publishers.
Southern, P. (2014). The Roman Army: A History 753 BC-
AD 476, 2nd ed., Amberley Publishing.
Trenn, W. (2002). “Grußwort,” // Die Zukunft der blauen
Städte Sibiriens: Voraussetzungen für eine nachhaltige
Stadtentwicklung der Städte im sibirischen Norden,
Cottbus, 2002.
Wolters, R. (2015). “Spezialist in Sibirien,” // Jörn Düwl,
Neue Städte für Stalin: Ein deutscher Architekt in der
Sowjetunion. Berlin: DOM publishers.
Zweig, S. (1981). “Reise nach Rußland,” // Stefan Zweig,
Länder, Städte, Landschaften, Frankfurt am Main,
Fischer Verlag.
 TATIANA STARODUB

"KALILA AND DIMNA" IN THE MINIATURES

OF ARABIC MANUSCRIPTS
This article surveys the illustrations of the few surviving medieval Arabic manuscripts of the Kalila and Dimna
fables collection. One of the works of verbal and visual art, known in the history of culture of Central Asia and
the Middle East, translated into many languages of the world, and widely distributed both in Islamic countries
and in Europe, this collection of witty allegorical short stories has maintained its popularity and relevance up
to the present. The protagonists of the fables are talking animals, who, much like human beings, provide both
good and bad examples, such as deceit leading to death, unconditional kindness getting rewarded, consequenc-
es of erroneous decisions, and wise decisions. It is no accident that the collection is named after two jackals
– simultaneously friends and antipodes. One of them is the good-natured Kalila, striving for justice, the other
is the intriguing, and scheming Dimna, characterized as a dodger personality.
The article briefly recounts the hard lot of the actual literary work, taking us on a tour of the depths of the
culture of the distant past, and the vicissitudes of its written reproduction in the few surviving manuscripts
accompanied by illustrations, made by the various intellectual centers at different time periods during the po-
litically complex of the 13th and 14th centuries. These miniatures, not only providing the text with décor, but
also explaining the meaning of the Kalila and Dimna fables, instruct and amuse the reader. Moreover, they
attract attention with the vibrant and recognizable characters. Uncomplicated and sometimes reminiscent of
a child's drawing, these illustrations do not always accurately illustrate the text, yet clarify the development
of not only this little known form of book painting during the era of the Arab Caliphate but also the artistic
culture from the medieval Islamic world as a whole.

Key words: book miniature, illustration, Arabic manuscripts, fables, Arab Caliphate, Islamic world, the Mus-
lim or Islamic Middle Ages
Citation: Tatiana Starodub (2022). "Kalila and Dimna" in the Miniatures of Arabic manuscripts, Bulletin
of IICAS 33, 113-126.
Article link: https://doi.org/10.34920/1694-5794-2022.33en.007

Scholars, whatever religion they may belong to, still hope that people can be enlightened by
them; they have used all sorts of tricks to accomplish this, wishing to indicate a reason or pretext to
discover the wealth of their knowledge, so that, finally, the result of one of these pretexts is the com-
pilation of this book in the languages of domesticated animals and birds ....
(Kalila and Dimna 1889: 32)

O thou, the reader of “Kalila and Dimna,” do study it at length and with patience, do not suc-
cumb to fatigue and boredom, catch pearls of wisdom from the ocean of speech. Do not imagine,
please, that this book was only compiled to recount conversations of a bull with a lion, or the tricks
of some foolish animals, should thou think so – thou fallest into a fault, not comprehending the true
purpose of this book ....
(Ibn al-Muqaffa 1987: 63)

A
mong the few surviving illustrated Arabic
manuscripts containing widely known works
of fiction from that period, a special place be-
longs to the collection of fables of Kalila and Dimna.
Not only is it a masterpiece of ancient and medieval
literature which owes its merits to several languages
and peoples both East and West; but also a literary
source that gave life to illustrated versions of hand-
written books from the Islamic world. Less known
than the text’s literary features from the collection
and published as translations into many languag-
es, these medieval fable manuscripts are enlivened
through their entertaining illustrations. They deserve
to be carefully studied as a monument of artistic cul-

113
 BULLETIN OF IICAS 33/2022
Fig. 1. Kalila (right) and Dimna (left) Syria (?). First
quarter of the 13th c. National Library of Paris. Arabe
3465, folio 48r.
ture and to serve as a vivid example for the existence
and development of the fine arts in the ecumene of
the Islamic Middle Ages.
The article brought to the attention of the read-
er about the miniatures from the five known manu-
scripts of the 13th-14th centuries containing the Ar-
abic text of the Kalila and Dimna fables, and which
have survived to this day in a greater or lesser degree,
is limited to a review of the rich illustrative material,
deserving, in effect, a comprehensive monographic
study. These miniatures, embroider a literary work
from the distant past which was one of the most pop-
ular moralistic and amusing books among the popu-
lations of the Mashriq and the Maghreb1. These small
pictures draw spark interest in the collection not only
as a source of wisdom and entertainment, but also as
1
The Mashriq (Arabic for “where the sunrise is”, i.e. the east), in
early medieval Arabic geography, based on the works of Ptolemy,
the northeastern quarter of the spherical Earth; later on known as
the territories outside the Arabian Peninsula, lying east of Mecca,
and / or the lands east of Egypt. The Maghreb (al-Maghrib –
Arabic for “where the sunset is”, i.e. the west), in the Middle Ages
was the Arabic name for the countries of North Africa (west of
Egypt) and Al-Andalus, also known as Muslim Spain.
114
a subject of scientific research. The colorful images
with recognizable and/or newly introduced charac-
ters moving from one miniature to another, similar or
different in style of composition, character of draw-
ing, attitude to color and line, in mastery of the skill
by the painters, draftsmen and/or calligraphers, allow
for a versatile study of the development processes of
the little-known and, according to some misconcep-
tions, allegedly, totally non-existent in the Islamic
world book painting art, and the artistic culture of the
Muslim medieval world as a whole (Fig. 1).
***
The Kalila and Dimna fable collection, an inex-
haustible source of folk wisdom, earned unusual lon-
gevity, developing an extremely complex “pedigree”
covering vast and diverse regions. The historical roots
of the stories, in which the protagonists are animals,
originated in indefinably distant Central Asian an-
tiquity, forming from the millennial interweaving of
various languages and events, growing in the form
of multiple variants. Adapting themselves to foreign,
unfamiliar or completely unknown traditions, chang-
ing names and titles, these short but vivid stories and
fables, and their characters penetrated into the folk-
lore and literature of many peoples of the globe.
The appearance of this book in its Arabic version
remains a mystery, and a topic of discussion dating
to the periods of the early Muslim states and the for-
mation of Arabic Islamic literature. The Persian and
Arabic speaking scholar and polymath Abu Rayhan
al-Biruni (973-1048 CE) in his fundamental work In-
dia, or Kitāb al-Hind), was remorseful that he did not
succeed in embracing the innumerable quantity of
the Indian scholarly books with his “own knowledge”,
and wrote: “I would so much like to translate the book
“Panchatantra”2, which is known to us as The Book of
Kalila and Dimna. It was translated from Indian into
Persian and then from Persian into Arabic by people
who cannot be relied upon not to have changed it...”
(Biruni 1995: 166). Among the “people who cannot
be relied upon” in regards to fidelity of translation
of this ancient book of “worldly wisdom”, al-Biruni
named only Abdallah ibn al-Muqaffa – possibly the
first translator of the Indian fables into Arabic from
“Persian,” today classified as Middle Persian, or Pahl-
avi. In the extant Arabic version, the actual narratives
2
“Panchatantra” (Sanscr. literally – “five principles of worldly
wisdom”; “refined”, “perfect”), monument of Sanskrit literature
of the 3rd–4th centuries; presumably a later updated edition of
the ancient Indian parables (have not been preserved). Consists
of five entertaining and instructive books; their characters are
animals whose actions and way of life reflect the morals and
behavior of people (Panchatantra 1989).
 TATIANA STARODUB
Fig. 2. Borzuya the Sage on the way to seize the book.
Egypt (?). Ca. 1310 Bavarian State Library, Munich.
Cod. arab. 616, folio 21r.
of Kalila and Dimna begin with a story of how, the
Persian shah Anushirvan instructed Borzuya, a man
of wisdom known for his “education and deep knowl-
edge in the science of healing”, to secretly go to the
“Indian lands” for the sake of a book, which “is con-
sidered the basis of all knowledge and the beginning
of all sciences,” which they safeguarded “in the treas-
uries and valued higher than the pupil of their own
eye” (Ibn al-Muqaffa 1986: 45) (Fig. 2).
The history of the translation into the Eastern and
European languages of antiquity and Middle Ages of
this unique ancient literary work, widely known as
the Book of Kalila and Dimna3, or Bidpai’s Fables4, is
described in detail in the first fundamental Russian
scientific edition, prepared and published in 1889 by a
native of Syria, linguist and orientalist M. О. Attaya5,
3
Kalīla wa-Dimna, the names of two jackals, protagonists
recurring from one fable to another. In the Panchatantra they
are transliterated as Karataka and Damanaka (Kalīla wa-Dimna
1957: p 9).
4
Bidpay, or Pilpay, or Baidaba, or Beydeba, rendered differently
in different translations of the book of Kalīla wa-Dimna – is the
name of the legendary Brahmin philosopher, who is credited with
the authorship of the collection of the ancient Indian parables -
the putative source of the Panchatantra.
5
Mikhail Osipovich Attaya (1852–1924), Russian orientalist
of the Arab-Syrian origin. From 1873, the teacher of Arabic,
115
who was a teacher of the Arabic language, i.e. his
own mother tongue, and by M. V. Ryabinin, an Arab
studies expert, who was then a student at the Lazarev
Institute of Oriental Languages6 (Kalila and Dimna
1889: p. I–II). The speech delivered by the authors of
this remarkable work at the assembly of the Eastern
Commission of the Imperial Moscow Archaeological
Society on April 20, 1889, shortly before their Rus-
sian translation of the book was published, astonishes
even today with its relevance, daring conclusions and
breadth of coverage of the scholarly content.
Without limiting themselves to the actual transla-
tion of the Kalila and Dimna fables, the authors of the
translation traced the origin and the almost fantastic
story of this unique literary work’s procession around
the world. They established that “the collection of the
fables and stories, which had been offered to readers
in all parts of the globe in various translations from
the Arabic sources, had always enjoyed tremendous
popularity among all kinds of nationalities, finding,
perhaps, more readers than any other book, except
the Bible.
Born in the East, owing its origin to Buddhism,
the vast collection of the Indian stories and fables
gradually spread, sometimes in its entirety, other
times in part, to those countries where Buddhism
was only beginning to penetrate... Little by little, Ti-
bet learned it, and then China, and finally Mongo-
lia.” As a result, “this ancient literary collection had
merely to take a step to find itself in Europe,” which
occurred during the “period of two hundred years of
the Mongol rule in Russia”, when the population of
Eastern Europe was quite actively acquainted with
the wonderful Indian fables brought by the conquer-
ors” (Kalila and Dimna 1889: p. III–IV).
The translators explained that the success of this
dissemination was based on two factors. They con-
sidered one of the factors to be that the distribution
of the book occurred “almost exclusively by word of
mouth.” They regarded the other factor to be that the
“Indian tales received an enormous ability to move
forward as thy were progressing in Europe thanks to
... the brilliant adaptation that Kalila and Dimna re-
ceived on the basis of Islam,” moreover so, in the lan-
guage of Islam, i.e. Arabic, “which suddenly, within a
short while, began to be heard both in Baghdad and
on the banks of the Guadalquivir River”. Had it not
been for this Arabic version, “it is hard to say, what
kind of spiritual food and what pleasure the Europe-
an peoples would have been deprived of throughout
the centuries” (Kalila and Dimna 1889: p. V–VI).
calligraphy and Islamic law at the Lazarev Institute of Oriental
Languages (St. Petersburg).
6
For a brief summary, see: URL: https://bigenc.ru/domestic_his-
tory/text/2131426 (accession date: 22.04.2022)
 BULLETIN OF IICAS 33/2022
As these translation scholars managed to estab-
lish, the Arabic version of Kalila and Dimna, pro-
duced in the middle of the 8th century by Abdallah
ibn al-Muqaffa, served as the basis for the translation
of the fables into Hebrew, and then from Hebrew into
Latin. This latter led to the emergence of the Italian,
Czech and German versions. In turn, the “Danish,
Dutch and, in part, Spanish” versions were based on
the German one. On the basis of the Arabic trans-
lation, a Greek version also arose, from which “all
Slavic versions, and one Italian version” originated, as
well as the Spanish edition which was also translat-
ed directly from Arabic. “Here is the scheme,” con-
clude Attaya and Ryabinin, “of the spread of the off-
spring of the Arabic Kalila and Dimna version, while
the Pahlavi edition died out, having given birth to...
the ancient Syrian version, which, in turn, remained
childless; the Pahlavi version seems insomuch extinct
that it is still impossible to find its traces” (Kalila and
Dimna 1889: p. VI).
As for the Russian version of 1889, according to
its creators, their translation used a critical Arabic
text of the fables published in 1816 by the French ori-
entalist Sylvester de Sacy7 (Kalila and Dimna 1889: p.
II).
The 20th century saw two additional translations
of the fables into Russian from the Arabic collection.
The first was made by academician I. Yu. Krachk-
ovskiy and the young Arabist I. P. Kuzmin, who died
suddenly in 1922. This translation had two editions.
The first, in 1934 (now a bibliographic rarity), whose
preface was written by Karchkovskiy himself, and
the second edition in 1957, was presented to readers
by an authoritative Iranist and Turkologist, Evgeniy
Eduardovich Bertels (1890–1967) (Kalila and Dim-
na 1957: p. 5–12). The source for the Krachkovsky
and Kuzmin translation was the critical Arabic text
from one completely preserved copy originally pub-
lished in 1905, then revised and improved in 1923
(Kalila and Dimna 1957: p. 11). This Arabic edition
was the work of the French Lebanese Arabist Louis
Cheikho (Louis Сheikho, or Sheikho; 1859–1927), a
priest and professor at the University of St. Joseph in
Beirut who was renowned as the “Sultan of Arabic”
(Herzstein 2015: 249). In search of old manuscripts in
the monasteries of Lebanon, Cheiko found a copy in
the Greek-Melkite monastery of Deir al-Shir, 30 km
southeast of Beirut. Among the manuscripts, quite
common for monastic libraries, the participants of
his expedition, according to L. Cheikho, “were lucky
enough to recover the Arabic version of Kalila and
Dimna, which, albeit not very ancient, belonged to
7
Antoine-Isaac Silvestre de Sacy (1758–1838), a French
orientalist, specialist in Arabic grammar, translator, and author of
a number of works on Islamic culture.
116
the era of the oldest manuscripts. Besides, it had the
advantage of being complete and bearing a specific
date”. The codex, produced on “strong”, undamaged
paper measuring 19×13 cm, had 258 pages, each filled
with seventeen lines of “elegant and very clear naskh”.
Its last page states that the manuscript was completed
on “the sixth day of Rajab of 749 AH, which corre-
sponds to 1339 CE” (Kalilah et Dimnah 1905: p. 24)8.
Another Russian translation of the complete Ar-
abic version of the fables, including the foreword and
the commentary, was prepared by the Arabist, phi-
lologist, and poet Betsy Yakovlevna Shidfar (1928-
1993). This translation was published in 1986 (Ibn
al-Muqaffa 1986: p. 3–20, 298–302). Apart from the
high literary merit and the novelty of scholarly solu-
tions and interpretations, this edition is distinguished
by the translator’s foresight of the longevity of the an-
cient fables collection as a unique and deeply moral
creation of mankind. The words of Betsy Y. Shidfar
still hold true: “The labor on this most interesting
medieval work goes on to the present… Scholars and
translators from all over the world take part in the
preparation of publications, cross-checks and verifi-
cation of manuscripts, and production of commen-
taries on Kalila and Dimna. The bibliography of re-
search and manuscript editions of Kalila and Dimna
is truly inexhaustible… [and] has so much increased
that, taken together, the referenced works in the mul-
titude of languages could now make a huge volume”
(Ibn al-Muqaffa 1986: p. 8).
In the foreword to her translation of the collec-
tion, B. Y. Shidfar complemented and adorned the
well-known facts of the spread of the Arabic version
of fables around the world with new colors. She not-
ed, “Kalīla wa-Dimna gained conspicuous popularity,
approximately three hundred years after its origin,
i.e. in the 11th century, when the closest neighbors of
the Arabs, the Byzantines, showed interest in Arabic
literature, especially fiction. Around 1080, the Byzan-
tine prose writer Simeon Seth translated Kalila and
Dimna from Arabic into Greek, entitling it Stephanite
and Ikhnilat (literally, The crowned and a pathfinder)”
According to Betsy Y. Shidfar, the translator took the
name of Kalīla to derive from the Arabic word iklil, or
“crown”, and the name of Dimna he understood as the
word meaning “remains of a nomadic camp.” Defend-
ing the literary independence of the Arabic version of
the Book of Fables (in comparison with the pre-Islam-
ic versions, i.e. the ancient Indian and Persian ones),
Betsy Y. Shidfar emphasized its different ideological
and moral concept: “Unlike the Panchatantra, Kali-
la and Dimna is a completely modern book [for the
period]. Its philosophical and ethical basis is close to
8
URL: https://archive.org/details/laversionarabed00cheigoog/
page/n11/mode/2up?view=theater (Accession date: 27.01.2022)
 TATIANA STARODUB
Islam, including its mystical (Sufi) currents... and it
can be interpreted in a completely secular spirit as an
ethical and moral guide”. Concluding her foreword,
B. Y. Shidfar drew the reader’s attention to the fact
that the name of Ibn al-Muqaffa, who translated Kali-
la and Dimna from Persian into Arabic, was placed
by her on the cover of the book as the name of the au-
thor. She explained this by saying that “the translation
contained significant authorial work.”
Indeed, Ibn al-Muqaffa had wrote his own fore-
word, which, in effect, was an independent, albeit
concise, work in which one or another type of hu-
man behavior was approved or condemned by im-
mediate illustration with a corresponding parable.
Besides, several chapters belonged to him in whole
or in part. Apart from the authorial contribution of
Ibn al-Muqaffa’s, B. Y. Shidfar emphasized that thanks
to al-Muqaffa’s special gift as a writer, “it was Kalila
and Dimna and not Panchatantra that went marching
around the whole world, having an immense impact
on the literature of many countries, giving rise to a
lot of imitations and alterations, [and] turned into
works of many genres, inspiring authors from Eu-
rope, Asia, Africa in various centuries to write about
the same things that Kalila and Dimna recounts” (Ibn
al-Muqaffa 1986: p. 7-20).
Of note is that this is not the only precedent of
such an interpretation. In the catalog descriptions of
several manuscripts of Kalila and Dimna, dated at
various times, and stored in famous museum and li-
brary collections around the world, it was to Abdallah
ibn al-Muqaffa that the authorship is attributed.
Whoever was this man, with whose name the Ar-
abic version of the book of Kalila and Dimna is in-
extricably linked? Attaya and Ryabinin characterized
him (with reference to various authors) as “a famous
figure in the history of the Arabic literature”, and “an
eloquent writer, and a fine poet”, a connoisseur of the
Pahlavi language and a translator of many “Pahlavi
works” and, perhaps, “the greatest authority on the
classical Arabic language” (Kalila and Dimna 1889:
p. XXVIII–XXIX). From the correspondence of Ibn
Khallikan9 and from the brief information provided
to the reader in some works of the 20th century Arab
historians, it follows that Ibn al-Muqaffa lived in the
middle of the 8th century (ca. 723 - ca. 759)10. He
was originally from Fare, a province in southwestern
Iran, and belonged to a wealthy and influential Per-
9
Ibn Khallikan or Khellikan (1211–1282), Arab writer, historian
and law scholar from the Persian family of the Barmakids; author
of a biographical dictionary of rulers (except for the caliphs),
dignitaries, scientists, and poets.
10
The dating of Ibn al-Mukaffa's life are given differently by each
author, ranging from 720-775 CE to (according to Ibn Khallikan)
725–760 CE.
117
sian family. At birth, he received the name of Ruzbih,
son of Dadoe, grew up in a Zoroastrian environment.
Later he converted to Islam and was given the Mus-
lim name of Abdallah, “servant of God.” He received
his specific nickname - Ibn al-Muqaffa, as the son of
a man with a “twisted hand” (al-Muqaffa), since his
father, a high-ranking official who oversaw collection
of taxes, had one arm crippled as a result of a fideli-
ty torture test. Ibn al-Muqaffa received his education
and excellent knowledge of the Arabic language and
literature in the Iraqi Basra, the most important cul-
tural center of the Islamic Caliphate. Unfortunately,
this extremely talented person, a brilliant translator
from several languages, poet and writer, did not live
long, dying at the age of thirty-six. Engaged in polit-
ical intrigues and having sided with the Shiites – ir-
reconcilables of the ruling Sunni Abbasid dynasty –
he evoked ferocious wrath of Caliph al-Mansur, who
ruled in 754-775, and was subjected to cruel execu-
tion (Kalila and Dimna 1889: p. XXVI – XXIX; Ibn
al-Muqaffa 1986: p. 11-20).
The Arabic version of the Kalila and Dimna fa-
bles, created by Ibn al-Muqaffa as a translator and
co-author, garnered exceptionally wide popularity.
The entertaining and instructive content of this book
stimulated not only the eager copying of its text by
manuscript workshops throughout the Islamic world
over the centuries, but also each fable was accompa-
nied by colorful illustrations. These illustrated manu-
scripts have survived in greater numbers and in better
condition than manuscripts of various other fables,
thus providing extensive material for the historical
study of book miniatures from the Islamic world.
These fable illustrations, according to Ibn
al-Muqaffa’s preface, were originally one of the com-
ponents of the Arabic version, apparently taken from
the Pahlavi source and from Sasanian tradition. Con-
cerned about the correct understanding of the book’s
meaning and its didactic orientation as a “princely
mirror”, Ibn al-Muqaffa draws the readers’ attention
to the need for their main goal to be not the “exam-
ination of its illustrations, but the focus on the fa-
bles contained in it.” Out of the four objectives that
al-Muqaffa enumerated for the fables collection, the
first one “which was sought after when compiling a
book of animals normally not speaking tongues,” was
to captivate “jaunty young people” with fables and
parables. The second objective, according to him is
“the graphical and colorful depiction of animal imag-
es” in order to attract the hearts of kings to them and
increase “their aspiration to read books... due to the
pleasure derived from” these images. Ibn al-Mukaffa
saw the third objective of the book of Kalila and Dim-
na as making it interesting “to both kings and mer-
chants – leading to intensification of its copying, so
it will not disappear nor wear out”, and consequently
 BULLETIN OF IICAS 33/2022
“it will always benefit painters and scribes alike.” He
considered the fourth objective to be “rather distant”
and intended “exclusively and specifically for philos-
ophers” (Kalila and Dimna 1889: p. 40–42; for a more
specific translation, see – Ibn al-Muqaffa 1986: p. 64).
In Ibn al-Muqaffa’s foreword, the indication to
the job of the illustrating artist as one of the two main
(and, therefore, equal in value) makers of the book is
118
Plate I: Fig. 3-4. Egypt, 10th–12th c.
from the excavations of the city of Fustat.
Metropolitan Museum. New-York.
Fig. 3 a, b. “Lion and Hare” 11th-12th centuries. Draw-
ings on the recto and verso of a folio. (AN: 54:108,3).
Fig. 4. “Rooster.” Drawing on paper. 10th-11th c.
(AN: 54.108.1).
especially important for us. This indication indirectly,
but quite convincingly, shows that during the period
of the writer’s life, that is, in the 2nd century AH (8th
century CE), the accompanying of Arabic text with
figures that visually represented for the reader the
protagonists of a literary work was neither rare nor
exceptional. It is true, however, that so far the only
early examples of Arabic book illustration that have
come down to us are thematically close to animal fa-
bles such as the depictions discovered in the excava-
tions of Fustat in Egypt from the Fatimid era11 being
three fragmentary drawings on paper of a lion and
a hare on the front and reverse sides of the sheet12
(Hoffman 2000: p. 39), and a colorful drawing of a
rooster from an incomplete and fragmentary 10th–
11th century manuscript of a zoology treatise (Plate
11
The Fatimids, an Arab dynasty of Ismaili caliphs, which ruled
Egypt from 969 to 1171 CE.
12
Fragment from the zoological treatise “Mantiq al-wahsh”
(Speech of the Wild Animal) of Ka'b al-Ahbar (d. 32 AH / 652–
653 CE)
 TATIANA STARODUB

Plate II:
Figs. 5-9. Syria. First quarter of the 13th c. National Library of France. Paris Arabe 3465.
Fig. 5. “King on the throne.” Frontispiece of the manuscript. Syria (?). National Library of France.
Paris, folio 34 r.
Fig. 6. “Baidaba the Sage and King Dabshalim” (Baidaba asked: “O king, make an order to copy this book, as your
glorious ancestors did, and cherish it like the apple of your eye”), f.14v.
Fig. 7. The Parable of the Heron, the Crayfish and the Fishes (“Do not be like Heron who wished to kill the Crayfish
but died herself ”), folio 57r.
Fig. 8. The Lion Slaying Shatraba the Bull, folio 71v. Fig. 9. “The Dimna Inquiry,” folio 77r.

119
 BULLETIN OF IICAS 33/2022
Fig. 9. “The Dimna Inquiry,” folio 77r.
I: Fig. 3a, b; 4).
The earliest known illustrated copy of the col-
lection of fables of Kalila and Dimna— although not
complete, with a large number of sheets restored and
rewritten in black ink on new paper—is kept in the
National (formerly Royal) Library of France in Par-
is (BnF; code: Arabe 3465)13. According to research-
ers, the manuscript was originally produced in the
first quarter of the 13th century, most likely, in Syr-
ia (Ettinghausen 1962: p. 61), during the reign of the
Ayyubid dynasty in Syria (late 12th - mid 13th c.)
The manuscript’s pages (28×21.5 cm) are each filled
with fifteen rectilinear lines of text, originally writ-
ten in brown ink in a fairly clear and distinct naskh
handwriting with diacritical marks. The titles of the
chapters, enclosed in narrow rectangular panels, over
a floral ornament in gold on a black background,
were painted in ceruse, which, however, was partially
erased or chalked. It was this manuscript that Sylvest-
er de Sacy once used as a source for the reconstruc-
tion of the Arabic text of the fables.
In its modern form, the Parisian manuscript of
Arabe 3465 has 146 double-sided folios containing 98
colorful miniatures, including 8 new ones added at
13
URL: http://gallica.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/btv1b84229611/f18.im-
age.r=Kal%C3%AEla%20et%20Dimna (Accessed: 02.02.2022)
120
the beginning and end of the book which, going by
the difference in the manner of the production, were
made later by two or more artists. Just like in other
early manuscripts, the illustrations are located arbi-
trarily on the pages. They are not limited by frames
or borders, and freely intrude into the text area as
necessary. Only two pictures occupy an entire page:
a late miniature depicting the visit paid by Barzuya
the doctor to the King (f. 25 v) and the “classical”
throne scene which was made using color pigments
and gilding (Plate II: Fig. 5), which Prof. Richard Et-
tinghausen, the author of the first, and so far the only,
historical and analytical monograph Arab Painting,
rightly identified as the frontispiece of this manu-
script (Ettinghausen 1962: p. 61). The next two pages
(34v and 35r), which are entirely occupied by the or-
nately designed “Contents” listing the chapters of the
collection in the actual order, confirm the assumption
that the manuscript’s folios were rearranged for one
reason or another as a result of rebinding. Practical-
ly all the miniatures, constructed as mise-en-scenes
with the participants of the action brought to the fore,
clearly and convincingly illustrate the essence of the
fable or parable. Almost every character, be it a man,
a bird, or an animal, has a short caption naming the
character (Plate II: Fig. 6–9).
The second illustrated manuscript of Kalila and
Dimna in the collection of the Parisian library – Arabe
3467, according to the catalog, was created in 1350–
1360. According to some features that distinguish the
art of the book of the Mamluk era (1250-1517), it is
assumed that this is a work from the workshops of
Syria or Egypt. Ettinghausen dated the Parisian Arabe
3467 to the second quarter of the 14th century, and
just like Arabe 3465, he tentatively referred it to Syri-
an origin (Ettinghausen 1962: p. 198). Unfortunately,
the title and colophon of the manuscript are lost14. In
its current form, Arabe 3467 has 119 folios of “Orien-
tal paper” measuring 30×23 cm, with text written in
naskh handwriting and giving way to colorful illustra-
tions on part of the page on fifty folios15. Particularly
expressive are the dramatic content miniatures – con-
veying the essence of the fable, warning the readers
about the vicissitudes of fate and the dangers lurking
for an injudicious person – done in a masterfully con-
structed composition (Plate III: Fig. 10-13).
It is easy to see that, by the themes, colors range,
14
Many sheets of Arabe 3467 disappeared or suffered significant
damage; folios 1, 8, 12-13, 18, 20, 27, 31, 35, 37–38, 44, 64, 82–84,
113–115 were replaced. In 1938, the manuscript was embroi-
dered for display at an exhibition and reassembled in 1947. URL:
https://gallica.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/btv1b84152188.r=arabe+3467.
langFR (Date of accession 03.02.2022).
15
Three Arabe 3467 miniatures (folios 1v, 64r and 64v) in the BnF
catalog as added later.
 TATIANA STARODUB

Plate III:
Fig. 10-13. Syria or Egypt. 1350s–1360s. National Library of France. Paris BnF. Arabe 3467.
Fig. 10. “The Hare and the Lion” (The parable of Hare, who by scheming defeated Lion and saved his own tribe
from destruction), folio 30v.
Fig. 11. A rat saves doves caught in a net,” folio 63r.
Fig. 12. “Raid” (“The owls flew onto the tree, destroyed the crows’ nests, killed a great number of crows and carried
away the captive wives and children”), folio 66v.
Fig. 13. “The Hare and the Elephant at the Moon Spring” (The parable of Hare, “who announced that the moon was
his master in order to divert trouble from himself ”), folio 71r.

