Hamzeh'ee • The Yaresan

ISLAMKUNDLICHE UNTERSUCHUNGEN BAND 138

begründet
von
Klaus Schwarz

herausgegeben
von
Gerd Winkelhane

KLAUS SCHWARZ VERLAG BERLIN

ISLAMKUNDLICHE UNTERSUCHUNGEN • BAND 138

M. Reza Hamzeh'ee

THE YARESAN

A Sociological, Historical and Religio-Historical

Study of a Kurdish Community

K KLAUS SCHWARZ VERLAG BERLIN 1990

S
 CIP-Titelaufnahme der Deutschen Bibliothek

Hamzeh'ee, M. Reza:
T h e Yaresan : a sociological, historical, a n d religio-historical
study of a Kurdish community / M. R e z a H a m z e h ' e e . - Berlin :
Schwarz, 1990
(Islamkundliche U n t e r s u c h u n g e n ; Bd. 138)
Zugl.: Augsburg, Univ., Diss., 1989
ISBN 3-922968-83-X
NE: G T

Alle Rechte vorbehalten.

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ist es nicht gestattet, das Werk oder einzelne Teile daraus
nachzudrucken oder zu vervielfältigen.

© Gerd Winkelhane, Berlin 1990.

ISBN 3-922968-83-X
Druck: Offsetdruckerei Gerhard Weinert GmbH, D-1000 Berlin 42
ACKNOWLEDGEMENT

The present work is the outcome of my efforts over several years. I had to
encounter a great number of difficulties and odds during the course of my research
work. Therefore, it is with a sense of great personal gratification that I have
completed it. But it would have been impossible for me to accomplish it, had there
not been constant and sincere help and encouragement from quite a few people
who also shared with me my moments of anxiety.
First of all I would like to mention Prof. Dr. Hans-Christoph Schmitt of Erlangen
University, who spent much time on this work. With my sincere gratitude I dedicate
this work to him.
I have had the opportunity to enjoy the scientific guidance of Prof. Dr. Peter
Waldmann of Augsburg University and Prof. Dr. Bert Fragner of Bamberg
University. They have been sources of constant help and encouragement.
The help and cooperation of some of my friends have been of crucial importance in
completing this work. I especially would like to mention Mr. Anthony Hornby of
Augsburg University who took the trouble of going through all the work and
patiently improving the language.
I have been helped in various ways by many other friends to all of whom I am very
much indebted. Among them I would only like to mention Markus Ohlenroth,
Regina Zitzelberger and Christine Baier.
My final thanks are also due to Isabel Haensch, Zohreh and Farivar Hamzeh'ee,
Morteza Najafi and Mohsen Bahrami.
M. Reza (Fariborz) Hamzeh'ee was born in Harsin, a samll Kurdish town in Western Iran.
He finished his Primary school in Kermanshah, and secondary school in Tehran, where he
also did his two-year military service. His fascination for India took him to that country
where he lived for many years studying. Since 1981 he has been living in Germany doing
research in sociology.
CONTENTS

1. CONCEPT AND METHODOLOGY

1.1. Structure of the Research 1

1.1.1. Delimiting the questions 1

1.1.2. The character of the community 1
1.1.3. Context of the community's emergence 3
1.1.4. Survival of the Yaresan 4
1.1.4. a) Solidarity 7
1.1.4. b) Social structure 8
1.1.4. c) Pre-existing ideas and experiences 9

1.2. Methodology 10

1.2.1. Typological approach 10

1.2.2. Socio-psychological approach 12
1.2.3. Socio-historical approach 14

1.3. Sources and Research 16

1.3.1. Research position 16

1.3.2. Material study 17
1.3.3. Resources 18
1.3.3.a) Field research 18
1.3.3.b) Secondary literature 18
1.3.3.C) Primary literature 19
1.3.3.C. a) Traveller's reports and the like 19
1.3.3.C. b) History and historical books 19
1.3.3.C. c) Heresiographical books 20
1.3.3.C. d) Yaresan religious texts 21
1.3.3.C. e) Other religious books 23

1.4. Concept clarification 24

1.4.1. Nativism 24
1.4.2. Millenarism 26

1.5. Name Clarification 28

1.5.1. Name of the community 28

1.5.2. Some place names 29
1.5.2. a) Iran 29
1.5.2. b) Kermanshah 30
1.5.2. c) Lakestan 31
2. SOCIO-ECONOMIC AND HISTORICAL BACKGROUND

2.1. Socio-Economic Background 32

2.1.1. Iranian economy 32

2.1.2. Kurdish society and economy 36
2.1.3. Yaresan demography, economy and society 38
2.1.3. a) Distribution of the Yaresan community 38
2.1.3. b) Yaresan economy and society 40

2.2. Historical Background 41

2.2.1. Bahlul period 42
2.2.2. a) Shah Fazl period 44
2.2.2. b) Kurdish protest movements during
the Arab domination 45
2.2.3. Baba Sarhang period 48
2.2.4. a) Shah Khoshin period 49
2.2.4. b) Lorestan, Lakestan and Kermanshah 49
2.2.4. c) Pir Shahriyar 51
2.2.4. d) The Sho'ubite movement 52
2.2.4. e) Historical background of the region
in Shah Khoshin's period 53
2.2.5. a) Soltan Sahak period 56
2.2.5. b) Historical background of the region
in Sahak's period 58
2.2.6. Kermanshah 15 - 17th centuries 60
2.2.7. Kermanshah 17 - 20th centuries 61
2.2.7. a) Safavid rule 61
2.2.7. b) Afshar and Zand periods 62
2.2.7. c) Qajar dynasty 64
2.2.7. d) Pahlavi dynasty 68
2.2.7. e) 1979-1988 69

3. STORIES OF THE CREATION

3.1. Yaresan Stories of the Creation

and Demonology 70

3.1.1. From pre-eternity to the creation

of the "Haftan" 70
3.1.2. The creation of the universe and the earth 71
3.1.3. The creation of the heavenly bodies
(Demonology) 72
3.1.4. The creation of Adam and Eve 73
3.1.5. Adam and Eve in paradise 74
3.1.6. Adam and Eve on the earth 75
3.2. The Yaresan Story of the Creation
in Iranian Context ,76

3.2.1. Mazdaism 76
3.2.2. Zarvanism 82
3.2.3. Iranian folklore background 84

4. DIVINE MANIFESTATION, ANGELOLOGY AND DUALISM

4.1. Divine Manifestation 90

4.1.1. Manifestation of the "Divine Essence"

among the Yaresan 90
4.1.2. The idea of Divene manifestation 92
4.1.3. The Divine Essence 93
4.1.4. The idea of Divine manifestation
among Iranian social movements 94

4.2. Angelology 98

4.2.1. The Yaresan henotheism 98

4.2.2. Names of the Yaresan angels 101
4.2.3. The Ruchiyar and Ayvat positions 104
4.2.4. Baba Yadegar's birth 107
4.2.5. The spring of Anahita 108
4.2.6. The Yaresan system of angel-worship 112
4.2.7. The Ameshaspands and the Haftan 113
4.2.8. The Yazatas 115
4.2.9. The Haftavaneh 116
4.2.10. Mithra and Vayu 118

4.3. Dualism 119

4.3.1. Dualism of the Yaresan 119

4.3.2. Relation between the Yaresan
and the Yazidis 121
4.3.3. Excursus: The Yazidi religion
and community 122
4.3.4. Dualistic origin of the Creation
among the Yaresan 124
4.3.5. Dualism in Iran 125

5.ESCHATOLOGY

5.1. Doctrine of Metempsychosis 128

5.1.1. Metempsychosis among the Yaresan 128

5.1.2. Doctrine of metempsychosis 130
5.1.3. Metempsychosis among Iranian
social movements 132
5.2. Millenarism and Nativism 136

5.2.1. Millenarism and egalitarianism

of the Yaresan 136
5.2.2. Chiliastic prediction 145
5.2.3. Nativism among Iranian socio-religious
movements 148
5.2.4. Millenarism and egalitarianism in Iran 151

6. RITUALS

6.1. Periodical Meetings 156

6.1.1. The "Jam" 156

6.1.1. a} Conditions for helding a Jam 156
6.1.1. b) Terms and roles in the Jam 157
6.1.1. c) The J a m ceremony 158
6.1.2. Types of prayer in the Jam 160
6.1.3. Fekr-ozekr 160
6.1.4. The significance of music among
the Yaresan 162
6.1.5. The significance of the Jam ceremony 163

6.2. The "Nazr" or Offering and Sacrifice 164

6.2.1. Offerings 165

6.2.1. a) The "Niyaz" 165
6.2.1. b) The "Shokraneh" 165
6.2.2. Sacrifices 166
6.2.2. a) Blood sacrifice 166
6.2.2. b) Bloodless sacrifice 167
6.2.2. c) Items which are not sacrificed but are
accompanied with sacrificial ceremony 167
6.2.2. d) Khedmat 167
6.2.3. Performance of the sacrificial ceremony 168
6.2.3. a) Ritual for blood sacrifices 168
6.2.3. b) Ritual for bloodless sacrifices 177
6.2.3. c) Ritual of sacrifices other than
blood or bloodless sacrifices 178
6.2.3. d) Ritual for the Khedmat 178
6.2.4. Ritual for offerings 178
6.2.5. A hymn on the importance of sacrifice 178
6.2.6. Sacrifice rituals in Iran 181

6.3. Other Yaresan Rituals and Religious Tenets 184

6.3.1. Fasting 184

6.3.2. The prohibition of fasting for thirty days 187
6.3.3. Ablution of the Yaresan 189
6.3.4. Ceremonies for the dead 190
6.3.5. The "Charchivan" or the "Four Pillars"
of Yaresan religion 193
6.3.6. The five "Moqadasat" of the Yaresan 194
6.3.7. Periods of the World History 196
6.3.8. Other similarities between
Yaresan and Mazdaism 197

7. ORGANIZATION AND INSTITUTION

7.1. Social Organization and Rites 198

7.1.1. Some Initiation terms 198

7.1.2. Conditions of membership in the community 199
7.1.3. The "Sar-sepordan" or Initiation
ceremony of the Yaresan 200
7.1.4. Some variations in the performance
of the "Sar-sepordan" 203
7.1.5. Group Initiation 203
7.1.6. Types of membership and recruitment 204
a) The "Chakideh" 204
b) The "Chasbideh" 205

7.2. Social Structure of the Yaresan Community 205

7.2.1. The "Khandan" 205

7.2.2. The "Sar-sepordan" of the "Khanadans" 209
7.2.3. Early formation of the "Khandans" 211
7.2.4. The significance of the Yaresan
institution of "Sar-sepordan" 216
7.2.5. Initiation rites in Iran 219

7.3. The Brotherhood and Brother-Sisterhood Contract 222

7.3.1. The brother-sisterhood contract

among the Yaresan 222
7.3.2. Significance of
the brother-sisterhood contract 223
7.3.3. The brother-sisterhood contract in Iran 225

7.4. Social Divisions in the Yaresan Community 226

7.5. The Social Structure of the Yaresan Community 227

8. SOCIAL MOVEMENTS AND SOCIAL CONFLICT

8.1. The Original Context for the Emergence

of the Yaresan 229

8.2. Yaresan as a Social Movement 230

8.3. The Main Features of the Yaresan Social Movement
in Relation to Other Iranian Movements 231

8.3.1. Nativistic tendencies 231

8.3.2. Egalitarian tendencies 233
8.3.3. Millenarism 233
8.3.4. Dualistic world view 235

8.4. The Main Environmental Aspects

of the Yaresan Background 235
8.4.1. Social aspects 235
8.4.2. Economic aspects 239
8.4.3. Geo-political aspects 241
8.4.4. Historical aspects 242

8.5. Social Conflict as a Consequence

of the Existing Situation 244

8.5.1. Economic conflict 245

8.5.2. Socio-cultural conflict 247
8.5.3. Power conflict 248

9. SURVIVAL OF THE YARESAN

9.1. Factors Contributing to the Survival

of the Yaresan 252
9.1.1. Political non-radicalism 252
9.1.2. Social organization 253
9.1.3. Military force 255
9.1.4. Trans-communal solidarity 257
9.1.5. Pre-existing ideas and experiences 258
9.1.6. Other resource 259

APPENDIX

Appendix 1: Yaresan Religious Stories Regarding

the Creation 262
Appendix 2: Yaresan Stories Regarding Divine
Manifestation, Metempsychosis and Other
Matters Regarding Theophanies and Angels 265
Appendix 3: Yaresan Religious Stories Regarding Rituals
and Institutions 276

BIBLIOGRAPHY 280
INDEX 303
1. CONCEPT AND METHODOLOGY

1.1. Structure of the Research

1.1.1. Delimiting the Questions

"Yaresan" and "Ahl-e haqq" are the names of an important community

concentrated in South Kurdistan. Inspite of its importance, very little is known about
this community. For this reason the existing information, although inadequate, has
been extensively used by social scientists, including sociologists. But a sociological
case study of this community does not exist. Therefore there will be many
questions regarding this community which are yet to be answered.
In the present investigation, which is the first general study of this community,
attempts are made to draw an overall picture of the community and present some
outlines for future research.
The study will focus on three basic questions regarding the community:
a) The most important is to find out who the people are.
b) The second question investigates the contexts in which this community was
born. This question concerns the past existence and the factors which contributed
to its emergence.
c) The third question will be an extention of the above two and will look at the
factors which have contributed to the survival of the community.

