RESEARCH PROPOSAL

TOPIC: Political Economy Analysis of Corruption in Ghana Privately-Owned

Mass Media, Success and Struggles in Exposing Corruption Affecting

Infrastructural Development in Ghana

NAME: Kafui Keyi

PRESENTED TO

The Department of Public Policy Analysis, Faculty Social Sciences,

Higher School of Economics University

Myasnitskaya Ulitsa, 20, Moscow, Russia.

FOR THE PROGRAM: Masters in Public Policy Analysis

DATE: 26TH SEPTEMBER, 2023

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1.0 Background and Context

Ghana has failed to achieve substantial progress in its efforts to combat corruption, as evidenced

by its scores of 43 in 2016, 47 in 2015, 48 in 2014, 46 in 2013, and 45 in 2012. These scores,

measured on a scale of 100 where a higher value closer to 100 signifies a lower prevalence of

corruption, highlight the persistent challenge faced by the country in addressing this issue

(Transparency International, 2016). According to the Voice of the People survey, a significant

majority of 92% of the participants reported that corruption is a grave concern. (Ghana Integrity

Initiative, 2011). Additionally, according to the 2014 Afrobarometer survey report, a significant

majority of respondents, specifically 76%, assert that there has been a notable escalation in

corruption. Furthermore, 71% of participants expressed dissatisfaction with the government's

inadequate efforts in combating corruption within the nation (Armah-Attoh, 2014). The

parliamentary supervision of the executive, aimed at safeguarding the public funds, has

predominantly proven to be ineffectual. (Global Integrity Report, 2016; Prempeh 2016).

According to the 2016 report by the Heritage Foundation, a think tank based in the United States,

Ghana is currently failing in its efforts to combat corruption. The government's lack of firm

commitment to effectively address the ongoing issue of political corruption implies that the

allocated funds intended for social intervention programs, aimed at alleviating the difficulties

faced by the impoverished, are improbable to reach their intended recipients (Global Integrity

Report, 2016; Manteaw, 2016; Thompson, 2016). As an integral component of anti-corruption

initiatives, the international anti-corruption community places significant emphasis on the pivotal

role of unrestricted and autonomous mass media in fostering transparency and accountability

through their coverage of corrupt practices. (Coronel, 2008; Stapenhurst, 2000; Srivastava,

2016). The purpose of this media reportage is to provide education to the citizens of Ghana,

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foster a strong anti-corruption culture, and encourage the political leadership to demonstrate

unwavering dedication towards implementing authentic anti-corruption reforms.

The transition to civilian rule in Ghana in 1992 brought about a significant transformation in the

mass media landscape, consequent to the promulgation of the 1992 Constitution. This

constitutional document facilitated the liberalization of the media in the country. Chapter twelve

of the 1992 Constitution provides for the protection of the freedom and independence of the

press, and outlines the constitutional responsibilities of the media. Article 162 (5) of the 1992

Constitution stipulates that all agencies of the mass media shall at all times be free to uphold the

principles, provisions, and objectives of the Constitution, and shall ensure the responsibility and

accountability of the Government to the people of Ghana. (Republic of Ghana, 1996, p. 87). This

provision acknowledges and authorizes the media to exercise oversight over government

officials. Following Ghana's reinstatement of democratic governance in 1992, both the electronic

media (television, radio, and the internet) and the print media (newspapers) have experienced

significant expansion. The number of print media outlets in the country now surpasses 300

(Arthur, 2010, p. 25). According to Freedom House's 2018 report, the total count of registered

FM radio broadcasting stations is 481, of which 345 are privately owned. Additionally, the

number of authorized television broadcasting stations is 93 (National Communication Authority,

2017a).

The Ghana Broadcasting Corporation, the Daily Graphic, and the Ghanaian Times are under the

control of the state, while the remaining print and electronic media outlets are privately owned.

(Arthur, 2010). In recent times, the media on the Internet has experienced significant growth and

has garnered widespread acceptance as a platform for disseminating news online. (National

Communication Authority, 2017b). In general, the present media statistics indicate a significant

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expansion of privately-owned mass media in the nation, surpassing any previous records in the

country's history. Concurrently, there has been a widespread occurrence of political corruption

amidst the implementation of austerity measures, resulting in inadequate funding for crucial

healthcare infrastructures and consequently leading to alarming rates of maternal and infant

mortalities. (Boateng, 2017). The confluence of media expansion, corruption, and destitution

has instigated my inquiry into the role of media in Ghana. In addition to my personal impetus,

the amalgamated empirical observations and the ongoing theoretical discourse on the function of

mass media in nascent democracies have stimulated my academic interest in examining the

Ghanaian context to elucidate a particular query: “To what degree have mass media institutions

contributed to the amelioration or exacerbation of the issue of political corruption subsequent to

Ghana's repeal of the criminal libel law in 2001?” A thorough examination of the Ghanaian case

has the potential to provide valuable insights into the theoretical and policy debates surrounding

the role of mass media in anti-corruption research. There are several reasons why this is the case.