121
 BULLETIN OF IICAS 33/2022

Plate IV: Fig. 14-16 “Crows and Owls”

National Library of France, Paris.
(“Crows… started a fire at the entrance to the cave,
and all the owls perished”).
Fig. 14. 1200-1225. Arabe 3465, folio 106v.
Fig. 15. 1350-1360. Arabe 3467, folio 106v.
Fig. 16. 1354. Pococke 400, folio 107a.

character, and the chosen manner of production,

many miniatures of both of the Parisian manuscripts
of Kalila and Dimna, despite the 120–130 years sepa-
rating them, seem to have been produced at one and
the same center or, at least, in the same tradition. The
similarity of the miniatures, illustrating the same plot
not only in these two, but also in other Arabic cop-
ies of the collection of fables, suggests a conscious,
dictated by medieval ethics, orientation of artists to
the well known and well recognized examples of the
masters from the past and, as a result, gives rise to an
assumption that the illustrated manuscripts that have
come down to us are only a small part of the produc-
tion of the library workshops of medieval Muslim
principalities. Among the examples confirming this
conjecture, the illustrations of two Parisian manu-
scripts for the chapter on the enmity between the ra-
vens and the owls are especially convincing (despite
some differences in composition, interpretation of
the theme, and the production skills) (Ibn al-Muqaffa
1986: 167-189). (Plate IV: Figs. 14-16). Miniatures of
this theme are included in all five copies of Kalila and
Dimna of the 13th-14th centuries, and, regardless of abe 3467 are close to the miniatures of the earlier
the interpretation of the plot, are easily recognizable copy kept in the Bavarian State Library in Munich
without any captions or explanations. in terms of the selection of subjects, composition,
The illustrations of the Parisian manuscript Ar- and the color scheme (BSB, code: Arab. 616)16. Dat-

122
 TATIANA STARODUB

Plate V: Fig. 17-18 Parable of the Treasure Finder and the Porters
.
Fig. 17. 1350-1360. National Library of France, Paris Arabe 3467, folio 2r.
Fig. 18. Egypt (?). Bavarian State Library, Munich Cod. arab. 616, folio 27v.

ed ca. 1310 and, according to this library’s catalog, it
may have been produced in Egypt. The assumption
of such an attribution is, apparently, partly dictated
by the French inscription in the ex-libris on the title
page of the manuscript: “Report from Cairo J.-J. Mar-
seille”. The author of the “report” Jean-Joseph Marcel
(1776-1854) was a printer, engineer and scholar who,
as part of the Commission of Sciences and Crafts, ac-
companied Napoleon during his 1798 military cam-
paign to Egypt. It was probably then that he acquired
the manuscript in Cairo which subsequently arrived
in the Royal Library of Munich. This is evidenced by
the barely visible oval stamp above the tricolor Arabic
title – written later, probably by a new owner: “This is
the book of Kalila and Dimna.”
The codex at the Bavarian Library, containing 129
folios measuring 25.5×18.5 cm, including 73 figures
to the text, was originally copied on relatively thin,
yet heavy paper. Like the Parisian manuscripts, it un-
derwent a complex restoration with the first 16 folios
rewritten on thicker, lighter paper in black ink, and
the text in stark contrast to the thick red dots separat-
ing the individual phrases. The original pages, mostly
duplicated on “backing sheets”, start with folio 17v.
The main text is written in brownish-black ink; the
16
The second illustrated manuscript of the "Kalīla wa-Dimna"
fables in the Bavarian Library (BSB Cod. Arab. 615) dates back to
the 16th–17th centuries and is not considered here.
titles of the chapters and small sections are highlight-
ed in red ink. Almost every illustration of the Munich
manuscript (codex 616), just like Parisian codex Ara-
be 3467, is accompanied by a brief caption along the
side of the miniature and, going by some differenc-
es in the handwriting, possibly written by a different
scribe, or merely added later.
As in many other early manuscripts, the illustra-
tions for the text of the Parisian and Munich copies
of the collection of fables of Kalila and Dimna are not
enclosed by frames, which are only implied here due
to the skillful accentuation of the verticals and hori-
zontals of the depiction. The general impression is
that the illustrations of all the three manuscripts were
made per the tradition of book miniatures of the 13th
century, which was formed, presumably, in Syrian art
centers, clearly manifested itself in the early Parisian
manuscript Arabe 3465, and successfully developed
in the next century in the library workshops of Mam-
luk Egypt and Syria.
According to the choice of the themes and plots,
the construction of the drawing and the nature of the
color palette of the miniatures, the stylistic group of
the Parisian and Munich copies of the 14th century
should also include the illustrations of the Kalila and
Dimna manuscript, which are distinguished by the
“freshness” of the palette, the making skill and ac-
curacy of drawing, in the collection of the Bodleian
Library in Oxford (code Pococke 400)17. The fairness

123
 BULLETIN OF IICAS 33/2022

Plate VI: Fig. 19-21. Parable about a Dog and Its Reflection.
Fig. 19. 1200-1225. National Library of France, Paris Arabe 3465, folio 40v.
Fig. 20. Bavarian State Library, Munich Cod. arab. 616, folio 38v.
Fig. 21. 14th c. The Parker Library, Cambridge. MS 578.

of combining of the miniatures of these three man-
uscripts in one stylistic group is clearly confirmed
17
It is part of the collection of Oriental manuscripts of the Ori-
entalist and Biblical scholar E. Pococke (Edward Pococke; 1604–
1691). URL: https://digital.bodleian.ox.ac.uk/objects/8face4cc-
d7dc-4ec6-8315-64b8c171dd76/ (viewed from right to left;
accession date 29.04.2022).
by the extremely similar in composition and color
scheme illustrations to the parable of a man who ac-
cidentally found a treasure trove of gold and silver
coins and unwisely entrusted the valuable cargo to
two porters (Ibn al-Muqaffa 1986: 56) (Plate IV. Figs.
17, 18).
The Oxford manuscript, dated in the catalog to
1354 but without suggestion of any attribution, con-

124
 TATIANA STARODUB
Fig. 22. “The Turtle and the Ducks.” 14th c. The Parker Library, Cambridge. MS 578.
tains 148 folios, copied in the course of restoration on
to a new substrate, and including 77 miniatures. The
text, written in black ink in the naskh handwriting
with vowels and diacritical signs, unlike the Parisian
and Munich copies, is surrounded by a thin red line
forming a rectangular frame. The main content of the
manuscript is preceded by a kind of Table of Contents
of fifteen chapters18, each with a verbal serial number
in gold and a brief description of the content. In the
text itself, the titles of the chapters are highlighted in
gold, and the explanatory inscriptions to the minia-
tures are in red ink.
All the four illustrated manuscripts – two in Par-
18
The title and description of the first chapter has not survived
in the same way as the Persian Preface and Introduction in Ar-
abic translation that preceded it In Russian translation by B. Ya.
Shidfar, in addition to two Prefaces, 18 chapters were named (Ibn
al-Muqaffa 1986: 203).
125
is, and the Munich and Oxford ones, give reason to
believe that in Syria and/or Egypt one or several (per-
haps at different periods) workshops were operating
to produce illustrated manuscripts in the 13th-14th
centuries. This assumption is supported by three
miniatures close in artistic design, and similar in
composition, illustrating the parable of a dog and its
reflection – despite the differences in details and de-
gree of the artist’s skill (Ibn al-Mukaffa 1986: p. 74)
(Plate IV: Figs. 19-21).
One of these three miniatures is included into
the illustrations of the “exceptionally beautiful” , as
the catalog says, copy of the Kalila and Dimna fables
kept in the collection of the Parker Library at Cor-
pus Christi College, Cambridge (MS 578). This man-
uscript, made on 135 folios from vellum paper,19 in
the usual naskh, handwriting, corresponding to its
19
Vellum paper is a type of writing material made from animal
skins.
 BULLETIN OF IICAS 33/2022
dictionary meaning – “copying”, contains the full text
of Ibn Muqaffa’s work and is colored with colorful
entertaining pictures, in the manner of drawing and
interpretation of individual images (for example, a
pond) reminiscent of some Baghdad miniatures (Et-
tinghausen 1962: 122). Dated to the 14th century, the
Cambridge manuscript has not yet received a thor-
ough scientific publication, but is available for view-
ing20 (Fig. 22).
Summing up the review of miniatures accompa-
nying the text of five medieval Arabic copies of one of
the most amazing and viable literary works, it should
be emphasized that all of them, with very rare ex-
ceptions, often illustrate the same plots and embody
them in similar or repeated (in general terms) com-
positions with easily recognizable characters.
Generously embellishing and explaining the text,
the miniatures of these five manuscripts21, regardless
of the level of the professional training of the illustrat-
ing artist, the style, and the making technique, were
composed as a mise-en-scène brought to the fore-
front and impressing with its theatricality.
Despite the obvious similarity of miniatures in
these medieval copies of the Kalila and Dimna fables,
they were created at different times and locations, and
the pictorial ensemble of each of the five manuscripts
is individual in its own way. Painters of new genera-
tions, while generally respecting the established tra-
ditions, did not always follow their predecessors in
every way. They took the liberty to draw the reader’s
attention to the previously unillustrated plots, intro-
ducing compositions that expanded the usual range
of the visual images of a particular fable or parable.
For example, the “Chapter of the Turtle and the Mon-
key” in the Parisian Arabe 3467 codex is illustrated
with only one miniature (BnF: Arabe 3467, f.85r),
while in the Oxford manuscript the same text is illus-
trated by three miniatures (111b, 114a, b).
We have yet to emphasize one common feature of
all the manuscripts of the collection of the fables of
Kalila and Dimna: while following the text, with more
or less consistency, they illustrate events in which
both people and animals act equally convincingly –
the animals and birds endowed with the capacity of
thinking and talking, that live, in essence, according
to the same laws as the human society.
List of Manuscripts of the Collection
20
URL: https://parker.stanford.edu/parker/catalog/yg734tn1217
(Accessed: 10.02.2022)
21
Manuscripts of the collection of fables of “Kalīla wa-Dimna”: 1, 2.
– Paris, BnF: Arabe 3465, 1st quarter of The 13th c., Syria (?); Arabe
3467, 2nd quarter of the 14th c., Syria (?). 3. Munich, BSB, cod. Arab.
616, ca. 1310, Egypt. 4. Oxford, Bodl.; Pococke 400, 1354). 5. Cam-
bridge (Corpus Christi College, MS 578, 14th century, not published;
the entire manuscript is available for review at the following links to the
repository: https://parker.stanford.edu/parker/catalog/yg734tn1217
126
of Fables, Kalila and Dimna
1.BnF: Arabe 3465, First quarter of 13th c., Syria (?).URL:
https://gallica.bnf.fr/view3if/ga/ark:/12148/btv1b84229611/f1
2. Arabe 3467, Second quarter of 14th c., Syria (?). URL:
https://gallica.bnf.fr/view3if/ga/ark:/12148/btv1b84152188
3. BSB, cod. Arab. 616, ca. 1310, Egypt. URL: https://www.
digitale-sammlungen.de/en/view/bsb00045958?page=250,251
4. Oxford, Bodl.; Pococke 400, 1354). URL: https://dig-
ital.bodleian.ox.ac.uk/objects/8face4cc-d7dc-4ec6-8315-
64b8c171dd76/
5. Cambridge (Corpus Christi College, MS 578, 14th c. URL:
https://parker.stanford.edu/parker/catalog/yg734tn1217
REFERENCES
Biruni (1995). India. Transl from Arabic. A. Khalidov, Yu. Za-
vadovsky, comm. V. Erman, A. Khalidov, responsible. ed.
V. Belyaev. Reprint of the text ed. 1963. Moscow: Ladomir
Publ. (In Russian).
Ettinghausen, R. (1962). Arab Painting. Geneva: Skira Publ.
Herzstein, R. (2015). The Oriental Library and the Catholic
Press at Saint-Joseph University in Beirut, in: Journal of Jes-
uit Studies. 2. P. 248-264.
Hoffman, E. R. (2000) The Beginnings of the Illustrated Arabic
Book: An Intersection between Art and Scholarship, in:
Muqarnas. Vol. 17. P. 37-52.
Ibn al-Muqaffa (1986). Kalila and Dimna. Transl. from Ara-
bic, foreword and comments by B. Shidfar. Moscow: Hu-
dozhestvennaya literatura Publ. (In Russian).
Kalila and Dimna (1889). The Book of Kalila and Dimna (Col-
lection of fables known as Fables de Bidpai). Translation
from Arabic. M. O. Attaya. Moscow: Typography and
wording by O. O. Herbeck (In old Russian).
Kalila and Dimna (1957). Translation from Arabic by I.Yu.
Krachkovskiy, I. P. Kuzmina. Second edition: Foreword
by Ye. Bertels. Moscow: Vostochnaya literatura Publ. (In
Russian).
Kalilah et Dimnah (1905). La version arabe de Kalilah et Dim-
nah d’après le plus ancien Manuscript arabe daté publiée.
Par Le P. L. Cheikho, S.J. Professeur de Littérature arabe à
la Faculté Orientale de l’Université St. Joseph de Beyrouth,
avec une Préface et des Notes. Beyrouth: Imprimerie
Catholique, Forward by editor (French), apparatus criticus:
French-Arabic, Text: Arabic.
Panchatantra (1989). Panchatantra, or Five Books of Worldly
Wisdom. Translation from Sanskrit, foreword and com-
mentary by I. Serebryakov; poems translated by Alev
Ibraghimov. Moscow: Hudozhestvennaya literature Publ.
(In Russian).
Sacy, M. (1816). Calila et Dimna, ou fables de Bidpai, en Arabe;
précédées d’un mémoire sur l’origine de ce livre, et sur les
diverses traductions qui en ont été faites dans l’Orient, et
suivies de la Moallaka de Lébid, en Arabe et en Français,
par M. Silvestre de Sacy. A Paris, De L’Imprimerie Royale.
HISTORIOGRAPHY
ISSUES

127
ВЕСТНИК МИЦАИ 29/2020

128
 SERGEY ABASHIN

THREE HUNDRED YEARS AFTER THE CAMPAIGN

Review of a monograph by Associate Professor of St. Petersburg State University, Candidate of Historical Sciences
A. A. Andreev “I remain your faithful servant, my Sovereign, Prince Alexander Cherkassky.” [“Prebyvaju
vernym slugoju Vam, moemu Gosudarju, knjaz' Aleksandr Cherkasskij”] The book is dedicated to one of the
least studied associates of Peter the Great, Prince Alexander Bekovich Cherkassky (?-1717). Born into a noble
Circassian family, he went through a difficult life path from a hostage (amanat) at a Russian citadel to captain
of the Life Guards of the Preobrazhensky Regiment. Being a contemporary of the great era of the Petrine
reforms, he not only managed to show his talents in the affairs of state, but also successfully established himself
among the old boyar nobility in Moscow. Based on a wide range of documentary and ethnographic sources, the
book presents in detail the significant stages of the prince's life from Northern Caucasus to Khorezm. According
to the author of the review, Cherkassky's Khiva campaign became a harbinger of the future, already in the 19th
century, the military offensive of the then already mature Russian Empire in Central Asia. The experience of
the Kabardian prince, despite the tragic end, formed an idea of the goals and ways of such an advancement
into the region, and created the trauma that reinforced the idea of revenge and emotionally colored the new
victories of the Russian arms after more than a hundred years.

Keywords: Prince Alexander Bekovich Cherkassky, Peter I, Peter the Great, the Russian Empire, the Eastern
Caspian Sea region, Khiva, the Turkmens, the Turkomans
Citation: Sergey Abashin (2022). Three hundred years after the Campaign, Bulletin of IICAS 33, 129-132.
Article link: https://doi.org/10.34920/1694-5794-2022.33en.008

M
any scientific and pseudo-scientific works
have already been published about the trag-
ic history of the Russian military campaign
led by Prince Alexander Bekovich Cherkassky (Be-
kovich-Cherkassky) against the Khiva Khanate in
1717. This part of history is firmly inscribed into the
historiography of Central Asia, and all the multiple
works devoted to the new period of history of the re-
gion and its relations with Russia do begin with it. The
abundance of sources and analytical works does not,
however, make one interpretation of this event gener-
ally accepted. Some authors see it as the beginning of
colonial invasion and subjugation, others see it as the
beginning of close political and economic contacts,
mutual interest and mutual influence. Some describe
the wisdom of Peter the Great, the heroism of Cher-
kassky and the insidiousness of Shir Gaza, while oth-
ers, on the contrary, see the military insidiousness of
the Khiva Khan and the helplessness of the Russian
military detachment. Some pay more attention to the
hostilities and the weapons used therein, while others
write about geographical discoveries. Such an already
long-standing interest in the campaign against Khiva
led not so much to the clarification of many facts and
circumstances, but to the creation of numerous myths
and stereotypes that were formed on this subject.
The new book, written by the St. Petersburg histo-
rian Artyom Andreev, is yet another attempt at revi-
sion of these myths, and the sources behind them, an
attempt to check the existing historical narrative once
again, where possible, with the help of new evidence,
and an attempt to carefully clear it of various impu-
rities and reach the original “bedrock”1. The author
seeks to achieve his goal, firstly, by referring to the
primary sources, which, however, cannot guarantee
solution of problems, but rather even challenges cer-
tain facts that may have seemed obvious, but at the
same time makes it possible to correct some previous
statements, and put forward new hypotheses. The his-
torian does not hesitate to show the lack of opinion-
atedness of assessments. His words, like “I presume”,
and “I assume”, do not make the analysis sketchy, - in-
stead they make it more profound. Secondly, Andreev
1
Andreev A. A. I am being your faithful servant, my Sovereign,
Prince Alexander Cherkassky. St. Petersburg: Nauka, 2021. 239
pages.

129
 BULLETIN OF IICAS 33/2022
actively supplemented his recountal with data from
related disciplines, such as archeology and ethnogra-
phy. Although they do not provide direct data on the
events of the early 18th century, they make it possible
to see the context more consistently, to hear new voic-
es, to look into things and spaces where Cherkassky
once lived, and where the military campaign was car-
ried out under his leadership. The book is full of illus-
trations from Northern Caucasus, Moscow and the
Moscow region, Turkmenistan and Uzbekistan, and
the places its main character had visitedб and where
the main events occurred that perpetuated his name
for the posterity.
Andreev immediately begins the first chapter,
“On the family name, sources and historiography”, by
busting the main myths about the hero’s name, which
is usually spelled Bekovich-Cherkassky, but in fact
should sound like Alexander Cherkassky (Bekovich
is the patronymic based on the father’s name) (p. 19-
21). This historiographic chapter reviews and eval-
uates the various sources important for coverage of
the subject, as well as numerous previous works of re-
searchers, based on which the history of the Khiva ex-
peditions, the military campaign, and the biography
of their leader had been reconstructed, to a consid-
erable extent. Despite some omissions (for example,
130
the book by I. M. Kubasov and A. A. Kubasova “The
Feat and Tragic Fate of Prince A. Cherkassky (1714-
1717)” [“Podvig I tragicheskaya sud’ba knyazya A.
Cherkasskogo (1714–1717)”], published 30 years ago
in Ashgabat, was not included in the bibliography),
this chapter draws in general, a fairly complete pic-
ture of almost three hundred years of the acquisition,
publication and comprehension of documents relat-
ed to the subject in question, systematizes opinions,
discoveries, shortcomings, as well as myths that have
always accompanied the research.
In this historiographical analysis, Andreev tries
to maintain a neutral tone and avoid large concep-
tual perspectives, he talks about neither colonialism
nor colonial conquests in Central Asia. We do not see
either how the history of the campaign was later in-
scribed into various political frames of reference: first
the imperial, then Soviet, and finally national grand
projects. Busting the myths, Andreev did not consid-
er the problem of how or why these myths arose, how
they permeated the historical memory, how various
stakeholders use them, and how these myths influ-
ence the social process. But even though the author
shuns such an analysis, these questions may not sim-
ply disappear, as it is from these questions that our
endless revisitation of the fate of Alexander Cherkass-
ky stems, they determine our interest in it.
In the second chapter, titled “Salad days - between
Moscow and the Caucasus,” [“Yunye gody – mezhdu
Moskvoj i Kavkazom”] Andreev introduces the read-
er to the “Caucasian” and “Moscovite” stages in the
biography of the young prince, with his transforma-
tion from Devlet Giray, the son of Bekmurza, into
Alexander Bekovich Cherkassky, recounts the details
of his Kabardian ancestry, of relations of the various
factions of the Kabardian nobility among themselves,
and with external forces, such as the Russian Empire,
the Crimea and the Ottoman Empire, the book spec-
ifies the dates and circumstances of certain historical
upheavals. Analyzing different versions of the story
of how the prince ended up in Moscow, the author
agrees with the point of view, calling it an assump-
tion that his path began with the status of an amanat,
a kind of a hostage and pupil who was supposed to
guarantee the loyalty of his family to the Russian au-
thorities, then, already in Moscow, he converted to
Orthodoxy and transited to the Russian service, set
up his possessions here and got married. Prince Boris
Alekseevich Golitsyn, at that time the closest associ-
ate of Peter the Great and the head of “Eastern policy”
of the nascent empire, became his patron and father-
in-law. Along the way, the author busts another myth,
according to which Alexander Cherkassky was edu-
cated in Europe. In fact, as the historian shows, many
researchers confused him with another person. The
chapter describes in detail how, in this new status of
 SERGEY ABASHIN
already a Russian subject, Cherkassky took an active
part in the war of 1711 between Russia and the Ot-
toman Empire, the theater of which covered the Cis-
Azov Sea region and Northern Caucasus, where he
demonstrated organizational and diplomatic qualities
which made him “a full-fledged associate” of the Tsar
(p. 82).
Drawn by Andreev and his predecessors, the biog-
raphy of Devlet Giray, who became Alexander Cher-
kassky, shows the amazing mobility in the Moscovite
kingdom and the emerging Russian Empire. A Mus-
lim and Kabardian prince, he could easily cross many
geographic, cultural and social borders to become an
Orthodox Christian and a Russian military man. Eth-
nic and racial boundaries, the boundaries between
the “civilization” and “barbarism” have not yet been
understood as an obstacle to such a movement and
change of status. The early modern empire was ready,
according to the old tradition, to absorb and co-opt
into the elite a variety of groups and individuals who,
in turn, were ready to serve it faithfully, and became
the conductors of imperialism themselves.
The fact that the daring and often reckless im-
perial projects were largely the result of the knowl-
edge, efforts, negotiations and relations between the
center and the outskirts, the result of combining the
interests of the various parties, is clearly visible in
the third, perhaps, the most important, chapter “The
Origins of Design. From the banks of Mangyshlak to
the banks of the Neva” [“Istoki zamysla. Ot beregov
Mangyshlaka do beregov Nevy”]. In this chapter, the
author shows how the new Russian elite saw the Cen-
tral Asian region by the beginning of the 18th centu-
ry, what their expectations were, and what they were
seeking there. The sporadic diplomatic talks between
Moscow, Khiva and Bukhara on trade relations, in-
cluding the joint development of trade routes along
the Eastern Caspian Sea region, had been going on,
from the mid 17th century. The book reviews several
examples of such meetings and exchange of opinions,
which influenced the decision of Peter the Great to
undertake an expedition to Khiva. The author ex-
amines in detail, for example, the results of the talks
held between the above-mentioned Golitsyn and
the Khiva Embassy under Dostek Bek Bakhadur, in
1700. Verifying the point of view that this embassy
had allegedly submitted a petition to the Tsar for al-
legiance of the Khiva Khanate, Andreev comes to the
conclusion that “based on the content of the petition,
there are grounds both to confirm the Khanate’s de-
sire for the allegiance, and to refute it” (p. 93). The
researcher tends to assume that Moscow officials de-
liberately and one-sidedly interpreted the Khiva mes-
sage as a sign of recognition of their vassalage. The
author also analyzed the negotiations with Khodja
Nefes, the representative of the Mangyshlak Turk-
131
mens, who arrived in Astrakhan in 1713, and with
the Khiva Ambassador Ashur Bek, who stayed in As-
trakhan in 1713-1714. Both were trying to persuade
the Russian side to intensify Eastern Caspian policies,
in the hope of getting external support in the political
clash among Khiva, Bukhara, Turkmens, Karakalpaks
and Kalmyks. The chapter convincingly covers how
the negotiations of the Russian side with representa-
tives of Khiva and Turkmens, as well as Kalmyks and
Karakalpaks, convinced Peter the Great to pay closer
attention to Central Asia, where it was supposed to
look for river trade routes with India, and open the
access to various local riches that stunned imagina-
tion of the Russian emperor.
The oral stories in this chapter of the book, relat-
ed by Rakhimbibi Begdzhanova, a descendant of the
Khoja Nefes, are worthy of particular attention (pp.
99-105). These stories allow one to directly hear, albe-
it in the mythologized form of legends and traditions,
the voices of the non-Russian participants in those
events, complementing the history standardized by
scientists and politicians - with the new details, this
imparting it a special atmosphere, thus overcoming
the customary academic detachment.
The fourth chapter titled “Expeditions of
Prince A. B. Cherkassky. 1714-1717.” [“Ekspeditsii
knyazya A. B. Cherkasskogo. 1714-1717 gg.”] is de-
voted to how several decrees of Peter the Great were
implemented, whose plan was to search for the riv-
erbed from the Caspian Sea to India and bring the
Khiva and, if possible, Bukhara rulers to the Russian
allegiance, which had been promised as far back as in
1700. Andreev notes that the Tsar’s instructions con-
tained both impracticable points, since there was no
river leading from the Caspian Sea, and contradicto-
ry goals, since the seemingly diplomatic mission in
Khiva and Bukhara was accompanied by overtly mil-
itary measures such as creating a significant military
grouping of 6 thousand people and the construction
of fortresses. The Petersburg historian points out that
Cherkassky, nevertheless, sought to literally fulfill
all the points of this plan, even neglecting any new
circumstances or difficulties that arose as it was put
into practice. The chapter pays much attention to the
question of the research of the 18th, 19th and 20th
centuries into a disappeared ancient channel of the
Amu Darya River that might allegedly have led into
the Caspian Sea, and into the possibility of retrieval of
this watercourse. Andreev dwells on the location of the
fortifications which Cherkassky had created, in much
detail. Relying on archeology, historical evidence and
personal impressions, the author, critically analyzes
the existing versions and offers his own localization
of these military bases. Following his predecessors, he
shows in this way that even the very preparation for
a military-diplomatic campaign, the first reconnais-
 BULLETIN OF IICAS 33/2022
sance expeditions in 171-41716, the clarification of
the coastline, of the sea and land routes, the involve-
ment of various local experts became the first steps
in creating imperial knowledge about Central Asia,
which more than a century later stood in good stead
for the final conquest of the region.
The last chapter “The tragic ending” [“Tragich-
eskii final”] shows that imperial projects are not at all
times successful. For the success of the imperial imag-
ination, which in itself creates a completely new polit-
ical motion, various prerequisites are still necessary,
including the inability of a possible victim to resist,
its unwillingness to resist for some reason or another.
Step by step, Andreev traces the actions of Cherkass-
ky and his squad in 1717, notes absurdities of these
actions, which eventually led to the weakening of the
position of the Russian army, and made it quite easy to
dispose of the Russian troops. Cherkassky led an im-
pressive military force, but seemed to do everything
not to use all of its capabilities. The campaign began
with the tragic death at sea of his wife with the chil-
dren who followed him, and ended with a joint feast
of the Cherkassky and the Khiva Khan, during which
his relaxed squad was divided, disarmed, and actually
taken aback, and mostly put to sword along with the
prince himself; the rest of the squad died of hunger
and disease in the desert, fell in battles, while only its
small part returned home. The author reconstructs
the path of the expeditionary squad, and the place of
their death, shows the roles of its various participants,
132
the actions of the allies and adversaries, the decisions
of the Khiva Khan Shir Gaza, who was very active and
successful in his affairs, who skillfully avoided a head-
on collision. At the same time, sympathizing with the
book [and story] hero and struggling with the myth
presenting him to be a loser, Andreev reads these
mistakes not as strange irrational acts, but as “the per-
sonal all-round diligence of the prince” (p. 196), who
literally and strictly tried to follow contradictory and,
most likely, unfeasible instructions from his overlord.
Summing things up, and reflecting on the conse-
quences of Cherkassky’s campaign, Artyom Andreev
comes to the conclusion that these events turned out
“to have no beneficiaries” (p. 194), no one strength-
ened their positions as a result of the defeat of Cher-
kassky’s military squad, Shir Gaza himself lost a pos-
sible military ally. But the campaign itself, of course,
became a harbinger of the future [19th century] mil-
itary offensive undertaken by the then mature Rus-
sian Empire over Central Asia. The experience of the
Kabardian prince, despite the tragic end, formed a
concept of the goals and ways of such an advance into
the region and, if I could add, created the trauma that
reinforced the idea of revenge and emotionally color-
ed the new victories of the Russian arms more than
a hundred years later. Despite some failures, the Em-
pire still remained the winner, and the story of Cher-
kassky did not close Central Asia for Russia - on the
contrary, it opened this region in the long run for new
colonial aspirations of its northern neighbor.
 FARDA ASADOV

ARCHEOLOGY AND TEXTUAL SOURCE STUDIES

FOR KHAZAR HISTORICAL RESEARCH:
SCHOLARLY INTERACTION IN THE 20th CENTURY
AND PROSPECTS OF COOPERATION
The article examines the interaction of archaeologists and researchers of written sources on the history of
the Khazar Khaganate based on the publications of the second half of the twentieth century. The controversy
in the Soviet and post-Soviet Russian-language literature is traced about the reliability of the data provided
by written monuments, as well as about how much the data of archaeological science may be preferable for
further study of the socio-political and religious situation in the Khazar Khaganate in 9th - 10th centuries. The
possibilities and prospects of archaeological work to replenish information on the history of the Khazars are
determined. The tendencies for strengthening the cooperation between archaeologists and researchers of written
sources are characterized. The diversity of the concepts of history and the historical significance of the Khazar
Khaganate are explained with reference to specifics of the Khazar studies in contemporary world. The episodes
of international cooperation in programs and projects of Khazar archeology and Khazar historiography are
highlighted. The information of written sources about the conversion of the Khazars to Judaism is placed in
the context of contradictions between archaeological data and evidence from written monuments about the
change of the official faith in the Khazar Khaganate. With references to the fundamental publications on the
methodology of studying the history of the Khazars and on the tasks of Khazar archeology, the most optimal
line of delimitation of the sphere of Khazar archeology and Khazar historiography is presented.