1.1.2. The character of the community

This report consists of nine chapters. The first is devoted to methodological

explanations. The remaining eight are divided into three groups, each of which
aims at answering one of the questions raised above. Chapters two to seven are
devoted to the introduction of the Yaresan, mainly to answer the first question:
Chapter two concentrates on the Yaresan as a community, and is divided into two
parts. The first part is a description of the socio-economic background, class and
social status. Here it is indicated that the majority of the community have always
belonged to the lower strata of the Iranian society. In the second part, the historical
records regarding the community and the region they live in from the time of their
emergence, have been collected and chronologically arranged. In the arrangement
of this historical and traditional information the style in which the traditional history
of the Yaresan is related has been adopted. Among other things, this short
 2

historical sketch points out that the inhabitants of the region, including the Yaresan,
have had a turbulent history characterized by invasions, destruction and
oppression.
Chapters three to five describe the main distinguishing features of the Yaresan,
namely their religious tenets, which make them a community. Accordingly all
existing information about their basic tenets from both primary and secondary
literature have been collated and presented in these three chapters. For a better
understanding of these ideas, analogies from Iran are presented. Thus in the third
chapter the Yaresan stories of the creation are described and compared to some
Iranian ideas about the Creation. In the fourth chapter the ideas of Divine
Manifestation, Angelology and Dualism and their Iranian background are explained.
Chapter five is devoted to the presentation of the Yaresan doctrine of
Metempsychosis and Millenarism and their Iranian background.
The description of the religious tenets in these three chapters shows that, firstly the
Yaresan have developed an independent religious system and secondly, many of
these religious ideas were current in Iran both in pre-and post Islamic periods. In
general we can say that the structural components of the Yaresan have parallels in
pre-lslamic Iran, which has been mixed with Shiite ideas. By "pre-lslamic Iran" we
mean only those ideas which were current in the later periods after Sassanid
reform. It is only the aim of this study to look for the origin of these ideas as such.
But it is enough for us to know whether they existed in pre-lslamic times. Like other
religions, Yaresan have adopted many religious ideas with which they have come
into contact, but their basic tenets are an independent development of pre-lslamic
ideas.
Chapters six and seven present the communal life and organization of the Yaresan.
Chapter six is devoted to the religious rituals of the community such as periodical
meetings and sacrifice. Chapter seven is about social organization, structure and
institutions. Here we describe another primary factor that makes the Yaresan an
independent community, namely their particular social life. Here too it can be
noticed that the Yaresan have their particular rituals. The information collected
about the existence of similar rituals in Iran indicates that, like their religious tenets,
these rituals are also an independent development within an Iranian context. In
addition to the social significance of these rituals, they sanction the existing social
organization and power structure of the community. In chapter seven it is shown
that the power structure of the community is not pyramidal. Instead, there are
eleven power centres which are connected to one another through various rituals
and institutions.
Thus through the presentation of the socio-economic and historical background as
well as a description of their religious tenets, followed by a description of their
 3

rituals and social organization, attempts are made to answer the first question,
namely to show who the Yaresan are.

1.1.3. Context of the community's emergence

Chapters eight and nine are meant to answer the other two questions on the basis
of the above mentioned information and with the help of some theoretical tools.
Chapter eight looks for an answer regarding the origin of the community. The main
problem here lies in the lack of any historical reports about the community. This is
mainly due to the complete secrecy in which the Yaresan have always lived.
Therefore the attempt is made to reach an answer with the help of Yaresan
traditions and a sociological investigation.
For that the main characteristic features of the Yaresan socio-religious ideas are
derived from existing sources. The main features found are Egalitarianism,
Nativism, Millenarism and Dualism. At the same time we try to show that these were
exactly the main features of many Iranian social movements in the past. Traditional
Yaresan sources indicate that the community was founded by a man who was
known for his anti-Umayyad activities. This is confirmed by their religious tenets,
which are exactly those adopted by many Iranian social movements which
appeared during Umayyad and Abbasid domination. On the basis of cause and
effect logic it is shown that Yaresan in its earliest form emerged as a social
movement in the early Islamic period. On the basis of the same logic we conclude
that the reflection of the features mentioned above must have been caused by the
same factors which also gave birth to other movements.
As Mair points out, a vision of the world as it should be is not open to the free play
of a leader's phantasy: "The ideal world must be what most people desire, and the
explanation must be in line with current explanations of misfortune and
disappointments."1 The goals set by social movements are the best indications to
explain the situations which gave rise to their emergence. Egalitarianism is, for
example, the main feature of the Yaresan. Similarly our comparative investigation
shows that the majority of Iranian movements aimed at the achievement of an
egalitarian society. This is a reason to prove that these movements were born in a
socially and economically non-egalitarian system. Otherwise this subject probably
could not find prominence. And this is confirmed in our description of the socio-
ecomomic background of the Yaresan community.

L. P. Mair, Independent Religious Movements in Three Continents, in: Comparative Studies in

Society and History, I (4), 1959, p. 124.
 4

Cohn and Werner, who both studied Millenarian movements through different
approaches, agree that social and economic factors are the main causes of such
movements.2
Cohn, in his study of Millenarism in Medieval Europe concludes that the formation
of Millenarian movements follows the accumulation of tension due to social and
economic causes.3 The same opinion is held by Werner, who also adds that
wherever they appear, their aims and wishes were not only Chiliasm.4
Similarly in our study we find that due to the existing economic situation the
movements which were started against the system were marked by egalitarianism.
But as explained earlier, the Yaresan and other Iranian social movements had other
characteristic features which speak in favour of some other causes, in addition to
the economic ones. So it is shown that certain situations of tension or conflict
prevailing in the society gave rise to movements with the above mentioned
features,namely Millenarism, egalitarianism and nativism. In addition to that these
features themselves manifest the types of conflict which existed in the society. This
conflict is best expressed in the dualistic world view dominating the religious tenets
of the Yaresan as well as of other Iranian movements. A dualistic world view is the
reflection of a world marked by social conflict.
Our discussion will be based on Coser's definition of social conflict as" a struggle
over values or claims to status, power, and scarce resources, in which the aims of
the conflict groups are not only to gain the desired values, but also to neutralize,
injure, or eliminate rivals".5 Thus we pinpoint four types of main conflict at the root
of our movement.

1.1.4. Survival of the Yaresan

In chapter nine we try to find some explanation for the survival of the Yaresan, the
answer to our last question.

In Cohn's view the formation of Millenial movements depends on more or less psychopathic
individuals, who can sense the approaching tension in society and seize the opportunity to utilize the
situation as leaders. (Norman Cohn, The Pursuit of the Millennium, 2nd Edition, New York, 1961,
p. 314, pp. 318 - 319). This view is rejected by Werner who believes that it is the socio-economic
factors which produce the leaders. (Ernst Werner, Popular Ideologies in Late Medieval Europe:
Taborite Chiliasm and Its Antecedents", in: Comparative Studies in Society and History, II, 3, 1960,
p. 345). However both Cohn and Werner see social and economic factors as the main causes of
Millenarian movements.

Cohn, The Pursuit...op. cit., p. 26ff.

Werner, Popular Ideology...op. cit., p. 361.

Lewis Coser, Continuities in the Study of Social Conflict, New York, 1967, p. 232.
 5

Although the conflict situations mentioned above encouraged the emergence of

several movements, not all those who suffered loss started a movement. There
were several factors which had to come together to create the necessary
conditions for a movement to emerge. There are also differences in the type of
movement, the mode of their emergence, and aspects regarding their growth and
fall. Therefore the study of Iranian movements, and social movements in general,
can be made from various points of views. As it is impossible for us at this stage to
study all the aspects of the movement of our study, we shall only try to define some
of the factors which could have contributed to the survival of the Yaresan.
Up to now our argument has been based on the assumption that social conflict
induced the weaker party to take action by creating a movement in order to change
the existing situation. It should be remembered that social movements
"often arise in response to a crisis situation or a long history of more subtle
grievances, and find themselves embroiled in action long before they develop
elaborate concepts of where they want to go, let alone how to get there. Once an
ideology begins to form, it may redirect the group's strategy, or it may merely
confirm it".6

Still after a movement is born, there are several factors which contribute to its
growth, decline and change. This has been the main concern of many leaders of
social movements. To understand the rise and fall of social movements there are
two new approaches. One which is called by Leites and Wolf a "Hearts and Minds
of the People" approach, focuses upon members, and assigns primary importance
to their state of consciousness. 7 Another is called the "Resource Mobilization"
approach, which emphasizes the importance of resources beside consciousness
and manpower. It is, therefore, to be seen as complementary to the "hearts and
minds" approach. Our approach tries to understand both the situations of the
aggrieved people and the possible mobilization of available resources.
In our study too we first try to search for the grievances of the people and after that
look for some of the resources which have contributed to the survival of our
community.

The theory of resource mobilization depends more upon political, sociological, and
economic theories than upon a social psychology of collective behaviour. It is
based on the works of John Wilson, 8 Tilly,9 Gamson, 1 0 Oberschall, 11 Lipsky, 12

Jo Freeman, Resource Mobilization and Strategy: A Model for Analyzing Social Movement
Organization Action, in: Mayer N. Zald and John D. McCarthy, The Dynamics of Social
Movements. (Resource Mobilization, Social Control, and Tactics) Cambridge/Mass.: Winthrop,
1979.

N. Leites and C. Wolf (Jr.), Rebellion and Authority, Chicago, 1970.

John Wilson, Introduction to Social Movements, New York, 1973.

 6

Downs, 13 and was formulated by Mayer N. Zald and John D. McCarthy. 14 The
theory is based on the following assumptions:
a) As already mentioned, this theory assumes that there are grievances among the
participants of a movement,
b) Due to existing repression and lack of resources the under-privileged groups are
only seldom in a position to carry out collective action, 15
c) When the under-privileged groups gain access to external sources or new
resources emerge, they have the chance to mobilize themselves,
d) Actions often fail due to the lack of resources. But success can be expected
when there is permanent support from outside, when it coincides with discord
among the members of the ruling class or in the case of their tolerating a
movement.
e) Social discontent remains unexpressed as long as the under-privileged groups
do not change their position of power by developing new and efficient strategies of
mobilization, new social resources or internal resources, and recruiting well-trained
cadres or train their own organizers. 16
Furthermore, according to the theory of resource mobilization and rational choice,
the following factors contribute to the rise, expansion and retrogression of social
movements:
a) Organizational costs and advantages for the individual members, 17

Charles Tilly, Does modernization breed revolution ?, in: Comparative Politics, No. 5, April 1973,
pp. 425 - 447; Idem, Revolutions and collective violence, in: F. I. Greenstein and N. W. Polsby
(eds.), Handbook of Political Science, Vol. 3: Macropolitical Theory, Reading, Mass. 1975, pp. 483 -
555.

10 William A. Gamson, Strategy of Social Protest, Homewook, 111., 1975.

11 Anthony Oberschall, Social Conflict and Social Movements, Englewood Cliffs/N. J., 1973.

12
M. Lipsky, Protest as a political resource, in: American Political Science Review, No. 62, 1968, pp.
1144 - 1 1 5 8 .
13
A. Downs, Up and down with ecology - the "issue-attention cycle", in: Public Interest, No. 28,
Summer 1972, pp. 39 - 50.
14 McCarthy, John D./Mayer N. Zald, The Trend of Social Movements in America:
Professionalization and Resource Mobilization, Morristown, N J . , 1973; Idem, Resource
Mobilization and Social Movements: A Partial Theory, in: American Journal of Sociology, 82, May
1977, pp. 1212 - 1 2 3 4 .

15 J . C. Jenkins/C. Perrow, Insurgency of the powerless: farm workers movements, 1946 - 1972, in:
American Sociological Review, No. 42, April 1977, pp. 249 - 268.

Jenkins/Perrow, Insurgency...op. rit.; McCarthy/Zald, Resource...op. cit.

17
M. Olson, The Logic of Collective Action; Public Goods and the Theory of Groups,
Cambridge/Mass., 1965.
 7

b) Available internal and external resources, material and non-material incitements,

especially supported by mass-media, church, trade union, etc., 18
c) Strategies of resource mobilization, acquiring power and influence, and
strategies of protest,19
d) Structures of organization, coherence or dissent in organization, and interaction
between organizations,20
e) Interactions of social movements or their organizations with the political
environment, pressure groups, government, bureaucracy, etc. and the reaction of
the ruling classes towards such movements. 21
In the case of our community we are in a position to consider some of the
resources which have contributed to the survival of this movement:

1.1.4.a) Solidarity

Solidarity is an important factor which has been neglected by the utilitarian

approach. The utilitarian approach exagerates the role of self-interest in
mobilization. "Solidarity is rooted in configuration of relationships linking the
members of a group to one another. People may be linked together in a number of
ways that generate a sense of common identity, shared fate, and general
commitment to defend the group."22 Drawing on Stinchcombe 23 and Garrison,24
five factors have been suggested by Fireman and Gamson that can constitute the
basis for a person's solidarity with a group:
1) Friends and relatives. To the extent that a person has friends and relatives within
a group, and to the extent that he is indirectly related to many others in the group
through their friendship and kinship with his friends and kin.

18
McCarthy/Zald, Resource...op. cit.
19
M. Lipsky, Protest...op. cit.
20
D. Snyder/C. Tilly, Hardship and collective violence in France, 1830 to I960, in: American
Sociological Review, No. 37, October 1972, pp. 520 - 532; Edward Shorter/Charles Tilly, Strikes in
France 1830 -1968, Cambridge, 1974.
21
Jenkins/Perrow, Insurgency...op. cit.