Firstly, successive governments in Ghana have made commitments to combat political corruption

since 1992. Secondly, there is a growing concern about the escalating rate of political corruption,

and the constitution recognizes the mass media as the fourth estate, thereby assigning it a

watchdog role. Additionally, Ghana guarantees press freedom and independence constitutionally,

and there are legal protections in place for freedom of expression. Furthermore, the proliferation

of mass media outlets and Ghana's recognition as a beacon of democracy in sub-Saharan Africa

contribute to the significance of examining the Ghanaian case in this context. (Bekoe & Buchard,

2012; Global Integrity Report, 2016). I am intrigued to explore whether the mass media plays a

constructive role in the global battle against corruption, utilizing the Ghanaian case as a basis for

investigation. (African Union, 2004; Srivastava, 2016; United Nations, 2004).

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1.2 Problem Statement

In the Ghanaian context, there has been a notable absence of comprehensive empirical research

aimed at examining the potential contributions of private mass media in combating political

corruption since the country's transition to democratic rule in 1992. This lack of recent empirical

research, coupled with conflicting theories and inconclusive empirical observations regarding the

watchdog role of mass media, necessitates further investigation in order to enhance our

understanding of this subject matter. Consequently, this study aims to explore the degree to

which private mass media can effectively hold the executive branch of government accountable

in transitional democratic settings, using Ghana as a case study.

Furthermore, scholars have formulated normative media theories that aim to clarify the

appropriate and inappropriate actions of mass media in various geopolitical contexts, in addition

to conducting empirical studies on the media's watchdog role. These theories focus on

prescribing ethical guidelines for the media, rather than simply describing their actions in

practice (Otini & Fung, 2002). The aforementioned theories comprise the authoritarian,

development, democratic participant, liberal, and social responsibility theories. The social

responsibility theory posits that the mass media ought to assume an active role in guaranteeing

government accountability in democratic contexts (Hachten, 1992; McQuail, 2010). The

normative media theory often overlooks the intricate interplay between broader structural and

agency factors, as well as the influence of journalists' professional expertise, in shaping the

operations of private mass media in reality. Consequently, there is a need for a new all-

encompassing theoretical framework to analyze the actual role of contemporary mass media.

This study presents a comprehensive theoretical framework that integrates Giddens' theory of

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structuration to shed light on the dynamics of the practical functions of private media in relation

to their contribution to addressing political corruption in Ghana.

The reasons why Ghana offers a distinctive opportunity for conducting an empirical investigation

into the feasibility of mass media watchdogging or similar practices in developing democracies

are valid. Firstly, the international community regards Ghana as a paradigm of democracy in sub-

Saharan Africa due to its successful experience of peacefully transferring political power from

one political party to another through the electoral process since 1992 (Bekoe & Buchard, 2012;

Kpodo, 2012; Woodward, 2009). In this context, this study can be viewed as a representative

example of the degree to which democratic governance promotes accountability and

transparency in addressing political corruption in sub-Saharan Africa as a whole. Additionally, in

order to enhance governmental accountability through efficient media oversight, Ghana

implemented media liberalization measures in 1992 (Republic of Ghana, 1996) and abolished the

criminal libel law in 2001 (Abdulai, 2009). Consequently, as per the Global Integrity Report

(2016), it has been reported that the media in Ghana enjoy freedom. However, it remains to be

investigated whether the private media has utilized this freedom of press to combat political

corruption. Thirdly, Ghana has experienced an unparalleled proliferation of mass media since the

nation's transition to democracy in 1992 (National Communication Authority, 2017a, 2017b). It

would be prudent to conduct a thorough examination to determine whether the nation has derived

any advantages from the widespread dissemination of media in its endeavor to combat political

corruption. Furthermore, successive administrations have made firm commitments to vigorously

combat political corruption within Ghana's fourth democratic governance (Ablorh, 2016;

Transparency International, 2018).

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Political corruption remains a paramount obstacle to Ghana's national development and security

(Abdulai, 2009; Essel, 2015; Thompson, 2017). The level to which the mass media can fulfill its

constitutionally mandated role as a watchdog, as well as the effects of such media interventions

on anti-corruption efforts and reforms in Ghana, are not yet fully understood. The current body

of literature contributes to the overall comprehension of corruption and the impact of the mass

media on the advancement of democracy in Ghana (Abdulai, 2009; Dzisah, 2008; Obeng-

Odoom, 2014; Osei-Tutu, Badu, & Manu, 2009). Whilst Asah-Asante and Brako (2014) have

made a valuable contribution to the literature, their understanding of the contentious media

watchdog role in combating political corruption is limited due to their reliance on secondary data

and agenda-setting theory, as well as their narrow focus on the media's campaign against

corruption in the public sector. In the Ghanaian context, there is a dearth of empirical research

that delves into whether or not the mass media play a constructive role in addressing political

corruption. This study aims to address this gap in the literature.