Key words: Khazars, Khazar Judaism, Khazar archeology, written sources about the Khazars, Saltov-Mayatsk
culture
Citation: Farda Asadov (2022). Archeology and Textual Source Studies for Khazar Historical Research:
Scholarly Interaction in the 20th Century and Prospects of Cooperation, Bulletin of IICAS 33, 133-137.
Article link: https://doi.org/10.34920/1694-5794-2022.33en.009

A
vailability of written evidence is an im-
mense advantage for a researcher investi-
gating the history of nations and states. Ar-
cheology in former territories of states no longer in
existence, the ethnography of the peoples currently
inhabiting those former lands, and linguistic analy-
sis are can provide artifacts and considerations that
may specify and clarify the painted picture from ap-
plicable written sources. However, even a thoroughly
and logically reasoned interpretation of the available
data from these auxiliary sources cannot serve as a
totally adequate foundation for historical research. As
L. N. Gumilev acknowledged, even in written sources,
“not everything has been said” (Gumilev 1989: 124).
It is better to write at length on the significance
and interaction of these fundamental historical dis-
ciplines using case studies and examining the history
of a specific problem, providing a candid multifacet-
ed history of a people or a state. In this article, such
an attempt is proposed in the context of researching
Khazar history and specifically the Khazar Khaganate.
For the early Middle Ages, the period marking the
rise and decline of the Khazar, the main sources, of
course, are the relevant written sources.
The study of the Kazar’s history is associated with
debates over early forms of statehood among various
Eurasian peoples which include the Eastern Slavs,
Bulgarians, and Hungarians. Additionally, is the his-
tory of statehood among the Turkic peoples of the
Volga region: the Oghuz Turks, the Kipchaks, and the
peoples of modern North and South Caucasus. Ev-
idence from written sources provides opportunities
for various historiographical interpretations.
Written source information concerning the

133
 BULLETIN OF IICAS 33/2022
Khazar elite’s adoption of Judaism adds religious and
political motives to this discussion about their role
in the history of early statehood among the Eurasian
peoples, particularly the Eastern Slavs. For these rea-
sons, during the Soviet period, the Khazar theme was
both unpopular and an acutely sensitive area of his-
toriography.
Following the Soviet Union’s collapse, interest in
the Khazar history multiplied. The topic expanding
slightly in conjunction with the national historiog-
raphies of the Turkic peoples. In post-Soviet Russian
historical science, the issues of Khazar studies focused
on new approaches and motivated discussions with
colleagues from various countries creating conditions
for a fruitful exchange of views and cooperation.
A major event on this topic occurred in 1999 at
the International Colloquium in Jerusalem organized
by American and Israeli Asian scholars in close coop-
eration with their Russian counterparts. This large-
scale Khazar studies forum gathered specialists from
various fields of historical science, archaeology, and
epigraphy. This colloquium began a process of close
cooperation among Khazar studies experts from a va-
riety of countries with initial projects concentrating
on discovery and site preservation at locations with
Khazar material culture. Israeli, Russian, and Ukrain-
ian scholars cooperated along two main streams:
scholarly publications on the Jewish history in Russia;
and the historical and archaeological “Khazar pro-
ject.” The largest expeditions financed by the Khaz-
ar Project include excavations at Samosdekha, a site
near Astrakhan where archaeologists suspect they
discovered the Khazar capital, Itil; and archaeologi-
cal work at the Alanian archaeological site of Gornoe
Ekho. The Alans are known to have allied themselves
with the Khazars as rather reliable confederates of the
Кhaganate (Satanovsky 2010).
However, this should not lead one to assume that
a complete transformation has occurred in the devel-
opment of formerly Soviet, now Russian, Asian stud-
ies, from politically charged attitudes to a free sci-
entific cooperation with mutual understanding with
colleagues from abroad. To understand the atmos-
phere prevailing in the current Russian Khazar stud-
ies, one should return to the central figure of Russian
scholarship in the field, the remarkable archaeologist
and historian, M. I. Artamonov. This scholar entered
Khazar studies via two different routes: the acquisi-
tion and systematization of archaeological finds; and
the interpretation of written source data. Along this
first route, Artamonov made a sizeable contribution
in discovering new data as he led various Soviet ar-
chaeological expeditions in the Cis-Don region, in
particular, the unique left-bank Saltovo-Mayatskoye
archaeological site, reliably identified as the Khazar
fortress, Sarkel.1 His publications on Sarkel, a site now
134
lost for archaeology, remain unsurpassed, and serve
as a primary source for all researchers who investigate
the archaeological evidence of Khazaria (Artamonov
1935; Artamonov 1956).
Thus, Artamonov’s personality and work encom-
pass all the main trends toward the further devel-
opment of Russian Khazar studies in the following
ways: First, was his continued archaeological work in
discovering sites containing Khazar material culture,
determining their location, systematization, and then
providing analysis. This contribution is a most im-
portant prerogative for Russian scholars, since almost
all promising areas of Khazar archaeology are located
in the Russian Federation. Artamonov led in all areas
through his discoveries and publications of new arti-
facts and his analysis and synthesis of his finds into
the context of written historical sources by means of
his dedicated research. The archaeological heritage
found on the territory of the Khazar Khaganate dat-
ing to the 8th and 9th centuries served as a scientif-
ic strand in the development of Russian archaeology
during the early 20th century. In 1900, a teacher of
a Verkhny Saltov settlement school, Mr. V.A. Baben-
ko, discovered the now widely known Sarada or Salt
catacomb burial on the right bank of the Seversky
Donets River. Although Artamonov was not the first
archaeologist to raise the issue of the cultural mate-
rial’s common characteristics during the period of
Khazar dominance in southern Eastern Europe; he
did especially contribute to the scholarship by exam-
ining the archaeological culture of the Volga-Don and
Caucasian steppes. This was further developed by his
students through their focus upon the Saltov-Mayat-
skoye archaeological culture during the Khazar peri-
od (Pletneva 1967: 3-10; Pletneva 1999: 21-39; Flerov
1983: 103-108). Thus, the world’s understanding of
Khazar archaeology is dependent upon the work of
Russian scholars in this field.
Second, Artamonov recognized the Khazar Kha-
ganate’s significance as the first state in the European
part of Russian territory. This greatly influenced the
statehood creation for many of the region’s modern
nations. This tradition is characterized by the consist-
ent work on the collection, study, and publication of
written evidence obtained from various sources. This
strand of Russian scholars have been and remain an
integral part of the international scientific commu-
nity of Khazar research. Artamonov’s contribution
consisted of a systematized analysis of the scholarly
community’s available evidence. However, he admit-
tedly did not consider himself sufficiently prepared
1
In 1952, the territory of Sarkel was flooded during the const-
ruction and filling of the Tsimlyansk reservoir. Exhibits of these
archaeological expeditions are kept in the Hermitage and in the
local museum of Novocherkassk.
 FARDA ASADOV
for the critical study of written sources (Artamonov
1936: vii). According to S. A. Pletneva, Artamonov,
however, worked very hard analyzing the available
translations, and interacted with his fellow-oriental-
ists to clarify meanings found in the original sources.
As a result, his book included a very useful overview
on the historical sources of the Khazars with an in-
formative evaluation of the evidence from medieval
authors (Pletneva 2002: 17-18). A detailed review
and evaluation of the Khazar state’s written sources
is found at the beginning of the Artamonov’s mono-
graph (Artamonov 2002: 36-53).
Since Artamonov, no figure in Russian Khaz-
ar historiography has been capable of combining
the abovementioned strands of research into their
work. For this reason, the work of Russian scholars
concerning Khazar history can be traced along these
lines. First, it can be assumed there was no direct
administrative pressure, and Russian scholars deter-
mined their attitude toward the topic by means of
their own choice and, one can say, freely reacted to
the dominant moods or priorities of Russian politics
and politicians.
In any case, Russian archaeology continued its
work in freer conditions and, as indicated, in cooper-
ation with Israeli colleagues and private sector com-
panies. In the meantime, the position of the archae-
ological research gradually diverged among Russian
Khazar scholars. After the publication of Artamon-
ov’s book, virtually no Russian researcher sought
to synthesize the achievements of archaeology with
written source analysis on the Khazars. Perhaps the
book by S. A. Pletneva’s pupil, Dagestani archaeol-
ogist M. G. Magomedov, could be purporting to at-
tempt such a task. However, once familiar with Ma-
gomedov’s work, one could conclude that the core of
his research centered on results from archaeological
excavation, while work with textual sources was sub-
ordinate to his study (Magomedov 1983).
The largest Russian book on Khazar history in
the wake of Artamonov’s work, is found in the mon-
ograph of the Asian scholar A. P. Novoseltsev, The
Khazar State and Its Role in the History of Eastern
Europe and the Caucasus. He emphasized that, after
the 1930s, most work on the Khazars was done by ar-
chaeologists. However, if Artamonov’s book labored
to support and develop the tradition of research and
generalization of written evidence; archaeologists of
the 1970s-1980s, according to Novoseltsev, lost these
traditions. While describing and introducing their
valuable finds to the scientific community, as a rule,
they did not consider the data from written sources
of which they had little familiarity. Therefore, they
committed serious interpretive errors. Novoseltsev
was especially concerned that, starting in the 1970s,
the local peripheral archaeology schools appeared
135
whose theoretical and textual source training often
proved insufficient. Besides, the archaeological work
among local scientific circles was territorially limited
by the boundaries of their respective municipalities,
which could produce a negative effect. They sought to
discover archaeological material in the autonomous
republics as arguments to “link the past of these re-
publics to the ancient civilizations known from the
written sources” (Novoseltsev 1990: 3, 59). This emerg-
ing view concerning the natural interest in Khazar
history among representatives of the national histori-
ographic schools in the various republics resulted in
indignation by Dagestani archaeologist, Magomedov,
who referred to this approach by Russian scholars as
chauvinistic (Magomedov: 1994: 4).
Yet, the reason for this unsatisfactory research
by archaeologists was not so much the amateur level
of the local archaeological schools or their distance
from the center (a view expressed by A. P. Novo-
seltsev) but rather, the fundamental problem of ar-
chaeology’s role in studying the history of peoples
in general. Soviet archaeology largely followed the
cultural-historical approach of pre-war German ar-
chaeologist Gustaf Kossinna (1858–1931), who clear-
ly established boundaries of archaeological culture as
coinciding with an area of residence and activity of
certain peoples and tribes. Thus, the temptation was
to determine a settlement’s antiquity using local (or
an even more extensive) territory by one’s own ances-
tors as evidence of the boundaries for the previous ar-
chaeological cultures as well. This phenomenon was
characteristic not only of Russian and Soviet archae-
ology, but also of archaeological schools from Eastern
Europe (Curta 2005: 6-7).
Nevertheless, Novoseltsev criticized Russian ar-
chaeologists too harshly for their complacency. A
pupil of Artamonov, L. S. Klejn,—who, in 1971, un-
earthed the first so-called “mound with a little ditch,”
subsequently identified by archaeologists as Khazar
burials (Pletneva 2002: 29)—quite responsibly ap-
proached the limits of archaeology’s capabilities.
Archaeology’s task, he believed, is the location and
presentation of material culture, artifacts, and their
relationship with each other. In other words, the ar-
chaeologist must translate a material object’s discov-
ered connection into the language of historians, that
is, into thoughts and words. Also, the historian deals
with a written source, which is the location of words
and thoughts, just like narratives of historiography.
The historian’s task, but not the archaeologist’s, is to
synthesize data obtained from all the sources. If an
archaeologist impatiently argues with historians and
wants to translate artifacts or collected archaeologi-
cal material into a historiographical product, then
the archaeologist needs to master the new field on a
truly professional level (Klejn 1993: 341-342). When
 BULLETIN OF IICAS 33/2022
evidence from written sources is scarce, the value of
the archaeological material increases, then history
writing based solely on written sources is no longer
adequate (Curta 2005: 7). In other words, historians
will inevitably face the necessity of mastering the ar-
chaeological material which is presented in words
and thoughts by archaeologists.
A. P. Novoseltsev openly declared in his book that
his research was built exclusively on written sources,
but did not deny the need to involve archeological
data into Khazar historiography. Yet, he reasonably
doubted the veracity and reliability of the materi-
al culture’s transformation into thoughts and words
by the archaeologists, and especially if they took on
the historiography rather than exclusively focusing
on the archaeology as well. Therefore, his book con-
tains a rather critical evaluation of the archaeologi-
cal publications. Novoseltsev recognized the need
to synthesize data from various branches of source
studies, however, as pointed out, he was critical of the
contemporary state of Khazar archaeology when his
book was published (Novoseltsev 1990: 60-61).
S. A. Pletneva (1926–2008), as Artamonov’s pupil
and a leading Khazar archaeologist in Russia, react-
ed to Novoseltsev’s work by delineating that only ar-
chaeology provides “living material” for Khazar his-
tory and that written sources “skim over the surface
of history, touching upon only those events that rise
above the mundane.” She referred to Novoseltsev’s
book as “a shadow of the work of M. I. Artamonov”
and, in general, was even more critical of all the other
great works on Khazar history, which “purport to in-
terpret and re-interpret the evidence from the written
sources.” These works, Pletneva believed, “can pro-
vide nothing new, except for individual clarifications
in translations, they cannot give any bright discover-
ies....” (Pletneva 2002: 34).
The works of scholars mentioned by Pletneva
(Pletneva 1967; Pletneva 1976; Pletneva 1999), in
particular those by Magomedov (Magomedov 1983),
and V. K. Mikheev (Mikheev 1985) constitute the late
classics of Russian Khazar archaeology, whose de-
velopment was especially rapid over recent decades.
Pletneva presented the situation and achievements
embarked during the new century in her book enti-
tled Writings on Khazar Archaeology (Ocherki Khaz-
arskoj arkheologii). The reader is encouraged to refer
to periodicals for the latest developments in this area.
Three years following the colloquium in Jerusa-
lem, the Second International Colloquium on Khazar
Studies took place in Moscow in 2002. About forty
percent of the presented reports were archaeologi-
cal. The predominance of archaeological topics was
acknowledged by the colloquium’s organizers. The
analysis of topics and participants’ list confirmed the
extent of activity by local archaeological schools and
136
archaeologists from Ukraine and southern Russia. It
is clear that archaeology annually expands and up-
dates the foundation for Khazar studies. It was also
clarified that the history of the Khazar Khaganate as
a large “nomadic empire” should be considered with-
in the broader context of archaeological material and
written evidence on Eurasian history (Khazars: Sec-
ond International Colloquium. Theses 2002: 6).
The virtual absence of the Dagestani archaeolog-
ical school among the participants appeared rather
obvious, since this school has great traditions in the
study of Khazar period sites. The participants notice-
ably imparted that archaeologists with a long record
of work on Khazar sites – A. I. Aybabin, S. A. Plet-
neva, V. S. Flerov, V. E. Flerova, M. V. Gorelik and
others – posed major questions about archaeolog-
ical evidence regarding the limits of Khazar politi-
cal domination; the prevalence of Judaism; and the
possibility of identifying the Khazar ethnos proper
on the basis of material culture sites. Yet, presenters
also expressed a wary approach as to whether enough
archaeological evidence exists to reconstruct the mi-
gration and political processes during the period of
Khazar domination.2
Certainly, a textual researcher cannot invade
the field of archaeology and interpret archaeological
finds. However, he or she must account for the cultur-
al material’s significance and the main conclusions by
archaeologists concerning their interconnection and
origin. It seems that archeological data could help es-
tablish chronological and geographical boundaries of
the Khazar Khaganate; clarify the Khazarian popu-
lation’s ethnic and religious composition; their daily
home life; and, in general, the culture’s economy. Such
material could also assist in comprehending the re-
lationship between the urban sedentary and nomad-
ic population of Khazaria, and provide an educated
judgment on the possible existence of a Khazar ethnic
and imperial identity.
In closing, one should remind the scholarly com-
munity concerning prospects of new proceedings on
Khazar history as set forth by the master of modern
Khazar studies internationally, Peter Golden, in his
classic work. Along with his hope expressed for the
discovery of new manuscripts which could lead to
new interpretations of written evidence on the Khaz-
ars, there is also special hope in obtaining new archae-
ological data that could affirm or discard assumptions
and conjectures by the historians. Linguistic and eth-
nographic studies in the location where the Khazars
directly interacted with the ancestors of modern Cau-
2
See, for example: V. E. Flerova, “Sub-mound Burials and the Early
History of Khazaria: Some Negative Issues of Historiography."
The Khazars: Second International Colloquium. Theses 2002, 98.
 FARDA ASADOV
casian and other Eurasian peoples could also lead to
new inferences on the history of the Khazars (Golden
1980: 24).
Hopes placed on archaeology during the last dec-
ades were justified following the publication of Pe-
ter Golden’s book. It is impossible to enumerate all
the achievements of the Khazar archaeology during
this period, although, along with resounding suc-
cesses, were also disappointments. Expectations of
archaeologists that excavations at Samosdelka, 40
km from Astrakhan, would lead to the discovery of
REFERENCES
Artamonov, M. I. (1935). Srednevekovye poseleniya na
Nizhnem Donu [Medieval Settlements on the Lower
Don]. Leningrad: Gosudarstvennoe socialno-econom-
icheskoe izdatel’stvo Publ. (In Russian).
Artamonov, M. I. (1936). Ocherki drevnejshej istorii khazar
[Essays on ancient history of khazars]. Leningrad: So-
cekgiz, Publ., (in Russian).
Artamonov, M. I. (1956). Hazarskaya krepost Sarkel [The
Khazar Fortress Sarkel], Acta Archaelogica Academiae
Scientiarum Hungaricae, 7, P. 321-341 (in Russian).
Artamonov, M. I. (2002). Istoriya hazar [History of the
Khazars] (2nd ed.). St.Petersburg: Gosudarstennij Er-
mitazh Publ. (In Russian).
Curta, F. (2005). Introduction, in: F. Curta (ed.), East Cen-
tral and Eastern Europe in the Early Middle Ages. Ann
Arbor: University of Michigan Press, P. 1-41.
Flyorov, V. S. (1983). O hronologii Saltovo-Mayackoy kul-
tury [On the Chronology of Saltovo-Mayatskoye Cul-
ture]m in: V. Y. Kiyashko (ed.). Problemy khronologii
arheologicheskih pamyatnikov stepnoy zony Severnogo
Kavkaza [Issues of the Chronology of Archaeological
Sites of the Steppe Zone of the Northern Caucasus].
Rostov: Rostovskii Universitet Publ., P. 103–109 (in
Russian).
Fedorchuk, A. M. and V. Ya. Petruhin (2002). Khazary.
Vtoroy Mezhdunraodnij kollokvium. Tezisy (Sec-
ond International Colloquium. Theses), ed. A. M.
Fedorchuk, V. Ya. Petruhin. Moscow: Center “Sefer”,
Evrejskij Universitet v Moskve. Institut slavyanove-
deniya Rossijskoj Akademii Nauk Publ. (In Russian).
Golden, P. B. (1980). Khazar Studies: An historico-philo-
logical Inquiry into the Origins of the Khazars. Vol. 1.
Budapest: Akadyaemiai Kiadyao.
Gumilev, L. N. (1989). Drevnyaya Rus’ i Velikaya Step’ [The
Ancient Rus and the Great Steppe]. Moscow: Mysl’
Publ. (In Russian).
Klejn, L. S. (1993). To Separate a Centaurus: On the Re-
lationship of the Archaeology and History in Soviet
Tradition, in: Antiquity, 63, P. 339-348.
Magomedov, M. G. (1983). Obrazovanie hazarskogo kaga-
137
the Khazhar capital city of Itil failed to fully justify
more than twelve years of work. However, last year,
yet another contender for Itil’s location appeared –
the excavations undertaken near the rural locality of
Semibugry on the Volga River delta (Soloviev 2020).
What lies ahead, a new disappointment or a grand
discovery? It is difficult to say. It is obvious that a rap-
id accumulation of archaeological data on the Khaz-
ars and the former Khazarian territory is underway.
Such data might provide much food for thought and
possible groundbreaking conclusions.
nata: po materialam arheologicheskih issledovanij i pis-
mennym dannym [Emergence of the Khazar Kaganate:
According to Archaeological Findings and Written Evi-
dence]. Moscow: Nauka Publ. (In Russian).
Magomedov, M. G. (1994). Hazary na Kavkaze [The
Khazars in the Caucasus]. Electronic resource. URL:
http://history-library.com/index.php?id1=3&cate-
gory=istoriya-kavkaza&author=magomedov-mg&-
book=1994 (in Russian).
Mikheyev, V. K. (1985). Podon’e v sostave Hazarskogo Ka-
ganata [The Don River Asreas as Part of the Khazar
Kaganate]. Kharkov: Vysha shkola Publ. (In Russian).
Novoseltsev, A. P. (1990). Hazaraskoje gosudarstvo i ego rol’
v istorii Vostochnoj Evropy i Kavkaza [The Khazar State
and its Role in the History of Eastern Europe and the
Caucasus]. Moscow: Nauka Publ. (In Russian).
Pletneva, S. A. (1976). Hazary [The Khazars]. Moscow:
Nauka Publ. (In Russian).
Pletneva, S. A. (1999). Ocherki Hazarskoy arheologii [Es-
says on Khazar Archaeology]. Moscow, Jerusalem:
Mosty kul’tury – Gesharim, Publ. (In Russian).
Pletneva, S. A. (1967). Ot kocheviy k gorodam Salto-
vo-Mayatskoy kul’tury [From Nomadic Areas to Urban
Settlements: The Saltov-Mayatskoye Culture]. Moscow:
Institut aheologii AN SSSR Publ. (In Russian).
Pletneva, S. A. (2002). Predisloviye ko vtoromu izdaniju
[Preface to Second Edition], in: M. I. Artamonov. Is-
toriya Khazar [History of the Khazars]. St/Petersburg:
Filologicheskiy fakul’tet SpbGU Publ. P. 11-34 (in
Russian).
Satanovski E. Ya. (2010). Hazarskiy Proekt [The Khazar
Project]. Electronic Resource. URL: http://sarkel.ru/
istoriya/hazarskij_proekt/, (in Russian).
Solovyov, D. (2020). Na poroge grandioznogo otkrytiya:
Arheologi nachinaût raskopki legendarnoy stolici
Khazarskogo kaganata [On the Threshold of a Gran-
diose Discovery: Archaeologists Begin Excavations of
the Legendary Capital of the Khazar Kaganate]. Elec-
tronic Resource “Russkoye Geograficheskoye Obsh-
estvo (Russian Geographic Society), URL: https://
www.rgo.ru/ru/article/na-poroge-grandioznogo-ot-
krytiya-arheologi-nachinayut-raskopki-legendar-
noy-stolicy, (in Russian).
 AYDOGDY KURBANOV

GERMAN ARCHAEOLOGICAL ACTIVITIES

IN TURKMENISTAN

The rich history of Turkmenistan contains historical and cultural monuments from various eras. In modern
Turkmenistan, great attention is paid to scientific and educational development. This positive factor attracts
the attention of scientists and research centers around the world, particularly Germany and its researchers.
From 1905, when famous archaeologist Hubert Schmidt took part in excavations of Anau and Merv, to the
German archaeologists following Turkmenistan’s independence in 1991, these scholars actively participate
in archaeological excavations in Turkmenistan. Noteworthy is the center from the Eurasian Department of
the world’s oldest German Archaeological Institute (Berlin) and the Institute for Near Eastern Archaeology
at the Free University of Berlin. Another good example of German-Turkmen scientific contacts involved an
exhibition of Bronze-Age artifacts from Gonur-depe in Berlin, Hamburg, and Mannheim. One of the goals
of these exhibitions addressed the large number of potential tourists coming to Turkmenistan to familiarize
themselves with the modern country. While, to date, no exhibitions displaying Turkmenistan’s overall heritage
have been shown abroad, these archaeological exhibitions were an opportunity to portray the historical and
artistic achievements of this great civilization for a large audience in Germany.

Keywords: Neolithic, Chalcolithic, Bronze Age, Early Iron Age, Turkmenistan

Citation: Aydogdy Kurbanov (2022). German archaeological activities in Turkmenistan, Bulletin of IICAS
33, 138-149.
Article link: https://doi.org/10.34920/1694-5794-2022.33en.010

I
n modern Turkmenistan, great attention is
paid to scientific and educational development.
This positive factor attracts the attention of scien-
tists and research centers from many countries of the
world, in particular Germany, which a world leader
in its number of research centers (Fig. 1). Some of
these centers include the Eurasia Department of the
German Archaeological Institute (the world’s oldest
such institute), and the Institute for Near Eastern Ar-
chaeology at the Free University of Berlin.
The First Stratigraphic Excavations
in Turkmenistan: Anau and Hubert Schmidt
In the late 19th century, modern Turkmenistan
was conquered by the Russian Empire. Between
1903-1904, the archaeological expedition from the
Carnegie Institution of Washington (now the Carne-
gie Institution for Science, Washington, D.C.), under
the direction of Raphael Pumpelly (1837-1923), and
with permission from the Russian Imperial Archaeo-
logical commission (St. Petersburg), conducted an ar-
chaeological survey followed by excavations in Anau
(northern and southern mounds) and in the Merv
region (Erk-kala), thus, being the first archaeological
excavations in Turkmenistan during the 20th century.
Pumpelly first tested his “oasis hypothesis” based
on data from the northern mound of Anau (Anau
North), which was one of the first formal attempts to
archaeologically test a theory of social development.
He hoped to identify cultural material at the site of
Anau which would predate early civilization in Mes-
opotamia supporting his theory that the oasis setting
of Central Asia was the birthplace of agriculture and
complex society. He proposed that the Central Asian
prehistoric world slowly retreated from the expand-
ing deserts, causing local populations to shift from
hunting to herding and eventually from villages to
cities (Pumpelly 1908: 1-80). Anau North has been
used as an example to evaluate the role environment
plays in cultural development. This concept was led
by Ellsworth Huntington (1876-1947) (Hunting-
ton 1919) who visited Central Asia as a member of
Pumpelly’s team and later inspired V. Gordon Childe

138
 AYDOGDY KURBANOV

Fig. 1. Part of map of Turkmenistan with the archaeological sites mentioned in the article.

(1892-1957) with his oasis hypothesis in the develop-
ment of civilization (Childe 1953).
The archaeological excavations conducted in 1904
at Anau and Merv were supervised by a renowned
German archaeologist, Hubert Schmidt (1864-1933),
since Pumpelly himself was a geologist. Schmidt was
a famous prehistoric scholar, curator at the prehis-
toric department of the Berlin museums which par-
ticipated at the excavations of Troy. Schmidt’s Turk-
menistan excavations (Schmidt 1908: 81-210; Schmidt
2003: 174-193) employed measurement methods and
systematic recording of specific data, and, particular-
ly, he was the first to collect palaeobotanical samples
anywhere in the world of archaeology to that point.
All this laid the foundation for archaeological prac-
tice in modern Turkmenistan.

Fig. 2. Anau mounds. At the front is Anau North, further is Anau South. Photo: Aydogdy Kurbanov

139
 BULLETIN OF IICAS 33/2022
In 1907, Pumpelly again planned to return to
the Transcaspian region (Zakaspiyskaya oblast) to
continue work in Anau, but due to the uprisings
in the Russian Empire from 1905-1907, his request
was denied. Nevertheless, the expedition’s work was
chronicled in Explorations in Turkestan: Expedition of
1903 (Pumpelly, ed., 1905) and the two-volume book
Explorations in Turkestan. Prehistoric Civilizations of
Anau, published in Washington (Pumpelly ed., 1908).
Eventually, in archaeological literature, the “Anau
culture” became synonymous with the earliest settled
cultures of the central Kopet Dag region and the use
of the Anau sequence was important for establishing
the relative stratigraphy of Central Asia and Iran.
In commemoration of the centennial anniversary
of this significant archaeological mission, an interna-
tional scientific conference was held in Ashgabat on
October 22-23, 2004. Many of the world’s scholars
participated in the conference, including those from
Germany. Also, that same year, the proceedings were
translated into Turkmen and published as a mono-
graph in Ashgabat under the title “Türküstandaky
derňew işleri. Änewiň gadymy ösüşi” (Exploration in
Turkestan: Prehistoric Civilizations of Anau) of 1908
(Pumpelly (ed.) 2004).
Gonur-depe – The Lost town in the Desert
Approximately 80 km east of present-day Mary
and 70 km east of ancient Merv, the UNESCO World
Heritage Site, Gonur-depe (Turkmen meaning Grey
Mound) is situated in the Karakum desert. This im-
portant Central Asian Bronze Age settlement is the
location archaeologists discovered residential areas,
necropolises, and an imposing palace complex locat-
ed in a well-connected commercial center with com-
plex administrative structures.
This region, known by the historical name, Mar-
gush, or, in ancient Greek, Margiana, formed the
south Turkmenistan core for the BMAC (Bactria
Margiana Archaeological Complex or Culture), also
referred to as the “Oxus civilization.” It extended
from today’s Turkmenistan, across southern Uzbek-
istan all the way to northern Afghanistan. This still
largely unknown advanced early civilization, with its
urban phase between 2300 and 1600 BCE and a late
phase extending until 1200 BCE, was only discovered
in the late 1960s in northern Afghanistan and main-
tained close contact with Iran, Mesopotamia, and the
Harappa culture. The first traces of Bronze Age sites
in the Karakum Desert emerged as early as the 1950s.
However, the systematic exploration of this area be-
gan only after the discovery of this new urban civ-
ilization in the 1970s. Since then, extensive surveys
and excavations have revealed many oases with over
300 large, medium, and small-sized Bronze Age sites.
140
Notably, BMAC sites possessed planned and highly
symmetrically arranged architecture in comparison
to other proto-urban sites in the piedmont strip of
southern Turkmenistan such as Altyn-depe (Маsson
1981; Kohl 2007).
Gonur-depe was the most important of the
BMAC ancient settlements, since it produced the
longest period of settlement (over 700 years). Fur-
thermore, it has been the focus for the longest history
of research. The site is not only the central place of the
“Gonur oasis” with its 21 sites, but also is considered
the religious and administrative capital for the entire
region during that era. Gonur-depe was first investi-
gated in 1972 by the famous Soviet (Russian) archae-
ologist Viktor I. Sarianidi (1929-2013), who opened
initial excavations at the site that year and in 1974.
Extensive excavations began in 1988 and continue to
the present. Sarianidi called it “the city of kings and
gods,” reasonably suggesting that such an extremely
developed, complex settlement was probably ruled by
a priest-king, that is, a leader who combined adminis-
trative, military, and spiritual power (Sarianidi 2002;
Sarianidi 2005).
The site consists of three parts: First, a large Mid-
dle Bronze Age city (Gonur North), whose center is
a huge building inside a so-called “kremlin;” second,
an associated Middle Bronze Age necropolis with
approximately 3000 burials west of the abovemen-
tioned palace; and third, a Late Bronze Age palace
complex (Gonur South), called the temenos. Gonur
North, abandoned by then, served as the Late Bronze
Age burial site (Sarianidi 1990; Sarianidi 2001). Go-
nur-depe North was probably the economic and po-
litical center of Margiana, reaching a size of 40 ha at
the end of the third millennium with a form of hier-
archy or political administrative dominance. This sit-
uation collapsed during the subsequent Late Bronze
Age, when the occupation at Gonur-depe South is
estimated only at about 5 ha, with no single political
administrative center for the area (Kohl 2007).
Despite the extensive research and numerous
publications by Sarianidi, many detailed questions
remain unanswered. For example, the controversial
interpretation of some buildings and well-document-
ed sequence layers have not yet been published; and
numerous questions concerning daily life (settlement
structure, economic basis, long-distance trade, intel-
lectual ideas, etc.) have not yet been totally clarified.
In the early 1990s the German archaeologist Dr.
Thomas Götzelt was part of the Margiana expedition
(Götzelt 1996). Materials of the architecture of Gonur
and other settlements of Margiana of the Bronze Age
were also analyzed by prof. Dietrich Huff of the Eur-
asian Department of the DAI (Huff 2001). In 2010,
his his junior colleague Dr. Nikolaus Boroffka par-
ticipated in the Gonur-depe excavations. He initially
 AYDOGDY KURBANOV
Fig. 3. Gonur-depe. View from the air. At the front is temenos, further is palace. Photo: Suleyman Charyev
excavated sector 18, identified during the spring field
season, with the aim of solving some of the above-
mentioned questions. The excavation continued into
the spring season of 2012 (Boroffka 2014: 15-24; Sar-
ianidi et al. 2010: 33-37; Sarianidi et al. 2012: 1-17;
Boroffka 2010: 258-265; Boroffka 2012: 64-67; Sarian-
idi et al. 2014: 127-137).
Boroffka also excavated sector 19 (north of the en-
closure wall), and extended into the outer settlement,
Gonur 20 (located about 1.5-2 km south of the cen-
tral city); conducting field surveys around the central
settlement. Approximately 30 settlement sites were
discovered during the survey within a radius of about
10 km from the central urban complex. In sector 19,
several looted grave mausoleums were noted by their
complex structure containing several chambers. One
chamber contained whole animal sacrifices as part
of its inventory, including dogs, sheep, and donkeys
with precious metal, faience, and ivory finds within
the burials. In the outer settlement of Gonur 20, mul-
ti-roomed houses and some graves were investigated.
Most of the pottery found in this location was wheel-
made, however, there was also a significant quantity
of handmade vessels. Additionally, some metal tools
and seal-amulets were discovered (Boroffka 2017: 96-
97).
Following the Margiana expedition, the Institute
for Archaeological Sciences of the University of Bern
(Switzerland) with financial support from the Socie-
ty for the Exploration of Eurasia (Switzerland) and at
the invitation of the Russian Academy of Sciences; an
initial joint research project (headed by Dr. Nadezhda
141
Dubova and eventually published as “Urban Devel-
opment and Land Use in Gonur-depe”) was conduct-
ed September 15-27, 2014. The joint project under
the direction of archaeologist Dr. Sylvia Winkelmann
from Germany, examined previously unexcavated
areas of Gonur-depe and its immediate surround-
ings using non-invasive research technology.1 These
methods included remote sensing through evaluating
satellite images combined with geophysical surveys
(including electromagnetic, magnetic, and ground
penetrating radar). These methods allowed for the
mapping of structures beneath the earth’s surface (e.g.
buildings, roads, channels or furrows), in combina-
tion with common systematic surveys. The results
were compiled in a Geographical Information System
(GIS). The geomagnetic sensing was conducted by
GGH-Solutions in Geosciences Freiburg (Germany).
The results were published in the articles by Dubova
and Hübner (Dubova et al. 2018: 87-92 and Hübner
et al 2019: 55-61).
“Household archaeology” and Correlations
to the Chronology of Archaeological Periods
of Central Asia: The Monjukli Project.
In 2010, scholars from the Institute for Near
Eastern Archaeology of the Free University of Berlin
(Prof. Reinhard Bernbeck and Prof. Susan Pollock),
together with their Turkmen colleagues, began exca-
vations at the Neolithic and Chalcolithic site of Mon-
jukli-depe, located in the Akhal welayat (province) of
Turkmenistan.
 BULLETIN OF IICAS 33/2022