Bruce Fireman/William A. Gamson, Utilitarian Logic in the Resource Mobilization Perspective, in:
Mayer N. Zald/J. D. McCarthy, The Dynamics of Social Movements, (Resource Mobilization,
Social Control, and Tactics), Cambridge, Mass.,1979, p. 21.
23
A. L. Stinchcombe, Social structure and politics, in: F. I. Greenstein and N. W. Polsby (Eds.),
Handbook of Political Science, Vol. 3: Macropolitical Theory, Reading, Mass., 1975.
24 William. A. Gamson, Power and Discontent, Homewood, 111., 1968.
 8

2) Participation in organizations. To the extent that a person acts collectively with

other members of the group in productive organizations and voluntary
associations.
3) Design for living. Groups frequently offer members a set of techniques for
dealing with the problems they encounter in their daily lives.
4) Subordinate and superordinate relations. To the extent that a person shares with
other group members the same set of subordinate and superordinate relations with
outsiders.
5) No exit. To the extent that a person is readily identified and often treated as a
member of the group, so that exit from the group is difficult.
In our study we describe certain types of solidarity, which though comparable with
the above-mentioned five factors, are still of a different nature. In addition to that we
describe interesting institutions which help to strengthen and sustain solidarity.
"When group interest, solidarity, and urgency combine, we may talk about people
as being activated by loyalty. When personal interest in collective goods, especially
those we have called principles, combines with urgency, we may talk about people
as being activated by responsibility. Note that urgency is a part of both
combinations. We argue that the call on either loyalty or responsibility is greater
when the urgency of collective action is increased.
It is useful to think of loyalty and responsibility not merely as attributes of individuals
but as properties of cultural codes or belief systems. Individuals exist in a climate of
cultural beliefs about their obligations to those groups with which they identify and
their responsibilities for contributing their shares to just causes."25
In our study we call this "group loyalty", and describe other types of loyalties which
go beyond this type.

1.1.4.b) Social Structure

The social structure of the community of our study is most probably that of a social
movement. Apparently, its present form was shaped during fifteenth century. We
can suppose that similar types of social structure must have existed among several
other Iranian social movements. The social structure of our community is not
pyramidical.lt is divided into eleven groups. It is said that at the time of its creation
there were seven groups and four more added later. Therefore, there are eleven
centres of power. We will show that through certain institutions these centres of
power are connected to one another. In the existing environment, this type of
power structure seems to be very efficient and has been an important factor that

25
Fireman/Gamson, Util¡tarian...op. cit., pp. 31 - 32.
 9

has contributed to the survival of the community. There are several other
institutions which make the social structure of the community a very solid and
cohesive unit capable of resisting both external and internal pressures.
This unit is comparable to what Zald and Ash call an "exclusive movement
organization", 26 which remains unaffected by the ebb and flow of sentiment in the
society. According to them, "in many ways, as has often been noted, the religious
sect and the vanguard party have much in common and in our terms, are both
exclusive organizations". 27
Except in a theocratic state, a non-millenarian movement is less subject to the ebb
and flow of sentiment and the strong reaction of ruling classes. A non-millenarian
movement focuses mainly on inward change. Such "inward movement
28
organization" may threaten the ruling classes less. But a millenarian movement
usually aims at outward change, that is, changing the existing system. This type of
movement is more subject to success and failure in social environment.
We notice that in case of our community there has been fluctuation in the level of
millenarian zeal. At some points in time we observe strong millenarian revolutionary
activities and sentiment. But after failure, a long period starts in which it limits itself
to inward aims. It can be supposed that both at the time of millenarian activities and
the period of quietism their solid and cohesive social structure has played an
important role.
It must be noted that it is not only the external environment which blocks or
facilitates the development or survival of a movement. "Instead movements
represent a complex interplay of external and internal factors." 29 Only a solid
internal organization is in a position to survive the external pressure.

1.1.4.c) Pre-existing ideas and experiences

Throughout this study it is shown that our movement has had access to wealth of
ideas, symbols and experiences of earlier Iranian social movements. It is only due

7f\
Mayer N. Zald/Roberta Ash, Social Movement Organizations: Growth, Decay and Change, in:
Social Forces, No. 44, March 1966, pp. 330 - 331.
27
Ibid., p. 331.
2Q
Kurt Lang/Gladys Lang, Collective Dynamics, New York, 1961, p. 488. Lang and Lang make a
distinction between "inward and outward" movement organizations.
29
Gary T. Marx, External Efforts to Damage or Facilitate Social Movements: Some Patterns,
Explanations, Outcomes, and Complications, in: Mayer N. Zald and John D. McCarthy, The
Dynamics of Social Control, (Resource Mobilization, Social Control and Tactics), Cambridge,
Mass., 1979, p. 94.
 10

to the availability of this wealth that a movement can act maturely, even though
integrating it into the new community-in-creation is in itself a difficult task. By
creating an attractive ideological, symbolical and cultural background a movement
is able to compete with those of the dominant group or the broader society. In our
case, where the invading and dominant groups are also representative of certain
cultural and ideological backgrounds, it is very important for a movement to reject
them on the same grounds. It becomes especially crucial when the dominant
groups try to justify their position on the basis of their background. In this case it
becomes a primary task for the movements to create a separate system capable of
convincing the members and gain their loyalty. It is possible that our movement has
in the past attracted members of other failed movements.
The availability to participants of tactics, ideas, symbols, institutions, social
networks are what we shall be discussing in this study. In addition to these,
attempts will be made not to ignore other external and internal factors-as far as
existing documents permit.

1.2. Methodology

In recent decades a number of investigations into socio-religious movements have

been carried out in different parts of the world. These studies have generally been
in three fields: typological, socio-psychological and socio-historical. The differences
are not merely due to the nature of socio-religious movements, as the approach
and emphasis of the investigators have also played an important role.

1.2.1. Typological approach

In the typological field several studies have been made of socio-religious

movements in traditional and post-colonial societies by scholars such as Linton,30
Wallace,31 Kobben,32 Wilson,33 Shepperson34 and others.

30
Ralph Linton, Nativistic Movement, in: American Anthropologist, Vol. 45,1943, (New Series, 1962),
pp. 230 - 240.
31
Anthony F. C. Wallace, Revitalization Movement, in: American Anthropologist, Vol. 58, No. 2,
April 1956, pp. 264 - 281. Wallace works in the field of typological phenomenalism, organic theory of
culture and psychiatric approach.
32 A. J. F. Kobben, Prophetic Movements as an Expression of Social Protest, in: International Archives
of Ethnograhpy, Vol. XLIX, 1960, pp. 117 -164.
 11

Among them, the types suggested by Linton have been widely recognized. He
divides the movements into two groups according to whether they are revivalistic or
perpetuative:
a) A revivalistic movement is a movement which attempts to revive the extinct or at
least moribund elements of a culture.
b) A perpetuative movement is a movement which attempts to perpetuate the
status quo.
But these two are not completely exclusive, and each can include some elements
of the other. Therefore the distinction between them depends on where the
emphasis on either of these aspects lies.35 These are further divided into:
1. Revivalistic-magical,
2. Revivalistic-rational,
3. Perpetuative-magical,
4. Perpetuative-rational.36
Magical types are comparable in many respects to Messianic movements.
"In such movements moribund elements of culture are not revived for their own
sake or in anticipation of practical advantages from the element themselves. Their
revival is part of a magical formula designed to modify the society's environment in
ways which will be favourable to it."37
In contrast, rational types contain more rational elements. Magical movements
differ from Messianic and millenarian movements in only two respects:
a) Magical movements are oriented towards the past and the symbols are more or
less familiar.
b) In the case of Messianic movements, the millennial condition is presented as
something new and unique and the symbols manipulated to bring it about are new
and unfamiliar.
For Linton, the common cause of nativistic movements is a situation of inequality
between the societies in contact. This means "such inequality may derive either
form the attitudes of the societies involved or from actual situation of dominance

33
Bryan A. Wilson, Millennialism in Comparative Perspective, in: Comparative Studies in Society and
History, Vol. VI, 1963 -1964, pp. 93 -114.

^ George Shepperson, The Comparative Study of Millenarian Movements, in: Sylvia L. Thrupp (ed.),
Millenial Dreams in Action, The Hague, 1962, pp. 44 - 52.
. ...
Linton, Nativistic...op. cit., p. 231.

36
Ibid., p. 233.

37
Ibid., p. 232.
 12

and submission".38 According to him, where this contact involves dominance the
following contact groups are possible:
1. Dominant-superior,
2. Dominant-inferior,
3. Dominated-superior,
4. Dominated-inferior.
Linton's concepts and typology have already been critisized by some scholars
such as Kobben and Lanternari.39 In addition to that there has been a tendency
among scholars to create a large number of "types", "classes" and "sub-classes",
which seem to be artificial. Moreover, these scholars are divided according to their
views and emphasis which are by themselves affected by theoretical and
methodological pre-supposition.
Inspite of strong criticism of this approach by some social scientists, typological
investigations can be very useful at the early stages of studying social movements.
So in the present study, this approach has been used as a complementary
method.40 Attempts have been made to define the main features of the Yaresan
and compare them with those Iranian groups with similar features.

1.2.2. Socio-psychological approach

Some scholars have studied socio-religious movements of traditional society with

socio-psychological and socio-psychiatric methods.
In the socio-psychological approach the Relative Deprivation Theory is widespread.
Among those who have worked in this field, Aberle is one of the early scholars who
studied the effect of American Indians' contact with colonial culture. Aberle and
others base their investigations on the psychological process which occurs among
the participants of a movement. They suggest that there is a feeling of deprivation
present in all religious movements. This results from the discrepancy between
legitimate expectation and reality, which is followed by a withdrawal from normal
active

38
Ibid., p. 234.

39
Kobben, Prophet...op. cit., p. 118; Vittorio Lanternari, Nativistic and Socio-religious Movements: A
Reconsideration, in: Comparative Studies in Society and History, Vol. 16,1974, p. 489.

In their studies on religious movements in traditional societies, some scholars such as Wallace and
Kobben have partly used a typological approach.
 13

life.41 Deprivation may also occur after contact with the new culture. In this case the
people of the traditional society may start a movement as a reaction against
psychological deprivation. This creates a situation in which one is neither satisfied
with the traditional culture nor gains any satisfaction from accepting the new
culture. 42
There have also been some attempts to explain the emergence of the socio-
religious movements on the basis of socio-psychiatric factors. Here too attention is
paid to the problem of acculturation and its psychological consequences such as
social disintegration and the neuroticized individual.
The socio-psychological approach is subject to several serious criticisms. Using
the terminology of clinical psychology to treat the neuroses of the participants and
leaders of movements (as in case of Sierksma),43 or searching for some
exceptional cases or focussing in the career of a leader (as in the case of Cohn) 44
do in fact give secondary importance to socio-economic and historical factors. With
these methods, the role of the people in their endeavour to put an end to
unfavourable situations and bring about social change is indirectly denied.
Still this is not to suggest that there are no psychological processes in the
emergence of a social movement. In the case of spontaneous rebellion and mass
excitement the psychological factors are more involved. Classical ideas about the
irrational reaction of the masses could, somehow, better be applied to such mass
excitement and rebellions,45
although behind these irrational reactions other factors have been functioning. That
is to say that spontaneous reactions are the result of the long term effects of other
factors.
In our study we deal with such social movements which have been supported by
numerous generations, with very well-knit social organizations and well-developed
ideology. In addition, the followers were scattered over a large area with very
limited possibility of communication.

41
David F. Aberle, The Peyote Religion Among the Navaho, Viking Fund Publications in
Anthropology 42, New York, 1966.
42
Philleo Nash, The Place of Religious Revivalism in the Formation of the Intercultural Community
on the Klamath Reservation, in: Fred Eggan, Social Anthropology of the North American Tribes,
Second Edition, Chicago, 1955, p. 44.
43
R. J. Zwi Werblowsky, A New Heaven and New Earth: Considering Primitive Messianism, in:
History of Religions, 5,1965, p. 166.
44
Norman Cohn, The Pursuit of the Millennium, Second Edition, New York, 1961.
45
E. g. cf. Gustave Le Bon, The Psychology of Revolution, Wells, (Repr. 1968); Gabriel Tarde, Foules
et Sectes au Point de vue Criminel, in: Revue des Deux Mondes, 15 November 1893, p. 353. In a
manner like Le Bon, Tarde also believed that a crowd or sect has no ideas other than those which it
is exposed to.
 14

One of the most important problems in applying the socio-psychological approach

arises with the measurement of expectations, which, due to changes from case to
case, cannot be objectively obtained. Similarly, personal and neurotic factors in
acculturation should not be over-emphasized due to the fact that "not all religious
movements are begun by individual founders and not all are related to acculturative
phenomena".46 In addition to this, according to MacCarthy and Mayer Zald, a
number of empirical studies show no or little confirmation of the relation between
deprivation and social movements.47 Yet another main objection to a socio-
psychological approach is its inherent tendency to oversee the causes. That is to
say that even if a social movement is created by deprivation among the
participants, this approach does not explain the factors which have caused the
deprivation situation. Finally, it is necessary to mention here that although this
approach may be partly useful in the study of certain social movements, in our
study of the Yaresan it is neither possible nor creative. Therefore this approach has
not been adopted for our study.

1.2.3. Socio-historical approach

The use of socio-historical approach is widespread among social scientists. The

socio-historical approach in general attaches greater significance to the socio-
economic and historical factors in which a social movement emerges and
develops. The importance of socio-economic and historical factors in the
emergence and development has been recognized by most scholars. These
scholars, who may differ in their perspectives, all arrive at the same conclusion. 48
Communities like the one in our case study are regarded as social movements
quite regardless of their origin. In the view of Zald and others, in many ways the
religious sect and the vanguard party have much in common. In a theocratic state

46
Lanternari, Nativistic...op. cit., p. 495. Sierskma goes so far to use the terminology of clinical
psychology in his study of religious movements. He suggests "neurosis" to be the cause of
Messianism (intending not "a more or less literary metaphor, but an attempt to give an exact
diagnosis"). For him "acculturation produces socially disintegration and individually neuroticizing
effects. The resulting movements of social unrest are of diverse character. One type of movement (i.
e. Messianic sensu stricto) expects the end of the old and the beginning of a new world as an event
that is basically independent of man, at best man can prepare its advent by religious, namely
symbolic, activity". Werblowsky, A New Heaven...op. cit., p. 166,179.