1.3 Research Questions

1.3.1 Main Question

i. Analysis of Corruption in Ghana and the Privately-Owned Mass Media Succeeded in

its Struggles in Exposing Corruption Affecting Infrastructural Development in Ghana

1.3.2 Sub-questions

i. Has Ghana evolved on the control of corruption? If not, why and what can be done?

ii. A bibliometric analysis of Corruption in construction of Infrastructural projects in Ghana

iii. How has Institutional analysis and development framework with an application to the

bidding phase of infrastructure procurement in Ghana been corrupted

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 iv. Political economy analysis of how corruption Affect Infrastructural Development in

Ghana

v. What factors have hindered the private mass media's ability to effectively monitor and

combat corruption in Infrastructural Development in Ghana

1.4 Research Objectives

1.4.1 Main Objective

ii. To politically analysis Corruption in Ghana and examine how privately-owned mass

media has succeeded in its struggles in exposing corruption affecting infrastructural

development in Ghana

1.4.2 Specific Objectives

i. Investigate Ghana’s evolved on the control of corruption?

ii. A bibliometric analysis of Corruption in construction of Infrastructural projects

iii. How has Institutional analysis and development framework with an application to the

bidding phase of infrastructure procurement in Ghana been corrupted

iv. Political economy analysis of how corruption Affect Infrastructural Development in

Ghana

v. Examine factors that has hindered the private mass media's ability to effectively monitor

and combat corruption in Infrastructural Development in Ghana

1.5 Relevance and Importance of the Research

This research endeavors to investigate and document the degree to which mass media outlets

contribute to either mitigating or exacerbating the issue of political corruption among elected and

appointed members of the executive branch of government in Ghana's fourth republic. The study

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centers on social intervention programs that aim to alleviate poverty, which are under the control

of the executive branch. Given that the executive branch is the primary administrative entity

responsible for overseeing government affairs, it is imperative to scrutinize how it handles

instances of corruption in light of its anti-corruption rhetoric. Additionally, this study places

significant emphasis on examining the role of privately-owned mass media in holding this

influential administrative body accountable. The focus of this research is on privately-owned

traditional mass media, as evidence suggests that they are more effective in ensuring government

accountability than state-owned mass media. (Camaj, 2012; Gray, 2015; Siebert, Peterson &

Schramm, 1993; Srivastava, 2016; Stapenhurst, 2000).

In this study, the primary focus lies on conventional privately-owned media entities that employ

television, newspapers, and radio as means of communication to disseminate information to a

wide audience in Ghana. Additionally, the dissertation encompasses a restricted examination of

Internet media, encompassing online media outlets or electronic news reports that constitute an

essential element of the established mainstream private mass media in the nation.

1.6 Organization of the chapters

The research will be structured into five chapters. The first chapter will provide an overview of

the study by outlining the research problem and goal, the theoretical framework, and the central

research question. The second chapter will discuss institutions, mass media, corruption, and the

existing empirical literature on the role of the mass media in political corruption. The third

chapter will discuss the methodology and the theoretically-driven mixed-method approach and

its applicability to inform the data collection and analysis process. The fourth chapter will

examine media ownership, credibility, and reportage in Ghana. The fifth chapter will analyze the

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extent to which privately-owned mass media outlets have played a role in combating political

corruption in Ghana. It will also explore how private mass media outlets have contributed to the

issue of political corruption in Ghana, the circumstances that have facilitated the private mass

media's role as a watchdog in addressing political corruption, the factors that have hindered the

private mass media's ability to effectively monitor and combat political corruption in Ghana, and

how the private mass media can be empowered to exert a more influential and dominant force

against political corruption in Ghana. The final chapter will present the conclusions.

1.7 Theoretical Framework

Institutional theory has been extensively examined in various research and literature (DiMaggio

and Powell, 1983; Tolbert and Zucker, 1996; Scott, 2001). However, the focus of corruption

research has shifted from the competitive marketplace to the state and professions. Regarding the

isomorphic process, DiMaggio and Powell (1983) have identified three mechanisms, namely

coercive, mimetic, and normative, that can influence organizations' pursuit of change. Coercive

isomorphism describes organizational change as a result of political decisions introduced by

authorities. In the public sector, organizations often have to implement new regulations initiated

by the government. Mimetic isomorphism refers to the uncertainty of the environment and

ambiguous goals that lead organizations to imitate others. In normative isomorphism,

organizations and professions undergo change due to pressure from peers. Tolbert and Zucker

(1996) explained that individuals, based on their interests, tend to accept and conform to social

norms without critical reflection or resistance. For example, in a corrupt environment,

individuals may engage in corrupt behaviour as they perceive it as a common norm.

1.8 Research Methodology

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Research methodology is an arrangement of conditions for collecting and analyzing data which

were relevant to the researcher in most economical manner. It is used to give a clear-cut idea on

what the researcher is carrying out in his research. It is the program that guides the researcher to

involve and to be active in his or her particular field of enquiry. It also defines the domain of

generalization by indicating whether the result got can be interpreted to different situation or not

(Amoani, 2005)

1.8.1 Research Design

A research design is a collection of guides or rules or data collection (Adams & Schvaneveldt,

1985). This pacts with the structure for data collection and analysis; the structure that influences

the technique for collection and analysis of data and provides the connection between empirical

data as well as its conclusions in a logical sequence to the initial research question of the study

(Yin, 2003; Bryman, 2004; Baiden 2006). The research adopted a questionnaire survey and

interview in the quest to investigate how the Mass Media Succeeded in its Struggles in Exposing

Political Corruption in Ghana. Questionnaire survey enhances consistency of observations and

improves replication due to its inherent standardized measurement and sampling techniques

(Oppenheim, 2003).