Fig. 4. Monjukly-depe. Excavation works. Photo courtesy “Monjukly team”

Monjukli-depe refers to sites of the Jeitun cul-

ture. This culture flourished in the foothills of the
Kopet Dag during the 6th-5th millennia BCE and
contributed to the development of the region’s early
civilizations. The main group of this culture’s sites are
located between the mountain gorges of the central
Kopet Dag and the sands of the Karakum Desert. At
this location during this period the earliest settled ag-
riculture in Central Asia was born through the estab-
lishment of cattle-breeding farms. The earliest build-
ings – one-room dwellings – were built from adobe
bricks mixed with straw. The most well-known sites,
in addition to Jeitun itself, are also Chagylly-depe,
Monjukli-depe, Pessedzhik-depe, Togolok-depe, and
New Nisa (Kurbanov 2021: 505-518).
The joint German-Turkmen archaeological ex-
pedition’s goals was supposed included investigating
both Jeitun (Neolithic) and Anau IA (early Chalco-
lithic) occupational sequences. This multi-year pro-
ject sought to address broad issues such as techno-
logical change in the region during the Neolithic and
Chalcolithic periods; systematic collection of floral
and faunal data; the understanding of potential so- Fig. 5. Monjukly-depe. Prof. R. Bernbeck descends
cio-economic distinctions among the inhabitants of in to the stratigraphic pit.
Monjukli-depe; and obtaining a reliable chronology. Photo: Khasan Magadov, 2010
One central goal of the Monjukli research team was
to identify different cultural techniques at Monjuk-
li-depe and to analyze their changes and variability Another goal examined “household archaeology”
both diachronically and synchronically. It focused combined with chronology: How did households de-
primarily on the Kulturtechniken of pyro-technolo- velop through time (from the Neolithic to Chalcolith-
gies, human-animal relations, construction activities, ic periods) and what were their internal groupings in
and burial practices. these villages (i.e. a differentiation between smaller/

142
 AYDOGDY KURBANOV
larger groupings)? The excavation concluded in 2014
(Pollock et al. 2011; Pollock et al. 2012: 15-19; Pollock,
Bernbeck 2019: 33-80). One of the most important re-
sults of the Monjukli excavations were that the radio-
carbon dates indicated a hiatus of about 800 years be-
tween Neolithic Monjukli (6200–5600 cal BCE) and
Chalcolithic Monjukli-depe (4800–4350 cal BCE)
(Bernbeck, Pollock 2016, 69–71; Pollock, Bernbeck
2019, Tab. 2.2; Heit 2019: 81-106). The upper Chal-
colithic layers yielded pottery with different painted
motifs and older radiocarbon dates than those known
from other sites of the early Chalcolithic Anau IA pe-
riod. This Chalcolithic phase at Monjukli-depe was
attributed to a new period between the Neolithic
Jeitun and Anau IA horizons, which was named the
“Meana Horizon” (Bernbeck, Pollock 2016, 69–71).
Radiocarbon dates for the lower Neolithic Mon-
jukli-depe layers initially suggested a date of c. 6375–
5900 cal BCE (Pollock et al. 2011, 174, 183–84), but
this was later revised to 6200–5600 cal. BCE (Pollock,
Bernbeck 2019, Tab. 2.2). I. Heit analyzed the valid
radiocarbon dates (87 in total, except for the lowest
Monjukli-depe levels of X-IX) and revised the chron-
ological sequence for the Neolithic and early Chalco-
lithic periods at the site. Based on these radiocarbon
dates, it is possible to date the Jeitun culture between
ca. 6200 to ca. 4800 cal. BCE (Heit 2019: 20-23; Heit
2019: 81-106).
Three chronological periods can be attributed to
the Jeitun culture – dubbed early, middle, and late Jei-
tun – based on changes in pottery forms and motifs
as well as the composition of the lithic industry and
architecture. They are delineated as follows:
1) Early period: The early Jeitun period was
subdivided into two phases; 1A and 1B. Phase 1A
includes the lower horizons of the Jeitun site, hori-
zons 1-3 of Chopan-depe, and the lowest horizon of
Togolok-depe. Phase 1B includes the upper horizon
of Jeitun, horizons 4-5 of Chopan-depe, and the two
lower horizons of Togolok-depe.
2) Middle period: This incorporates the sites of
Togolok-depe, Chopan-depe, New Nisa, Kantar, Ke-
lata, Naiza-depe, Kepele, Yarty-Gumbez, Bami, Cha-
gylly-depe.
3) Late period: This incorporates the sites at
Chakmakly-depe, Pessejik-depe, Chagylly-depe,
Bami Gadymi-depe, and Monjukli-depe.
Thus, Bernbeck and Pollock (Bernbeck, Pollock
2016: 69–71), when considering the radiocarbon
dates from Chagylly-depe (6353–5845 cal BCE) and
Monjukli-depe (6200–5600 cal BCE), suggest that the
“Middle” and “Late Jeitun” components in the Mea-
na-Çaaça region are nearly contemporaneous with
“Early Jeitun” at Jeitun itself. Monjukli-depe belongs
to the early period, which was clarified after obtain-
143
ing the new radiocarbon dates from this site (Pollock
et al. 2011: 169-237; Heit 2019: 81-106; Heit 2019: 20-
23). A recent publication presents the results of the
Monjukli excavations (Pollock, Bernbeck, Öğüt (eds.)
2019).
Finding a Prehistoric Settlement: Excavations
in Dashly-depe
In May 2011, a brief joint survey by N. Boroff-
ka (Eurasia Department of the German Archaeolog-
ical Institute, Berlin) and A. Kurbanov, at that time
head of the archaeological department of the Insti-
tute of Archaeology and Ethnography of the Acad-
emy of Sciences of Turkmenistan, examined several
sites around Ashgabat for archaeological reconnais-
sance. These included Ovlia-depe (Parthian settle-
ment), Shor-depe (Sasanian period fortress), and
they (re-)identified Dashly-depe as a prehistoric site.
The surface pottery form this site dated to the early
Chalcolithic (Anau IA/Namazga I), while early Iron
Age pottery (Yaz I type) was not found at all. Rather,
wheel-made pottery with a light beige color was re-
vealed which is quite typical of Bronze Age (Namazga
V-VI) and well known throughout most of Turkmen-
istan, especially from such sites as Altyn-depe, Go-
nur-depe or Togolok (Маsson 1981; Sarianidi 1990).
Dashly-depe lies in the center of Yzgant in the
Akhal welayat (province) of Turkmenistan. It is situ-
ated on the floodplain north of the Kopet Dag Moun-
tains, about 35 km northwest of Ashgabat, today’s
capital of Turkmenistan. The mound visible today
measures ca. 100×150 m, is oval-shaped with a north-
south direction and a preserved height of approxi-
mately 3 m. The upper layers have been damaged by
various works during modern times, and parts of the
mound have been disturbed due to exploitation of
the clay for building material. It is very likely that the
mound is, in fact, considerably larger with much of it
buried by alluvial sediments which cover the entire
plain.
The site is seldom mentioned in older archaeolog-
ical literature: (Khlopin 1960: 134-224; Khlopin 1963;
Lisitsyna 1978; Kohl 1984: 16, 213). Researchers dated
it to the Anau IA – Namazga I period (earliest Chal-
colithic) and to the Anau IV period (earliest Iron Age,
now mostly called Yaz I).
The subsequent excavations (2012-2013) con-
firmed that this site was probably much bigger and
more important than initially thought and was last
settled during the Bronze Age. However, the upper
levels were mostly destroyed. Below this is a long se-
quence of Chalcolithic layers with hand-made pot-
tery sometimes containing painted ornaments. It
also has architectural remains built from mud brick.
Initial radiocarbon dates from these cultural layers,
 BULLETIN OF IICAS 33/2022

Fig. 6. Dashly-depe. Pottery selection according to excavation slice (Roman numerals, top to bottom).
Drawings and figure composition by R. Boroffka.

144
 AYDOGDY KURBANOV
Fig. 7. Dashly-depe seen from the north. Photo: Aydogdy Kurbanov
analyzed in the Poznan Laboratory (Poland) with as-
sistance from the Eurasia Department of the German
Archaeological Institute (Berlin) provide very similar
dates: 5120±40 BP (Poz-64424), 5155±35 BP (Poz-
53460) and 5120±40BP (Poz-64425). These dates,
once calibrated, yielded calendar dates of 3991-3797
BCE, 4043-3936 BCE and 3991-3797 BCE. The re-
sults confirmed these layers of the site as being from
the Chalcolithic Age (Kurbanov, Boroffka 2019: 50-
53; Kurbanov, Boroffka 2022: 31-33). Since these sam-
ples do not come from the deepest cultural layers and
the sterile ground beneath has yet to be reached by
excavation, the beginnings of this settlement must lie
even earlier, presumably back to the Neolithic. Pres-
ently, the area of excavation is too small for additional
information.
Dashly-depe is an important site, which seems
to span the Neolithic-Chalcolithic transition in the
piedmont of the central Kopet Dag. The radiocarbon
dates provide important new data and emphasize the
likelihood that this site probably began during the
Neolithic (Jeitun) period, either simultaneously or
possibly before the sequence at Anau North. The lay-
ers excavated thus far chronologically overlap with all
the early periods of Anau (late 5th – 4th millennia
BCE). In the Chalcolithic periods (Namazga I-II), life
appears to have continued without any visible ma-
jor interruption from the older layers and, therefore,
this transition phase studied at Dashly-depe reveals
a very rare situation in Central Asia (Boroffka, Kur-
banov 2015: 38-55; Kurbanov, Boroffka 2022: 21-34;
Kurbanov, Yagshymyradov 2015: 40-43).
145
Dashly-depe, during the early Chalcolithic pe-
riod (Namazga culture), was a large settlement and
promises to provide new information about agricul-
ture and stockbreeding, along with handicrafts, along
with the daily and spiritual life of the people from that
period. It could also provide information concerning
contacts with the contemporaneous cultures from the
Sumbar region in western Turkmenistan.
During the 2018 excavation season, pottery like
the material from the Yaz II period was discovered
in a trench at the top of the mound. After several
seasons, Dashly-depe, a unique site in this region,
demonstrates a chronological sequence from the
Chalcolithic period up to the Early Iron Age (Kur-
banov, Boroffka 2019: 26-28; Kurbanov, Boroffka 2022:
33). If larger surface areas are opened, new informa-
tion on architecture and settlement planning will also
become available.
Opening Heritage to the World:
The First Exhibitions of Archaeological Artifacts
of Turkmenistan Shown Abroad
Another good example of German-Turkmen
scientific contact was an exhibition in Berlin, Ham-
burg, and Mannheim of Bronze Age artifacts from
Gonur-depe. One of the exhibition’s goals addressed
the possibility of large numbers of future tourists
coming to Turkmenistan and to familiarize Germany
with modern-day Turkmenistan. Although to date,
no exhibitions concerning Turkmenistan’s modern
heritage have been shown abroad; this archaeological
 BULLETIN OF IICAS 33/2022

exhibit provided an opportunity to portray the his-
torical and artistic achievements of a great ancient
civilization for a large audience in Germany.
The 250 archaeological objects from Margiana, or
the BMAC culture in general—all on loan from Turk-
menistan museums—are impressive in and of them-
selves and remain largely unknown to the western
world. Several seem almost timeless, beautiful items
that included such artifacts as hand mirrors, cosmetic
vessels, gold and silver jewelry, or items made of la-
pis lazuli. Others appear strange and touching, such
as the countless small animal and human figurines
with their expressive faces, as well as historical water
pipes used in irrigation systems through which water
was distributed for irrigation and drinking. The Go-
nur-depe elite were buried in so-called “royal” tombs
comprised of large underground houses made of ado-
be brick. Inside the tombs magnificent grave goods
were found, including finely worked mosaics, gold
and silver vessels, and the remains of four-wheeled
wagons.
For the first time outside Turkmenistan, Mar-
giana’s archaeological evidence was accessible to
the general public at a large-scale exhibition, enti-
tled “Margiana. Ein Königreich der Bronzezeit in
Turkmenistan” in the Neues Museum, Berlin (April
25-October 10, 2018); the Archaeological Museum,
Hamburg (November 2, 2018-February 17, 2019);
and the Reiss-Engelhorn-Museums, Mannheim
(March 10-June 16, 2019); in cooperation with the
Turkmenistan Ministry of Culture. Funding was pro-
vided by the Federal Government Commissioner for
Culture and Media, Deutsche Bank AG, and Siemens
AG.
In addition to a detailed catalog section for all
exhibits, the accompanying book Margiana. Ein Kön-
igreich der Bronzezeit in Turkmenistan (Wemhoff et
al. 2018) contained contributions from internation-
al scholars on the archaeology of Turkmenistan with
summaries in the Turkmen language and accompa-
nying photographs by the well-known photographer
Herlinde Koelbl. She traveled with German museum

Fig. 8. “Margiana. Ein Königreich der Bronzezeit in Turkmenistan” exhibition poster.

Neues Museum Berlin. Photo: Aydogdy Kurbanov

146
 AYDOGDY KURBANOV
employees and the German Archaeological Institute
in January 2018 to Turkmenistan. The result was a
fascinating set of photographs of the country and its
inhabitants, impressive natural landscapes, as well as
photographs of archaeological and historical monu-
ments.
Conclusion
Within the past few years, conferences discuss-
ing recent research and the archaeological heritage
of Turkmenistan were organized in Ashgabat and
Mary. Archaeologists from the German Archaeolog-
ical Institute in Berlin and the Institute of Archaeol-
ogy of the Near East of the Free University of Berlin
gave presentations on the most important prehistoric
sites in Turkmenistan. They also held two seminars
in Berlin in 2012 and 2014 on the most ancient peri-
ods of Turkmenistan’s history and Central Asia as a
whole. It seems apparent that presentations to a larger
worldwide audience of the country’s cultural heritage
Fig. 9. “Margiana. Ein Königreich der Bronzezeit
in Turkmenistan” exhibition poster. Archaeological
Museum Hamburg. Photo: Aydogdy Kurbanov
147
would strongly spur interest in Turkmen culture and
Turkmenistan as a whole.
In 2013, scientists from the Eurasian depart-
ment of the German Archaeological Institute (Ber-
lin), headed by the director Prof. Svend Hansen,
visited Turkmenistan to get closer acquainted with
the ancient archaeological sites of Turkmenistan. In
addition, prospects for further cooperation were dis-
cussed. The result was the signing of a memorandum
of cooperation between the scientific centres of Turk-
menistan and the Eurasian department of the Ger-
man Archaeological Institute.
It should be noted that the results of archaeolog-
ical research have been published in well-known sci-
entific journals in Germany, Turkmenistan, as well as
in a number of European countries. All this undoubt-
edly contributes to a broader understanding of the
history of Turkmenistan. Within the framework of
the agreement, it is also planned to train scientists of
Turkmenistan in German research institutes, where
they will provide opportunities to familiarize them-
selves with the latest methods of excavations and con-
servation of sites.
In general, cooperation between Turkmen and
German scientists provides an invaluable contribu-
tion to the study of the rich historical and cultural
heritage of Turkmenistan, opening new, hitherto un-
known pages.
References
Bernbeck, R. and S. Pollock (2016). Scalar Differences:
Temporal Rhythms and Spatial Patterns at Monjukly
Depe, Southern Turkmenistan, in: Antiquity. 90 (349).
P. 64-80.
Boroffka, N. (2010). Serebryanaya figurnaya bulavka iz
“Grobnizy yagnenka” (18|1994) v Gonure [Silver
shaped pin from The Tomb of the Lamb (18/1994) in
Gonur (some thoughts on music and ritual)], in: Na
puti otkrytiya tsivilizatsii [On the Track of Uncovering
a Civilization]. Proceedings of MAE. Vol. 3. St.Peters-
burg: Aleteya Publ. P. 258-265 (in Russian).
Boroffka, N. (2012). Kratko ob uchastii Nemezkoho arheo-
logicheskogo instituta v raskopkah Gonur Depe vesnoi
2010 g. [Briefly about the participation of the German
Archaeological Institute in the excavations of Gonur
Depe in the spring of 2010], in: Proceedings of MAE.
Vol. 2. Мoscow: Staryi sad Publ. P. 64-67 (in Russian).
Boroffka, N. (2014). Gonur-Depe. Eine bronzezeitliche
Königsstadt in Mittelasien, in: Mitteilungen der Berlin-
er Gesellschaft für Anthropologie, Ethnologie und Urg-
eschichte. 35. P. 15-24.
Boroffka, N. (2017). Gonur. Mary velayat. Turkmenistanm
in: S. Hansen (ed.). Current Research in Eurasia. Ber-
lin. P. 96-97.
 BULLETIN OF IICAS 33/2022
Boroffka, N. Kurbanov, A. (2015). New Data on the Ne-
olithic and Eneolithic of Central Asia: Dashly depe
(Turkmenistan), in: Miras. No 1. (Ashgabat). P. 38-55.
Childe, V. G. (1953). New Light on the Most Ancient East.
New York: Norto, Tn.
Dubova, N. A., Winkelma-Witkowsky, S., Novak, M., Soll-
ee, A., Meier, D., Hübner, W.-Çh. D. (2018). Kratkaya
informatsiya o sovmestnyh issledovaniyah IEA RAN
I Otdela arheologii Bernskogo universiteta na Go-
nur-depe v 2014-2015gg. [Summaty on the collabora-
tive research of the IEA RAS and Institute of Arche-
ological Sciences of Bern University (Switzerland) at
Gonur-Depe in 2014-2015], in: Proceedings of MAE.
Vol. 7. Мoscow: Staryi sad Publ. P. 87-92 (in Russian).
Götzelt, T. (1996). Ansichten der Archäologie SüdTurk-
menistans bei der Eforsсhung der ‘Mittleren
Bronzezeit’ (Periode Namazga V), in: Archäologie in
Eurasien 2. Espelkamp, 1996.
Heit, I. (2019). Hronologiya i arhitektura neoliticheskih I
ranneeneoliticheskih obshestv Tsentralnoy Azii v svete
novyh dannyh iz mnogosloynogo poseleniya onjuk-
ly-depe (Turkmenistan) [Chronology and Architec-
ture of the Neolithic and Early Eneolithic Societies of
Central Asia in the Light of New Data from the Mul-
tilayered Site of Monjukly-Depe (Turkmenistan)], in:
Drevnosti Vostochnoy Evropy, Tsentralnoy Azii i Yuzh-
noy Sibiri v kontekste svyazey i vzaimodeystvii v evra-
ziiskom kulturnom prostranstve [Antiquities of Eastern
Europe, Central Asia and Southern Siberia in the con-
text of connections and interactions in the Eurasian cul-
tural space (new data and concepts)]. Proceedings of
the International Conference. St.Petersburg: evskaya
tipografia Publ. P. 20-23 (in Russian).
Heit, I. (2019). Chronological Modeling for Monjukly
Depe and the Kopet Dag Region, in: S. Pollock, R.
Bernbeck, B. Öğüt (eds.). Looking Closely. Excavations
at Monjukli Depe, Turkmenistan, 2010–2014. Leiden:
Sidestone Press, P. 81-106.
Huff, D. (2001). Bronzezeitliche Monumentalarchitektur
in Zentralasien, in: Migration und Kulturtransfer. Der
Wandel vorder- und zentralasiatischer Kulturen im
Umbruch vom 2. zum 1. vorchristlichen Jahrtausend,
ed. R. Eichmann and H. Parzinger. Kolloquien zur Vor-
und Frühgeschichte 6. Bonn: Habelt, 2001. Р. 181–197.
Hübner, C., M. Novák, S. Winkelmann, (2019). The Swiss
IAW-EurAsia Project on Urban Development and Land
Use in Gonur Depe (Turkmenistan): A Geo-Magnetic
Survey, in: Ch. Baumer, M. Novák (eds.). Urban Cul-
tures of Central Asia from the Bronze Age to the Kara-
khanids: Learnings and Conclusions from New Archae-
ological Investigations and Discoveries. Proceedings of
the First International Congress on Central Asian Ar-
chaeology. Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz Verlag, P. 55-61.
Huntington, E. (2019). The Pulse of Asia: A Journey in Cen-
tral Asia Illustrating the Geographic Basis of History.
New York: Houghton Mifflin.
Khlopin, I. N. (1960). Dashlyji-depe i eneolitichwskie zem-
ledel’tsy Yuzhnogo Turkmenistana [Dashlyji-depe and
Eneolithic farmers of Southern Turkmenistan], in:
Proceedings of YuTAKE. Vol. X. Ashgabat, AN Turk-
menskoy SSR Publ. (In Russian).
148
Khlopin, I. N. (1963). Pamyatniki rannego eneolita Yuzh-
noy Turkmenii [Monuments of the Early Eneolithic in
Southern Turkmenistan]. Moscow – Leningrad: Nauka
Publ. (In Russian).
Kohl, Ph. L. (1984). Central Asia. Paleolithic Beginnings to
the Iron Age. Paris: Éditions Recherche sur les civili-
zations.
Kohl, Ph. L. (2007). The Making of Bronze Age Eurasia.
Cambridge University Press.
Kurbanov, A. (2021). Southern Turkmenistan in the Ne-
olithic Period: A Short Historiographical Review, in:
Pearls, Politics and Pistachios: Essays in Anthropology
and Memories on the Occasion of Susan Pollock’s 65th
Birthday. Berlin: Ex oriente Publ. P. 505-518.
Kurbanov, A., N. Boroffka, N. (2019). Multi-layer Prehis-
toric Site in South Turkmenistan – Dashly-Depe, in:
Drevnosti Vostochnoy Evropy, Tsentralnoy Azii i Yuzh-
noy Sibiri v kontekste svyazey i vzaimodeystvii v evra-
ziiskom kulturnom prostranstve [Antiquities of Eastern
Europe, Central Asia and Southern Siberia in the con-
text of connections and interactions in the Eurasian cul-
tural space (new data and concepts)]. Proceedings of
the International Conference. St.Petersburg: evskaya
tipografia Publ. P. 26-28.
Kurbanov, A., N. Boroffka (2022). New Data on the Pro-
tohistoric Khorasan: The Dashly Depe Excavations
(Turkmenistan), in: M. Labbaf-Khaniki (ed.), Ḵorāsān
Nāmak: Essays on the Archaeology, History, and Ar-
chitecture of Khorasan in Honour of Rajabali Lab-
baf-Khaniki. Tehran, Р. 21-34.
Kurbanov, A., G. Yagshymyradov, (2015). Daşlydepe
ýadygärliginde ýüze çykarylan täze gymmatlyklar //
Türkmenistanda ylym we tehnika [Science and Tech-
nology in Turkmenistan. Scientific-theoretical journal
of the Academy of Sciences of Turkmenistan] No 1,
Aşgabat, Р. 40-43 (in Turkmen).
Lisitsyna, G. N. (1978). Stanovlenie i razvitie oroshaemo-
go zemledeliya v Yuzhnoy Turkmenii [Formation and
development of irrigated agriculture in Southern Turk-
menistan]. Мoscow: Nauka Publ. (In Russian).
Masson, V. M. (1981). Altyn-depe (Proceedings of YuTAKE.
Vol. XVIII). Leningrad: Nauka Publ. (In Russian).
Pollock, S., R. Bernbeck, (2019). Stratigraphy and Settle-
ment Layout, in: Looking Closely. Excavations at Mon-
jukli Depe, Turkmenistan, 2010–2014. Leiden: Side-
stone Press, Р. 33-80.
Pollock, S., R. Bernbeck, R., B. Öğüt (2012). Renewed Exca-
vations at Monjukli Depe, Turkmenistan, in: Neo-lith-
ics 2, Р. 15-19.
Pollock, S., R. Bernbeck, B. Öğüt B. (eds.) (2019). Looking
Closely. Excavations at Monjukli Depe, Turkmenistan,
2010–2014. Leiden: Sidestone Press.
Pollock, S, R. Bernbeck, N. Norbert Benecke, G. Castro
Gessner, M. Daszkiewicz, J. Eger, A. Keßeler, N. F.
Mille., M. Pope, P. Ryan, P. Sturm (2011). Excavations
at Monjukli Depe, Meana-Čaača Region, Turkmen-
istan, 2010, in: Archäologische Mitteilungen aus Iran
und Turan 43, Р. 169-237.
Pumpelly, R. (ed.) (1905). Explorations in Turkestan, Expe-
dition of 1903. Washington, DC: Carnegie Institution
of Washington.
 AYDOGDY KURBANOV
Pumpelly, R. (ed.) (1908). Explorations in Turkestan; Ex-
pedition of 1904. Prehistoric Civilizations of Anau, Or-
igins, Growth, and Influence of Environment. Vol. 1-2.
Washington, DC: Carnegie Institution of Washington
Publication.
Pumpelly, R. (1908). Ancient Anau and the Oasis-World,
in: R. Pumpelly (ed.). Explorations in Turkestan; Expe-
dition of 1904. Prehistoric Civilizations of Anau, Or-
igins, Growth, and Influence of Environment. Vol. 1.
Washington, DC: Carnegie Institution of Washington
Publication, Р. 1-80.
Pumpelly, R. (ed.) (2004). Türküstandaky derňew işleri.
Änewiň gadymy ösüşi. Aşgabat: Miras Publ. (in Turk-
men).
Sarianidi, V. I. (1990). Drevnosti strany Margush [Antiqui-
ties of the country Margus]. Ashgabat: Ylum Publ. (in
Russian).
Sarianidi, V. I. (2001). Necropilis of Gonur and Iranian Pa-
ganism. Moscow: World media Publ.
Sarianidi, V. I. (2002). Margush: Ancient Oriental Kingdom
in the Old Delta of the Murghab River. Aşgabat: Türk-
mendöwlethabarlary Publ.
Sarianidi, V. I. (2005). Goňurdepe: City of Kings and Gods.
Aşgabat: Miras.
Sarianidi V. I. (2010). Maryskij velajat, Turkmenistan, in: N.
Boroffka, S. Hansen (eds.). Archäologische Forschun-
gen in Kasachstan, Tadschikistan, Turkmenistan und
Usbekistan. Deutsches Archäologisches Institut, Eura-
sien-Abteilung, Р. 33-37.
149
Sarianidi, V. I., Boroffka N. and N. A. Dubova (2012). Cul-
tural Contacts of Margiana: Turkmenistan, in the 3rd
Millennium BC. New evidence from Gonur Depe,
Burial 4150, in: Gandhāran Studies. 6. Р. 1-17.
Sarianidi, V. I., Boroffka, N. and N. A. Dubova (2014).
Kulturnye kontaktu Margiany (Turkmenistan) v III
tys. do n.e. Novye dannye po Gonur-depe pogrebenie
No 4150 [Cultural contacts of Margiana (Turkmeni-
stan) in the 3rd millennium BC New data on Gonur
Depe (burial No. 4150], in: Proceedings of MAE. Vol.
5. Мoscow: Staryi Sad Publ. P. 127-137 (in Russian).
Schmidt, H. (1908). “Archaeological Excavations in Anau
and Old Merv, in: R. Pumpelly (ed.). Explorations in
Turkestan; Expedition of 1904. Prehistoric Civilizations
of Anau, Origins, Growth, and Influence of Environ-
ment. Vol. 1. Washington, DC: Carnegie Institution of
Washington Publication, Р. 81-210.
Schmidt, H. (2003). 1904 Excavations at Anau North, in:
F. Hiebert, K. Kurbansakhatov (eds.). A Central Asian
Village at the Dawn of Civilization. Excavations at
Anau, Turkmenistan. Philadelphia: University Muse-
um Monograph, Р. 174-193.
Wemhoff, M., M. Nawroth, R. M. Weiss, A. Wieczorek,
(eds.) (2018). Margiana. Ein Königreich der Bronzezeit
in Turkmenistan. Petersberg: Michael Imhof Verlag.
Winkelmann, S. (2000). Intercultural Relations between
Iran, the Murghabo-Bactrian Archaeological Complex
(BMAC), Northwest India and Failaka in the Field of
Seals, in: East and West. 50 (1/4). Р. 43-95.
 TIGRAN MKRTYCHEV

A NEW WORD ABOUT BENKOV

This article reviews the monograph Pavel Benkov: Artist of the Sun, by Nigora Rakhimovna Akhmedova,
which, according to the reviewer, differs from all previous literary works about Benkov. This is not a story
about the fate of the artist; in fact, this is the first critical analysis of his work. P. P. Benkov (1879-1949), known
as a master of portraiture, landscape, genre and thematic paintings as well as a stage designer, became one
of the leading teachers in the 1930s and 1940s in Uzbekistan. He trained an entire galaxy of artists from the
1950s-1970s. The book under review is the first to accurately define the artistic style used by Pavel Benkov,
which is termed Central Asian Impressionism. Akhmedova traces his style’s main stages of development.