47
McCarthy/Zald, Resource...op. cit., p. 1214.

48
Cf. Cohn, The Pursuit...op. cit., p. 26ff; Werner, Popular Ideology...op. cit., p. 361; Eric J.
Hobsbawm, Primitive Rebels. Studies in Archaic Forms of Social Movement in the 19th and 20th
Century, Manchester, 1974 ( 1959); Lanternari, Nativistic...op. cit., p. 487; Idem, The Religion of
the Oppressed: A study of modern messianic cults, London, 1963.
 15

a religious sect is a direct challenge to the larger society. A millenarian sect even
threatens a non-theocratic state. In addition to that, contemporary sociologists
such as Weber, Cohn, Burridge, etc. suggest that the great religions have their
origins in socio-religious movements and that they were linked to the particular
conditions of the crisis in society. This is also what the present study assumes in
the case of the religious community being studied. That is to say that it searches for
the roots of this community in the social conflict which dominated social, economic
and historical life of the region at the time it was born.
The main part of our study is carried out in the field of socio-historical approach
and is served by the typological approach.
The socio-historical approach is applied in the areas of sociology and the history of
religion. The historical study of the religion is made with a phenomenological and
partly typological presentation of the religious system of the community of our case
study. The phenomenological presentation of the community is based on the
information collected with the help of primary and secondary literature as well as
observation and interviews. A part of the primary literature was provided by some
of the members of the community who also functioned as informants. Most of the
imformation which was obtained from the existing material was checked and
completed in interview. These were made with several members of the community
with various backgrounds including a woman. The main informant belonged to a
Sayyed family i. e. the religious section of the community. He belongs to the Shah
Ebrahimi branch and most of our material stem from this group. This could make
our comparison easier. In addition we have used a wide range of literature which
we will be introducing at the end of this section.
Attempts have been made to draw a general picture of the community by
introducing its distinguishing characteristics. This is based on three main parts,
namely, the socio-historical background, the main aspects of the religious tenets
and community life.
As a complementary method, we have applied a typological approach. This is
mainly useful in the first stages of a comparative investigation. Its main aim is to
bring about conceptual and epistemological clarification and more knowledge of
the phenomena. As a matter of fact, no sociological study of our community has
yet been made. Even the sociological study of Iranian social movements in general,
is in its infancy.Therefore it was necessary to make a typological classification of
our community as compared to other similar groups in Iran. In addition to this,
some of the main characteristics of our group and other groups have been defined.
So we shall try to find out from what kind of historical background our community
has emerged. Furthermore we try to find out which sections of the population in
such a historical context joined the movement.
 16

First we consider the historical background of the community in relation to the

history of the whole of South Kurdistan, which is also a part of the history of Iran.
Similarly, movements which have appeared in this region are a part of the Iranian
movements and these regional movements can not be studied in isolation from the
history of Iranian social movements. In this way we take both regional and general
factors into consideration.
To find out which sections of the population of South Kurdistan have participated in
early stage of our community, we try to trace their socio-economic background.
Due to the exceptional history of Iran it is one of the very few places in the world
which has observed the emergence of so many socio-religious movements. There
have been many different movements each with a different destiny, some surviving
for shorter or longer periods. Some of the movements, such as the Qarmatian, the
Sarbedaran, and the Safavid, were able to come to power and establish
independent states. As during the Safavid period, there were also large numbers of
so-called lower level movements and rebellions. Therefore our movement was only
one among innumerable movements which emerged in Iranian society.

1.3. Sources and Research

1.3.1. Research position

The subject of this study is a religious community. This is a point about which there
is no dispute. Inspite of several articles which have been published in the past sixty
years, it is still not clear what kind of religion this community professes. Thus we
find that the few articles published in the early twenties by the Russian scholar,
Vladimir Minorsky, have been repeatedly used by social scientists. Due to the
vagueness and inadequacy of existing information about the Yaresan, the
community has been referred to by social scientists in different contexts and for
different theories. This scarcity of scholarly research about the community has two
main reasons:
a) Despite the extraordinary importance of the so-called Orient or Middle East,
there has been no adequate research in social science by native or foreign
scientists. There are several factors contributing to the problem, among them we
need to mention only political, financial and language problems.
b) The study of certain subject areas in this part of the world is still more difficult.
One of these is the study of minorities, which is surrounded by many obstacles. It is
not necessary to list these obstacles. It will be enough to mention that even after
obtaining material for the study, which is a difficult task, the researcher may face
 17

other problems. In our case, the problem mainly concerned understanding the
texts.

1.3.2. Material study

In the study of our community the difficulty does not only lie in obtaining the texts,
but also in understanding them.
These materials are of two types:
a) There are older religious texts mainly in verse which are written in a language
called Gurani. Understanding this language,even for natives is not an easy task.
This language has fallen into disuse due to replacement by other languages. In
addition to that, many of the religious terms have become so old that they can not
easily be understood.
b) Another group of sources are those which try to teach religious tenets through
symbolic stories. In these stories, maximum effort has been made not to explain
explicitly those parts of the religious ideas which are completely different from the
main religions of the region.
It is only by reading between the lines that these parts of their religious system can
be discovered. This, as a matter of fact, has a very old tradition in Iran. For many
centuries, both philosophers and heterodox teachers lived under constant fear and
persecution.49 This situation paved the way to the development of a writing
technique enabling the writer to convey a double meaning. "Groups like the Sufis
and Ismailis used various levels of teaching, in which the least initiated were taught
something differing little from orthodoxy, while at the highest level the most
unorthodox ideas might be taught."50 This was the continuation of the Avicennist

According to Leo Strauss, a glance at the biographies of the philosophers such as Avicenna and
Averroes is sufficient to show that they were witnesses of, or suffered persecution. Leo Strauss,
Persecution and the Art of Writing, Glencoe/Illinois, 1952, p. 33.

Nikki R. Keddie, Religion and Irreligion in Early Iranian Nationalism, in: Comparative Studies in
Society and History, IV, April 1962, p. 277. Ivanow points out that "the posterior development of the
Eastern Ismaili literature was carried on by its promoters in an atmosphere of cruel persecutions
and in the horrible conditions which prevailed in Persia under the Mongols, Timur, and Safavides,
and the later atrocities of Nadir, Uzbegs, Tukomans, Qajars. In spite of such a great stimulus as
Messianic expectations connected with the end of the millennium after the death of the prophet,
which had great repercussions all over the Muhammadan world, the Ismailis in Persia had to abstain
from literary or to keep it perfectly secret. Those works which have come down to us from that time
are all written in the vaguest possible and Sufic-like style, in which the majority of the ideas are so
modified as to become completely unrecognized". Wladimir Ivanow, A Guide to Ismaili Literature,
London, 1933, p. 18.
 18

philosophic tradition which entered and survived in twentieth century Iran.51 This
was regardless of Avicenna's general philosophy, as each of those groups which
adopted this method used it according to their own orientation. Therefore, "an
esoteric book contains two teachings: a popular teaching of an edifying character,
which is in the foreground, and a philosophic teaching concerning the most
important subject, which is indicated only between the lines."52 All of the writings of
our community follow the same method of teaching. Attempts have been made to
remove the above-mentioned obstacles in order to be able to describe the real
nature of the ideas propagated by this people.

1.3.3 Resources

This study of the Yaresan is based on primary sources, secondary sources and
field research.

1.3.3.a) Field research

The field work concentrated on collecting material and interviewing the members of
the community. These interviews had two main aims. Firstly, to confirm the already
existing information found in the written sources, and secondly, to attempt to obtain
some new information about the community's social life.

1.3.3.b) Secondary literature

As far as the secondary literature is concerned, we are in a position to state that

there may be very few unknown books or articles that may not have been referred.

Gobineau refers to such a tradition in the nineteenth century. He notes that the Sufis of his day
would withdraw from an extreme position when they felt that their listeners were shocked, but
would advance to more outrageous heresies with a receptive pupil. Inspite of Gobineau's errors, one
cannot stop remembering this statement while interviewing members of the Yaresan community.

52
Strauss, Persecution...op. cit., p. 36. Simmel writes: "We must take care not to be misled by the
ethically negative value of lying, into error about the direct positive sociological significance of
untruthfulness, as it appears in shaping certain concrete situations. Moreover, lying in connection
with the elementary sociological fact here in question -viz. the limitation of the knowledge of one
associate by another-is only one of the possible means, the positive and aggressive technique, so to
speak, the purpose of which in general is obtained through sheer secrecy and concealment." Georg
Simmel, The Sociology of Secrecy and of Secret Societies, in: The American Journal of Sociology,
Volume XI, No. 4, January, 1906, pp. 448 - 449.
 19

We can claim that almost all existing research concerning the community has been
carefully examined.

1.3.3.C) Primary literature

The primary literature that has been examined in this study can be divided into four
groups: Yaresan and other religious texts, history and historical books,
heresiological books, travellers' reports and the like.

1.3.3.c.a) Travellers' reports and the like

There are various reports by travellers, missionaries and scholars. They belong to
several periods and are in various languages. Not all of these reports concern the
Yaresan directly but some of them refer to subjects, regions or events which are
related to our community. To mention a few books in this category we can begin
with "Safarnameh" by Naser Khosro, an eleventh century traveller. He visited the
Qarmatian Republic in 1051 A.D. and gave a very interesting account of it. A similar
book is a traveller's report by an Arab religious doctor, Ibn Battuta, who travelled
through Asia and Africa from 1325 - 1354.
Other traveller's reports concern the region of West Iran and North Iraq in the last
few centuries. Among them we can mention the reports of Baron C. A. de Bode
(1845), who was the first European to report about the Yaresan, H. A. Layard
(1846), the Christian missionary Mrs Bishop (Isabella L. Bird) (1891) and the well-
known German archeologist Ernst Herzfeld (1907).
Many other traveller's or scholar's reports describe some observations of the
authors in their contact with the Yaresan. One of the important reports in this
category is that of Major Rawlinson in 1836. He was employed in the Iranian army
and commanded a unit recruited from the Gurans, followers of the Yaresan. We
also possess quite a number of reports written by Iranian and European travellers
and Christian missionaries.

1,3.3.c.b) History and historical books

Many history books have been examined in order to draw a better picture of the
socio-historical situation of the region. These books have also been used to explain
those socio-religious movements which emerged in Iran and share features with
the Yaresan. Of them we need only to mention the Persian version of the history of
 20

Tabari about the early history of Iran. It was translated and commented by another
Iranian scholar Mohammad Bal'ami about the year 1000 A.D. "Siyasat-nameh" of
Nezam ol-Molk, which is about the Saljuq period and the movements that appeared
in this period. Nezam ol-Molk served the Saljuq as a minister and wrote this book
mainly to refute Ismailism. Rashid od-Din's history and Khwandamir's "Tarikh-e
habib os-siyar" provide information about Mongol and Timurid periods. For later
periods a fairly large number of history books were examined, amongst others
Monshi Torkoman's '"Alam-ara-ye 'abbasi" for the Safavid period; Golestaneh's
"Mojmal at-tavarikh" for Afshar and Zand period; Fasa'i's "Farsnameh-ye naseri"
and Kasravi's "Tarikh-e mashruteh" and "Tarikh-e pansad saleh-ye khuzestan" for
Qajar period.
Some history books about the Kurds as well as Western Iran were also consulted.
These are mostly collections of historical records from different sources. In this
category we can also mention a history of Kermanshah,"Kermanshahan-e bastan",
edited by Sohrab Firuziyan.
There are no known historical records of the Yaresan. We were however able to
find a manuscript of a history book which contains some records about a religious
group called Ahl-e Haqq (i. e. another name of the Yaresan) with religious tenets
similar to that of our community. This book, which is in the possession of The K. R.
Cama Oriental Institute of Bombay, is called "Tarikh-e kashaf" and is written by a
certain Taymur Pasha, son of Hosayn Khan Donboli. This is mainly about the
history of the Donboli Kurds from very early periods. On page 276 of the
manuscript, the Donboli are described as belonging to the Kermanji Kurds. On
page 273 line 9, the ms. is dated 1265 Hijra (1849).
Another manuscript with the title "Tarikh-e kordestan" was written at the request of
an Indian Parsee in the second half of nineteenth century. This book is devoted to
the history of the Baban dynasty that ruled in central Kurdistan for some centuries.
It was written by one of the descendants of the family, called 'Abdol Qader, son of
Rostem Babani. One part of this book concerns some of the social and religious
aspects of the Yazidi community.

1.3.3.C.C) Heresiographical books

In addition to historical books that provide us with information about past socio-
religious movements, there are also some that are totally devoted to these
movements and their religious ideas. Among them is the tenth century book known
as al-Melal va'n-nehal by the Persian scholar Shahrestani (d. 1153 in Khorasan).
This book is about a large number of so-called "heretical" groups, especially in the
early Islamic period.
 21

There is another book called Tabsarat-avam fi ma'refat al-anam written by Da'i

Hasani Razi. This book, which was written in seventh Hijra century, is the oldest
known shiite heresiographical book. For the later periods we possess another
book called "moda'iyan-e nobovat" which was written by the Qajar heresiographer,
E'tezad os-Saltaneh.

1.3.3.c.d) Yaresan religious texts

Our Yaresan texts are limited to those books which we have been able to collect
with much difficulty. Inspite of this we have been able to obtain all the literature
known to us. Short descriptions of these books follow:

1. Saranjam

Saranjam is probably the most important Yaresan text. It may also be considered
as one of the oldest Yaresan texts as it is about the earliest stage of the Yaresan
religion. This text is in Gurani i. e. the religious language of the community, A part of
this text was published by Masha'allah Suri in 1344 H. (1965). The text begins with
Gurani prose and continues in verse. Most of the verses in the Yaresan writings
consist of two couplets with ten syllables each. This text has been published under
the name of "Sorud-ha-ye dini-ye yaresan".