1.8.2 Research Strategy

The research strategy enables the researcher to answer the research questions and research

objectives. In an attempt to achieve that the researcher is likely to employ two main research

strategies that is quantitative, qualitative (mixed methods)

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Quantitative data refers to data in a raw form that need to be processed and analyzed to make

them useful to turn them into information. Quantitative technique such as graphs, charts and

statistics allows the researcher to explore, present, describe and examine relationships and trends

within the data. (Saunders et al., 2012). Quantitative analysis assists the researcher to create

range from simple tables or diagrams that shows the frequency of the occurrence and using

statistics such as indices to enable comparisons, through establishing statistical relationships

between variables to complex statistical modelling.

Qualitative data approach can be construed as a research strategy that usually emphasis words

rather than quantification in the collection and analysis of data. Even though some of the

methods used such as interview are use in quantitative research, the difference is that the

qualitative researcher only uses non-mathematical procedures when interpreting and explaining

their research. Qualitative research is often associated with an interpretive philosophy because

researchers need to make sense of subjective and socially constructed meaning express by those

who take part in research about the phenomenon being studied. This indicates that meanings are

dependent on people’s interpretations of the events and as such data are likely to be more

ambiguous, elastic and complex than quantitative data.

1.8.3 Mixed Method

Mixed method is a research approach whereby researchers collect and analyse both quantitative

and qualitative data within the same study. Mixed methods research draws on potential strengths

of both qualitative and quantitative methods, allowing researchers to explore diverse perspectives

and uncover relationships that exist between the intricate layers of our multifaceted research

questions. A mixed method strategy will be adopted for this research for the reasons that the

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research is to investigate how the Mass Media Succeeded in its Struggles in Exposing Political

Corruption in Ghana.

Mixed methods research requires a purposeful mixing of methods in data collection, data

analysis and interpretation of the evidence. The key word is ‘mixed’, as an essential step in the

mixed methods approach is data linkage, or integration at an appropriate stage in the research

process. Purposeful data integration enables researchers to seek a more panoramic view of their

research landscape, viewing phenomena from different viewpoints and through diverse research

lenses. For example, in a randomised controlled trial (RCT) evaluating a decision aid for women

making choices about birth after caesarean, quantitative data were collected to assess knowledge

change, levels of decisional conflict, birth choices and outcomes. Qualitative narrative data were

collected to gain insight into women’s decision-making experiences and factors that influenced

their choices for mode of birth.

1.8.4 Sources of data

There were two sources of which data will collected in the research. They include the primary

sources of data and the secondary sources of data.

Primary data

The primary sources of data are data from the original source that is firsthand information which

were received from the questionnaire administration. Questionnaires were administered to

respondents which constituted public and civil servants, university students as well as politician

and political leaders after the whole purpose of the research had been carefully explained to

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them. Media personalities and journalist and media houses with the country will be also

interviewed.

Secondary data

Secondary sources of data refer to data that have been used before and which already exist. The

researcher also used a secondary data in the form of books which have been written, the

brochures of National programmes, online documents, media documents, media channels,

magazines, newspapers and journals in the research.

1.8.5 Population and Sample Size

With any form of research such as surveys, it is impossible to question every member of the

population involved, especially, if the population is very large due to the time constraint and

budget constraint. This makes it important to sample the population to be the representative of

the whole population. The population of this study is the Mass Media Succeeded in its Struggles

in Exposing Political Corruption in Ghana. The sample size will be 250 responses from media

personalities, public and civil servants and students and 50 from politician and political leaders

1.8.6 Sampling techniques

There are two basic methods of sampling, probability sampling and non-probability. Probability

or Random sampling is whereby every member of the population has the chance to occur.

Examples include simple random, stratified and systematic random sampling. Non probability

sampling provides a range of alternatives to select samples, the majority of which include an

element of subjective judgment. Examples include quota, purposive, volunteer and haphazard

sampling (Bradley 2010).

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This study employed a purposive sampling technique because the researcher could obtain the

necessary information needed from this specific category of professional and personality.

Questionnaires will be administered over a period of one month. In the case of political leaders,

the questionnaire served as a guide to interview some especially those who had little time to

spend with the researcher whilst some politicians were able to fill the questionnaire themselves.

This method of administration gave the researcher an advantage of understanding the details of

the modalities employed in the various levels.

1.8.7 Data collection instruments

Data collection is a precise, systematic method of gathering information relevant to the research

purpose, or of addressing the research objectives, and research questions or hypothesis. The type

and nature of the required data will be identified and then, those collection methods which are

best suited to the collection of the identified data types will be selected. Survey research has been

the most common means by which researchers in any subject area collect data. While this

approach lacks the scientific thoroughness of laboratory experiments, the data obtained permit

inferences to be made about associations and relationships among variables. In addition, the

survey method allows the investigation of intangible phenomena that cannot be observed directly

by the researcher. Three major survey research methods are commonly suggested in the

literature: the questionnaire, the personal interview, and the telephone survey. Each has its own

advantages and disadvantages, which have to be evaluated in order to suit the context in which

each method is employed. In this research, a questionnaire will be chosen as the data collection

instrument because it offered a feasible solution to the problem of distance between subjects and

researcher. Besides, the questionnaire is self-administering, and easy to classify and analyse.