Keywords: Pavel Benkov, Kazan, Bukhara, Samarkand, Central Asian Impressionism, fine arts of Uzbekistan,
Marjani Foundation
Citation: Tigran Mkrtychev (2022). A New Word about Benkov, Bulletin of IICAS 33, 150-154.
Article link: https://doi.org/10.34920/1694-5794-2022.33en.011

Pavel Petrovich Benkov’s life and work is filled
with paradoxes. A master of portraiture, landscape,
genre, and thematic paintings as well as being a stage
designer and teacher; he is recognized as one of the
founders of Uzbekistan’s school of graphic art. How-
ever, sometimes art critics neglect this axiom. Yet,
not only art critics, for although during his lifetime
Benkov had well-deserved fame, nevertheless, it was
only after his death that he was awarded his first solo
exhibition. Acquainted with Impressionism in France
during the early 20th century, which by that time was
actually “dying,” Benkov showed this method’s vital
potential almost half a century later, while living in
Uzbekistan.
One paradox surrounds the bibliography associ-
ated with the artist’s name. On the one hand, much
has been written about Benkov (Cheplevetskaya 1950;
Umarov 1961; Nikiforov 1967; Apukhtin, Chagin 1983;
Khomutova 2000; Shostko 2008). But, on the other, al-
most no professional art research has been done on
his work thus far. Only last year a book was written1
which seems to fill this gap, and, in fact, it is this book
that is the current article’s focus.
As previously mentioned, Benkov’s solo exhibi-
tion in Moscow during the early 1960s revealed his
life and work as a topic for academic and popular
papers. The book P. P. Benkov: 1879-1949, Memoirs,
1
Akhmedova, N. Pavel Benkov: khudozhnik solntsa. M.: Marjani
Foundation Publ., 2021. 100 pages, fig.
Correspondence (Tashkent, 1981) prepared by the art
critic M. A. Sokolova played an important role in this
process. In fact, Sokolova managed to collect a large
amount of biographical information about Benkov
through personal recollections of those closely ac-
quainted with him—relatives, friends and students—
along with an examination of the archival documents
related to the artist. Sokolov’s book served as a foun-
dation for further study of Benkov’s personality.
The artist’s granddaughter, Marina Yuryevna
Leshchinskaya, generated a new wave of interest in
his work. She made serious efforts to popularize her
famous grandfather’s legacy. Leshchinskaya found
sponsors and organized the publication of the Pavel
Petrovich Benkov album published by the State Mu-
seum of Oriental Art in 2009. I was honored to write
a text for this album. I have also written on many oc-
casions and said that various circumstances of my life
caused me to think of Benkov’s work as a projection
of my vision of Central Asia.
Around the same time, the Marjani Foundation,
known for its interest in the study of Central Asian art,
invited Nigora Rakhimovna Akhmedova to provide a
comprehensive, critical study of Benkov’s work. For
several reasons, this work was delayed. Meanwhile,
Benkov again became the focus of art critics and the
general public. He became one of the stars of the exhi-
bition entitled A Place Under the Sun:Benkov – Feshin,
which was held at the Museum of Russian Impres-
sionism in Moscow in 2019. Finally, the long-awaited
publication by Akhmedova saw the light of day.

150
 TIGRAN MKRTYCHEV
First, her monograph differs from all previous
works devoted to Benkov. This is not only a story
about the fate of the artist, but also the first critical
analysis of his work. Certainly, a story about an artist’s
work is impossible without a timeline, yet, their fate,
life, and work’s historical context may only be a back-
ground for critical analysis.
The book contains a brief introduction and five
chapters which are arranged in a chronological order.
Each chapter has sub-sections. At the start, the author
enters the heart of the matter in the introduction en-
titled Pavel Benkov in the Mirror of Time. Akhmedo-
va clearly defines her study’s main objectives, which
seeks to demonstrate Benkov’s Impressionism, to
trace the artist’s evolution, and to avoid recognized
patterns in the interpretation of his work (p. 6-7).
Chapter 1, The Artist’s Youth: Years of Study, cov-
ers the years 1895 to 1909. The chapter consists of five
sections discussing different sides of Benkov’s youth.
It includes stories about his student years at the Kazan
Art School and the St. Petersburg Higher Art School
under the Academy of Arts, as well as introducing
individuals who played important roles in the artist’s
development (Dmitry Kardovsky) along with major
excursions Benkov took (France and Italy). Clearly,
this educational period is one of the least studied re-
garding the artist’s creative activity. Although much
evidence exists of Benkov’s life and study in Kazan,
151
so far there is no known work of art from that period,
during his days as a student at the Kazan Art School
(1895-1901). Yet, from his contemporaries we know
that the future artist worked very hard. “He painted so
much that his mother cried. She didn’t have enough
money for his canvases,” his sister recalled (p. 10).
The situation is no better concerning his works
during his studies at the Higher Art School under
the Academy of Arts in St. Petersburg (1901-1909).
Our knowledge of Benkov’s years at the Academy,
on the one hand, is extensive, on the other, fragmen-
tary. We know about his passion for color, in which
his classmates gave him the nickname, Titian. We
know he was well acquainted with modern European
art trends from his trips to France, Italy, and Spain,
where he visited educational institutions and muse-
ums. Benkov himself recalled that he was greatly in-
terested in Impressionism (pp. 12-13). Yet, very few
works remain from this rather long and, apparently,
stressful period. Moreover, his graduation thesis Sub-
mission/Submission to Fate, marking his transition
into being a professional painter, is preserved only in
a black-and-white version found in Niva magazine.
As a result, Akhmedova was forced to ignore this ini-
tial period of Benkov’s creative life.
Chapter 2, Kazan (1909-1928), concerns his most
controversial period. Following graduation from the
academy, Benkov returned to Kazan. He became one
of the leading teachers at the Kazan Art School, where
he previously had studied. Benkov married his stu-
dent who came from a professional family from Ka-
zan. His life developed quite successfully. Akhmedo-
va states that it was during these years that Benkov
began to seek his artistic path which he largely asso-
ciated with Impressionism. Some of his extant easel
works from that period, including In the Garden: The
Sketch (1913), On the Terrace (1913), The Golden Wa-
ters (1914?), On the Volga: Tashevka (1914-1915) and
others, lend support to this statement. Akhmedova
draws an interesting comparison between Benkov’s
work and the development of Impressionism in Rus-
sia, about which A. D. Sarabyanov wrote: “it [Russian
Impressionism] is characterized by a greater load of
meaning than the French version ... and the so-called
sketch cult” (p. 19).
Analyzing Benkov’s search for an original style,
Akhmedova’s monograph focuses on thematic areas
in Benkov’s work. Thus, since his days studying in St.
Petersburg, Pavel gained an interest in theater, and
on his return to Kazan, began actively cooperating
with local organizations (the Kazan Opera Theater,
M. F. Stepanov’s Troupe, etc.). Akhmedova did not
pay much attention to Benkov’s significant theatrical
activities in her research. The reason is that R. Sul-
tanova, an art critic from Kazan, reconstructed the
performances designed by Benkov and made a rather
 BULLETIN OF IICAS 33/2022
comprehensive investigation into Benkov’s work on
behalf of the theater (Sultanova 2016).
Unfortunately, the stage scenery images are un-
available but recollections of Benkov’s contemporar-
ies are available which allow for a clear idea of his
creative credo. Thus, the success of the scenery for
Mikhail Glinka’s opera Ruslan and Lyudmila and his
failure to design the stage for Vladimir Mayakovsky’s
play Mysteria-Buff clearly show that Benkov was a re-
alist who completely failed to fit into the new mod-
ernist aesthetics of the Meyerhold Theater.
Akhmedova pays much attention to Benkov’s
portraiture. A gap of over twenty years exists between
his return to Kazan and the moment he moved to Sa-
markand in 1931. During all those years, he often ad-
dressed the area of graphic art resulting in an amazing
gallery of portraits of relatives, representatives of the
Kazan intelligentsia, and actresses and actors from
Kazan theatres. Akhmedova rightly says that not all
Benkov’s works meet the high requirements of Rus-
sian psychological portraiture. However, it is obvious
that from the very beginning of his artistic career,
Benkov’s arsenal contained all necessary means to
solve this difficult task. This is clearly seen in his Por-
trait of the Kovalevskys’ Children (1914-1915), which
is easily called prophetic; and two portraits painted
much later, in 1926 – Portrait of My Wife and Portrait
of the Historian P. V. Traubenberg (the artist’s father-
in-law), which accurately reflects that difficult time.
Thus, Akhmedova speaks of a special Benkov portrait
style in which he primarily focused on the individu-
al’s face. Stylistically, Benkov’s portraits combined late
Art Nouveau with realist pictorial techniques.
Akhmedova draws attention to Benkov’s Por-
trait of a Tatar Woman (1924-1928), also known as
The Doomed Bride. Some controversy surrounds the
evaluation of this portrait, which has ethnographic
associations and peculiarities of Russian Impression-
ism. Akhmedova’s most interesting observation is
that the portrait, which was begun during a relatively
hard time for the artist, was completed after Benkov
returned from his first trip to Central Asia in 1928. As
Akhmedova rightly notes, this portrait provides evi-
dence that the artist had overcome a creative impasse
(p. 30). This portrait is known to have been among
the few works that Benkov took with him when he
eventually moved to Central Asia.
The section on Benkov and the Revolution is
wrongly placed at the end of the chapter. Although
the work investigates art history, not politics, it is un-
deniable that the 1917 Revolution radically changed
Benkov’s life and ultimately his entire work. Born into
a relatively low-class family, by 1917 he had already
gained a very solid social status, primarily, thanks to
his wife and her relatives. Obviously, his family ties
forced him to leave Kazan together with Kolchak’s
152
retreating troops. Paradoxically, after returning to
Kazan in 1920 and resuming his teaching activity at
the college, Benkov became a target for assaults from
left-wing artists, not for cooperation with Kolchak’s
people, but rather for his “academic past.”2
Yet, the overall situation after the socialist rev-
olution naturally affected the themes of his works.
His activity at the theater continued until the fiasco
with scenery for Mysteria-Buff. He stopped painting
landscapes since this genre was no longer in demand
among customers and he continued to work in por-
traiture, but the tone of Benkov’s portraits changed
noticeably, especially in the mid-1920s. Interesting-
ly, his portraits include a failed one – the leader of
the world proletariat, Vladimir I. Lenin. Akhmedova
mentions the creative crisis of the second half of the
1920s. From my view point, it would be more logi-
cal to place the section on Benkov and the Revolu-
tion at the beginning of the chapter and highlight the
two stages in the Kazan period of the artist’s work –
pre-revolutionary and post-revolutionary.
Chapter 3, Bukhara: The Sun at Its Zenith, ex-
amines the shortest, yet most important period in
Benkov’s life. The chapter’s first section, Internal Em-
igration, discusses the motives that drove the artist to
travel from Kazan to Bukhara in 1928. Akhmedova
lists the main motives for this decision, and concludes
that it was an act of internal emigration. Meanwhile,
I previously wrote about this desperate and fateful
move made by Zenkov in an article published in the
abovementioned catalog to the exhibition A Place
Under the Sun: Benkov – Feshin (Mkrtychev 2019).
While attempting to reconstruct the events of that
time, the author fails to reference my work. I am not
going to argue the concept of internal emigration,
which is certainly legitimate. However, phrases such
as “following one’s nose” or “as far as one can” would,
in my opinion, be more appropriate in defining Ben-
kov’s action. Fortunately, distant Bukhara, along with
all Central Asia, was exactly the place that allowed
Pavel Petrovich to change his creative life, if not life
in general. For that reason, the chapter’s section is
entitled The Discovery of a New World. Akhmedova
is completely correct to note that the artist, a mas-
ter of plein air, quickly changed the color scope of his
landscapes (p. 40). The master of color – recall that
his fellow students at the academy called him Titian
– found himself in an environment in which he per-
fectly belonged. The idea that if nothing remained of
1
Ed. note: Alexander Vasilyevich Kolchak 1874-1920) an admi-
ral in the Imperial Russian Navy and leader of the White Rus-
sians during Russian Civil War. For a two-year period (1918-
1920) he was recognized as the military Commander and Chief
of the White movement in resistance to the Bolsheviks with his
headquarter in Omsk.
 TIGRAN MKRTYCHEV
his legacy except the landscapes from those years, is
certainly true. The works Benkov created in Bukhara
immediately placed him equal with the leading mas-
ters of his time. The same happened with the Benkov’s
portraits made in Bukhara, in which he solved the
problem of figure and background in a new coloristic
way (p. 43). It is necessary to emphasize that Akhme-
dova’s monograph provides the most comprehensive
analysis to date of this short, yet very important pe-
riod, in Benkov’s work. She mentions Benkov’s sec-
ond trip to Bukhara and groups his works during this
period by subject. Of note is the special section dis-
cussing a series of works depicting the famous Labi
Khauz, one of Bukhara’s central locations. Judging
by how the artist depicts the sun’s reflections in the
water, Akhmedova was completely correct to say that
this was the moment when Benkov’s Impressionism
began to be established.
In Akhmedova’s New Images section, she men-
tions Benkov’s 1930 trip to Khiva. One of Benkov’s
most famous paintings resulting from that voyage;
The Khiva Girl, was selected for display at a Soviet ex-
hibition in Philadelphia.
Also in Chapter 3, Akhmedova provides an inter-
esting analysis of Benkov’s turning point in his evolu-
tion as an artist. She states: “the dormant forces of his
painting temperament were released. Uzbekistan was
liberated from the inertia of forms and genres” (p.
61). However, it seems Akhmedova concludes with
a somewhat rushed image while choosing the artist’s
so called “place of power” – an image that currently
appears too commonplace, combining the Impres-
sionists with London fogs and Rouen Cathedral; Pav-
el Kuznetsov and his Kyrgyz steppes; as well as Paul
Gauguin with his mysterious Tahiti (p. 65).
Chapter 4, Samarkand consists of six thematic
subsections. This chapter begins with historical chro-
nology, specifically, the year of 1931 when the artist
made his final decision to leave Kazan and move to
Central Asia. However, the chapter fails to specify the
end of the story linking Benkov with Samarkand. It
should be recalled that Benkov died in Samarkand in
1949, so in fact this chapter is formally intended to
cover eighteen years of his life, but the material fails
to give a clear chronological framework for this chap-
ter.
In the section entitled, Among Artists, Akhmedo-
va writes about the situation surrounding the devel-
opments in Uzbekistan’s artistic environment during
the early 1930s. The city in those years was a strong-
hold for left-wing artists grouped around an associa-
tion known as Izofabrika (The Graphic Factory), in-
volving engagement in design work. The members of
Izofabrika included Ruben Akbalyan, Varsham Yere-
myan, Nadezhda Kashina, Elena Korovai, and Geor-
gy Nikitin. It was headed by Hovhannes Tatevosyan.
153
Benkov, a self-confident artist who considered him-
self a realist, entered this realm of avant-garde artists.
In the section called Cultural Revolution, Akhme-
dova fairly assesses Benkov’s activity as a teaching
artist, one of the few who had an academic education
and solid pedagogical practice. The period between
1928-1932, when painting flourished in Uzbekistan,
the Akhmedova refers to this period as a cultural rev-
olution which, in my opinion, requires certain expla-
nations. It is obvious that this short period in Benk-
ov’s life in Uzbekistan – from the moment he arrived
for the first time in Bukhara to his ultimate move to
Samarkand – was a time of great social and economic
changes in the region. They naturally led to thematic
changes in Benkov’s work during his Samarkand pe-
riod.
Akhmedova discusses new forms in the artist’s
work in two sections entitled To the Light! and Agita-
tion for Happiness. In essence, these sections explain
the new forms – multi-figure genre compositions glo-
rifying socialist labor and Soviet holidays – and dis-
cuss the continuation of the portrait theme with new
individual types, such as party workers or ordinary
people. Paradoxically, Benkov – a good draughtsman
and excellent colorist, with great skill in composition
– failed in painting large made-to-order, narrative
canvases. He is known to have been very fastidious
about these canvases, which he remade many times.
Such a situation occurred while he was working on
the large canvas, Meeting the Hero (1938). Neverthe-
less, some of Benkov’s multi-figure narrative paint-
ings related to agricultural work were included in the
golden collection of fine arts of Uzbekistan (Cotton
Picking in the Uzbek SSR, 1934-1935; Cotton Hoeing
in the Uzbek SSR, 1936).
Akhmedova could not ignore Benkov’s diffi-
cult relationships with other Uzbek artists. He was
attacked by both the left, who saw him as a realist,
and the right, who represented the emerging socialist
realism (see section Utopia and Reality: Faces of the
Time, p. 72). Another paradox in Pavel Benkov’s work
was how Impressionism proved to be his salvation
during this difficult period—principles of realism,
impressionistic style, a little decorativism—which al-
lowed him to narrowly meet the requirements of the
1930s and 1940s. Akmedova very accurately notes
that under these conditions art critics would “camou-
flage” Benkov as a devout socialist (p. 80).
In this chapter’s section The Protagonist is Light:
Painting Techniques, Akhmedova analyses Benkov’s
transformation in his techniques from the white sun
of Bukhara to the shady courtyards of Samarkand in
which “white sounds are natural as an analogue of
light with rich color reflections” (p. 84). In the same
section, the author discusses Pavel Benkov’s teaching
practice, in which he combined the achievements of
 BULLETIN OF IICAS 33/2022
D. N. Kardovsky’s school and his own developments,
specifically, new methods in plein air using the rich
color of Central Asia (p. 84).
The title of the next chapter, Samarkand Court-
yards, repeats one of Benkov’s favorite themes in his
later work. In the section New Motifs, Akhmedova
defines the further development of impressionistic
technique in his works of the 1940s, using shadow
and light to convey a large air space in his painting.
The work Girlfriends (1940) initiated a new step in
this direction. Traditionally, it is considered as an
ideological and patriotic canvas, while Akhmedo-
va reveals its multiple layers and senses (p. 86). She
correctly believes that new motifs include different
versions of the courtyard as image, which sometimes
have simple contents (“where their owners are often
engaged in simple activities”). Yet, there was also a
completely prosaic reason that made Benkov “one
who praised Samarkand courtyards.” He had poor
health which made it difficult for him to go outside
his courtyard for the plein airs he liked so much. It
remains unclear how this section entitled New Motifs
is included in the discussion about mutual portraits,
specifically, those of Benkov and Kovalevskaya. The
final part of Akhmedova’s research provides an analy-
sis of the painting A Girl with a Dutar, which was one
of Benkov’s last major works. His accumulated skill
(p. 97) manifested itself both in the portrait of the girl
and in the landscape that surrounds her. Akmedova
correctly believes that this canvas was the culmina-
tion of the artist’s impressionistic search.
In summary, as mentioned previously, structure
and chronology of this monograph should be noted.
The author did not set herself the task of telling the
REFERENCES
Apukhtin, O. K. and G. V. Chagin (1983). Samarkands-
kiy zhivopisets: dokumentalnaya povest [Samarkand
painter: a documentary story]. Tashkent: Yosh gvardiya
Publ. (In Russian).
Mkrtychev, T. (2009). Hudozhnik, kotoryi videl formu
tsveta [The artist who saw the shape of color], in: Ben-
kov Pavel Petrovich 1879-1949]. Album. Author-com-
piler M. Leschinskaya. Moscow: The State Museum of
Oriental Art Publ. P. 9-35 (In Russian).
Mkrtychev, T. (2019). Uyehat, chtoby ostatsya. Vybor Pavla
Benkova [Leave to stay. Choice of Pavel Benkov], in:
Pavel Benkov (1879-1949). Catalog. Moscow: Muzei
russkogo impressionizma Puvbl. P. 8-25 (In Russian).
Nikifirov, B. M. (1967). Pavel Petrovich Benkov. Moscow
(in Russian).
154
story of the Benkov’s life and work. Yet, more accurate
chronological milestones are needed in the analysis
Benkov’s evolution as the artist, who, after all, is the
main topic. For some unknown reason, the Great Pa-
triotic War [World War II] (1941-1945) is never men-
tioned anywhere in the book. Indeed, it did not have
a great influence on Benkov’s work, but the painting
In a New Family mentioned in the monograph (1942)
(p. 85) clearly indicates that the subject of the war be-
came a part of the artist’s work along with other signs
of the time. The final critical observation concerning
Akhmedova’s research is the lack of a short conclu-
sion summarizing her study’s results.
Nevertheless, all these comments do not affect
the overall good impression of the work in any way.
Nigora Akhmedova was the first to provide a critical
analysis of Benkov’s work who was one of the lead-
ing teachers during the 1930s-1940s in Uzbekistan
and trained an entire galaxy of artists active from the
1950s-1970s. This monograph is the first to precise-
ly define the artistic style known as Central Asian
Impressionism in which Pavel Petrovich Benkov
worked. Akhmedova accurately traces the main stag-
es in this style’s development. Obviously, this is the
first serious step in the critical study of Benkov’s her-
itage. Given that far from all his works are included in
the monograph, we have the right to expect further
steps in this direction.
Finally, it is necessary to mention the support of
the Marjani Foundation, which organized both this
study and its publication. It boasts a beautiful design
and high-quality printing which is very important
when publishing paintings by a bright artist like Pavel
Benkov.
Sultanova, R. P. (2016). Benkov – khudozhnik teatra
(svoyeobraziye tvorcheskogo metoda) [Benkov -
theater artist (original artistic method)], in: Istorich-
eskiye, filosofskiye, politicheskiye i yuridicheskiye nauki,
kulturologiya i iskusstvovedeniye. Voprosy teorii i prak-
tiki [Historical, philosophical, political and legal scienc-
es, cultural studies and art history. Questions of theory
and practice] Tambov: Gramota, №2 (64) (In Russian).
Umarov, A. P. (1961) P. Benkov — vydayushchiysya khu-
dozhnik Uzbekistana [Benkov – an outstanding artist
of Uzbekistan], in: Iskusstvo. № 4. S. 25-28 (in Russian).
Khomutova, M. (2000). Ocharovannyy solntsem [En-
chanted by the Sun], in: Mir muzeya. № 4 (176). (In
Russian).
Cheplevetskaya, G. L. (1950). Pavel Petrovich Benkov. Mos-
cow: Iskusstvo Publ. (In Russian).
Shostko, L. (2008). Pavel Benkov v Uzbekistane // Mir
muzeya. № 11 (255). S. 22-28. (In Russian).
CHRONICLE

155
156
 EDVARD VASILYEVICH RTVELADZE
(1942–2022)
O
n February 10, 2022, just before his eighti-
eth birthday, a world-famous archaeologist of
outstanding personality, and simply a won-
derful person, academician Edvard Vasilyevich Rt-
veladze passed away. With his passing, the historical
science of Uzbekistan, his family, his students, disci-
ples, and relatives suffered an irreparable loss.
E. V. Rtveladze lived a very rich and fulfilling
life, devoted to his beloved work: scientific research,
amazing discoveries, popularization and interpre-
tation of the ancient historical and cultural heritage
of Central Asia, molding of students. He was a full
member of the Academy of Sciences of the Republic
of Uzbekistan (1995) and an international member of
the Academy of Sciences of Georgia (2010), Doctor
of Historical Sciences (1989), professor, winner of the
State Science and Technology Award (2007) and the
Beruni State Prize (1985) in Uzbekistan, was award-
ed the Orders of “Buyuk Khizmatlari Uchun” (“For
Great Merit”, 2001), “Shukhrat” (“Labor Glory”), “El-
yurt khurmati” (“To the one Respected by the Peo-
ple and Homeland”, 2017 ), and in his native Georgia
he received the “Girdebis ordeni” (“Order of Hon-
157
or”, 2001). E. V. Rtveladze is a winner of the Greek
Order of the Great Constantine Award and a laure-
ate of a diploma of the European Professors Associ-
ation (2007). Despite such renown and recognition,
Edward Rtveladze always remained a modest, kind
hearted, simple, and amicable person with a soft gaze
and a kind smile.
Brief creator’s biography - molding into a
scholar. E. V. Rtveladze was born on May 14, 1942,
in the city of Borjomi, Georgia. In 1946, his family
moved to Kislovodsk. As a schoolboy, he was fond
of archeology and, as a member of the local archae-
ological circle, participated in field excavations and
expeditions in the vicinity of Kislovodsk. In the late
1950s, he had the pleasure of meeting M. E. Masson,
the “patriarch” of the Central Asian archeology, who,
together with his wife G. A. Pugachenkova were on
a vacation in Kislovodsk. These meetings predeter-
mined the fate of the young man. Seeing his enthusi-
asm and outstanding research talent, Mikhail Masson
suggested that after school he apply for admission to
the Central Asian (later - Tashkent) State University,
Department of Central Asian Archeology. This is how
 BULLETIN OF IICAS 33/2022
it did happen. Prior to that, according to the memo-
ries of his mentor, Academician G. Pugachenkova,
Edward Rtveladze went through the school of field re-
search, participating in excavations in Turkmenistan,
Uzbekistan, and the Caucasus.
E. Rtveladze was admitted to the university in
1962 and graduated in 1967, having received the
qualification of a historian and archaeologist, after
which he landed a job with the Tashkent Institute of
Art History, where he worked for 55 years solid, until
the very last days of his life. In the same year, 1967,
he participated in his first independent excavations in
Northern Bactria. Since 1971, he lectured at various
universities in Tashkent. In 1975, in Leningrad he
defended his PhD thesis “From the history of urban
culture in the Northern Caucasus and its ties with
Central Asia”, after which he was attributed the posi-
tion of senior research fellow at his home institute. In
1979, he began his research at the site of Kampyrtepa.
His scientific interests and archaeological research in
the future would be closely connected with the south
of Uzbekistan, where the territory of Surkhandarya
was part of some powerful ancient states and civili-
zations. Systematization, analysis, understanding and
interpretation of archaeological materials obtained
in terms of the field research formed the basis of his
doctoral dissertation “Ancient Bactria - medieval
Tokharistan. Historical and cultural development
patterns”, which he defended in 1989 in Moscow.
International cooperation. In subsequent years,
the fundamental research of Edward Rtveladze
aroused more and more interest abroad, which led
to his active cooperation with the colleagues and re-
search centers in various countries. These are lectures
at the universities of Japan (1990), France (1991) and
Italy (1993), at a number of Russian universities, re-
search trips to the same countries, working with the
French archaeological expedition in Cyprus (1992)
and at the French Center for the Study of Hellenic
Civilization in Athens. In 1995–1996, the then acad-
emician of the Academy of Sciences of the Republic
of Uzbekistan, Edward Rtveladze worked in Paris as
Maître de Conférence Collège de France; in 1998 he
lectured at the British Museum in London, in the
2000s - worked as a visiting professor and lecturer at
universities of Stockholm, Nicosia, Zurich.
The international trips lasting one or even a few
months, interspersed with his core activities as head
of the art history department at his home institute, in-
tensive educational work, delivering reports at inter-
national congresses and symposiums. For example, a
report delivered at the regular UNESCO session dedi-
cated to the 660th anniversary of Amir Timur (1996),
reports made in Osaka (Japan, 1998), in Washington,
New York (USA, 1998), etc.
Archaeological discoveries. With all these effer-
158
vescent international activities, the core favorite oc-
cupation of E. V. Rtveladze was still his chief muse
– archaeology. His archaeological research, carried
out as part of the UzISKE - the Uzbek art history
complex expedition led by Galina Pugachenkova in
the south of Uzbekistan at the settlement of Dalver-
zintepa, resulted in a sensational success. Besides the
fact that E. Rtveladze, G. Pugachenkova, B. Turgu-
nov and other members of the expedition unearthed
significant areas of this settlement, magnificent clay
sculpture was discovered there - the large statues of
Buddha, bodhisattvas, etc., while in 1972 - the world
famous Dalverzin gold hoard weighing a total of 36.2
kg. The hoard consisted of gold ingots with ancient
texts in the Kharoshtha script, jewelry and ornaments
of the Kushan period. This hoard was included in the
State Gold Treasury of Uzbekistan, and the grandi-
ose sculpture of Buddhist characters and other finds
made up the most valuable scientific collection of the
Institute of Art History, whose expedition discovered
all these artifacts.
In 1999, E. V. Rtveladze founded the Tokharistan
archaeological expedition, which worked primarily
on the archaeological sites of Kampyrtepa, Shurob-
kurgan, and Dabilkurgan; starting 2013 its scope
came to comprise Uzundara and other sites in the
south of Uzbekistan. Since 2000, the expedition began
to regularly publish the “Materials of the Tokharistan
Expedition”, wherein the researchers presented not
only new data, but also thorough analysis thereof, de-
termining the place of the discoveries in the world art
culture and, particularly, in the material heritage of
the Republic of Uzbekistan.
Edward Vasilyevich Rtveladze was a member of
more than 130 archaeological expeditions in Cen-
tral Asia, Northern Caucasus and other regions, but
his favorite brainchild was the archaeological site of
Kampyrtepa, where he personally carried out regular
systematic excavations until the very last months of
his life.
Kampyrtepa is a city-fortress of ancient times of
the late 4th century BCE – early to mid 2nd century
CE, located at the crossing of the ancient channel of
the Oxus (Amu Darya), which, apart from its other
purposes, later served as a customs check point. Here,
for the first time in Central Asia, an almost complete
excavation was performed on the site of an ancient
settlement to a total area of 4 hectares, extensive ma-
terials were obtained on the history of urban plan-
ning, material and art culture of the Hellenistic and
Kushan eras. Archaeologists from Japan, the USA,
France, Russia, and South Korea would also take part
in some of the the excavations at Kampyrtepa.
Academic work and treatises. Edward Rtveladze,
as a true academic scholar, knew well that new results
of scientific research cannot be be kept in a drawer -
 BULLETIN OF IICAS 33/2022
instead, they must be published in a timely manner,
contributing to the promotion and development of
the specific field of science. He was very prolific in his
published works, yet he strongly recommended the
same to his students, and to the staff of his depart-
ment. It was touching to see how sincerely he rejoiced
in a childish way about his new books coming out, as
much as those published by his students. Sometimes,
when it was not possible to attract sponsors, he would
personally defray the costs of publishing the collec-
tions of scientific articles of his colleagues and stu-
dents, where he acted as a publishing editor and moti-
vator. Among such publications was the “Proceedings
of the Tokharistan expedition”.
His first scientific article was published in 1965.
Over the next almost 60 years of his scientific work,
Edward Rtveladze published more than 900 works,
out of which approximately 40 were his books: mon-
ographs and popular science publications. His publi-
cations were issued not only in Uzbekistan, but also
in the UK, Hungary, Germany, Georgia, Iran, Italy,
China, Russia, the USA, France, Japan, and in sev-
eral CIS countries. Among the monographs of Rtve-
ladze, of note are such fundamental studies as “The
Great Silk Road” (2001, diploma award for the best
research in the field of humanities from the Academy
of Sciences of the Republic of Uzbekistan), “Ancient
and early medieval coins of the historic and cultural
regions of Uzbekistan” (Tashkent, 2002); “Alexander
the Great in Bactria and Sogdiana. Historical and ge-
ographical essays” (Tashkent, 2002 and Turin, 2006 –
translated into Italian); “Archaeology of the campaign
of Alexander the Great” (Tokyo, 2006 - published in
Japanese); “Civilizations, States, Cultures of Central
Asia” published in Uzbekistan (2005), The Great Brit-
ain (in English), Japan (in Japanese), South Korea (in
Korean) and Georgia (in Georgian), “The Great Indi-
an Road” (St. Petersburg, 2012), “Alexander the Great
in Transoxiana” (St. Petersburg, 2019), and others.
E. V. Rtveladze was a member of the editori-
al board of a number of scientific journals - “Social
Sciences of Uzbekistan”, “Oʻzbekiston tarixi”, “San’at”
and others, including such a world-famous scientific
yearbook as “Silk Road Art and Archeology”, pub-
lished in Japan. He was also a science editor of over
150 scientific publications, including popular science
books and albums dedicated to anniversaries of cit-
ies and outstanding historical figures of Uzbekistan.
From 1995 for a number of years onwards, it was at
his initiative and under his direct editorial guidance
that scientific collections “Numismatics of Central
Asia” were published in Tashkent.
New large-scale publishing projects In 1910,
an unprecedented project “Architectural epigraphy
of Uzbekistan” was launched to fully decipher the
historical monuments’ inscriptions and to publish
159
them. A total of 15 volumes of this series have been
published, to date, containing parallel texts in Uz-
bek, Russian, Arabic and English, for the regions of
Andijan, Bukhara, Kashkadarya, Navoi, Namangan,
Surkhandarya and other areas, and individually for
Karakalpakstan.
In 2015 a new project was launched which was
titled “The Uzbekistan cultural heritage as part of the
collections around the globe”, whose purpose was the
preservation, study and interpretation of the cultur-
al heritage of Uzbekistan. The Uzbek statesman and
public figure Firdavs Abdukhalikov became the head
of both of the projects, and academician E. Rtveladze
became the science editor thereof. It was a huge job
of scientific coordination, setting forth new ideas and
concepts, editing books for both of the projects. So
far, about 50 impressive polychromatic books and al-
bums of this magnificent lineup have been published,
presenting artifacts of Uzbekistan, which are kept in
collections of various international museums, in pri-
vate collections, including in some domestic collec-
tions in Uzbekistan. From 2017, Edward Rtveladze
was acting as Chairman of the Research Council of
the World Society for Study, Preservation and Pro-
motion of Cultural Heritage of Uzbekistan.
Teacher and mentor. I heard about E. Rtveladze
since the late 1970s; I got to know him better and
started working directly in his department in 1986.
In 1979, I graduated from the architectural faculty of
the TashPI institute. My graduation project was de-
voted to the restoration of the Kok-Gumbaz mosque
in Shakhrisabz. My supervisor, Professor V. A. Niels-
en, suggested that I contacted Lidia Lvovna Rtveladze,
who at the time was in charge of the archives [Repos-
itory] of the Main Directorate for the Protection and
Restoration of Cultural Monuments of Uzbekistan, so
I could acquire some material and data there. During
our meeting and from the subsequent conversations,
I learned that Lidia Lvovna was a famous archaeolo-
gist, and that her Georgian surname Rtveladze comes
from her husband, an archaeologist, too.
In 1986, upon my admission to the graduate
school of the Institute of Art Studies, I began to work
as a member of the group which was attributed the
scope of “Anthology of Monuments of Architecture
and Monumental Art of Uzbekistan”. I was assigned
to the “History of Arts and Architecture” sector there,
and, later on, to the “History of Art” department,
which for many years was headed by Galina Anatoly-
evna Pugachenkova, and, thereafter, by Edward Rtve-
ladze. I worked as a member of this department for 20
years. My time there was a real science school for me
(all in all, we worked together under the aegis of the
institute for 36 years). Continuing the traditions of his
teachers and mentors - academicians M. E. Masson
and G. A. Pugachenkova, E. V. Rtveladze paid much
 BULLETIN OF IICAS 33/2022
attention to the molding of the youth into specialists.
At the meetings of the department, he would relate a
lot of interesting and curious things about our field of
science, introducing to us some new national and in-
ternational publications. For several years, he would
organize workshops in “History and material culture
of Central Asia and neighboring regions” almost on a
weekly basis. A lot of people gathered for these “sci-
entific Thursdays of Rtveladze”. Apart from the staff
of our institute, some interested scientists and intel-
lectuals would flock in from all over Tashkent. The
master did not miss the opportunity to invite us to
the workshops and introduce us to his internation-
al colleagues who used to visit with us in Tashkent.
Among them were such American experts as histo-
rian Richard Fry, archaeologist Fredrik Hibert, archi-
tectural historians Joseph Notkin from Israel, Sergey
Khmelnitsky from Germany, and others. It helped a
lot to keep abreast of international scientific events
and research developments, of some different or even
disparate research techniques.
But it was interesting for us not only to collabo-
rate... With special warmth do I recollect how heart-
felt and warm were the department staff members’
birthday celebrations, how well went our holiday
parties, how great were our revue-sketch comedies
and their rehearsals, too. Now black-and-white pho-
tographs of those years and our memories remind us
of the great times we had.
Edvard Rtveladze was quite democratic a leader.
For many of us, he was just a learned mentor, but at
the same time he was an unflinching scientific and
human authority, whom it simply never occurred
160
to anyone to disobey. He led and molded us by his
own example. Indeed, the master is not someone who
teaches you, but it is someone from who you learn.
Edvard Rtveladze created his own scientific school,
modled many of his students into true and dedicat-
ed scientists, for whom, like for himself, scientific
research is the favorite and engrossing occupation,
being, truly, the way of life. Under the guidance and
mentorship of E. V. Rtveladze many have defended
their candidate and doctor theses. His multiple stu-
dents - historians, archaeologists, architects, artists,
and art critics - work not only in Uzbekistan, but also
at various research institutions abroad: in Azerbaijan,
Greece, Israel, Kazakhstan, Canada, Russia, the USA,
France, etc. Edvard left us a heritage of the grand and
salient school of thought endowed with a strong cre-
ative potential, populated with students who are able
to honorably carry on with the work once started by
their master.
The academic work and treatises of academician
E. V. Rtveladze reveal new important layers in the
development of history and material culture of the
peoples of Central Asia from the period of Antiquity
to the Middle Ages. They get translated into various
languages of the world, and are regularly re-issued
in Uzbekistan and worldwide. Indeed, as long as the
contemporaries and future generations turn to the re-
search heritage of scientists, the latter live on in their
works, and people will thus keep memories of these
scientists in their souls. Blessed memory to you, dear
teacher and ever-trusted counselor!
Mavluda Abbasova-Yusupova
 VIKTOR FEDOROVICH SEIBERT
(1947 – 2022)