II. Daftar-e romuz-e yarestan

This is a collection of most of the Yaresan texts especially of the Shah Ebrahimi
branch. It consists of texts from the earliest periods to the period of Taymur in the
nineteenth century. In the book it is mentioned that the manuscripts were written
over a period of four hundred years. They were printed for private circulation
among the members of the Shah Ebrahimi Branch by one of the Sayyeds- a certain
Sayyed Qasem Afzali Shah Ebrahimi. It consists of seven volumes, each covering
one period. All of them are written in Gurani verses and can be classified as follows:
1 .The first volume consists of three "Daftars" or booklets. The first booklet has no
name, the second is called "Daftar-e divaneh goureh", while the third has two parts,
both called "Doureh-ye shondori" (Gelimeh-kul). This volume belongs to the
Perdivari period, i. e. the early period of Soltan Sahak.
2.The second volume consists of "Doureh-ye shah khoshin" belonging to the
period of Shah Khoshin, and "Doureh-ye zolal zolal" belonging to the Perdivari
period. It concerns the two main angels of this period, Baba Yadegar and Shah
Ebrahim.
 22

3.The third volume is called "Daftar-e 'Abedin-e jaf". Abedin is a Yaresan saint and
apparently was a Jaf Kurd, which is the reason why the poems written by him are
not in Gurani but in Jaf Kurdish. According to this text, 'Abedin was a contemporary
of Soltan Sahak.
4 & 5. These volumes consist of poems written by a certain Nouruz. He is
supposed to have emerged in 1260 H. (about 1840), a contemporary of Sayyed
Brakeh (Braka).
6.This volume consists of poems written by Taymur of Banyaran who was also
contemporary of Sayyed Braka.
7.This volume is called "Doureh-ye damyari" and should be considered as
belonging to the earlier Yaresan texts. One part of this book has already been
published by Mohammad Mokri along with French translation. Mokri's translation is
only about half of what is produced in this volume. According to Mokri, this Yaresan
text is one of the most important religious and historical documents in Iran.

III. Haqq ol-haqayeq ya shahnameh-ye haqiqat

Haqq ol-haqayeq or Shahnameh-ye haqiqat is a large book of nearly eight hundred

pages written by one of the Yaresan leaders, Hajj Ne'matollah Jayhunabadi. He
was born in the village of Jayhunabad, near Kermanshah in 1288 H. (1871) and
died in 1338 H. (1920). In his book completed in 1909, he tried to put both the
written and oral tradition of his religion into verse. Another work by this author,
called Forgan ol-akhbar, in prose was extensively used by Vladimir Minorsky. To
give an idea of the importance of this work it may be enough to quote a part of
what the editor, Mohammad Mokri, has written about it:
"Le Shah-nama-ye Haqiqat est non seulement l'ouvrage le plus important de Hajj
Ne'matollah, mais encore la principale oeuvre écrite en langue persane et en vers
par un Fidèle de Vérité au sujet de la secte. Il s'agit d'une véritable somme
doctrinale qui réunit une grande partie des données traditionnelles sous un aspect
historique,depuis la création du monde jusqu' à la fin du XIXe siècle. C'est une
mine de renseignements qui constitue une importante contribution à la
connaissance des Ahl-e Haqq; elle est l'aboutissement de très vastes lectures,
notamment de manuscrits inconnus; en outre, elle met enfin par écrit une tradition
orale très ancienne."

IV. Borhan ol-haqq and Asrar ol-haqq

These two books were written by Nur 'Ali Elahi, son of Hajj Ne'matollah
Jayhunabadi. Elahi can be regarded both as a reformer and a conformist and
tends towards Sufism. Inspite of this, his first book, Borhan ol-haqq, which he
 23

published in 1964, is the most important document as regards Yaresan rituals. In

the case of religious teachings and other religious matters we have been very
careful in using the writings of Elahi, but in the case of religious rituals we have no
reason to doubt the validity of their description. We have tried to use other sources
as well where some points have been, intentionally or accidently, omitted by Elahi.

V. Doureh-ye haftavaneh and the like

Buraka'i, a Kurdish scholar published several Yaresan texts such as "Doureh-ye

zolal zolal" and others. In addition to these, collections of Kurdish and Luri poetry
have been published recently, which include some of the poems of the Yaresan
saints. Among them are "Golzar-e abab-e lorestan" and "Hadiqeh-ye soltani", which
consist of poems from the Timurid period to the present.

VI. Majmu'eh-ye rasa'el-e ahl-e haqq

This is a collection of Yaresan religious texts which was obtained by Wladimir

Ivanow who published it in 1950 in Bombay. It seems that the texts belonged to a
member of the Khaksar dervish order which is attached to the community. The
texts are written in Persian prose which is sometimes accompanied with Gurani
verses. Ivanow also found a fragment of a Yaresan work in 1914, which he
published in 1948.

1.3.3.c.e) Other religious books

For the comparative study of the Yaresan we have examined some other religious
books. In addition to the secondary literature, several primary religious texts have
been examined. Among these books, which we were able to obtain in India, are
important Zoroastrian texts such as:

I. The Bondaheshn

Iranian Bundahishn or Bondaheshn or Zand-e Akasih is a book containing the

Mazdean history of the creation and other similar matters. This book has been
influenced by Magian ideas that were current in Western Iran. In the present form it
was compiled in the post-Islamic period, approximately around 881 A. D.
 24

II. The Persian Revayats

These are letters written by Iranian Zoroastrians to the Parsees of India concerning
all aspects of the Zoroastrian religion. These letters were written within a period of
three hundred years i. e. from 1478 A. D. to 1773 A. D. These valuable documents
are a great help for understanding the actual beliefs and the rituals practiced by
these people.

III. The Dasatir

This is an interesting text which might have been written in the pre-lslamic period.
This book used to be revered by both Iranian Dervishes and Iranian Zoroastrians.
In the recent time this book has been rejected by Zoroastrian scholars and
declared non-Zoroastrian. It is necessary to note that in "Tarikh-e kashaf"
mentioned earlier the author has reproduced many parts of the Dasatir. More
precise study of this book may throw considerable light on the understanding of
Iranian socio-religious movements and "heretical" groups.

IV. Other texts

Other Zoroastrian texts such as "Bahman Yasht" and "Minu Khrad" have been
taken into consideration. Both of those books in their present form have been
compiled in post-Islamic times. We also have used the twelvth century book called
'"Ajayeb ol-makhluqat" which contains the Iranian and Islamic folk beliefs. In
addition to the above-mentioned books, several other primary sources have been
examined.

1.4. Concept Clarification

1.4.1. Nativism

Among the Iranian movements, there are various groups each laying emphasis on
different goals and tactics. In our description of the leaders of the movement we will
try to show that there are indications of a revivalistic tendency among them. At the
same time a detailed description of their religious tenets will prove that their entire
religious system has an ancient origin.
Socio-religious movements are often engaged in cultural revivalism. The leaders of
these movements, mostly, consciously try to revive certain parts of their culture.
 25

But there is confusion regarding the term to designate this tendency. Scholars have
used various terms, depending on their preferences. One of the more accepted
terms is "nativism", which was originally suggested by Linton. He defines "nativism"
as "any conscious, organized attempt on the part of a society's members to revive
or perpetuate selected aspects of its culture".53
Linton makes a distinction between revivalistic nativism and perpetuative nativism,
which are further divided into several sub-groups:
a) Revivalistic nativism is a movement which attempts to revive an extinct or
moribund element of a culture.
b) Perpetuative nativism is a movement which attempts to perpetuate the status
quo.
At present we are not in a position to definitely say to which group our movement
belongs. Although it seems that the movement has been more of a perpetuative
type, we possess some reason to believe that, possibly, there has been some
conscious attempt to revive certain religious elements. Similarly Linton points out
that these two groups are not completely exclusive and each can include some
elements of the other. Therefore the distinction between them depends on where
the emphasis on either of these aspects lies.54 Linton further divides the
perpetuative and revivalistic nativism into magical and rational, which will not
concern our study. Thus we use the term nativism in a general way for describing
one of the tendencies existing in this movement, according to the above definition
made by Linton.
In the case of the Yaresan and other Iranian movements we come across attempts
to revive or perpetuate cultural elements. But whether all types of nativism are
forerunners of nationalism is a matter of doubt. By this we mean that although there
may be a close relation between these two, Mahdism can not be considered as an
inevitable forerunner of nationalism.55 If we take the example of the Yaresan
community, we find that it has rather inter-communal and inter-national tendencies.

C-5
Linton, Nativistic Movement, op. cit., p. 230.

54
Ibid., p. 231.

55
Mühlmann defines nationalism as "die dogmatisch begründete Horizont-Verengung einer Gruppe,
die sich durch einen Volksmythos in einer bestimmten 'wir'-Einstellung verbunden fühlt, mit dem
Korrelat der Bereitschft zur Aggression gegen die 'Anderen', die außerhalb dieses Horizontes
befindlichen Gruppen. (Wilhelm Emil Mühlmann, "Chiliasmus und Nativismus", Studien zur
Psychologie, Soziologie und historischen Kasuistik Umsturzbewegungen, Berlin, 1964 ( 1961), p.
382) .Mühlmann also writes about the Yaresan: "Eine verwandte (i. e. with the Baha'i) Bewegung,
die sog. Ahl'-i-Haqq ('Leute der Wahrheit') entstand um 1850 in Kurdistan." (Ibid., p. 226)
Mühlmann's source is Sarkisyanz who himself used the early writings of Minorsky. Neither of these
two authors have mentioned that this community was founded in 1850. (Cf. Mühlmann, op. cit. p.
226; Emmanuel Sarkisyanz, Rußland und der Messianismus des Orients, Sendungsbewußtsein und
politischer Chiliasmus des Ostens, Tübingen, 1955, p. 248ff.).
 26

The example of other Iranian movements indicate that, on the one hand, the pure
"nationalistic" movements of the Sho'ubi did not have its roots in Mahdism. On the
other hand, Shiism has shown a tendency towards internationalism and
inclusiveness.

1.4.2. Millenarism

"Millenarism" is a term which has been widely applied by social scientists. This term
is used by anthropologists, sociologists and historians to connotate a universal
phenomenon, i. e. religious movements that expect imminent, total ultimate worldly
collective salvation.
Among the Iranian movements many of them have been expecting such an
imminent salvation through a super-natural agency. As a matter of fact we find
several different types and classes among Iranian movements. Both religious and
non-religious movements have emerged in Iran. Movements such as that of the
Sho'ubi were culturally revivalistic or politically motivated. Among the religious
movements there were the Sufis, which in most cases were non-millenarian,
individualistic-other-worldly.56 In different periods, "the rural areas of Iran also
possessed a large number of bandit organizations that were neither tribal nor
entirely associative groupings like the guilds or religious orders."57
Pre-millenarian movements have frequently emerged in Iranian society at different
periods. Pre-millenarian movements, according to Shepperson, are those
movements which are pessimistic about the efficacy of human agencies and reflect
a belief that social transformation can only come about by cataclysmic means.58 It
has been suggested that this type of Iranian movements did not go beyond a pre-
millenial stage because the rebelling groups could not agree upon the composition
and organization of a new society to replace the old one.59 Most of the tribal
movements are considered to be pre-millenarian.
Most of the movements referred to in this study are millenarian.

56 Wilson presents the following classification:

a) Collectivistic-other-worldly, like the traditional religions, b ) Individualistic - other-worldly, like

Christian evangelical sects, c) Collective-this-worldly, like millenarian movements, d ) Individualistic-
this-worldly, like gnostic sects. (Wilson, Millenarianism...op. cit., p. 97).

57 James J. Reid, Tribalism and Society in Islamic Iran 1500 - 1629, Malibu, California, 1983, p. 142;
Also cf. Eric J. Hobsbawm, Bandits, Bungay/Suffolk, 1972 ( 1 1 9 6 9 ) .

58
Shepperson, T h e Comparative...op. cit., pp. 44 -45.

59 Reid, Tribalism...op. cit., p. 144.

 27

Cohn and Hobsbawm list and classify the main characteristics of millenarian
movements according to their methodological and theoretical approach. The
points and classifications made by these two scholars seem to complement each
other.
Cohn defines millenarian as any religious movement inspired by the thought of a
salvation which is to be:
a) Collective, in the sense that it is to be enjoyed by the faithful as a group,
b) Terrestrial, in the sense that it is to be realised on this earth and not in some
other-worldly heaven,
c) Imminent, in the sense that it is to come both soon and suddenly.
d) Total, in the sense that it will utterly transform life on earth so that the new
dispensation will be no mere improvement of the present, but perfection itself.
e) Accomplished by agencies which are consciously regarded as super-natural.60
Among these five characteristics imminency can be considered as a concrete one.
Mair has already pointed out that a sharp distinction should not be made between
millenary cults and religious movements which do not promise the immediate
coming of the millennium.61 In the case of Iranian movements we find that the
subject of imminency is not very apparent. Therefore it appears again and again in
different stages of the movement. It can appear several times on the basis of
religious ideas, but mainly on the basis of the idea of re-incarnation of a Divinity on
earth. It seems, as Hobsbawm notes, that movements after their failure "produce a
body of doctrine to explain why the millennium has not come and the old world can
therefore expect to go on for a while".62
The complementary points named by Hobsbawm are the main characteristics of
millenarian movements in Europe:
a) A profound and total rejection of the present, evil world and a passionate longing
for another and better one, in a word, revolutionism,
b) They share a fundamental vagueness about the actual way in which the new
society will be brought about.63

60
Norman Cohn, Medieval Millenarism: its bearing on The Comparative Study of Millenarian
Movements, in : Sylvia L. Thrupp (ed.), Millenial Dreams in Action, The Hague, 1962, p. 31.