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1.8.8 Questionnaire

Questionnaire is a series of questions, each one providing a number of alternative answers from

which the respondents can choose (White 2000). Questionnaires are mostly self-completing and

have alternatives answers to choose from, they generate data in a systematic and ordered fashion.

Data for the main research will be collected through the administration of semi-structured

questionnaires to respondents. The questionnaire will be for both media personalities and

journalist and political leaders and politicians. The questionnaire contained closed ended

questions of which the respondent is to choose any of the alternatives given. The questionnaire

will be developed and grouped into three sections. Section one v for the demographic or

attributes questions, section two will be an opinion and behavioural questions and section three

on opinion questions.

1.8.9 Interview

An interview is a formal consultation used to evaluate or access a person. It is a meeting of

which information is got from a person (Bryman 2011). A series of interviews were carried out

with some Non-Governmental Organisation, anti-corruption group leaders, politician and media

persons. The main thrust of the interview was to draw out issues that were considered important

to the research. The interview guide used to guide the interview only served as a guide, as

therefore the researcher will be free to pose and ask questions in any order as appropriate.

1.8.10 Data analysis techniques

The data analysis technique used in this thesis is Statistical package for social science (SPSS)

and content analysis. Statistical Package for the Social Sciences (SPSS) software was designed to

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perform statistical analysis on quantitative data. SPSS software is used for complex calculations

to analyze numerical data. It is used in nonprofit agencies, educational institutions and even in

business to analyze numerical data. It performs functions such as regression, which is a form of

predictive calculation used to determine the relative effect of a single factor on a situation. With

SPSS predictive analytics software, you can predict with confidence what will happen next so

that you can make smarter decisions, solve problems and improve outcomes (Bryman, 2011).

Content analysis is a research method for making replicable and valid inferences from data to

their context, with the purpose of providing knowledge, new insights, a representation of facts

and a practical guide to action (Krippendorff, 1980). The aim is to attain a condensed and broad

description of the phenomenon, and the outcome of the analysis is concepts or categories

describing the phenomenon. Usually, the purpose of those concepts or categories is to build up a

model, conceptual system, conceptual map or categories. The researcher makes a choice between

the terms ‘concept’ and ‘category’ and uses one or the other (Kyngas &Vanhanen, 1999).

1.9 Scope of the study

Ghana, situated in West Africa, emerged as the first African nation to achieve independence

from the United Kingdom on March 6, 1957. Spanning an area of 227,533 square kilometers of

land and 11,000 square kilometers of water (World Atlas, 2015, p. 1). Ghana shares its land

borders with Togo, Burkina Faso, and Cote D'Ivoire (World Atlas, 2017). According to the 2010

Population and Housing Census, Ghana's resident population stands at 24,658,823, comprising

12,024,845 males (approximately 49 percent) and 12,633,978 females (nearly 51 percent)

(Ghana Statistical Services, 2012, p. 1-2). However, the current estimated population of the

country is 29,375,668 (World Population Review, 2018). Christians constitute 71 percent of the

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Ghanaian population, while Muslims make up 17 percent (World Population Review, 2018).

Ghana is a diverse nation with various ethnic groups, including Akan (47.5%), Dagbani (17%),

Ewe (14%), Ga-Adangbe (7%), Gurma (6%), Guan (4%), Gurunsi (2.5%), and Bissa (1%)

(World Population Review, 2018). English serves as the official language, alongside

approximately 80 indigenous languages spoken throughout the country. (World Atlas, 2017).

1.10 Literature Review

The literature review focuses on reviewing the empirical literature, useful for identifying the

current gaps both to avoid re-inventing the wheel and to provide the general context within

which to situate the present study (Berg, 2012; Creswell, 2013). Seen in this light, this chapter

presents a critical discussion of institutions and mass media, corruption, mass media’s

contribution to anti-corruption efforts and mass media contribution to corruption.

The illicit utilization of authority for the promotion of personal interests by high-ranking

government officials is a worldwide predicament. In the specific context of sub-Saharan Africa,

it stands as a prominent impediment to progress and development. (Abdulai, 2009; Mafukata,

2015; Otusanya, 2011). Due to the prevalence of political corruption and inadequate governance,

the sub-Saharan African region continues to endure a state of extreme poverty, despite its vast

reserves of natural resources and the influx of developmental assistance directed towards this

area. (Human Rights Watch, 2013; Owoye & Bissessar, 2014; Transparency International, 2014;

Venter, 2012). According to Mafukata (2015, p. 89), in sub-Saharan Africa, political elites strive

for power with the intention of advancing opportunities for themselves and their associates to

amass wealth, rather than fostering democracy and promoting comprehensive socio-economic

growth. Consequently, citizens in numerous sub-Saharan African nations, such as Niger, Nigeria,

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Chad, Angola, Sudan, Somalia, Tanzania, Kenya, and Ghana, express discontentment with the

elevated level of corruption, particularly elite corruption, which impedes progress (Transparency

International, 2018a). The expanding corpus of literature concerning political corruption in sub-

Saharan Africa provides evidence of the peril it presents to developmental endeavors within this

region (Adebayo, 2013; Mafukata, 2015; Olken & Pande, 2012; Sadiq & Abdullahi, 2013;

Schwella, 2013; Transparency International, 2018a, 2018b; Uneke, 2010; Wilson, 2014; Wrong,

2009).