K
azakhstan’s archaeology has suffered
an irreparable loss. A famous researcher that
familiarised the world with the beginning of
the communication era and gave knowledge about
the domestication of the horse, has passed away. For
40 years, V. F. Seibert conducted excavations at the
Eneolithic archaeological site of Botai. Every student
knows this name and the significance of the discovery
of the Botai archaeological culture that developed in
the 4th and 3rd millennia BCE.
Yes! He measured time in millennia and consid-
ered space all across the inhabited oecumene.
Viktor Fedorovich Seibert is a well-known schol-
ar, Doctor of History, Professor of Archaeology,
chief researcher at the Botai Museum-Reserve, cor-
responding member of the German Archaeological
Institute, Academy of Social Sciences of the Republic
of Kazakhstan, member of the Academic Council for
Archaeology and History at the Valikhanov Institute
of History and Ethnology, Director of the Research
Institute of Archaeology of Steppe Civilisations un-
der the Al-Farabi Kazakh National University. V. F.
Seibert is one of the most cited scientists in the ar-
chaeology of Kazakhstan, whose incredibly high per-
formance in studies has brought him the title of the
Leader of Research (2015), a prestigious independent
award.
V. F. Seibert is an honorary worker of tourism in
the Republic of Kazakhstan, an honorary citizen of
the North Kazakhstan region, who for his services in World War, in November 1946, the father re-joined
strengthening peace, friendship and cooperation be- with his family. One year later, twins were born: Vic-
tween peoples was awarded the Order of Dostyk of tor and Elvira. In total, the Seibert family had six chil-
the 2nd degree. dren.
Viktor Fedorovich was born on 30 September, Viktor Seibert graduated from the Yavlen second-
1947 in the village of Nikolayevka, Yesilsky District ary school at the Yesilsky district. In 1969 he grad-
of the North Kazakhstan region, into a family of rural uated from the Faculty of History and Philology at
intellectuals - German special settlers. Viktor Fedor- the Petropavlovsk Pedagogical Institute as a history
ovich’s parents lived in the Autonomous Soviet Social- teacher. In 1969, he was employed by the North Ka-
ist Republic of the Volga Germans before the Second zakhstan Museum of Regional and Historical Studies,
World War. His father, Fedor Fedorovich, a teacher of where he worked as a researcher and head of the De-
singing, finished his first year at the Saratov Conserv- partment of Archeology until 1976. These were years
atoire before the war and was drafted into the labor of professional growth for V. F. Seibert. He received
army at its beginning. His mother, Amalia Petrovna, excellent training in restoration of archaeological
graduated from the Saratov Pedagogical College and finds at research institutions in Moscow (State His-
worked as a teacher of German. In the autumn of torical Museum, Pushkin Museum, Kremlin Restora-
1941, his mother, grandmother and two sisters were tion Laboratories) and Leningrad (Hermitage).
deported to Kazakhstan. They were unloaded from a The academic biography of Viktor Fedorovich is
freight wagon to carts in Petropavlovsk, and then Ka- connected with the archaeology of northern Kazakh-
zakhs took them home. The Seiberts became a part of stan. He chose his lifelong profession, when as a stu-
the Temirov family. Only after the end of the Second dent he had a fateful meeting with G. B. Zdanovich,

161
 BULLETIN OF IICAS 33/2022
the future famous archaeologist who discovered the
Arkaim archaeological site and became the founder
of the Sintashta-Arkaim archaeological culture.
In 1967, the North Kazakhstan Archaeological
Expedition was organised, in which V. F. Seibert be-
gan to master archaeology. Large-scale archaeological
surveys and stationary excavations were launched at
archaeological sites and burial grounds throughout
the northern regions of Kazakhstan. During the first
five years, the North Kazakhstan Archaeological Ex-
pedition mapped 400 monuments, 200 of which were
dated to the Stone Age. These discoveries determined
V. F. Seibert’s interest in the study of Stone Age mon-
uments in the Ishim area.
By the time he began his post-graduate cours-
es (1977) at the Institute of Archaeology under the
Academy of Sciences of the USSR, he had accumu-
lated sufficient material on the Neolithic of North-
ern Kazakhstan, identified areas of concentration,
specified topography patterns, excavated single- and
multi-layer Mesolithic and Neolithic settlements, and
roughly determined the periodisation and chronolo-
gy of Late Holocene monuments in the Ishim area.
In 1979, V. F. Seibert defended in Moscow his
PhD thesis titled the Neolithic in Northern Kazakh-
stan (Seibert 1979). Using a technical, typological
and systematic analysis, he identified the Atbasar
archaeological culture that developed in the 4th and
3rd millennia BCE and proved its formation on the
local Mesolithic basis (Seibert 1992: 129-131). Thus,
a gap the size of a long period in ancient history was
covered. The Atbasar archaeological culture was in-
cluded in the Asian microlitic cultural zone as a sepa-
rate North Kazakhstan ethno-cultural region (Seibert
1992:112). The Neolithic population of the Atbasar
culture lived a sedentary life, based on palaeozoologi-
cal findings from the cultural layers of archaeological
sites, V. F. Seibert concludes about the initial stages of
the formation of a productive economy, in particular
livestock breeding.
Seibert made a big contribution to world archae-
ology by his discovery and study of the Botai Ene-
olithic archaeological culture that developed in the
4th and 3rd millennia BCE. The Botai archaeological
site was discovered in 1980 on the Iman-Burluk riv-
er, in the Ayyrtau District of the North Kazakhstan
region. Today, every student knows this name, which
has been included in all school and university text-
books, academic publications on the national history,
dictionaries and encyclopaedias.
Viktor Fedorovich approached Botai’s research
as a mature scientist with fundamental and applied
knowledge of archaeology and the ancient history of
the Steppe. The monument was lucky to become an
object of research for a masterful professional like
Seibert, since the personality of a researcher plays a
162
very important role in studies.
The first field season stunned archaeologists with
the abundance of various artifacts, a thick cultural
layer and remnains of residential and service struc-
tures. And the most amazing find was horse bones in
an excellent state of preservation. Viktor Fedorovich
immediately realised that the monument requires a
comprehensive multidisciplinary study. A team of
specialists – palaeogeographers, botanists, geomor-
phologists, palaeozoologists and architects – were
involved in the expedition. The range of monuments
expanded as a result of targeted search operations.
Topographic criteria for the location of the human
settlements of the Botai culture were immediately
specified, which led to the discovery of a number of
other settlements, including Krasny Yar, Vasilkovka,
Roshchinskoe, Balandino and Sergeyevka.
In 1983, an all-union archaeological seminar was
held at the Botai settlement, which brought together
best specialists in the primitive archaeology of Eur-
asia. It was a kind of presentation of the monument
and recognition of its archaeological uniqueness.
Botai became a focus of attention for researchers
from other countries. But they could not get to Ka-
zakhstan before it became independent.
In 1983, the question was raised about the iden-
tification of the Botai archaeological culture. Viktor
Fedorovich was involved in the resolution of method-
ological issues of the archaeological culture concept
(Seibert 2009: 227-233). He was still to solve the ques-
tions of the territory of the archaeological culture,
its periodisation and comparison with neighbouring
Eneolithic monuments and communities. The main
purpose of the comparative analysis was to place the
Botai culture between the Yamna cultural and histori-
cal community and the Afanasievo archaeological cul-
ture. Unlike the neighbouring Eneolithic cultures, the
Botai one is unique in its main type of monuments. It
is represented by large stationary human settlements
with powerful cultural layers and a large amount of
archaeological and faunal material. No necropolises
have been found, with only occasional burials located
within the settlement (Seibert 2009: 51). These are the
main signs of the Botai archaeological culture.
In 1992, V. F. Seibert defended his doctoral thesis
titled The Eneolithic in the Ural-Irtysh Interfluve and
became Doctor of History in archeology. He defend-
ed it at the Institute of Archaeology and Ethnogra-
phy, the Siberian Branch of the Russian Academy of
Sciences (Novosibirsk). In 1996, The Higher Attesta-
tion Commission of Kazakhstan awarded Seibert the
title of Professor of archaeology.
When Kazakhstan became independent, a peri-
od of active international cooperation began in the
history of the study of the Botai culture in the form of
organising international projects to study the cultural
 BULLETIN OF IICAS 33/2022
layer of the Botai settlement, arranging international
exhibitions in Cambridge, Oxford and German cities,
and giving talks at universities in Great Britain, Ger-
many and Egypt.
In 1995, an international symposium titled An-
cient Horse Breeders in Eurasia was held in Botai,
which was attended by more than 80 archaeologists
from 16 countries. The researchers examined several
Botai archaeological sites and acquainted themselves
with the faunal collection.
In total, according to V. F. Seibert, “over 30 for-
eign specialists from Great Britain, France, Germany,
China, Denmark, Lithuania and the USA are engaged
in the study of the Botai culture. We have clearly dis-
tributed subjects among us. We are working on his-
torical and cultural issues, such as the history of the
people, ethnos and culture. The foreign specialists are
using new technologies to discover the contents of
artifacts. Many of the specialists involved are leaders
in their respective fields and apply advanced methods
for their work in Kazakhstan. In some cases, Botai
became a place where latest approaches and methods
were used for the first time” (Seibert 2020: 79, 83).
Foreign researchers studying the primitive age
were interested in issues such as the domestication of
the horse and the formation of a producing economy.
Achievements in practical archaeology included con-
firmation of the use of koumiss by recording fat cells
on the walls of vessels and the use of hair and bone
bits by detecting erosion on the molars of a horse with
the help of a trasological method; in addition, DNA
samples were taken and radiocarbon and genetic
analysis of horse bones was made.
Now, In the new millennium, the excavation of
the Botai culture monuments continues. Thanks to
the activity of V. F. Seibert, measures have been taken
to preserve the unique monument. In 2000, the Botai
site was included in the Kokshetau State National
Nature Park. Among the researcher’s other achieve-
ments was the creation of the Botai State Historical
and Cultural Museum-Reserve in 2018. A new im-
petus for the development of historical research was
received and the importance of the study of the Botai
archaeological site was recognised at the state level af-
ter the publication in 2018 of a programme article by
the First President of the country N. A. Nazarbayev
titled The Seven Facets of the Great Steppe.
The works of V. F. Seibert represent a new level
of historical analysis of an archaeological source in
the archaeology of Kazakhstan. In his theoretical in-
terpretations, the scientist came to the modelling of
163
ancient socio-economic and ideological processes
as events of ethnographic time. This was facilitated
by a thorough analysis of large quantities of material
in all categories of archaeological artefacts. The his-
torical and cultural context of the long-lasting and
content-rich Eneolithic era of Northern Kazakhstan
is presented in detail thanks to the works by V. F. Sei-
bert. His legacy consists of more than 100 research
articles and monographs on the ancient history of the
steppe part of Eurasia.
V. F. Seibert sought to overcome his disease and
kept on working on new books about Botai until his
last hours. He planned to join an expedition in the
coming summer. He knew that the steppe would sup-
port and energise him. In his last interview (16 Feb-
ruary 2022), he talked about plans, about how much
more needs to be done…
Viktor Fedorovich Seibert in the afterword to his
2009 theoretical monograph on Botai wrote: “Dedi-
cated to the historically wise Kazakh people...”. These
words reflect the deep connection between the Re-
searcher and his Motherland, and the gratitude to the
people who saved his family during the difficult years
of war and deportation.
Viktor Fedorovich Seibert immortalised his
memory by proving the domestication of the horse
taking place more than five thousand years ago in the
steppes of Kazakhstan. As he harnessed the horse,
man actually harnessed time and space and laid the
foundations of a new civilisational turn of history.
Maral Khabdulina,
PhD in history,
Associate Professor at the Department
of Archaeology and Ethnology,
Gumilyov Eurasian National University,
Director of Akishev Archaeological
Research Institute
REFERENCES
Seibert, V. F. (1979). Neolit Severnogo Kazakhstana: avtoref.
dis. …kand. ist. Nauk [The Neolithic in northern Ka-
zakhstan: abstract from a PhD thesis]. Moscow. 17 s.
(In Russian).
Seibert, V. F. (1992). Atbasarskaya kultura [Atbasar cul-
ture]. Yekaterinburg: UrO RAN Publ. 221 s. (In Rus-
sian).
Seibert, V. F. (2009). Botayskaya kultura [Botai culture]. Al-
maty: KazAkparat Publ. 576 s. (In Russian).
Seibert, V. F. (2020). Botay [Botai]. Almaty: Balausa
baspasy Publ. 480 s. (In Kazakh, Russian and English)
 TIMUR KHASANOVICH OCHILOV
1963-2022

T
he staff of the Samarkand Institute of Archae-
ology, National Centre for Archaeology, Acad-
emy of Sciences of the Republic of Uzbekistan,
deeply mourns the untimely death of their colleague
Timur Khasanovich Ochilov, the chief specialist in
the production and publication work of the Institute
of Archaeology, a true man with a noble and im-
mense soul.
Timur Khasanovich was born on 25 February 1963
in the city of Dushanbe into an international family of
a serviceman. His father, Khasan Timurovich, was a
native of the city of Urgut, Samarkand region, while
his mother, Inna Ivanovna, was born in Donetsk and
worked in the textile production sector. As a family
of a serviceman, from the very beginning they had
to move from place to place, and the frequent change
of social and cultural atmosphere had a considerable
effect on the children, and particularly Timur Khas-
anovich, who developed broad views and sociability
from an early age. Timur Khasanovich inherited from
his parents such important qualities as independence,
firmness of spirit, balance in making decisions and
responsibility for them. He was searching for his life
path and therefore, despite the family tradition, he
tried himself in medicine and even entered medical
school, but left it after the first year, as he felt it was
not quite his profession.
In 1983-1985, Timur Khasanovich studied at the
Dushanbe Industrial College, at the department of events and realities that developed in the post-Soviet
textile production and light industry technologies. society in the early 1990s made the Ochilov family
It was there where he familiarised himself with com- change their place of residence again, and almost all
puters, which strongly attracted him. This passion of them moved to their father’s historical homeland,
subsequently allowed him to master this technique, Uzbekistan, where they settled in the city of Jambai,
new for that time, and actively use it in his own work. Samarkand region.
After graduating from college, from 1985 to 1988 he Among the Ochilovs’ new neighbours was
worked as a bookbinding shop foreman at the Du- Rustam Khamidovich Suleymanov, the director of
shanbe printing factory. It was there that his qualities the Institute of Archaeology under the Academy of
such as independence and organisational skills were Sciences of the Republic of Uzbekistan, who had re-
clearly manifested. He headed a workshop lagging cently came to live in that district. Undoubtedly, their
behind in production, rebuilt its work, began to fulfil strong interest in the ancient history of their home-
and exceed plans, which resulted in significant profits land brought these people closer to each other, so that
greatly strengthened the authority of Timur Khasa- when Rustam Khamidovich, and later Timur Shiri-
novich. Timur’s multifaceted personality allowed him novich Shirinov, who replaced the former as director,
to accept and correctly use the challenge of the time, convinced of Timur Khasanovich’s professional print-
‘perestroika and glasnost.’ At the same time, Timur ing abilities, invited him to work at the Samarkand
Khasanovich has always strived for independence, in- Institute of Archaeology as publisher. Thus, thanks
cluding in production. So, from 1985 to 1992, he was to a lucky coincidence, a professional publisher was in-
the chairman of the Kitob cooperative at the Depart- volved in the institute’s activities, where he joined a team
ment of Equipment and Supply at the State Publish- of people close to him in spirit and looking for knowl-
ing House (Goskomizdat) of the Tajik USSR. But the edge, with whom he connected the rest of his life.