61
Mair, Independent...op. cit., p. 113.

62
Hobsbawm, Primitive Rebels...op. cit., p. 63.

63
Ibid., pp. 57 - 58.
 28

The choice of these two definitions for our study was made easy by the fact that
there are many similarities between medieval European movements and those of
Iran.64

1.5. Name clarification

1.5.1 .Name of the community

"Yaresan" is the name of the Ahl-e Haqq community, the latter being introduced to
European scholars by Comte Gobineau in nineteenth century. Since then the
community has been known by this name. The members of the community also
use this name in their writings and especially in their contact with outsiders. Among
themselves (especially those who live in South Kurdistan) they prefer to use the
name Yaresan or the short form "San" or "Taifeh-ye San" i. e. the people of "San".
The term "Yaresan" is a combination of two words namely "Yar" and "San". "Yar" is
a Kurdish and Persian word meaning friend, companion, partner, aid, mate,
acquaintance, helper and beloved. The followers often use the word "Yar" to
designate God as the beloved and helper. Companions of God are also called "Yar"
and thus the members call themselves with this name as companions of God.
According to Yaresan doctrine the first manifestation of the Divine Essence is called
"Ya". It is possible that either it is the same word "Ya" which in the course of time
lost the letter "r", or this letter was added to "Ya" in order to make more sense of it.
In their prayers and ceremonies they almost always use the expression: "The
Beginning and the End is the Yar". Here it probably refers to "Ya" meaning the first
manifestation of the Divine Essence.
It is, however, more difficult to establish the meaning of the word "San". The
combination of "Tayefeh-ye San" indicates that the word "San" is used as a noun. In
the Ouraman region it is used as a short form for "Soltan". In the revolt of Ouraman
or Javanrud (1926 - 1930), the leader of the revolt was a certain Jafar San or Ja'far
Soltan. But the Khans of Ouraman Lohun claimed that "San" is a short form of
"Saman", and that they were the descendants of the Samanian dynasty that ruled in
eastern Iran during the period of the Iranian "Intermezzo".
If "San" is a short form of "Soltan", then the name Yaresan can either mean the
friend of Soltan (i. e. Sahak, one of their theophanies), or if we take the word "Yar"
to mean God, then it can mean "God of Sahak" or "God of Soltan" or even "God of
God", similar to the expression "Rab-e Rab" which was used by the Sufis.

^ Cf. Marshall G. S. Hodgson, A Note on the Millennium in Islam, in: Sylvia L. Thrupp (ed.),
Millenial Dreams in Action, The Hague, 1962, p. 218.
 29

Elahi, one of the leaders of the community, says that the word "San" means "King".
In this case the meaning will be similar to that of Soltan.
One of the members of the community who has edited some of their religious texts
used this as the Kurdish version of the Persian suffix "stan", which indicates the
territory inhabited by a people, as in case of Kurdistan and Pakistan. But he has
used "Yarestan" erroneously to mean the community itself and not the territory.
The use of the designation "Yaresan" is preferable to "Ahl-e Haqq" for several
reasons: The members of the community prefer this name when they are among
themselves. "Yaresan" is, furthermore, a term which probably has an older origin,
and is more exclusive, especially as the term "Ahl-e Haqq" has been used by
groups such as the Horufis, Nosayris and Safavid.65

1.5.2. Some place names

1.5.2.a) Iran

The name "Iran" is used to designate a cultural unit. Since 1947 it has officially
replaced Persia, a name introduced into the European languages by the Greeks.
The term "Iran" is broader wheras "Persia" or "Pars" refers to only one part of the
present country of Iran. Originally this term was used for the homeland of the
Avestan people, who were divided into two main groups, Median and Persian.
Linguistically, Iranian is one of the three main groups of Indo-European languages,
with Avestic being its oldest form. Kurdish, like Persian, is one of the main branches
of the Iranian languages, apparently originating from Median.66
From different points of view the term "Iran" can be applied to an area much larger
than the present reduced boundaries. Some parts of historical Iran are no longer
Iranian speaking, although many traces of Iranian culture may still linger. The larger
part of Iranian speaking people now live outside the present country of Iran,
although historically have been included in it now and then.

Cf. J. Artur Comte de Gobineau, Trois ans en Asie, Paris, 1859 ( 1922); Vladimir Minorsky, Notes
sur la secte des Ahlé-Haqq, in: Revue du Monde Musulman, Volumes XL-XLI, 1920; Idem, Notes
sur la secte des Ahlé-Haqq, (Deuxième partie), in: Revue du Monde Musulman, Volumes XLIV-
XLV, 1921; Nur 'AU Elahi, Borhan ol-haqq, Tehran, 1343 H. ( 1 1 3 4 2 H.), p. 38; Hamid Mo'meni,
Dar bareh-ye mobarezat-e kordestan, Second Edition, Tehran, 1358 H., p. 26, 71.; D. H. Mac
Kenzie, The Dialect of Awroman (Hawraman-i Luhon), Kopenhagen, 1966, p. 4; Heinz Halm,
Article "Ahl-e Haqq", in : Ehsan Yarshater (Ed.), Encyclopaedia Iranica.

66 Cf. Rudi Conrad (Hrsg.), Kleines Wörterbuch sprachwissenschaftlicher Termini, Leipzig, 1978
( 1975), p. 113;Vladimir Minorsky, Les origines des Kurdes, in: Actes du XXe Congrès
International des Orientalistes, Bruxelles, 1938.
 30

To make our task easier, it is preferable to use the term "Iran" to designate a
historical and cultural concept rather than a geographical and political unit.

1.5.2.b) Kermanshah

Since the Iranian revolution of 1979, the name "Kermanshah" has become a matter
of dispute. Apparently, Kermanshah is a combination of two words, namely
"Kerman" and "Shah". It is due to the latter word which is reminiscent of the
previous regime, that the name of the provincial capital and the province has been
changed. According to a Persian legend, the town was first built by the Pishdadian
king Tahmures Divband, the Devil-Binder. Here the Greeks introduced the cult of
Dionysus and gave the valley the mythical name of Nysa: According to Ghirshman
the Greeks introduced this name, together with the cult, to a number of countries
lying between Greece and India. It is said that the town was built by the Sassanid
king Bahram IV (4th century). Bahram was the governor of the province of Kerman
during the rule of his brother, which was why he styled himself Kermanshah, i. e.
the king of Kerman.
So, when he founded a new town, he called it "Kermanshah", the final letter "an"
being a Pahlavi adjectival suffix. Prior to 1979 the province was called
"Kermanshahan" and the provincial capital "Kermanshah".
Now both the town and the province have received the name "Bakhtaran".
Mohammad Mokri, however, has attempted to show that, firstly, the original name
has nothing to do with the word "Shah", and secondly that it is wrong to designate
the region or the town with the name "Bakhtaran". Mokri rightly points out that not a
single native of the region previously used the name "Kermanshah". The only form
used by the natives and other Kurds is "Kermashan". Mokri adds that the word
"Kermashan" and its Arabicized form "Qermasan" and "Qermasin", are derived from
the Kurdish word "Kermachan" meaning the city of peasants.
Although the name "Kermanshan" seems to be preferable, (and the name of the
region may once more be changed), for the sake of simplicity we use the name
"Kermanshah" which is internationally known.67 If the word "city" is not mentioned,
the name "Kermanshah" is used to designate Southern Kurdish-speaking regions

ffl
Cf. Sohrab Firuziyan, Kermanshahan-e bastali, Tehran, 1347 H, p. 115; Laurence Lockhart, Persian
Cities, London, 1960, p 101; Roger Stevens, The Land of the Great Sophy, 1962, p. 160; Roman
Ghirshman, Iran, London, 1954, p. 236; Mohammad Mokri, Dia ad-Din Pasha al-Khalidi
Dictionnaire Kurde-Arabe, Texte publié avec une introduction et des notes linguistiques. Notice sur
la phonétique et la graphie arabo-persane du dialecte kurmandji par Mohammad Mokri, Beyrouth-
Paris, 1975.
 31

(south of the Sorani-speaking part of Kurdistan), including the extreme southern

part of Iraqi Kurdistan.

1.5.2.C) Lakestan

It is a cultural unit and consists of a region inhabited by the Laki-speaking people.

Laki is one of the South Kurdish dialects which has archaic features. In the present
administrative division Lakestan is located between various provinces namely
Bakhtaran, Nam, Lorestan and Hamadan.
 32

2. SOCIO-ECONOMIC AND HISTORICAL BACKGROUND

2.1. Socio-Economic Background

2.1.1. Iranian economy

The economy of Kermanshah has been on the one hand a part of the general
Iranian economic system and on the other has had its own particular features. So it
is necessary to, first, have a short look at the Iranian system in general, and then to
discuss Kurdish economics in greater detail.
The Iranian economy has always been influenced by the historical events which are
marked by repetitive invasions of nomadic tribes from Arabia and Central Asia.
Throughout Iranian history there was an uninterrupted cycle of invasions by the
abovementioned nomadic tribes, the establishment of their dynasties followed by a
period of anarchy and then again a new nomadic invasion. From the Arab invasion
in the eighth century until the twentieth century this cycle of events has been
repeated in Iranian history.
The first phase of this cycle, i. e. the nomadic invasion, was always marked by:
a) The destruction of all that which had been achieved in the socio- economic field,
namely destruction of the social formation, and replacement with another one. 1
b) The destruction and plundering of any accumulated material wealth.2

^ It is evident that each invasion of Iranian soil by the nomadic invaders meant the destruction of the
intellectual, scientific and economic wealth of Iran, which had been achieved in the centuries before.
These nomadic invaders did not value a sedentary way of life, and only strove to get hold of pasture
land and forced the farmers to flee. Some like Changiz (d. 1304) and Timur (d. 1405) spread not
only universal destruction, but also left Iran disorganized and stripped of its artisans, scholars and
artists, whom they carried off to Central Asia.(Cf. Bertold Spuler, The Disintegration of the
Caliphate in the East, in: The Cambridge History of Islam, Volume I, Cambridge, 1970, p.166).
Planhol writes: "There were considerable reversions from the sedentary way of life after these
medieval invasions and, above all, the Mongol ravages which affected vast expanses. The prevailing
general insecurity associated with these events brought about the return of a nomadic way of life, so
that peasants who practised short distance migration in search of pasture were henceforth obliged to
abandon their villages and thus came to form part of such Persian-speaking nomad confederations
as that of the Bakhtiyari.(Xavier de Planhol, Aspects of Mountain Life in Anatolia and Iran, in: S. R.
Eyre and G. R. Jones < E d s . > , Geography as Human Ecology, Methodology by Example, London,
1966, p. 292).

2
To understand the aversion of the nomadic invaders to a sedentary way of life we may just mention
that they not only took away all that was moveable, but also tried to destroy any sign of settled life.
They razed cities, cut down forests, pulled down fortresses, pulled up vines and destroyed gardens.
(Cf. John Andrew Boyle, The Mongol World Empire 1206 - 1370, London, 1977, p. 6). For the
description of the looting of the Northwestern regions by the Turkomans and ensuing famine of
1430 see: Vladimir Minorsky, (The Turks, Iran and the Caucasus in the Middle Ages, London, 1978,
p. 10). Ibn Khaldun describes the destruction caused by Arab nomads to the settlements and
civilizations as being so bad that "the very earth there turned into something that was no longer
 33

c) The depopulation of both urban and rural areas and turning them into pastoral
land.3
The example of the situation after the Mongol and Timur invasions can best
illustrate the above points:
"The damage done to Iran's agriculture by the Mongol invasion showed its effects
for centuries and it is questionable whether the country, down to the end of the
Safavid period, ever regained the degree of prosperity that distinguished Iranian
agriculture from the 4th/10th to the 6th/12th century, though there were indeed
regional exceptions. The reasons for this set back lay above all in the destruction of
irrigation works, some of them centuries old, and in the deforestation and
depopulation of the country: both of the latter were direct consequences of the
Mongol invasion. Further devastation occurred in the course of Timur's
conquests."4
The second phase was the establishment of monarchies on the ruins of the
conquered land. No longer able to draw their income from plunder they had to
establish a bureaucracy with the help of natives, and create a system of taxation.
As the members of the new ruling class were no longer able to move with their
tribes, they had to reduce their dependency on the tribal military forces by the
formation of a mercenary army. Through the detailed study of Ann Lambton that
was published in 1953, we now possess a better picture of agrarian relation in Iran
during this period. So we notice that throughout Iranian history three types of
landownership existed simultaneously viz. state, private and church.5 This type of
agrarian relation was tied to the existing political system which was in turn
determined by historical events. Under such conditions an archaic system of land
assignment known as "Eqta"6 was created under which land was assigned to the

earth".(Ibn Khaldun, The Muqaddimah, An Introduction to History, Volume I, New York, 1958, p.
304)

For example after the Mongol invasion Balkh became a ghost town, and Nishapur was laid waste to
the extent that the site could be ploughed upon and that seven centuries after, Sir Percy Sykes shot
sandgrouse within the walls and saw barley growing there, just as the Mongol commander had
promised. In Herat "no head was left on a body nor a body with a head". For descriptions of the
depopulation and massacres in various periods see: Boyle, The Mongol...op. cit., pp. 618-621; Sir
Percy Sykes, A History of Persia, London, 1951 ( 1915), p. 81,288; Spuler, The Disintegration...op.
cit., p. 170; Minorsky, The Turks...op. cit., p.25; R. M. Savory, Safavid Persia, in: The Cambridge
History of Islam, Volume I, Cambridge, 1970, p. 427.