Political corruption primarily diverts national resources designated for development, such as

social infrastructure and poverty alleviation programs, into private bank accounts (Gray, 2015;

Human Rights Watch, 2013; Lowenstein, 2013; Schwella, 2013; Transparency International,

2014; Uneke, 2010; Wrong, 2009). As stated by a former Secretary General of the United

Nations,

the misappropriation of public funds for personal gain results in a reduction of resources
available for the construction of essential facilities such as schools, hospitals, roads, and
water treatment plants. Moreover, when foreign aid is redirected towards private bank
accounts, significant infrastructure projects are impeded. Corruption further facilitates
the introduction of counterfeit or substandard medications into the market, as well as the
improper disposal of hazardous waste in landfills and oceans. Ultimately, it is the most
vulnerable members of society who bear the brunt of these consequences, experiencing
the initial and most severe impacts. (Ki-moon, 2009, p. 1).

The astute declaration made by Mr. Ki-moon serves as a prime illustration of the detrimental

impact that corruption inflicts upon society. The adverse consequences resulting from this

detrimental influence necessitate the urgent need to tackle corruption, primarily originating from

inadequate governance, wherein institutions responsible for ensuring government accountability

scarcely operate (Owoye & Bissessar, 2014; Venter, 2012).

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In light of this context, a crucial element of anti-corruption reforms, which are firmly rooted in

democratization processes to guarantee responsible governance, is the presence of a free and

autonomous media that serves as a mechanism to monitor the actions of public officials (Arnold

& Lal, 2012; Stapenhurst & O’Brien, 2000). Theoretical insights and empirical observations,

nevertheless, present a heterogeneous depiction regarding the watchdog role of the mass media.

On one hand, the theoretical framework positing the media as a watchdog, encompassing the

notion of the fourth estate, social responsibility theory, and liberal theory, advocates for the mass

media to undertake watchdog functions over the government in order to safeguard democratic

accountability (Curran & Gurevitch, 2005; Hachten, 1981, 1992; McQuail, 2005, 2010). By

implication, it is within the capacity and duty of the independent private mass media to scrutinize

political corruption. Empirical research has shown that the unrestricted and autonomous private

mass media frequently serve as a crucial tool in combating political corruption. This is achieved

through conducting thorough investigations to expose corrupt practices, facilitating platforms for

open discussions on corruption, and mobilizing efforts towards implementing anti-corruption

reforms (Camaj, 2012; Lindstedt & Naurin, 2010; Rajak, 2014; Srivastava, 2016). There are

numerous significant factors that facilitate the efforts of the mass media in combating corruption.

These encompass the fundamental entitlement to freedom of speech, the independence and

freedom of the press, adherence to the principles of legality, unhindered access to information,

and the safeguarding and welfare of media personnel involved in anti-corruption endeavors.

(Camaj, 2012; Lindstedt & Naurin, 2010; Rajak, 2014; Srivastava, 2016).

On the contrary, there is empirical evidence that supports the theory of the public sphere, which

suggests that modern private media outlets intentionally neglect their critical watchdog function.

This includes their failure to expose political corruption and mobilize public support to tackle

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such issues (Besley & Prat, 2006; Habermas, 1989; Mills, 1951, 1999; Omojola, 2010; Vaidya,

2005; Wasswa & Kakooza, 2011). Research indicates that mass media plays a significant role in

exacerbating the issue of corruption through the pursuit of personal ownership interests,

dissemination of biased reporting, propagation of propaganda, engagement in corrupt practices

within the media industry, and neglecting to conduct thorough investigative and follow-up

reporting (Omojola, 2010; McMillan & Zoido, 2004; Wasswa & Kakooza, 2011). The elements

that undermine the watchdog function of the private commercial mass media encompass

ownership influence, profit-oriented objectives, political (government) influence, a challenging

economic climate, media misconduct, and unfavorable working conditions, such as inadequate

remuneration (Besley & Prat, 2006; Omojola, 2010; Wasswa & Kakooza, 2011). On the

contrary, the moderate school of thought posits that although the media may promote the

agendas of powerful entities, they have not entirely neglected their duty to act as a societal

watchdog (Barrnet & Gaber, 2001). Several empirical studies substantiate the assertion regarding

the media's intermediary stance in fulfilling its watchdog function (Jarso, 2010; Haque, 2012).

In the Ghanaian context, there has been a notable absence of comprehensive empirical research

aimed at examining the potential contributions of private mass media in combating political

corruption since the country's transition to democratic rule in 1992. This lack of recent empirical

research, coupled with conflicting theories and inconclusive empirical observations regarding the

watchdog role of mass media, necessitates further investigation in order to enhance our

understanding of this subject matter. Consequently, this study aims to explore the degree to

which private mass media can effectively hold the executive branch of government accountable

in transitional democratic settings, using Ghana as a case study.