164
 BULLETIN OF IICAS 33/2022
Under Timur Khasanovich, the institute’s small
printing house for the first time on a regular basis
continued to produce the previously respectable pe-
riodical History of Material Culture of Uzbekistan;
work was started on a new journal, Archeology of
Uzbekistan, numerous brochures, collections, mon-
ographs and thesis abstracts under the Academic
Council of the Institute. In recent years, Timur Khas-
anovich, together with his colleagues, in close co-
operation with the International Institute of Central
Asian Studies, implemented the project Archaeology
of Central Asia: Archival Materials. Thus, interesting
unpublished works by the researchers of the previous
decades that had passed away, such as V. A. Shish-
kin, L. Sokolovskaya, A. Sukharev, L. Pavchinskaya
and others, were published in this series. At the In-
stitute of Archeology, he launched a project to pre-
pare a multi-volume serial collection, History and
Archeology of Turan, dedicated to the anniversaries
of famous Uzbek archeologists – G. Khojaniyazov,
M.Sh. Kdyrniyazov, D. K. Mirzaakhmedov, M. Kh. Is-
amiddinov and R. Kh. Suleymanov. It is also impor-
tant to note that Timur Khasanovich often became a
true ‘driver’ of any undertaking related to the dissem-
ination of new research data in the field of history and
archeology. ‘The work of an archaeologist is difficult,
but it is extremely important for the development of
historical studies, and I want to do everything I can
to make the results of this work widely available to
people and appreciated by them,’ was what any of his
colleagues at the Institute of Archaeology has heard
more than once.
He highly valued intellectual work, and therefore
165
his constant willingness to provide professional and
technical assistance extended not only to archaeolo-
gists. Literally days and nights he received visitors –
colleagues, doctors, philologists... A man of rich life
experience, Timur Khasanovich could find a com-
mon language with everyone, from the oldest to the
youngest, and often took care of the latter, providing
them shelter and accommodation if they needed it.
He was a hospitable host and a devoted and consid-
erate friend. At the same time, nothing human was
alien to him, he was always firm in his opinion, said
what he thought and was fair.
Certainly, Timur Khasanovich had a special po-
sition at the institute. He was irreplaceable, everyone
needed him and many sought his favour. He was a
leader, a specialist, a professional who left a deep, ir-
replaceable mark in the difficult post-Soviet period in
the development of archeology in Uzbekistan.
In these mournful days of irreparable loss for
everyone, the staff of the Samarkand Institute of Ar-
chaeology, National Centre for Archaeology, Acad-
emy of Sciences of the Republic of Uzbekistan, all
archaeologists from Uzbekistan and from near and
far abroad who knew Timur Khasanovich Ochilov
well mourn the untimely death of their colleague and
express their deep and sincere condolences to family
members and all friends who knew him closely.
From the staff
of the Samarkand Institute of Archaeology
and the National Centre for Archaeology
under the Academy of Sciences of Uzbekistan
 YERLAN KAZIZOV
(1983–2022)
O
n the night of May 13th to 14th of 2022,
the heart of Yerlan Kazizov, the researcher
at the A. Kh. Margulan Institute of archae-
ology, stopped. This tragic event shocked the entire
archaeological community of Kazakhstan. For only
recently his voice was heard within the walls of the
institute, he was placing phone calls, writing mes-
sages, making plans for the future, preparing for the
implementation of several scientific projects. Just
a few years ago, he got married. Recently he started
preparing for his doctoral research program exams.
I express my sincere condolences to his family, rel-
atives, friends and colleagues. He is survived by his
wife Aysha and his son Sanjar.
Yerlan was born on November 14, 1983 in the
village of Zhelezinka of the Pavlodar Region, Ka-
zakhstan. He graduated from the secondary school in
his home village. He graduated from S. Toraygyrov
Pavlodar State University with a bachelor’s degree, in
2005. For the Master’s Degree he then went to Altai
State University (in Barnaul, Russia), which he grad-
uated from in 2009. In 2008 he was employed as a
166
research fellow by the A. Kh. Margulan Institute of
Archaeology.
Perhaps, like most other archaeologists who set-
tled in this field of activity, while yet a student, Yerlan
was first familiarized with archaeology when doing
internships. This work was done on the monuments
of the Neolithic and the Bronze Age in the Cis-Irtysh
areas of the Pavlodar Region. The first leader of the
young specialist and the mentor taking care of his
first important steps in science was prof. Victor Merz.
While still attending college, Yerlan began to
take active part in the activities of the Archaeolog-
ical Center at Pavlodar University. It was here that
the formation and molding of Yerlan the full-fledged
archaeologist was taking place. The main circle of
his scientific interests was determined here as well,
which was related to the study of the Middle Bronze
Age monuments in the north-east of Saryarka. How-
ever, it should be recognized that the study this topic
remained incomplete. Although the material and the
required data were collected and to a greater extent
processed, Yerlan never abandoned it. Instead he was
 BULLETIN OF IICAS 33/2022
planning to return to the subject in the near future
when he would be doing his doctoral thesis.
Starting 2008, when he was already a research
fellow at the institute, the geography of his archaeo-
logical research and the typological diversity of the
monuments of his study expanded considerably. His
outstanding organizational skills, intense feeling of
responsibility, scrupulousness in processing the mate-
rials, polymathy and breadth of the world outlook en-
abled Yerlan to gain ample working experience from
the eastern shores of the Caspian Sea in the West,
down to the Irtysh River in the East. His extensive re-
search covered Stone Age sites, burial grounds and ar-
chaeological sites of the Middle and Late Bronze Age
(Kenzhekol, Karakoitas, Pyatiryzhsk), burial mounds
of the Sarmatians and Sakas (Taskopa, Karaoba), bur-
ial monuments and memorials of medieval nomads,
mausoleums of the Golden Horde period, medieval
oases of Jankent, Taraz, Kultobe and etc. (Merz et al.
2007; Ankusheva et al. 2020; Shagirbaev et al. 2021).
A prolific period in the scientific biography of
Yerlan Kazizov fell on the years from 2016 to 2019
- when the Buddhist temple of Ablai-Khit in the East-
ern Kazakhstan Region was investigated. Several pub-
REFERENCES
Ankusheva et al. (2020) – Ankusheva P. S., Orfinskaya O. V.,
Koryakova L. N., Kupriyanova E. V., Kazizov Ye. S., Log-
vin A. V., Novikov I. K., Shevnina I. V. Tekstil’naja kul’tu-
ra pozdnego bronzovogo veka Uralo-kazahstanskogo
Regiona [The textile culture of the late Bronze Age of
the Ural-Kazakhstan Region], in: Ural’skij istoricheskij
vestnik. No. 2 (67). P. 16-25 (in Russian).
Baypakov et al. (2017) – Baypakov K. M., Voyakin D. A.,
Erofeeva I. V., Kazizov Ye. S. Ablajkit: vtoroj god kom-
pleksnyh issledovanij [Ablai-Khit: the second year of
comprehensive research], in: Mir Bol’shogo Altaja. V. 3.
No. 4. P. 634-665 (in Russian).
Baypakov et al. (2018a) – Baypakov K. M., Erofeeva I. V.,
Kazizov Ye. S., Yampolskaya N. V. Ablajkit – v svete
arheologicheskih, istoricheskih i vostokovedcheskih
issledovanij [Ablai-Khit – in the light of archaeological,
historical and oriental studies], in: Altai Turki alemi-
nin besigi. Oskemen [KZ: Алтай түркі әлемінің бесігі.
Оскемен]. P. 65-82 (in Russian).
Baypakov et al. (2018b) – Baypakov K. M., Erofeeva I. V.,
Ternovaya G. A., Kazizov Ye. S. Istorija religij v Kazah-
stane (drevnost’ i srednevekov’e) [The History of Reli-
gions in Kazakhstan (in Ancient and Medieval Times)].
Almaty: Service Press. (In Russian).
Baypakov et al. (2019) – Baypakov K. M., Erofeeva I. V., Ka-
zizov Ye. S., Yampolskaya N. V. Buddijskij monastyr’ Ab-
laj-hit [Ablai-Khit Buddhist monastery]. Almaty: TOO
“Arheologicheskaja jekspertiza” Publ. (In Russian).
Baypakov, Kazizov (2019) – Baypakov K. M., Kazizov Ye. S.
Issledovanija na arheologicheskom komplekse Ablajkit
167
lications were issued based on the results of this work,
including monographs co-authored by K. M. Bay-
pakov, I. V. Erofeeva, G. A. Ternova, D. A. Voyakin
and N. V. Yampolskaya (Baypakov et al. 2017; 2018a;
2018b; 2019; Baypakov, Kazizov 2019).
In addition to academic research, in the last years
of his life, Yerlan Kazizov started focusing on social
and heritage conservation activities aimed at saving
monuments in the state of disrepair within the city
area of Almaty and the Almaty outskirts (Zhambula-
tov et al. 2022). In particular, a lot of work was done
to document the monuments in the Arkharly Moun-
tains, which were endangered by the excavation of a
nearby quarry.
It is fair to say that youth and death are incom-
patible, and their convergence is difficult to digest,
but sometimes one has to put up with such a strange
mix. Yerlan Kazizov will remain in our memory as
a young, cheerful, sociable friend and fellow with an
indefatigable desire to work and create.
Kayrat Zhambulatov,
Research Fellow,
A.Kh. Margulan Institute of Archaeology, Almaty
v 2016–2018 gg. [The research at the Ablai-Khit ar-
chaeological complex in 2016–2018], in: Altai – Turki
aleminin besigi. Oskemen [KZ: Алтай – түркі әлемінің
бесігі. Оскемен]. P. 62-84 (in Russian).
Zhambulatov et al., 2022 – Zhambulatov K. A., Ka-
zizov Ye. S., Akhiyarov I. K. Kompleks nakonechnikov
strel rannego zheleznogo veka iz avarijnogo pamjat-
nika Bajterek 1 (vostochnaja okraina g. Almaty) [A
complex of arrowheads from the Early Iron Age from
a disrepair-state site of Baiterek I (eastern outskirts of
Almaty)], in: Arheologiya Kazahstana. 2022. No. 2 (16).
In print (in Russian)
Merz et al. (2007) – Merz V. K., Kazizov Ye. S., Merz I. V.
Novye issledovanija mogil’nika Kenzhekol’-1 v Pavlo-
darskom Priirtysh’e. Polevye issledovanija v Verhnem
Priob’e i na Altae [New studies of the Kenzhekol-1 burial
ground in the Cis-Irtysh area of the Pavlodar outskirts.
Field studies in the Upper Ob River Area and in Altay],
in: Arheologija, jetnografija, ustnaja istorija: M-ly III re-
gional’noj nauch.-prakt. konf. [Archeology, ethnography,
oral history: Proceedings of the 3rd Regional Applied Re-
search Conference and Workshop] (Barnaul, December
06–08, 2006). Barnaul: Barnaul State Pedagogical Uni-
versity Publ. P. 36-40 (in Russian).
Shagirbaev et al. (2021) – Shagirbaev M. S., Yerzhigito-
va A. A., Kazizov Ye. S., Sorokin D. V. K izucheniju
osobennostej vedenija hozjajstva naseleniem gorodish-
ha Kul’tobe: po dannym arheozoologicheskogo analiza
(2020–2021 gg.) [Revisiting the study of the features of
housekeeping by the population of the Kultobe site: the
archaeozoological analysis (2020–2021)], in: Archeology
of Kazakhstan. No. 3 (13). P. 108-133.
 TWO FRIENDS – ONE FATE
2022
is a jubilee year for two well-
known women in the academic
world – Zamira Ismailovna Us-
manova and Svetlana Borisovna Lunina, remarkable
archaeologists and our Teachers celebrating their
90th anniversaries. It happened so that fate led them
through life together for many years, starting back in
1950, when they both entered the Central Asian State
University (CASU).
In 2012, materials dedicated to Z. I. Usmanova
and S. B. Lunina were published in connection with
their 80th anniversaries. There you can find detailed
information about their teaching and research activ-
ities, as well as lists of publications, of which more
than twenty were written by them in cooperation.1
Here, I would like to move away from the official style
and take a closer look at the unique fates of two out-
standing women who have lived for almost a century
and have done so much for the study of Uzbekistan
and the entire Central Asian region, either through
their own research activities or by training profes-
sionals in archaeology. It is interesting to trace how
the combination of various life circumstances, war
and a natural disaster in the most bizarre ways com-
pelled our heroines to make a choice that determined
their entire future path.2
Zamira Ismailovna Usmanova was born on 10
August 1932 in the city of Samarkand. Her father Is-
mail Usmanov came from a family of Kashgar immi-
grants who settled in Margilan, where they continued
their traditional occupation – sericulture. He was
born in 1909 into a large family, but his mother died
during his birth, and he was raised by his sister and
brother. After studying at a labour faculty, he worked
as a typesetter in a printing house located in the Es-
ki-Juva area of Tashkent. The publishing house was
headed by Gafur Gulyam (1903-1966), the future Peo-
ple’s Poet of Uzbekistan, who liked to sit on a sufa in
the courtyard of the printing house in good weather,
1
Ilyasova, S. R., Baratova, L. S. K 80-letiyu Zamiry Ismailovny
Usmanovoy (For the 80th anniversary of Zamira Ismailovna
Usmanova) in: Arkheologiya Uzbekistana (Archaeology of Uz-
bekistan). 2012. № 2 (5). S. 97–107; Ilyasov, J. Ya., Ilyasova, S. R.,
Niyazova, M. I. Svetlane Borisovne Luninoy – 80 let (Svetlana Bo-
risovna Lunina is 80) in: Ibid. S. 108–120.
2
Z. I. Usmanova and S. B. Lunina kindly allowed us to use their
recollections, for which we are very grateful to them. Although
we were well acquainted with them for many years, we did not
know about the harsh life experience hiding behind Zamira
Ismailovna's cheerfulness and Svetlana Borisovna's restraint.
I would like to share this information about our Teachers with
everyone who knows and respects them.
168
where he received correspondents with their materi-
als, talked with them and read his poems. Among his
visitors was Zarifa Yunusovna Tagirova, who worked
as a freelance correspondent for a children’s newspa-
per – she was to become Zamira Ismailovna’s mother.
Soon Ismail and Zarifa got married. Meanwhile, the
General Directorate of Civil Aviation of Uzbekistan
announced the recruitment of local personnel to train
specialists to work in the network of civil airports
that were being created throughout Central Asia, and
typesetter Ismail Usmanov was sent by the printing
house to study. After completing the courses, he was
appointed head of the airport in Kerki (Turkmeni-
stan). On their way to the workplace, in Samarkand,
Zamira was born. After Kerki, her father worked in
Chimbay, Turtkul, New Urgench and Charjou, and
in 1937 he was transferred to Tashauz. When Zam-
ira finished her first year at a primary school, the war
began. In September 1941, evacuees began to come to
Tashauz, among which was the staff of a music school
from Odessa. Zamira took classes and learned to play
the violin, but malaria, which she contracted, took all
her strength and did not allow her to seriously study
music. Illness, poor diet and harsh environment
forced children to become adult sooner than usual,
and they learnt to help with the housework. In 1942,
her father, who worked as the deputy director of the
airport, was sent to the front. Near Smolensk, he was
injured by a mine explosion, was treated in a hospital
in Baku, but became disabled. In 1944, he returned to
Tashauz, where he continued to work in his former
position. After the end of the war, he was sent to work
in Ashgabat, where he was in charge of the airport’s
transportation department. There, Zamira studied at
girls’ school No. 7, and her younger brother at boys’
school No. 15. The boy dreamed of becoming an ar-
chaeologist, and in 1947 Zamira accompanied him
on an excursion to excavations at the Nisa site near
Ashgabat, where she first heard the name of Mikhail
Evgenyevich Masson (1897-1986), her future teacher.
On the night from 5 to 6 October 1948, the
Ashgabat earthquake occurred, which claimed the
lives, according to various estimates, from 36,000
to 100,000 people. This tragedy directly affected the
Usmanov family – Zamira’s brother died, and her
mother suffered a spinal fracture. Her father was in
his workplace, and Zamira miraculously survived un-
der the collapsed roof. The family moved to Tashkent,
where in 1950 Z. I. Usmanova graduated from wom-
en’s school No. 39 and entered the Central Asian State
University (later renamed Tashkent State University),
where she studied at the Department of Central Asian
Archaeology, Faculty of History, founded in 1940 by
 BULLETIN OF IICAS 33/2022
Prof. M. E. Masson. Apparently, her choice of the fu-
ture profession was the result of her desire to make
the failed dream of her younger brother come true…
When on 30 August 1950 the young Zamira first
came to the university together with other students
enrolled in the Faculty of History, she found an un-
occupied seat next to an equally young girl named
Svetlana. That was how our heroines met.
Svetlana Borisovna Lunina was born on 7
October 1932 in Rostov-on-Don, into the fami-
ly of the famous historian and archaeologist Boris
Vladimirovich Lunin (1906-2001).3 Her mother,
Valentina Konstantinovna, a native of Tbilisi, was a
pianist. Her parents met when she visited a relative
in Rostov. In 1940, Svetlana went to primary school,
and soon after she finished her first year there, the
war began. Boris Vladimirovich was summoned to
3
For information about him see: https://ru.wikipedia.org/wiki/
Лунин,_Борис_Владимирович
169
the military enlistment office on the next day after the
start of the war, but remained at the office for several
days. Then he was assigned to a front-line hospital,
from which the wounded were transported by train
to Siberia. The hospital was located outside Rostov,
and Svetlana and her mother had to survive alone in
the besieged city in wartime conditions – to get food
and go for water to the Don River for several kilom-
eters, carrying heavy buckets down a steep slope. On
one of the nights, during a bombardment, a school
located near the house was destroyed by a direct hit,
and in the harsh winter of 1941 Svetlana had to study
at another school, which was located quite away and
was not heated. Pupils had to sit in their outerwear in
the classrooms. An attempt to leave the city failed –
Valentina Konstantinovna and her daughter sat at the
station for days, but every train was stuffed full with
evacuated people, there was a terrible crowd, and it
was impossible to leave.
When Rostov was liberated from the invaders
 BULLETIN OF IICAS 33/2022
for the first time (28 November 1941), B. V. Lunin
was able to take his family to the village of Konstan-
tinovka, where the hospital in which he served was
stationed. Mother got a job at the hospital as a reg-
istrar to keep records of the wounded that came and
left it. During the German bombing, the wounded
were transferred to the basement of the merchant’s
house where the hospital was located. Valentina Kon-
stantinovna and Svetlana also took refuge in it. Boris
Vladimirovich carried the wounded, and every time
he went up from the basement, they did not know if
they would see him again. Initially built as storage
rooms, the basements were strong enough to with-
stand a direct bomb attack. Mother took care of the
wounded, while Svetlana helped prepare bandages for
them.
Some time later, the authorities decided to take
the wounded out of the firing zone. They got a cart
for those seriously wounded and set off eastwards at
night. The houses in the village were burning, burned
corpses were visible, so it was necessary to evacuate
the hospital as soon as possible. They travelled some-
times during the day, at other times at night, spend-
ing the nights in dugouts left by the retreating troops.
There was no food; whenever they got any, they gave
it to the wounded, and were happy when they man-
aged to get some oilcake (a mass of seeds left after oil
has ben extracted) from collective farmers. On their
way, they were occasionally bombed or shelled, and
several times they miraculously managed to avoid
death. Svetlana Borisovna recalls how once, when
during a bombing everyone threw themselves to the
ground in a cornfield, she saw a small celluloid doll
in front of her. Mother dissuaded her from taking it,
because it might belong to some girl that had been
killed, but Svetlana begged her mother to let her take
this doll with her, because she didn’t have any toys.
And this doll remained with her for many years as her
favourite and dearest toy.
The procession with the wounded moved very
slowly, they often had to spend the night in the
open air and once, during an overnight stay at Lake
Manych, all were severely bitten by mosquitoes. This
caused malaria, which then tormented Svetlana for
several years. After a long ordeal, at some station the
hospital was loaded into open wagons for the trans-
portation of coal, in which they were taken to Baku
and then, by ferry, transported to Krasnovodsk. From
there, they went by train in standard carriages to the
city of Chirchik. Boris Vladimirovich worked first at
the Chirchik Military School, then in Termez, where
the family received the news of the Victory, then
served in Samarkand, Alma-Ata and Tashkent until
he was demobilised in 1953.
Such was the difficult and dangerous path that led
Svetlana Borisovna to Uzbekistan. In 1950, Svetlana
170
graduated from secondary school with a gold medal
and all roads were open to her. She could have entered
any of the universities in Tashkent without exams, but
chose the Department of Archaeology at the Central
Asian State University. This choice was influenced
both by her beloved father, who pulled his relatives
out of the hell of war, but failed to continue his pro-
fessional studies in archaeology, and her own interest
in the ancient culture of the earth, which gave shelter
to their family exhausted by severe trials.
On the very first day students enrolled in the
history department gathered, she met Zamira. Since
then, they have been going through life side by side,
for many years, first studying archaeology and histo-
ry, and then introducing many generations of inquis-
itive boys and girls to these disciplines.
Teachers and mentors for Zamira and Svetlana
were Prof. Mikhail Evgenyevich Masson and Galina
Anatolyevna Pugachenkova, who taught the friends
the theory and practice of archaeology, the history of
architecture and art and the basics of teaching.
The basics of archaeology in those years were
taught by Elena Abramovna Davidovich (1922-
2013). General courses in the history of the Ancient
World and Greece were delivered by Galina Borisov-
na Nikolskaya, and the history of the Middle Ages by
Alexey Mikhailovich Matveyev.4
When our heroines were in their second year,
the future academician Yuri Fedorovich Buryakov
(1934-2015)5 and Matluba Aminjanova (1930-1998),
one of the first Uzbek women to master the difficult
profession of an archaeologist,6 began studying at the
department.
During their university years, both students were
active members of the Student Research Archaeo-
logical Club headed by E. A. Davidovich. Instruct-
ed by M. E. Masson, the club members collectively
examined a number of monuments in the Tashkent
region. They were accompanied on their trips by B.
V. Lunin, who recalled with pleasure the skills he as a
young man obtained during these archaeological ex-
peditions. The results of the joint research were used
for academic student papers published in appropriate
4
Three decades later, the legendary teachers G. B. Nikolskaya and
A. M. Matveyev continued to give their excellent training courses,
which the authors of these lines were also lucky to take.
5
For information about him see: Levteyeva, L. G. (2014). Yury
Fedorovich Buryakov. Put v nauke dlinoyu v zhizn (Yury Fedo-
rovich Buryakov. A lifelong research path). Tashkent: Fan va tek-
hnologiia.
6
In 1962, she defended her PhD thesis The Medieval Glass of
Transoxiana under the supervision of V. A. Shishkin (1894-1966).
She was the author of several books in Uzbek, published in 1962-
1974. Since the mid-1970s, she taught as an associate professor at
the Institute of Railway Engineers.
 BULLETIN OF IICAS 33/2022
collections.
The girls’ friendship was supported by their par-
ents. When they were in their third year, Zamira’s
parents specially came to the Lenin School to get ac-
quainted with Svetlana’s parents.
Both friends were engaged in studying glazed ce-
ramics. M. E. Masson gave Zamira Ismailovna the task
of writing a paper on the glazed ceramics of Chach
(Tashkent region). Zamira conducted an interesting
study, laying the foundation for this area of research
in the archaeology of Uzbekistan; she, however, has
not returned to this topic in future. For Svetlana Bo-
risovna, the glazed ceramics of medieval Merv – one
of the most grandiose archaeological monuments in
Central Asia – became for many years the main topic
of research and a basis for her PhD thesis, which she
defended in 1962.
The friends took their field practice as part of
the South Turkmenistan Archaeological Complex
Expedition, which since 1946 was headed by M. E.
Masson. There they obtained their skills for excava-
tion and laboratory work and studied the theory and
practice of Central Asian archaeology, which has its
own specificities. As third-year students they prac-
tised at the Old Nisa archaeological site, where Zam-
ira and Svetlana collaborated with undergraduates
– Galina Vasilyevna Shishkina, Mudrika Khasanovna
Urmanova and others. In her fourth year Zamira Is-
mailovna worked at Old Merv on the excavation of
a craftsman’s workshop under the guidance of M. S.
Mershchiyev, who studied the structure of the city
walls; the results of these studies were used in the
thesis of another future famous archaeologist, Viktor
Ivanovich Sarianidi (1929-2013).
The two friends were brought together not only by
their love for archaeology and joint expeditions, but
also by mutual friends, a love for theatre, and classes
in a photo club. In addition to intensive studies and
participation in public life, the friends’ personal life
was also progressing. Zamira Ismailovna’s future hus-
band, Inkilob Akhrarov, was from Fergana and was
also a student of the Department of Archaeology, who
took part in the South Turkmenistan Archaeological
Complex Expedition, working at the Dev-Kala site
north of Merv. Zamira Ismailovna helped him with
the preparation of his thesis, as he had difficulties
with the Russian language. In 1955 they married offi-
cially, and on 26 December 1957 they held a wedding
party. I. Akhrarov was forwarded to the Institute of
History and Archaeology, where he worked under the
supervision of Ya. G. Gulyamov and V. A. Shishkin, in
particular, at the excavations of the Kuva settlement
in the Fergana Valley.
Svetlana Borisovna met her future husband Vitaly
Ivanovich Troitsky, a future major researcher in the
field of geology, professor, vice-rector of the Tashkent
171
State University, at the graduation party, where the
students of the male and female schools joined for the
celebration. They married on 2 May 1958.
The friends did not separate after the university.
Svetlana Borisovna and Zamira Ismailovna took a
postgraduate course at the Department of Archaeol-
ogy, and in order to enable the talented graduate to
continue her education, the vice-rector of the Cen-
tral Asian State University Dmitry Dmitriyevich Stol-
yarov resolved the place in the postgraduate course
in the Department of Political Economy should be
transferred to the Department of Archaeology spe-
cifically for Zamira Ismailovna. She always has kind
remembrances about D. D. Stolyarov and the dean
A.Kh. Khamraev. After successfully completing their
postgraduate studies (1955-1958), they were invited
to work as teachers at the Department of Archaeol-
ogy. Over the years, Z. I. Usmanova taught various
special courses, such as fundamentals of archaeology
for historians, archaeology of the USSR for archae-
ologists, as well as art of the Ancient East, methods
of field research, ceramic production of Central Asia,
history of the development of architecture in Central
Asia since ancient times, history of material culture
of Iran and Afghanistan and the art of the Arab coun-
tries for students of the Oriental Faculty, and the art
of the Ancient East and Central Asia for students of
the Theater and Art Institute. For students specialis-
ing in archaeology, S. B. Lunina taught courses she
developed herself: archaeology of Central Asia, his-
torical topography of Central Asian cities, ceramic
production in Central Asia in the Middle Ages and
history of handicraft production, as well as the fun-
damentals of archaeology course for historians. They
both supervised coursework and theses writing and
brought up a whole galaxy of specialists who are still
working in the field of archaeology not only in Uz-
bekistan, but also abroad.
In 1965, S. B. Lunina was brought to the rank of
associate professor, and from 1968 to 1981 she head-
ed the Department of Archaeology. From 1981 to
1984 she worked as the deputy dean of the Faculty of
History at the Tashkent State University responsible
for research work; since 1985 she was acting profes-
sor, and in 1990 she was actually awarded this title.
Her academic interests were mainly related to the
research into ceramic production in medieval Kho-
rasan, the results of which she used in her PhD thesis
and a number of fundamental publications, as well as
with the study of the urban culture of the Kashaka-
darya region and the burial mounds of the Tashkent
oasis.
As head of the Department of Archaeology, S. B.
Lunina was replaced by Z. I. Usmanova, who held this
position from 1981 to 1992. Before that, Usmanova,
in addition to teaching, spent many years research-
 BULLETIN OF IICAS 33/2022
ing into the eastern portion of Kashkadarya region
as a member of the Kashkadarya Archaeological and
Topographic Expedition founded by M. E. Masson
and was involved in large-scale excavations in Turk-
menistan. The materials of Erk-kala – the oldest core
of Old Merv – became the basis of her PhD thesis,
which she successfully defended in 1969. After the
defense, she also received a diploma as an associate
professor. While the works in Turkmenistan and
Kashkadarya continued the traditions laid down by
the founder of the department, Usmanova took part
in some new research fields. Following a request from
the then director of the Institute of Archaeology un-
der the Academy of Sciences of Uzbekistan, A. R.
Mukhammedjanov, the students of the department
headed by Zamira Ismailovna took part in the exca-
vations of the settlement of Akhsiket (Namangan re-
gion) in 1980 and 1981.
Throughout the years of their joint work, Z. I. Us-
manova and S. B. Lunina supported, consulted and
helped each other in everything.
172
In 1992, the Department of Archaeology was
headed by A. S. Sagdullayev, who graduated it in
1973. In the early 1990s, the tendency to give way to
the young specialists prevailed in the higher educa-
tion system. So S. B. Lunina retired. Z. I. Usmanova
stayed as a part-time researcher in order to finish her
special courses for archaeology students. At a certain
age our heroines had to to stop their teaching activ-
ities. And we understand that it happened unfairly
early. There were so many more generations of stu-
dents who could get deep knowledge and invaluable
experience from them…
Certainly, their retirement did not mean a com-
plete break with research work, with their favorite
profession. They continued to write and publish ar-
ticles and participate in academic conferences and
symposia. In 2010, Svetlana Borisovna moved with
her husband to Moscow where her children lived.
There she took an active part in various professional
conferences, including at the State Museum of Orien-
tal Art. Zamira Ismailovna travelled to Turkmenistan
 BULLETIN OF IICAS 33/2022
for conferences dedicated to world-famous monu-
ments, such as Old Merv and Nisa, in the study of
which she had actively participated in her time.
The lifelong friendship that has lasted for over
seventy years is still alive. Svetlana Borisovna and
Zamira Ismailovna continue to communicate, cor-
respond, participate in each other’s lives as much as
they can, supporting and encouraging each other, ex-
changing jokes and recollecting their joint work.
Once again paying tribute to the two beautiful
women who devoted their lives to the difficult but
wonderful study of archaeology, as well as honorable
and difficult teaching work, who continued the tra-
ditions of their teachers – M. E. Masson and G. A.
ON THE ANNIVERSARY OF BAKYT AMANBAYEVA
O
n December 21, 2021, Bakyt Eltindievna
Amanbaeva, a member of the IICAS Academ-
ic Council from the Kyrgyz Republic, turned
70. She was born and raised in the village of Beyshek,
in the Kara-Buurinsky (formerly the Kirovsky) Dis-
trict of the Talas Region. Bakyt’s interest in history
manifested itself even in her school years thanks to
her mother, who was a teacher according to her first
specialist university degree, and thanks to the talented
professors Mr. M. F. Chernyshov and Mr. B. S. Sopi-
yev, to whom she is grateful and whose memories are
still still with her. From 1969 to 1974 she studied at
the Faculty of History of the Kyrgyz State University
(currently the Zh. Balasygyn Kyrgyz National Uni-
versity). In her student years, she took an active part
in archaeological expeditions led by D. F. Vinnik.
This experience predetermined her specialization in
the future – the sedentary and urban archaeology.
Soon after completing her studies at the univer-
sity, she was admitted to the Post-Graduate School
of the Leningrad Branch of the Institute of Archae-
ology of the USSR Academy of Sciences (nowadays
the Institute of History of Material Culture of the
Russian Academy of Sciences) with archaeology be-
ing her major field of study. A most famous specialist
in medieval archaeology of Central Asia, Professor
A. M. Belenitsky became her scientific advisor. As
Bakyt Eltindievna Amanbayeva recollects, by that
time Alexander Markovich Belenitsky had already
given up the practice of mentorship of post-gradu-
ate students, however, after a conversation with her,
having learnt that she was from Talas in Kyrgyzstan,
he uttered, “perhaps, this is what they call whatever
173
Pugachenkova – and brought up several generations
of students working now in all parts of the world,
we would like on behalf of all who love and respects
our heroines wish Zamira Ismailovna Usmanova and
Svetlana Borisovna Lunina good health, well-being
and joy of communication with family and friends!
Saida Ilyasova,
National Centre for Archaeology, Academy of
Sciences of the Republic of Uzbekistan
Jangar Ilyasov,
Institute of Art Studies, Academy of Sciences of the
Republic of Uzbekistan
goes around comes around.” This remark is due to the
fact that when he was young, the would-be professor
began his scientific career with deciphering inscrip-
tions on the gumbez [TN: mound] of Manas, located
in Talas. This comment meant that it had been so pre-
ordained that a native of that area should become his
last disciple.
After graduating from the Post-Graduate School,
from 1979 to the present, Bakyt Amanbayeva has
been working at the Institute of History of the Acade-
my of Sciences of the Kyrgyz SSR (today’s Institute of
History, Archaeology and Ethnology of the National
Academy of Sciences of the Kyrgyz Republic).
At the very beginning of her work at this academ-
ic institution, Bakyt Amanbayeva took part in the re-
search projects at the medieval archaeological sites of
the Chuy Valley: Krasnaya Rechka and Buran, which
were led by V. D. Goryacheva and V. P. Mokrynin.
In 1987, she started her independent research work
to study the monuments of the south of Kyrgyzstan:
Osh, Uzgen, Safid Bulan. Since then, this region with
its numerous monuments from various times and di-
verse backgrounds has remained at the center of her
research attention.
In 1993, she defended her PhD thesis on the topic
of “Material culture of the cities of the Chuy Valley
in the pre-Mongol era (6th-13th cc.) and the issues
of the cultural genesis”, at the Institute of History
of Material Culture in St. Petersburg. She received
significant scientific, organizational and moral sup-
port from Academician V. M. Masson as her scien-
tific consultant and from her scientific opponents
B. I. Marshak and G. A. Brykina, as well as from the
BULLETIN OF IICAS 33/2022

174
 BULLETIN OF IICAS 33/2022
Institute of Archaeology of the Academy of Scienc-
es of the Republic of Uzbekistan, which was then the
leading research institution in this field. In her work,
Bakyt Amanbaeva rightly noted the mutual influence
of the cultures of Sogd, Chach, and Semirechye of the
6th-13th centuries, when this process intensified with
the spread of Islam.
In the mid-1990s, when the entire scientific com-
munity felt the need to adapt to a new reality, Bakyt
Eltindievna Amanbayeva was among those employ-
ees who were the first to take active steps in attracting
extrabudgetary funds for their research. She received
a UNESCO “Hirayama - Silk Roads” grant to contin-
ue the excavations of a medieval bathhouse at the foot
of the Sulaiman-Too in Osh. This is when her foreign
scientific trips and internships (in Turkey, Egypt,
Austria, China, Iran, South Korea, Japan, Russia, etc.)
commenced in the field of research and conservation
of historic and cultural heritage sites.
In 1995-1996 and 2001-2002, she was a scientific
consultant for the process of selection of monuments
in Kyrgyzstan for the UNESCO provisional Nat-
ural and Cultural World Heritage List. At the same
time, she was a scientific consultant for the joint pro-
grams between Kyrgyzstan and the German Center
for Technical Cooperation for the improvement and
presentation of individual heritage sites in Uzgen and
Osh.
From 1997 to 2000, Bakyt Amanbayeva was sec-
onded to the Southern Branch of the National Acad-
emy of Sciences of the Kyrgyz Republic (Osh) with-
in the framework of the “Osh-3000” governmental
program. At that time, she completed the excavations
of the medieval bathhouse and the first phase of the
excavations at the site of Ak-Buura, located in the
southeast of the city. As a result of these studies, in-
teresting material was obtained on the culture of the
early medieval era of the Osh oasis. At the same time,
she supervised the restoration, museumification and
improvement of the monuments of Uzgen, Osh, and
the program of creation of an exhibition at the new
local history museum at Sulaiman-Too.Upon return-
ing to Bishkek, she continued her multifaceted activi-
ties. She conducted field research, organized scientific
conferences and workshops powered and funded by
international grants, in Bishkek and Osh, while par-
ticipating in similar events in the same regions and
internationally. She attached special importance to
the work on the preparation of the scientific compo-
nent of the Manas-Ordo protection zones in Talas,
which, unfortunately was not completed for objective
reasons.
In 2004-2005, Bakyt Amanbayeva was the Project
Coordinator for the preparation of the nomination
for the inclusion of Sulaiman-Too in the UNESCO
Natural and Cultural World Heritage List. In 2007-
175
2008, this work continued, and it was under her lead-
ership that a plan of management of the monument
was prepared. As a result of this, in 2009, Mount
Sulaiman-Too became the first site in Kyrgyzstan to
be included in this prestigious list of the best monu-
ments of mankind.
At the same time, petroglyphs of southeastern
and eastern Fergana (Sulaiman-Too, Surotuu-Tash,
Kerme-Too, Duldul-Ata, etc.) were documented as
part of the UNESCO CARAD project (for creation
of an electronic database on rock the painting art
of Central Asia) and partly of the Talas valley (the
Ken-Kol Gorge). These works became the basis for
the ICOMOS case studies on the rock painting art
of Central Asia, in which all countries of our region
took part.
The work of 2006–2007, carried out in conjunc-
tion with colleagues from the Institute of Cultural
Heritage of Nomads (Almaty, Kazakhstan), on the
study of a new monument of sedentary rural culture
of the Bronze Age in eastern Fergana (near the village
of Shagym in the Uzgen District of the Osh Region)
also had a wide resonance in the scientific commu-
nity. According to the conclusion of the authors,
the main set of grave goods from the Shagym burial
ground finds a most complete similarity among the
materials characterizing the early stage of the Sapa-
lli culture in the south of Uzbekistan. According to
the preliminary results, it was attributed to the Bac-
trian-Margian archaeological complex (BMAC) and
dated to the early 2nd millennium BCE. Thus, the as-
sumption of some experts that the Chust monuments
could be preceded by another rural culture was thus
affirmed.
Since 2009, Bakyt Eltindievna Amanbayeva has
been the Kyrgyzstan representative on the Academ-
ic Council of the International Institute for Central
Asian Studies. Together with her colleagues, she initi-
ated several interesting projects that were implement-
ed by the Institute.
In 2011-2014, she was the coordinator of the Kyr-
gyz-Japanese project for the study and preservation
of cultural heritage sites of the Chuy Valley. As part of
this project, at the site of Ak-Beshim (the historic city
of Suyab), international and national training work-
shops were held for young archaeologists and muse-
um workers of the region, and excavations began in
the main shakhristan of this archaeological site. These
excavations are still ongoing. They are currently being
carried out in other parts of this site.
In recent years, Bakyt Eltindievna Amanbaye-
va has been actively involved with the preparation
of the UNESCO transnational serial nomination
“Monuments of the Great Silk Roads” in terms of the
monuments of the Kyrgyz section of the Silk Roads,
while being a co-chair of the International Coordi-
 BULLETIN OF IICAS 33/2022
nating Council. As part of this project, in 2015–2016,
workshops on archaeological documentation were
held for young specialists from universities and mu-
seums in three southern regions of Kyrgyzstan, with
the case study of the particular sites of Uzgen and
Shorobashat, as well as the historic oases of Uzgen
and Kara-Kulzha. At the same time, archival, car-
tographic and illustrative materials were collected on
the historic and cultural sites of the Fergana branch
of the Higher Silk Roads, which at the second stage of
the nomination process should be submitted for the
inclusion into the UNESCO World Heritage List. At
the end of 2019, a workshop was held in Osh in con-
junction with colleagues from the Northwestern Uni-
versity (Xian, China) with participation of specialists
from Uzbekistan and Tajikistan, which was supposed
to be the starting point for a joint study of the monu-
ments of the Fergana Valley. However, due to objec-
tive reasons, the implementation of these plans was
suspended with their expected dates to be confirmed
later.
Currently, Bakyt Eltindievna Amanbayeva is
leading the Cultural Heritage Research Sector of the
Institute of History, Archaeology and Ethnology of
the National Academy of Sciences of the Kyrgyz Re-
public; being a member of the Academic Council of
the Institute, and a member of the Field Committee
at the same institution, an expert of the Council at
the National Commission of the Kyrgyz Republic for
UNESCO, as well as the interstate Expert Council on
the World Heritage of the CIS at the Heritage Insti-
tute (Moscow, Russia), as well as the chairman of the
non-governmental organization “Center for Cultural
heritage”, operating as part of the Institute of Histo-
ry, Archaeology and Ethnography (IHAE). Bakyt
Amanbayeva has more than 100 published scientific
articles. She is a co-author of several monographs, in-
cluding “The Rock Arts of Kyrgyzstan” and the book
of “Archaeological Sites on the Kyrgyz Section of the
Great Silk Roads”, high demand is being observed
for the latter in the Kyrgyz national scientific circles.
For her achievements in research and conservation
of cultural heritage, and for her active participation
in the important work to prepare and implement the
“Osh-3000” governmental program, Bakyt Eltindie-
vna Amanbayeva was awarded the title of “Honored
176
Worker of Culture of the Kyrgyz Republic”. For her
contribution to the development of historical science
and conservation of the national cultural heritage,
she was awarded a Certificate of Honor by the Presi-
dent of Kyrgyzstan.
The colleagues and team respect Bakyt Aman-
bayeva not only as a master passionate for her work,
skilled defender of her standpoints, a scholar achiev-
ing great positive results in research, but also as a per-
son who is available to offer her help whenever need-
ed. It is true, though, that there may be people who
are apprehensive of her occasional biting words and
harsh expressions. But everyone agrees in unmistaka-
bly regarding Bakyt Amanbayeva as an extraordinary
person. She enjoys national and international acclaim.
Her colleagues from the same region, from the neigh-
boring areas, and even her fellow-scientists from the
former Soviet Republics appreciate her extraordinary
work and personality. Over the many years of coop-
eration, interpersonal and scientific communication,
and friendship, we have gotten to know Bakyt well
enough to appreciate her not only for her numer-
ous personal and scholarly merits, but also for her
incredible passion for hard work and great perfor-
mance. And in this Anniversary year, we all would
like to wish her good health, great energy, loving and
indefatigable patience, and her customary tolerance,
which should come in so handy in implementation of
the multitudes of her projects. We look forward to her
publishing the results of the recent Fergana research,
which will definitely make an invaluable contribution
to the study of this Central Asian region.
We wish Bakyt Eltindievna Amanbayeva robust
physical health and great scholarly success!
Bokijon Matbabayev
Doctor of Historical Sciences, Professor,
Chief Researcher,
Institute of Archaeology of the Academy of Sciences
of the Republic of Uzbekistan,
Hikmatulla Khoshimov
PhD, Senior Research Fellow,
Institute of Archaeology of the Academy of Sciences
of the Republic of Uzbekistan
 LIFE AS A DREAMER