4
Bert Fragner, Social and Internal Economic Affairs, in: Peter Jackson and Laurence Lockhart, The
Cambridge History of Iran, (Volume VI: The Timurid and Safavid periods), Cambridge, 1986, pp.
491 - 492.

5
Ann K. S. Lambton, Landlord and Peasant in Persia, London, 1969 ( 1 1953), p. 27ff.

® Inspite of the persistance of the institution of land assignment, the terminology used for it has gone
through some changes adapting itsef to the language of the ruling class: The Arabic terms Eqta al-
Esteqlal (i. e. assignment of the revenue of a piece of land) and Eqta at-Tamlek (i. e. assignment of
 34

military officers w h o w e r e only interested in m a k i n g a profit in the shortest p o s s i b l e

time. T h e r e u s e d to b e d e v e l o p m e n t of hereditary land a s s i g n m e n t into private
property after the dynasties were established. 7 But this w a s always c h e c k e d by
new nomadic invasions. An interesting feature of the d e v e l o p m e n t of land
a s s i g n m e n t into private property is the creation of a kind of "feudal" system.
"Various f o r m s of 'feudal' rule were e x e r c i s e d not only by amirs, local princes a n d
provincial governors, w h o b e l o n g e d to the arbab-i saif ('men of the sword') but also
by civilian landlords w h o b e l o n g e d to the arbab-i q a l a m ('men of the pen', officials)
or to the arbab-i ' a m a ' i m ('men of the turbans's, i. e. 'ulama, shaikhs, Sayyids,
teachers). But the m o s t perfect forms of s u c h 'feudal' rule are e n c o u n t e r e d in the
9th/15th a n d a s late a s the 10th/16th century within the frame-work of the
institution...the Suyurghal." 8

T h e last p h a s e in the c y c l e w a s the period of a n a r c h y w h e n the dynasties d e c l i n e d

a n d therefore e x e r c i s e d only nominal p o w e r over m o s t part of the country. T h e
actual p o w e r w a s p o s s e s s e d by several principalities w h i c h were continuously at
war with o n e another. 9 T h e main o c c u p a t i o n of t h e s e principalities w a s c o n t i n u o u s
siege a n d the plundering of cities a n d villages a n d s u p p r e s s i o n of n u m e r o u s
revolts. A s e a c h principality h a d to k e e p a n army, the general level of military
expenditure was high. Over-taxation and extortion were widespread. As

land itself) was used until the Mongol period. The term was then replaced by "Toyul" (i. e. land
assignment) which is seldom met in post-Mongol times. The term Soyurghal (i. e. grant of land and
its revenue) was used from the Qara-qoyunlu to the Qajar periods.

." The origins of the 'iqta' go back to early Islamic time, but it was not till the rise of the Saljuqs in the
eleventh century that this type of holding became the most important form of land-holding in the
country." (Lambton, Landlord...op. cit., p. 28). In the early Islamic period, landownership was of two
main kinds: On the one hand, there was private property and on the other, there was the land which
theoretically belonged to all Muslims, but was in the possession of the de facto ruler of the time.
Although under the influence of the nomadic tradition, the Saljuq ruling family became the main
landowner but they were as little able to administer a large empire as the Arabs before them. "In
due course, after the initial period of expansion, the basis of the power of the Caliphate had altered
after the Arab expansion." (Lambton, Landlord...op. cit., p. 56). The Saljuq could no longer depend
on the tribes as the source of their power, and had to rely on armies composed of slaves and freed
men. But the Sultans were not able to finance these mercenary armies. The total sum collected
through taxation and crown land revenue was insufficient, mostly due to the economic decay and the
poverty of the tax-payers. The remedy found was the revival and development of the Eqta system.
o
Fragner, Social...op. cit., p. 504. From the early Islamic period until the constitutional revolution of
1905, the assignment of land was the main policy of the various ruling classes, and it did not undergo
any major change, except for its gradual tendency towards hereditary assignment in the post-Mongol
period. Minorsky, after having examined five different documents of land assignmnt points to the
"persistance of the administrative tradition from the fourteenth to the seventeenth centuries". He
also speaks of some "immunities" accompanying the hereditary assignment called "Soyurghal". "The
hereditary character of the institution stands out against the conditions of a toyul which only
conferred on the beneficiary the right to collect the government taxes for his own benefit." Vladimir
Minorsky, A Soyurghal of Qasim b. Jahangir Aq-qoyunlu, in: Bulletin of the School of Oriental and
African Studies, Volume, IX, 1937 -1939, p.960.
9
Spuler, Iran in friihislamischer Zeit, Wiesbaden, 1952, p.129.
 35

"campaigning between rival governors and local leaders was a frequent occurence,
the tendency was for the population to be subject to frequent levies and much
extortion. The Kharaj10 would often be levied several times over the same year by
the rival leaders".11
The system of land assignment as existed under the Saljuqs, according to Weber,
is characteristic of a patrimonial society. In his view the special character of Islamic
feudalism stems from its origin in an army of mercenaries and in the institution of
tax farming. Primordial rulers without the necessary resources found themselves
obliged to remunerate their mercenaries by assigning to them the tax payments of
their subjects.12 But, actually, Turner suggests that Iranian history is "the effect of
the oscillation between (Weberian) Prebendalism and Feudalism in which the
feudal mode of production is dominant".13
It should also be noted that the theories built around the idea of "Oriental
Despotism", the latest being Wittfogel's theory of hydraulic despotism, fail to
consider the important historical events of nomadic invasions. According to
Wittfogel, the origin of centralization and despotism in Asia lies in the system of
artificial irrigation of the land. The hydraulic societies were ruled by despotic
governments, with strong, permanent armies and a complex bureaucractic system.
Despotic rule could exist because of the government's managerial function in the
field of irrigation, where they supplied and distributed river water efficiently among
the peasantry, who did not own the land.14
It is not the aim of this study to go into a more detailed discussion of these
theories.15 It would be enough to note that there are considerable differences
between Wittfogel's theory and the actual situation of Iran, because: Firstly the
Iranian irrigation system is completely different from that of for example Nile Valley,

10
A kind of tribute.

11
Lambton, Landlord...op. cit., p. 47.
12
Max Weber, Grundriss der Sozialökonomik, III Abteilung: Wirtschaft und Gesellschaft, Tübingen,
1925, p. 686ff.; Also cf. Reinhard Bendix, Max Weber: An Intellectual Portrait, New Edition,
London, 1966, pp. 371 - 372.
13
Bryan S. Turner, Capitalism and Feudalism in Iran (1502 - 1979), in: Georg Stauth (Ed.). Iran:
Precapitalism, Capitalism and Revolution, Saarbrücken/Fort Lauderdale, 1980, p. 75. "Prebend" was
originally an ecclesiastical term signifying the stipend drawn from land granted to a canon from a
cathedral estate. Weber uses this term to mean "allowance in kind" or "rights of use of land in return
for service where these allowances or rights are not granted on a hereditary principle."

14
Karl A. Wittfogel, Oriental Despotism: A Comparative Study of Total Power, New Haven, 1957;
Idem, Oriental Despotism, in: Sociologues: Zeitschrift für empirische Soziologie,
sozialpsychologische und ethnologische Forschung. Neue Folge: No. 2, Volume 3,1953, pp. 96 - 108.

15
For a detailed discussion see M. Reza Hamzeh'ee, Land of Revolutions: A Historical and
Typological Study of Iranian Social Movements, Göttingen, 1990, Chapter II.
 36

as it is not based on the supply of river water, and secondly a strong permanent
army with a complex bureaucratic system has been very rare in Iranian history.
No doubt the continous invasions of Iran by foreign nomadic tribes were the main
cause of unfavourable social ad economic circumstances, among them
destruction, exploitation and social opression.

2.1.2. Kurdish society and economy

The economy of Kurdistan is a microcosm of the Iranian system; which at the same
time being a part of it. The economy of Kurdistan from very early periods up to the
present has been based on agriculture and cattle-breeding.
Records from as early as the sixth/fifth century B. C. indicate that the Kurds
produced both milk products and grian.16 From very early on the Kurds have
practised the establishment and maintainance of pastures deep in the mountains.
Xenophon says that the Kurds (or Gordyaeans) knew of mountain passages over
which they took their flocks.17
In the mountainous regions, due to the scarcity of arable land and diversity of
climatic conditions, a semi-nomadic economy based on cattle-breeding was
preferred. But the proportion of the population dependent on these two sectors
fluctuated. The numerous ruined towns and villages of uncertain date scattered
throughout South Kurdistan indicate that in the past the population was more
settled than nomadic.18 This phenomenon can be attributed to the foreign nomadic
invasions. A large part of urban and settled population was exterminated or began
a semi-nomadic life.
The socio-econoimcs of Kurdistan was based on three classes:
a) The agricultural "ra'yat", or peasantry, often representing the ancient inhabitants
of the country.19
b) The nomadic ashirat (or military caste), which was sometimes left behind by
foreign conquerors.
c) The rulers' dynasties, mostly outsiders of alleged noble origin, religious chiefs,
etc.20

16
A. T. Olmstead, History of the Persian Empire, Chicago, 1960, p. 241.
17
Xenophon, The Persian Expedition, Baltimore/Md., 1967, pp. 133 -134.
18
Cf. the observations by Freya Stark, The Valleys of the Assassins (and other Persian travels)
London, 1941 ( 1 1934), p.168.
19
Rashid Yasemi, Kord va payvastagi-ye nezhadi va tarikhi-ye u, Second Edition, Tehran, n. d., p. 98.
2A
Mmorsky, A SoyurghaL.op. cit., p. 938.
 37

On the other hand a primary distinction is made between the villages of tribal origin
and non-tribal origin. 21 The farmers of tribal origin are themselves at the lowest
level of the tribal social stratification, 22 at the top of which stand the noble tribal
families followed by a military caste. 2 3 Inspite of this the tribal peasants could enjoy
some advantages when compared to the non-tribal peasantry due to the existing
tribal solidarity.
The Kurdish tribe, in contrast to the Arab tribe, is not an extended family; it is rather
the soil which is the backbone of the tribe i. e. the region inhabited by the members
of the tribe who are submissive to the chief of the tribe. 24
All the non-tribal peasantry were virtual serfs and "simply used to work for their
masters' profit". 25 Although tribal chiefs used to have unlimited authority, 26 the
members of a tribal community itself used to enjoy a kind of rough democracy. 2 7
The peasantry, particularly non-tribal, was by contrast subject to all sorts of
extortion and suppression as well as to the raids of rival tribes. Not only was most

21
Thomas Bois, Article "Kurds, Kurdistan", in: The Encyclopaedia of Islam, New Edition; Idem, The
Kurds, Beirut, 1966, p. 33. Rudolph makes another classification. According to him the Kurdish
society is based on two main classes: a)The landless farmers, which constitute the majority of the
population, a small number of small landholders and artisans, b) Landlords and nomads whose
social relations are not limited to economic factors as the common descent, which is based on
patrimonial kinship, also plays some role. This indicates that the landlords have a nomadic origin
who after the occupation of lands gave up their nomadic life for a more comfortable one, and rented
the land to fanners who were already living on it. Wolfgang Rudolph, Die westiranischen Kurden,
in: Bustan, 4,67,1967, p. 38.
22
Due to the over-population of the nomads in this arable environment, there has been constant
settlement and villages developed "which are more or less enslaved to the long-established and
which remain on the lowest rung of the social ladder". Xavier de Planhol, Regional Diversification
and Social Structure in North Africa and the Islamic Middle East: A Geographic Approach, in:
Richard Antoun and Iliya Harik (Eds.), Rural Politics and Social Change in the Middle East,
Bloomington, 1972, p. 109; also cf. Fredrik Barth, Nomads of South Persia: The Basseri Tribe of the
Khamseh Confederacy, Boston, 1968 ( 1 Oslo, 1961).
23
Cf. Bois, Kurds, Kurdistan...op. cit. who refers to Nikitine.
24
Bois, op. cit., Idem, The Kurds, op. cit., p. 32.
25
Bois, The Kurds, op. cit., p. 33.
26
Frederick Gaylor Coan, Yesterday in Persia and Kurdistan, Claremont/Calif., 1939, pp. 56 - 57;
Austen Henry Layard, description of the Province of Khuzistan, in: The Journal of the Royal
Geographical Society of London, Volume 16,1846, p. 3. The power of tribal chiefs was derived from
their military force. But in the modern time this power has declined considerably. Bois, The
Kurds...op. cit., pp. 38 - 39; Ann K. S. Lambton, Persia: The Breakdown of Society, in: The
Cambridge History of Islam, Volume I, Cambridge, 1970, p. 43.
27
Nikki R. Keddie, Iran: Religion, Politics and Society, Collected Essays, London, 1980, pp. 140 -142.
 38

of what they produced taken away from them,28 but their freedom of movement
was also restricted and they were subject to forced labour.29 In other words there
was "no limit to the demands which might be made on the peasants".30
Due to the climatic and geographical factors and the scarcity of agricultural land in
Kurdistan, we find the phenomenon of semi-nomadism and moving peasantry.
These are the nomads who also cultivate land and peasants who cultivate two
pieces of land in two different regions, one in winter, the other in summer.31 Even
the peasantry who spend the winter in a village move elsewhere and live in tents till
the end of summer.32
In Kurdistan, except in a few small regions, climatic and ecological condition is one
of the factors which affect agricultural production to the extent that it is well below
the needs of the native population.33 In addition, economic stagnation was a
prominent and persistent feature as "vulnerability of the villages to pillaging by
nomads, conquerors and brigands"34 and extortion by tribal landlords, who in later
centuries lived in cities, were all obstacles to any accumulation of surplus wealth.