21
The reasons why Ghana offers a distinctive opportunity for conducting an empirical investigation

into the feasibility of mass media watchdogging or similar practices in developing democracies

are valid. Firstly, the international community regards Ghana as a paradigm of democracy in sub-

Saharan Africa due to its successful experience of peacefully transferring political power from

one political party to another through the electoral process since 1992 (Bekoe & Buchard, 2012;

Kpodo, 2012; Woodward, 2009). In this context, this study can be viewed as a representative

example of the degree to which democratic governance promotes accountability and

transparency in addressing political corruption in sub-Saharan Africa as a whole. Additionally, in

order to enhance governmental accountability through efficient media oversight, Ghana

implemented media liberalization measures in 1992 (Republic of Ghana, 1996) and abolished the

criminal libel law in 2001 (Abdulai, 2009; Dzisah, 2008). Consequently, as per the Global

Integrity Report (2016), it has been reported that the media in Ghana enjoy freedom. However, it

remains to be investigated whether the private media has utilized this freedom of press to combat

political corruption. Thirdly, Ghana has experienced an unparalleled proliferation of mass media

since the nation's transition to democracy in 1992 (National Communication Authority, 2017a,

2017b). It would be prudent to conduct a thorough examination to determine whether the nation

has derived any advantages from the widespread dissemination of media in its endeavor to

combat political corruption. Furthermore, successive administrations have made firm

commitments to vigorously combat political corruption within Ghana's fourth democratic

governance (Ablorh, 2016; Transparency International, 2018).

Political corruption remains a paramount obstacle to Ghana's national development and security

(Abdulai, 2009; Essel, 2015; Thompson, 2017). The level to which the mass media can fulfill its

constitutionally mandated role as a watchdog, as well as the effects of such media interventions

22
on anti-corruption efforts and reforms in Ghana, are not yet fully understood. The current body

of literature contributes to the overall comprehension of corruption and the impact of the mass

media on the advancement of democracy in Ghana (Abdulai, 2009; Dzisah, 2008; Obeng-

Odoom, 2014; Osei-Tutu, Badu, & Manu, 2009). Whilst Asah-Asante and Brako (2014) have

made a valuable contribution to the literature, their understanding of the contentious media

watchdog role in combating political corruption is limited due to their reliance on secondary data

and agenda-setting theory, as well as their narrow focus on the media's campaign against

corruption in the public sector. In the Ghanaian context, there is a dearth of empirical research

that delves into whether or not the mass media play a constructive role in addressing political

corruption. This study aims to address this gap in the literature.

This research endeavors to investigate and document the degree to which mass media outlets

contribute to either mitigating or exacerbating the issue of political corruption among elected and

appointed members of the executive branch of government in Ghana's fourth republic. The study

centers on social intervention programs that aim to alleviate poverty, which are under the control

of the executive branch. Given that the executive branch is the primary administrative entity

responsible for overseeing government affairs, it is imperative to scrutinize how it handles

instances of corruption in light of its anti-corruption rhetoric. Additionally, this study places

significant emphasis on examining the role of privately-owned mass media in holding this

influential administrative body accountable. The focus of this research is on privately-owned

traditional mass media, as evidence suggests that they are more effective in ensuring government

accountability than state-owned mass media. (Camaj, 2012; Gray, 2015; Siebert, Peterson &

Schramm, 1993; Srivastava, 2016; Stapenhurst, 2000).

23
In this study, the primary focus lies on conventional privately-owned media entities that employ

television, newspapers, and radio as means of communication to disseminate information to a

wide audience in Ghana. Additionally, the dissertation encompasses a restricted examination of

Internet media, encompassing online media outlets or electronic news reports that constitute an

essential element of the established mainstream private mass media in the nation.

The proposed theoretical framework that will guide this study incorporates various theories,

including those of democracy, the media as a watchdog, the public sphere, and structuration.

These theories are highly relevant in explaining the role of private mass media in political

corruption within a democratic country such as Ghana. The proposed theoretical framework is

deemed appropriate as it provides a nuanced explanation of Ghana's political system, the social

responsibility of the media (as per Article 162(5), Republic of Ghana, 1996), and the interplay of

structural and agency factors that shape the practical performance of private media with regards

to political corruption.

Democratic theory is particularly relevant to this study as it elucidates the nature of Ghana's

political system, which structures the environment within which the mass media operate. Based

on democratic theory, the current study will investigate the enabling structural conditions, such

as freedom of expression and association, press freedom, and autonomy from state control, that

are necessary for performing critical media watchdog functions. (Heywood, 2012; Fishkin, 2011;

United Nations, 1996; Venter, 2012). The theory of structuration proposed by Giddens (1984)

holds significant relevance to the present study as it underscores the interplay between structural

and agency factors, including the motivations of journalists, in shaping the conduct of private

mass media in practice. This theoretical framework guides the current research in exploring the

24
specific factors that influence the practical behavior and conduct of private mass media in

Ghana.