T
he 23rd of June this year marks the 70th anni-
versary of Christoph Baumer, a man undoubt-
edly renowned as a fortunate adventurer. End-
less curiosity and a passion for knowledge made him
what he is known as today — a professor, an expert
on the Caucasus and Asia, a discoverer of a wealth of
astounding monuments.
In his book Traces in the Desert: Journeys of Dis-
covery Across Central Asia, which, perhaps, all self-re-
specting researchers have read, Christoph Baumer
tells us how he found himself away from Europe, in
the remote and desolate parts of the globe.
Since he was a child, Christoph Baumer, who grew
up in the Swiss canton of Thurgau, heard his mother
tell stories of adventures at the outset of World War II.
In 1940, Odette Baumer-Despeigne, a French radio
war correspondent covering the Finnish campaign,
was unable to return home because of the advance of
the German troops. She managed to try and seek help
from Sven Hedin (1865-1952) a Swedish geographer,
topographer, explorer, photographer, and travel writ-
er, famous for his great compassion. Sven took advan-
tage of his connections and succeeded in obtaining a
permission for Odette Baumer-Despeigne to travel to
her native Belgium, which was then under occupa-
tion and martial law.
Businessman Werner Baumer presented Sven
Hedin’s books to his son Christoph when the latter
was 15 years old. Ever since then, the young man de-
veloped an interest in the adventures of the famous
traveler. Time and again, would Christoph’s imagina- Since then, we have known Christoph Baumer as
tion revisit the author’s adventures ridden with dan- an intrepid and tireless explorer of the Orient. The list
ger and blockbusting twists. It is not surprising that of the countries where his curiosity has led him is tru-
Christoph would often make his mother describe the ly enormous. He has found charms, irresistible merits
kind of person Hedin was, how and in what condi- and fascinating secrets in all of these lands. He had an
tions he lived, what people he would keep company amazing gift of seeing harmony about all things, no
with. matter big or small, to enjoy otherness and diversi-
When Cristoph turned 9, Odette presented her ty, to imbibe these; to let impressions go through his
son with a photographic camera. Since that time, the soul and to turn them over to others. This gift helped
boy had no greater joy than to know that the shot he him write many books, in which he appeared not only
had been waiting for was captured on the film, upon as an admiring witness to the events taking place, or
hearing the sound of the shutter going off. an amazing storyteller, but also as a philosopher who
Christoph Baumer studied psychology, philoso- asks and makes others ask important life questions.
phy and art history at University of Zurich. He earned From 1994, Christoph Baumer led a joint expe-
his PhD there. He then worked in marketing for sev- dition with Chinese colleagues at Takla Makan. Time
eral years. But, one day, life prepared him a gift by after time, he would go back to these uncharted parts,
letting a camera back into his hands and — just as he and each of his attempts would be rewarded with a
had been dreaming — provided him with an oppor- new discovery.
tunity to get to know the lands he had been craving Thus, through the efforts of this researcher, the
for since childhood. For the sake of this, according to world learned of the ancient ruined city of Dandan
him, he had to abandon his successful career. But he Oilik, its Buddhist 8th century murals, the ancient
never regretted the decision to escape from his gold- paper documents written in the Khotan and Brah-
en cage. mi languages. He studied the ruined city of Endere,

177
 BULLETIN OF IICAS 33/2022
where a rare stone inscription from the 3rd century
was discovered. Neolithic artifacts have been found
north of Tsiemo as well as a hitherto unknown set-
tlement in the Lop Nor desert of the 1st-4th century
CE, the ancient delta of the Keria River and the yet
unknown cemeteries of the Iron and Bronze Ages.
Christoph Baumer explored monasteries in
southern Tibet, where he was again lucky – he dis-
covered unique murals there, including extremely
old frescoes pertaining to the Bon religion. He visited
and documented all of the Buddhist monasteries of
Mount Wutai Shan in northwest China.
In the field of his scholarly attention were the
monuments of the Christian church of the East Syr-
iac Rite. He studied them in a vast territory covering
Turkey, Mongolia, China and India. It is not surpris-
ing that he was interested in discovering artifacts of
Nestorian Christianity in Kazakhstan as well.
For several years he traveled around the Caucasus
and Central Asia, thanks to which, several volumes
on the history of the region saw light.
A logical milestone of his work was the found-
LIST OF BOOKS BY CHRISTOPH BAUMER
Die Schreinmadonna - gotische Plastik des europäis-
chen Frühmittelalters. (The tryptical statues of the Ma-
donna - gothic sculpture from the Early European Mid-
dle Ages) Illustrated research, University of Dayton, Ohio
USA, 1977.
Geisterstädte der Südlichen Seidenstraße. Belser Ver-
lag, Stuttgart, 1996.
Der Bön. Die lebendige Ur-Religion Tibets. Akad.
Druck- & Verlagsanstalt Graz, 1999.
Tibet’s Ancient Religion. Bön. Weatherhill and Orchid
Press, 2002.
Die Südliche Seidenstraße Inseln im Sandmeer. Verlag
Philipp von Zabern, Mainz, 2002.
Southern Silk Road. Orchid Press, Bangkok, 2000,
2003.
Ost-Tibet. Brücke zwischen Tibet und China. Akade-
mische Druck und Verlagsanstalt Graz, 2002.
Dandan Oilik – A temple in the Desert. In: Catalogue
to the exhibition in the British Library with the collabora-
tion of the British Museum The Silk Road: Trade, Travel,
War and Faith, 2004.
The Silk Road. Xi’an to Kashgar. Reviser and secondary
author. 7th enlarged and revised edition. Odyssey Guides,
Hong Kong, 2004.
Eastern Tibet. Bridging Tibet and China. Orchid Press,
Bangkok, 2005.
Frühes Christentum zwischen Euphrat und Jangtse.
Urachhaus Verlag, Stuttgart, 2005.
Iran. Secondary author and second main photogra-
pher: 3rd enlarged and revised edition. Odyssey Guides,
Hong Kong, 2005.
178
ing of the “Society for the Exploration of EurAsia”,
of which he is a long-time president and inspirer of
many researchers.
Christoph Baumer shares his travel experiences
in a fascinating and delightful way. He does so via
books, films, and radio programs. He is a great lectur-
er, and students all over the world, when listening to
him, do get infected with the same passion for discov-
ery, thus cherishing their own dreams to encounter
ravishing adventures.
When looking at the impressive list of his publi-
cations, discoveries, and countries that he visited or is
about to visit, you involuntarily catch yourselves with
a slight envy at the thought that Christoph Baumer
lives a fulfilling, immensely productive and amazing
life.
Many happy returns, dear Master, with years to
come cram full of miracles that you are so serendipi-
tously capable of finding in all things around you!
IICAS Secretariat
Survey of Nestorianism and of ancient Nestorian ar-
chitectural relics in the Iranian realm. In: Nestorianism in
China. Monumenta Serica, Sankt Augustin, 2006.
The Church of the East. I.B. Tauris, London, 2006,
2007, 2008.
Sogdian or Indian Iconography and Religious Influ-
ences in Dandan Uiliq. The Murals of Buddhist Temple D
13. In: “The Art of Central Asia and the Indian Subconti-
nent in Cross-Cultural Perspective. National Museum In-
stitute and Aryan Books Intl., New Delhi, 2008.
Traces in the Desert. Journeys of Discovery across
Central Asia. I.B. Tauris, London, 2008.
Zeitreisen zu verborgenen Kulturen Entdeckungen in
Innerasien. Akad. Druck- & Verlagsanstalt Graz, 2008.
Wutai Shan. Mittelpunkt des chinesischen Buddhis-
mus. Detjen Verlag, Hamburg, 2008.
Sledi v Pustine. Veche Publishing, Moscow, 2009.
China’s Holy Mountain Journey into the Heart of Bud-
dhism I.B. Tauris, London, 2011.
Kanisa al-maschraq. Dehuq, Iraq, 2011.
Xinjiang. Co-author. Odyssey Guides, Hong Kong,
2012.
Durch die Wüste Taklamakan. Auf den Spuren von
Sven Hedin und Sir Aurel Stein Nünnerich-Asmus Verlag,
Mainz, 2013.
Church of the East. New and revised edition, 2016.
Church of the East. Korean edition, Seoul, 2016.
The History of Central Asia in 4 volumes I.B. Tauris,
London, 2012-2018.
Urban Cultures of Central Asia. Co-editor with Mirko
Novàk. Harrassowitz, Wiesbaden.
The History of the Caucasus in 2 Volumes. The first
comprehensive and illustrated history of the Caucasus re-
gion. 2021-2023.
 CELEBRATING THE 60th BIRTHDAY
OF THE ACADEMICIAN BAUYRZHAN BAITANAEV
M
ilestones in the life of the remarkable
scientist and researcher in various fields
of history are described in several official
sources and scientific works, including those au-
thored by the writer of these lines. The list of such
milestones is impressive. But the developmental path
from the lower stages of the scientific career over to
the award of the academician title by the National
Academy of Sciences of the Republic of Kazakhstan
can be considered as neither simple nor easy. Yet in
the very beginning of this difficult path filled with
various scientific research endeavors, the young re-
searcher set himself some ambitious goals and out-
lined some clear guidelines. Starting with his very
first steps in science, B. A. Baitanaev proven himself
as an inquisitive, multidisciplinary researcher, adroit
in relevant procedures of scientific research and anal-
ysis.
The main thing that unites the diverse works of
B. A. Baitanaev is following the traditions of the Rus-
sian historical oriental studies. He developed this val-
uable quality yet in the very beginning of his scientific
career. It was at that time that his research interests
were determined, the three main ones being histori-
cal toponymy, archaeology and ethnology. His scien-
179
tific efforts and research received well-merited appli-
cation at archaeological sites of Southern Kazakhstan.
In 1984, B. A. Baitanaev began to study the life
and work of A. A. Divaev, an outstanding orientalist
and polymath. He made a significant contribution to
the historical oriental studies, ancompassing all the
three main lines of endeavor chosen by B. A. Bay-
tanaev.
Dr. B. A. Baytanaev got the results of his research
evaluated and approved via the reports and talks de-
livered at scientific conferences and through a num-
ber of publications. In 1993, he successfully defended
his PhD thesis on “Historical and local history ac-
tivities of A. A. Divaev.” This line of research is only
one of the many aspects of the diverse creative her-
itage of A. A. Divaev. B. A. Baitanaev continued to
work on the academic biography of this scholar. In
2004, his monograph about this remarkable person
and researcher was published. This is an academically
well-built historiographical work, whose publication
was preceded by many years of ethnographic, biblio-
graphic, and archival research. By the breadth of cov-
erage, this work outgrew the frames of an academic
biography of one scholar. Besides, this work reflected
the three priority academic lines of B. A. Baitanaev,
which he would keep developing both individual-
ly, and in their mutual correlation. At the time, the
historical toponymy of Southern Kazakhstan came
to the forefront of his academic agenda. Here he sin-
gled out the names relating to the monuments of ar-
chaeology in one way or another. In this regard, Dr.
Baitanaev introduced a new term “archaeonym” into
the academic vernacular. He already had the neces-
sary linguistic background, as he approached the de-
velopment of the new, almost unexplored layer of the
toponymy of Kazakhstan.
In 1991, he published the article “Problems of Ar-
subaniket localization”. It can be considered a great
landmark in his academic biography. Its publishing
opens a twenty-year series of etymological research
into toponyms (hydronyms and oronyms) associated
with the archaeological sites of Southern Kazakhstan.
In this publication by B. A. Baytanaev, it is difficult
to make a clear-cut distinction between archaeology
and toponymy, as the two disciplines act in their syn-
thetic unity. The writing of this article was preceded
by scientific reports on the hydronym of “Arys”. The
issues raised therein, including the localization of
Ispidzhab, would receive coverage in subsequent pub-
lications and in his doctoral thesis, which would then,
in turn, be tested by the archaeological field research.
 BULLETIN OF IICAS 33/2022
The semantics of the ancient names of archeolog-
ical monuments were closely attributed by B. A. Bay-
tanaev to the solution of the localization problems
of medieval cities of Southern Kazakhstan. Extremely
scrupulously etymologized were several toponyms,
such as Kazykurt, Gargird, (Gazgird, Garkurd),
Budukhket, Khurlug, Nudzhiket and some others.
The linguo-toponymic works of B. A. Baitanaev made
it possible to see in a new light the many problems of
localization of the cities known from written sourc-
es, which were not yet studied archaeologically. These
materials helped in the reconstruction of the genesis
and development of the urban culture in Southern
Kazakhstan. In the works of B. A. Baitanaev, there
was no choice between the Scylla of linguistics and
the Charybdis of archaeology, as both of these dis-
ciplines thus complemented each other. The inter-
disciplinary approach made it possible to look at the
seemingly familiar sites from a new perspective, and
in some cases to rethink the established stereotypes.
The key point in these studies was the complex issue
of the derivation of the name of the medieval city of
Ispidzhab, and the problem of its localization, which
were covered in almost every archaeological and top-
onymic publication authored by B. A. Baytanaev. The
latter would have been impossible had it not been for
the in-depth acquaintance with the written sources,
which B. A. Baitanaev demonstrated in a number of
detailed and salient articles on archaeology and lin-
guistics.
Some publications of this line of academic en-
deavor served as the basis for the book of “Ancient
Ispidzhab” [Drevnij Ispidzhab]. The publication was
distributed immediately over the high demand, and a
few months later a new revised issue of the book was
out with some significant amendments.
In 2000, B. A. Baitanaev began a comprehensive
archaeological study of ancient and medieval sites
in the Burgulyuk gorge. These studies became a new
dawn of archaeology in Southern Kazakhstan, and in
the Republic of Kazakhstan, as a whole. For the first
time, in the course of in-situ excavation research,
studied were sites representing the Southern Kazakh-
stan version of the Bronze Age, which had, in effect,
not ever been studied before. Other interesting dis-
coveries related to the era of antiquity and the Middle
Ages were made in Burgulyuk, for example, a medie-
val hamam was discovered and unearthed, which was
one of the earliest examples of hamams in the Central
Asian part of Kazakhstan. In 2011, B. A. Baitanaev
published monograph “Antiquities of Burgulyuk”, in
which he summarized the material recovered in the
course of the activities undertaken in the tract of the
same name.
In the course of these and some other activi-
ties, B. A. Baitanaev formulated the concept of the
180
Ispidzhab historical and cultural region, whose ur-
banization originated from the sites of the Final
Bronze Age discovered in Burgulyuk. The Ispidzhab
and Shymkent archaeological sites are the largest and
historically and archaeologically significant ones in
this area.
Since 2004, B. A. Baitanaev has been focusing on
the study of Ispidzhab and the cities of the Ispidzhab
district; archaeological study of the medieval ar-
chaeological site of Shymkent. In the course of field
archaeological research, the previously expressed
hypotheses based on linguo-toponymic informa-
tion were eventually confirmed. At that time, Dr.
B. A. Baytanaev presented a complete picture of the
genesis and development of the urban culture of the
Ispidzhab historical and cultural region, based on the
specific archaeological data. The localization, stratig-
raphy, and chronology of the settlement and devel-
opment periods of the Ispidzhab and Shymkent sites
were central to this new research picture. The para-
doxical lag in the archaeological study of these objects
was finally eliminated, and the age of the Shymkent
site was established from the archaeological data. The
excavations at the citadel of Shymkent were especially
significant in scale and effectiveness.
In 2008, B. A. Baytanaev brilliantly defended his
doctoral thesis on “Ancient and medieval Ispidzhab”,
which became a new and very important milestone in
the study of the medieval urban culture of Southern
Kazakhstan.
It was at this time that a new long-term and, per-
haps, the most prolific and effective period started
in the academic biography of B. A. Baitanaev, which
continues to this day. It is marked by steady progress
in the scientific hierarchy and continuous field and
desk research. In 2008, B. A. Baitanaev was appoint-
ed deputy director of the Institute of Archeology
named after A. Kh. Margulan. The next milestone
was the 2010 appointment to the post of General Di-
rector of the same institute. In 2012, he was elected
a corresponding member of the National Academy
of Sciences of the Republic of Kazakhstan. Five years
later he became an academician. This opened up new
opportunities for his further activities in archaeology,
which he was concentrating on at that time. The scale
of all of his work changed. Other regions of Kazakh-
stan were thus included into the orbit of his academ-
ic powerhouse, he became activities coordinator for
the archaeological centers of the CIS countries, that
he closely cooperates with, taking several trips to the
USA, France and other countries. Under his leader-
ship, several large and small archaeological research
projects were carried out, the first volume of the fun-
damental publication of “Sacral Geography of Ka-
zakhstan” was prepared, and he initiated the making
of the “Archaeology of Kazakhstan” journal, whose
 BULLETIN OF IICAS 33/2022
publications became regular. One can name many
more large and small projects and accomplishments
fulfilled by Dr. B. A. Baitanaev over the past decade.
In the meantime, archaeological and non-archae-
ological study of the aforementioned sites of South-
ern Kazakhstan and other parts of the Republic, is
reaching a new qualitative level. This is characterized
by some in-depth archaeological research accompa-
nied by landmark discoveries and conspicuous finds.
Some ground-breaking discoveries, most certain-
ly, were the coin and jewelry hoards of the early to
mid 15th century, discovered in the center of mod-
ern-day locality of Sairam. In 2013, in the course of
archaeological supervision of the construction of a
shopping center at the bazaar in the center of Sairam,
which had been started two years earlier, remains of
a medieval hamam were researched into. In expand-
ing the excavation pit, particularly, when unearthing
a tandoor, a hoard of more than 2,600 silver coins was
discovered. A day after the discovery, it was decided
to expand the excavation pit even further. Thus the
archaeologists discovered yet another tandoor. When
that one was unearthed as well, a second hoard con-
taining gold objects was discovered.
The first hoard included, with few exceptions,
mainly Timurid silver coins (2670 items), a silver bar,
and a small buckle. A preliminary publication was
made on this hoard.
It was the time for Dr. B. A. Baitanaev, to engage
in a deeper and more detailed study of yet another
area of historical science: numismatics.
The Sairam hoards, being prominent and multi-
valent historical sources, required even more funda-
mental scientific research. Thus began the fulfilling
cooperation between B. A. Baitanaev and P. N. Pet-
rov and A. O. Bragin, renowned experts in Central
Asian numismatics. The result of this was the writing
and publication, on an extremely tight schedule, of a
fundamental numismatic work - the research catalog
of the first Sairam coin hoard, amounting to 2 sizable
volumes containing scientific descriptions of coins
181
and photographic albums thereof.
Numismatics did not become fleeting subject of
an occasional project for Dr. B. A. Baitanaev. As a
matter of fact, six years after the release of the catalog
of the Sairam coin hoard, a consolidating numismatic
study titled “Money circulation in Southern Kazakh-
stan in the 3rd – 15th centuries CE” was published,
which, just like the catalog, was co-authored by A. O.
Bragin and P. N. Petrov. The study and publication of
the related research work on gold jewelry hoards were
just as prompt.
The discovery of the hoard was followed by a
preliminary announcement publication, and then
preparations began for publication of a related fun-
damental album encompassing measurement data,
descriptions, drawings, or photographs, classifica-
tion, etc. Pointing out the great historical and artistic
significance of the hoard, Dr. B. A. Baitanaev empha-
sized that it was the first treasure trove of gold jewelry
from the Middle Ages in the history of Kazakhstan
archaeology.
The Sairam hoards (including other discoveries
and finds that followed them) were not serendipitous.
They were a natural result of an in-depth and com-
prehensive study of the archaeological site, where ar-
chaeology played the key role. Let us also note that
apart from this, an over twenty years’s long in-situ
archaeological study of the Shymkent archaeological
site continued, which also brought many major dis-
coveries and finds. As a result, B. A. Baitanaev took
effective steps to preserve and museumify this monu-
ment and turn it into a multifunctional tourist com-
plex. No stop has been put yet to all these endeavors
and research. We may rightfully expect new discover-
ies, research accomplishments, and interesting books
from Academician B. A. Baitanaev. Lets us wish him
good luck, and every success with all of this!
Yuri Yolgin,
Senior Researcher of the Institute of Archeology
named after A. Kh. Margulan, Almaty city
 BULLETIN OF IICAS 33/2022
ADDRESSES OF AUTHORS
Sergey Abashin, D.Sc., Professor of the Faculty of
Anthropology, European University in St. Petersburg.
Contact: s-abashin@mail.ru
Mavlyuda Abbacova-Yusupova, D.Sc., professor,
Head Department of architecture, Institute of Art
History of the Academy of Sciences of the Republic
of Uzbekistan. Contact: m.a.yusupova@gmail.com
Farda Muharram oghlu Asadov, Ph.D., Associate
Professor, Head of the Department of History and
Economy of Arab Countries, Institute of Oriental
Studies after Acad. Z. M. Buniyatov, National Acad-
emy of Sciences of the Republic of Azerbaijan. Con-
tact:asadovfm@hotmail.com
Mikhail Baskhanov, D.Sc., professor, full member of
The Royal Society for Asian Affairs, UK.
Contact: mkbaskhanov@gmail.com
Armen Kasparov, master of Archaeology, Lecturer
at the Department of Archaeology, Samarkand State
University. Contact: murdacop@list.ru
182
Aydogdy Kurbanov, PhD, Freie Universität Berlin,
Institute for Near Eastern archaeology, Research fel-
low. Contact: aydogdy.kurbanov@fu-berlin.de
Philipp Meuser, Ph.D, Visiting Professor for Public
Humnaties, Brown University, Providence/Rhode
Island. Contact: philipp.meuser@meuser-architek-
ten.de
Dmitry Miloserdov, Senior Researcher of the De-
partment of Foundations, the State Darwin Museum
(Moscow).
Contact: roofvogels1974@gmail.com
Tigran Mkrtychev, D.Sc., Director of the State Muse-
um of Arts named after I. V. Savitsky, Nukus. Contact:
mkrtiga@gmail.com
Tatiana Starodub, D.Sc., Chief Researcher of the
Department of Foreign Art, Research Institute of the
Russian Academy of Arts, Moscow.
Contact: t.starodub@gmail.com
Maria Zagitova, master of Political Science, Re-
searcher at the Department of Art of the Peoples of
the Caucasus, Central Asia, Siberia and the Far North
of the State Museum of Oriental Art, Moscow. Con-
tact: infoben@mail.ru
 BULLETIN OF IICAS 33/2022

ABBREVIATIONS

AN Accession Number
Arabe 3467 National Library of France, Paris, Paris (Fr. Bibliothèque nationale de France)
Bodl Bodleian Library, Oxford (En. Bodleian Library)
BSB Bavarian State Library, Munich (Ger. Bayerische Staatsbibliothek)
f. folio – double-sided sheet of manuscript
IEA RAN Institute of Ethnology and Anthropology of the Russian Academy of Sciences (Moscow)
IMKU Istoriya Material’noj Kul’tury Uzbekistana [The History of the material culture of
Uzbekistan] (Tashkent - Samarkand)
IRGO Imperatorskoe Russkoe geograficheskoe obschestvo [Imperial Russian Geographical
Society]
IVR RAN Institute of Oriental Manuscripts of the Russian Academy of Sciences (St. Petersburg)
KhAEE Khorezm Archaeological and Ethnographic Expedition
MAE RAS Museum of Anthropology and Ethnography (Kunstkamera) at the Russian Academy of
Sciences (St.Petersburg)
MIA Materialy i issledovaniīa po arkheologii SSSR [Materials and research on archeology of the
USSR] (Moscow – Leningrad)
ONU Obschestvennye nauki v Uzbekistane [Social Sciences in Uzbekistan] (Tashkent)
PL Parker Library: A collection of rare books and manuscripts from Corpus Christi College
(En. Corpus Christi College). University of Cambridge, Cambridge (UK)
r. recto – the recto side of a folio
REM Russian Ethnographic Museum (St.Petersburg)
SamSU Samarkand State University
SPbGUKI St. Petersburg State University of Culture and Arts
SС Sapallin culture
UzNIIPIR Uzbek Research and Design Institute for Restoration
v. verso – the reverse side of a folio)
VDI Vestnik drevneī istorii [Journal of Ancient History] (Moscow)
YuTAKE Yuzhno-Turkmenistanskaja arkheologicheskaja kompleksnaja ekspeditsija [South
Turkmenistan Archaeological Complex Expedition] (Ashgabat)

183
 ВЕСТНИК МИЦАИ 29/2020

Translated into English: Denis Chuchkin, Shamil Gareyev

Editor: Steven Gilbert

Cover illustration:
Panorama of the new development of Astana/Nur-Sultan.
Photo: Erbolat Shadrakhov

Address: International Institute for Central Asian Studies

19, University Boulevard str., 140129, Samarkand, Uzbekistan
Tel.: (998 66) 239 15 40; 239 15 58
Fax: (998 66) 239 15 58
E-mail: iicasunesco@gmail.com
Web-site: www.unesco-iicas.org

184
 BULLETIN
The International Institute for Central Asian Studies was established
on July 5, 1995, the outcome of a large-scale UNESCO Silk Road project.
The idea for Institute’s creation emerged during an international scientific
expedition on the Central Asian steppe route; organized within the
framework of the “Integral Studies of the Silk Roads: Roads of Dialogue”
program, a major project of the World Decade for Cultural Development
(1987-1997). Initially, Azerbaijan, Iran, Kazakhstan, China, South OF THE INTERNATIONAL INSTITUTE
Korea, Kyrgyzstan, Pakistan, Tajikistan, Turkey, and Uzbekistan signed
an agreement to establish the Institute. Mongolia joined IICAS in 2020. FOR CENTRAL ASIAN
IICAS’s mission is to draw attention to a wide audience concerning
the scientific and cultural challenges of Central Asia and to strengthen STUDIES
cooperation between local scholars and their international counterparts

BULLETIN OF IICAS 33
in the interdisciplinary study of the region, including tangible and
intangible cultural heritage, environment, archaeology, art history, history
of religions, history of science, ethnology, historical geography, written
and oral literature, and social sciences among others. The objectives and
functions of IICAS are reflected in the research and applied projects
carried out by the Institute. The Bulletin of IICAS is intended not only to
reflect research outcomes but also to be a publication that promotes an
expanding communicative space for interaction between experts from
different countries.
All articles submitted to the editorial board are peer-reviewed, and
publications are reflected in the RSCI bibliographic database. We hope to
improve research standards by publishing scholarly articles and making
all the materials freely available to those interested. The editorial board
also considers it a priority to provide the academic community with
opportunities to initiate scientific discussions and share opinions.
Within each section of the journal, materials are grouped not by
subject, but by the authors’ names in alphabetical order. This neutral
principle applies not only to thematic blocks, where the autonomy of
each article is inappropriate; but also, more importantly is the logical
linkages between the texts presented. The journal focuses on publishing
specific studies’ outcomes in the disciplines mentioned above, as well
as polemics, criticism, and a bibliography with the most recent sources.
This allows users to track and evaluate all the essential matters regularly
emerging in the study of the Central Asian history and contemporary IICAS
culture.
Regulations and instructions for contributors and the entire archive

33
of the journal is freely accessible at www.unesco-iicas.org.