The watchdog theory, encompassing liberal, social responsibility, and the fourth estate theories,

is applicable to the present study. Previous research has demonstrated that the watchdog theory

sheds light on various avenues, such as agenda-setting and undercover investigations, that can

effectively uncover instances of corruption. By employing these approaches, the mass media can

play a crucial role in fostering government accountability within democratic contexts, (Hachten,

1992; McQuail, 2010; Jarso, 2010; Srivastava, 2016), such as Ghana. The theories of social

responsibility, liberal theory, and the media as a fourth estate propose that the mass media has a

responsibility to act as a critical watchdog, monitoring and restraining the abuses of state power,

such as political corruption. This dissertation is guided by these theories in examining the

potential role of private mass media in combating political corruption in Ghana. Conversely, the

public sphere theory contends that the media actually contribute to the issue of political

corruption, as they are influenced and controlled by corrupt power elites who manipulate the

media to serve their own personal interests (Habermas, 1989; Mills, 1951, 1956). The present

investigation employs the aforementioned theory to examine particular manners in which

privately-owned mass media outlets may contribute to the issue of political corruption in Ghana.

Given the aforementioned deliberations, the proposed theoretical framework presents a

comprehensive elucidation that surpasses any individual theory regarding the potential

involvement of private mass media in combating political corruption in Ghana. This theoretical

framework serves as a guiding principle for the present study, which aims to address the central

research inquiry: "Do private mass media entities contribute to the resolution or exacerbation of

political corruption in Ghana?"

25
Given the aforementioned research inquiry, it is deemed suitable to employ a qualitative

approach in order to attain a more comprehensive and profound comprehension of the research

quandary. The qualitative standpoint holds utmost significance in unraveling the intricate

contextual aspects, encompassing power dynamics, that mold intricate societal matters (Bell,

1997; Silverman, 2005; Wimmer & Dominick, 2006) such as political corruption, which

frequently remains concealed within a veil of secrecy (Gray, 2015; Uneke, 2010). The qualitative

methodology also allows for the necessary adaptability to examine the present research issue as a

fluid social phenomenon that continuously evolves with unexpected developments (Wimmer &

Dominick, 2006). Incorporating a qualitative methodology, this study further encompasses a

restricted quantitative perspective to supplement a descriptive statistical component based on

pertinent existing surveys, namely the African Afrobarometer Survey and World Value Survey,

to scrutinize public perception regarding the mass media in Ghana. To augment the qualitative

textual analysis, the quantitative facet of the methodology also entails a content analysis of

handpicked media reports from Joy and Peace FM online archives to evaluate the character and

information sources of the media reports on political corruption (Dzisah, 2008; Haque, 2012).

The present research findings expand our existing substantive understanding regarding the

potential impact of private commercial mass media on the issue of political corruption within the

developing African democratic landscape, with specific reference to the case of Ghana.

Moreover, these findings hold significant implications for anti-corruption initiatives and raise

inquiries concerning the suitability and pertinence of Western theories within non-Western

environments, such as sub-Saharan Africa.

This research will utilize various theories, including the authoritarian, liberal, social

responsibility, development-oriented, democratic participant, and public sphere theories, to

26
facilitate a comprehensive discussion and offer diverse perspectives on the role, organization,

and regulation of mass media institutions. These theories pertaining to the media suggest that the

values, visions, and operations of mass media are closely intertwined with the nature of the

political system or regime. The authoritarian theory, for instance, discourages freedom of speech

and media, thereby prohibiting the media from fulfilling its critical watchdog function over the

government. In a slightly contrasting manner, the development theory emphasizes the necessity

for mass media to align with the government in order to effectively implement the national

development agenda in postcolonial and developing nations, rather than assuming a critical

watchdog role.

In contrast to the development and authoritarian theories, democratic-participant, social

responsibility, and liberal theories advocate for the crucial role of mass media as a critical

watchdog over the government, ensuring accountability. These theories emphasize the

importance of media's independence from serving powerful interests driven by profit motives,

which often arise due to media privatization rooted in liberal theory. Democratic participant

theory highlights the necessity of community ownership and control of mass media to promote

the public's interests.

The current study is situated within a range of theories, and the proposed theoretical framework,

which incorporates democratic theory, watchdog theory, public sphere theory, and Giddens'

theory of structuration, serves to explain and guide this research. Democratic theory provides

insight into the structural conditions that shape the workings and expectations of the mass media

within the Ghanaian democratic political context. Watchdog theory elucidates the media's social

responsibilities towards transparency and accountability in Ghana, while the critical school sheds

light on ways in which the media may deviate from performing their watchdog functions. The

27
theory of structuration offers an explanation for the interaction of both structural and agency

factors in understanding the mass media's actual role in anti-corruption efforts in Ghana.

The ongoing theoretical discourse and conflicting research findings regarding the role of mass

media in ensuring government accountability have sparked my interest in investigating this

subject within the Ghanaian context. This interest is particularly piqued due to the dearth of

comprehensive studies in this field. The existing body of literature has directed my curiosity

towards the following inquiry: “To what extent can privately-owned mass media serve as an

active force against corruption in developing democracies like Ghana?” I am eager to address

this question by examining the impact of the unprecedented proliferation and competition within

privately-owned mass media, as it relates to Ghana's endeavours towards democratic

consolidation, on the promotion or hindrance of anti-corruption efforts in the country.

28
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