2.1.3. Yaresan demography, economy and society

2.1.3.a) Distribution of the Yaresan community

The majority of the Yaresan community live in South Kurdistan, that is in the
province of Kermanshah and Northern Lorestan. If we consider the province itself,

2Ä
A system of payments to the landlords, which has survived up to the present day, shows that the
peasantry was always kept on the bread line. Even if a peasant possessed very few hens, the eggs had
to be shared with the landlord.
9Q
Lambton, Landlord...op. cit., p. 61: The lord of Musel found it was justified to take even two thirds
of the cultivator's grain crop. According to Rabino "the villagers get only one fourth of the harvest"
and also have to supply free labour to their masters. H. L. Rabino, Kermanshah, (Diplomatic and
Consular Reports of Persia, Report on the trade and general conditions of the city of Kermanshah),
London, 1903, p. 33.
30
Lambton, Landlord...op. cit., p. 73.
31
'Ali Hasuri, Gozaresh-e guyesh-ha-ye lori, Tehran, 1342 H., p. 10.
32
Wolf-Dieter Hütteroth, Bergnomaden und Yaylabauern im mittleren kurdischen Taurus, Marburg,
1959, p. 122ff.
33
Cf. Rudolph, Die westiranischen Kurden, op. cit., p. 36.
34
Nikki R. Keddie, Stratification, Social Control, and Capitalism in Iranian villages: Before and After
Land Reform, in: Richard Antoun and Iliya Harik, Rural Politics and Social Change in the Middle
East, Bloomington, 1972, p. 364.
 39

we find that the majority of the population inhabit either the north eastern or the
south eastern regions.
In the north western regions of the province,35 the two towns of Kerend and
Gahvareh (Gavara) are the main urban centres of the community. The ancient town
of Kerend is a traditional urban centre of the Yaresan. Other urban centres of the
community are the cities of Qasr-e Shirin, Sarpol and the provincial capital. During
the eight years that war raged in this region a large number of people migrated to
the provincial capital. The city of Qasr-e Shirin located near Iraqi border, and the
second biggest city of the province, was completely destroyed.
The rural areas of Zohab, Bivanij, Mahidasht are mostly populated by the Yaresan.
All of the nomadic tribe of the Guran, the majority of the Sanjabi tribe and a
considerable number of the tribes of Kalhor, Zangeneh of Kanduleh and Jalalvand
are members of this community.
In the south eastern parts of the province and north Lorestan the main urban
centre of the community is the city of Sahneh. In north Lorestan the main
concentration of the Yaresan is in the rural areas of Delfan, Holaylan and Posht-e
Kuh, and also found in the nomadic tribes of Lakestan and Sagvand.
There are also enclaves of the Yaresan in other parts of Iran. There are also a
considerable number especially in the Turkish speaking province of Azarbaijan,
which explains the existence of some Yaresan religious texts in Turkish. In this
province the Yaresan are concentrated in the cities of Tabriz and Maragheh.
The towns of Hashtgerd and Varamin near Tehran have a considerable Yaresan
population. Members of the community are also found in other countries especially
in Iraq. The members of the community in Iraq are called Kaka'i and mainly live in
Iraqi Kurdistan in the cities of Solaymaniyeh, Kerkuk, Musel as well as in Baghdad
and its suburbs. In Turkish Kurdistan there are a number of Yaresan communities,
in addition to groups living in Afghanistan, where they are called Gholat, and in
Pakistan where they are called Zekri36 and in India.
The population of the community must be more than half million.

«
Vladimir Minorsky, The Guran, in: Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies, Volume
XI, 1943 -1946, p. 76.

^ According to Buraka'i the members of this community in Afghanistan live in the regions of Mazar-e
Sharif, Dushi and Pol-e Khemri. Those in Pakistan live in Torbat, Meshiki and Grisheh and they
have a place of pilgrimage in the mountains of Morad in Tobat. Sediq Safi-zadeh, Neveshteh-ha-ye
parakandeh dar bareh-ye yaresan: ahl-e haqq, Tehran, 1356 H., pp. 28 - 29.
 39a

lDM X ;

• Karkvk Shahnzirj
«ran - ntSnafcu B«>d an
. : (largavi
Sahnh
^«rautKih
\ Sanjabl J^Hapiìn j.8oruj«rd

.Kufah

Euphrat

D i s t r i b u t i o n of the Y a r e s a n Community
 40

2.1.3.b) Yaresan economy and society

Compared to other parts of Kurdistan, the province of Kermanshah consists of

more arable land and thus has a larger settled population. Actually, the North
Western region at the centre of the community, is one of the most fertile agricultural
lands in Iran.
The main part of the Yaresan religious texts are in Gurani with many Kurdish and
Laki words. Gurani is related to the Zaza group of languages which is spoken in
varius parts of Kurdistan. We often come across the name Guran, designating
peasantry in the Kurdish regions. Rich wrote in 1836 about "peasants who have no
voice in their affairs and are considered as a very inferior caste" and are called
"Gooran" by the tribesmen. This term was also applied by the tribesman "as a term
of reproach and especially to timorous people".37 In 1844 Rawlinson mentioned
"the peculiar designation of Gooran, which had been previously applied to the
Kurdish peasantry".38 Edmonds also suggests something similar by pointing out
that Shahrezur and the adjoining districts were inhabited by a non-tribal Gurani
speaking people before the erruption of the rough Kurdish speaking nomads.39
Up to the present day the '"Amaleh" people (i. e. workers, servants) who live in the
Posht-e Kuh region are the followers of the Yaresan. They are a settled population
who previously cultivated crown lands and were in the service of the Vali (i. e.
hereditary ruler) of Lorestan.40
We find from the above that the majority of the followers of the community are
traditionally farmers and peasants. This is also obvious from their good traditional
agricultural techniques practised in the region.41 They are also known to have very

Claudius James Rich, Narrative of a residence in Koordistan, and on the site of ancient Nineveh;
with journal of a voyage down the Tigris to Baghdad and an account of a visit to Shirauz and
Persepolis, London, 1836, pp.88 - 89, p. 152.

Henry Rawlinson, Official memorandum on the Turco-Persian frontier (1844), quoted by Minorsky,
The Guran, op. cit, p. 78; also cf. Charles W. Wilson and Henry C. Rawlinson, Article "Kurdistan"
in: Encyclopedia Britannica, thirteenth Edition, Volume XV, 1926, pp. 949 - 951.

39
C. John Edmonds, Kurds, Turks and Arabs; Politics, Travel, (research in north-eastern Iraq, 1919 -
1925), London/New York, 1957, p. 191.

^ According to Rawlinson and Layard, they were called after the service that they used to perform
such as Qaterchi (= muleteer) and Gholam (=slave). Major Rawlinson, Notes on a March from
Zohab, at the foot of Zagros, along the mountain to Khuzistan (Susiana) and from thence through
the Province of Luristan to Kirmanshah in the year 1836, in: The Journal of the Royal Geographical
Society, Volume 9,1839, p. 107; Layard, A description...op. cit., p. 4.

Vladimir Minorsky, The Tribes of Western Iran, Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute,
Volume 75,1945, p. 79.
 41

good artisans among them; rifles and handicrafts produced by them are known in
throughout the province.42
There are several nomadic tribes in Lakestan and Kermanshah who also belong to
the Yaresan.
As Minorsky pointed out "the sect is more widespread than it is supposed and had
purely popular character, for it is successful only with the common people,
nomads, traders, workers and servants".43 Although the community has
maintained its popular character in the last thirty years, the community has gone
through changes along with the Iranian society. A number of them have been able
to obtain higher education and enter into government service.

2.2.Historical Background

In the following pages an attempt is made with the help of various existing sources
to throw light on the historical background of the Yaresan community. For a better
understanding of this community a short history of Western Iran, i.e. the cradle of
the community and related socio-religious movements is presented. As in tradition
of the Yaresan writings, the period of each saint will be described separately.
In this first attempt to present a short historical background of the community, the
main difficulty lies in the fact that there is no mention of the community in the
heresiological or historical books. Such books used to be written by government
officials, and they exclusively wrote about those movements which they could and
did suppress. Actually, this lack of any historical record could even be interpreted
as proof for a successful continuity in the life of the community.
Because of the lack of records of the early period of the community's history we
depend on the information provided by the community itself. Therefore the validity
of this information needs to be carefully examined. At this stage we shall only try to
compare a very small part of the information derived from the Yaresan sources with
the historical events of the region that were actually recorded. It is clear that we
should not ignore this information, especially because it is the only existing source.
But all the same the period prior to the 15th century, and especially before Shah
Khoshin, should be considered cautiously.

Those living in Tabriz were known due to the fact that many of them worked as servants in
Armenian houses, or as artisans, especially coppersmiths. H. Adjarian, Une religion nouvelle: les
Thoumaris, in: Revue de l'Histoire de Religions, 1926, p. 295.

43
Vladimir Minorsky, Iran: Opposition, Martyrdom, and Revolt, in: Gustave E. von Grunebaum,
Unity and Variety in Muslim Civilization, Chicago, 1956, p. 194.
 42

In addition to this, with the description made here of the general historical events,
we attempt to reflect the history of the whole region throughout those centuries in
which the Yaresan emerged and developed.

2.2.1 .Bahlul period

Apparently the earliest leader of the community was a certain Bahlul. He is

regarded as one of the minor incarnations of the Divinity. His name is not
mentioned by Elahi, but we do come across his name in other Yaresan texts such
as Haqq-ol haqayeq and Saranjam.
According to the Yaresan texts, Bahlul lived during the rule of the Abbasid Caliph
Harun ar-Rashid 44 from 170 - 193 after Hijra (i.e. about 786 to 808 A.D.). As a
matter of fact Harun ar-Rashid had close contact with the Kermanshah region. After
the people of Kermanshah revolted against the Abbasid Caliph al-Mahdi with the
help of Shiites, he appointed his successor Harun ar-Rashid as the governor of
Kermanshah. When he succeeded his father, Harun ar-Rashid made Kermanshah
the seat of his summer court.
The Kurdish scholar Buraka'i considers Bahlul the original founder of the
Yaresan. 4 5 But we do not know whether this Bahlul is in fact the same Bahlul
known as the "Wise Fool", or whether their names have been confused with each
other. The name "Bahlul" is met in various Persian and Arabic books. Shiite Islam
knows him as a mystical warner and adviser. In the Persian and Arabic legends
and fairy-tales he represents a fool in the court of the Caliph. 46
Even in a Yaresan story it is said that Bahlul met Harun ar- Rashid while playing a
47
foolish game on the road. There, he warned the Caliph about his oppressive rule

44
Hajj Ne * matollah Jayhunabadi (Mojrem), Haqq ol-haqayeq ya shahnameh-ye haqiqat, (Tarikh-e
manzum-e bozorgan-e ahl-e haqq). Tehran, 1361H. (1982), (^-Tehran/Paris, 1966-1971), p. 222 ff.
45
Sediq Safizadeh Buraka'i, Bozorgan-e yaresan (Ahl-e haqq), Tehran, 1361 H., p. 9.
46
Ed.,Article "Buhlul", in: The Encyclopaedia of Islam, New Edition; Ulrich Marzolph, Typologie des
persischen Volksmärchens, Beirut, 1984, p. 30. The Arabic form of the name Bahlul is "Bohlul". The
word "Bohlul11 is given in Arabic and Persian dictionaries as "a merry and jolly man, a generous and
distinguished man, and the leader of the clan". Cf. Hasan 'Amid, Farhang-e farsi-ye 'Amid, Tehran,
1358 H. ( 1343); James W. Redhouse, A Turkish and English Lexicon, (Shewing in English the
signification of the Turkish terms, Istanbul, 1978, ( London, 1856).
47
Jayhunabadi, Haqq ol-haqayeq...op. cit., p. 229ff. The Yaresan have a story about Bahlul and Harun
ar-Rashid according to which Harun was re-incarnated in a camel at the time of Ma'mun. This story
is probably typical of the Yaresan. There is another story current among the Yaresan, about Bahlul
and Harun's wife, which they share with the Yazidis, but with some differences. These differences
are in the development of the story. A similar story is narrated by Baha'ed-Din Mohammad b.
Tajod-Din Hasan al-Esfahani (d. 1195/1781). Cf. Jayhunabadi, Haqq ol-haqayeq...op. cit., pp. 226 -
228; Hellmut Ritter, Kurmanci-Texte aus dem Tur'abdin (2. Yeziden), in: Oriens, Volume 25 -26,
1976, pp. 23 - 29;'Ali Sadr, Bahlul-e 'aqel, Tehran, 1343 H. (Third Edition), pp. 1 - 5.
 43

For this we have some historical reports. Ebn al-Jouzi says that Bahlul met H a r m
ar-Rashid in Kufeh (Kufa) in 188 Hijra (803) and Bahlul imparted a tradition of the
prophet to the Caliph and refused to accept a stipend. Ash-Sha'rani reports that he
even remonstrated with the Caliph. 48
The historical49 Bahlul, the " Wise Fool", is said to be buried in Baghdad 5 0 while
Yaresan Bahlul is supposed to have died in "Tangeh-gol" in the Kermanshah
region. 51
The Yaresan saint is also called Bahlul Mahi which most probably indicates his
native place. The word "Mah" refers to Media, 5 2 which during the Islamic periods
was added to some names to designate certain places. Mah-Kufeh was a town in
the Kermanshah region which was a dependency of the Arab city of Kufeh
regarding tax and administration.
Kaka Reda'i, one of the fifteenth century Yaresan writers, points out that Bahlul
Mahi was an Iranian Kurd and was born in Mah-Kufeh. According to it, he, along
with some of his companions went to Baghdad, where he met the Shiite Imam
Ja'far. This information is confirmed in the Encyclopaedia of Petros Bostani. 53

Cf.H. F. Amedroz, An unidentified MS. by Ibn al-Jauzi in the Library of the British Museum, in:
Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society of Great Britain and Ireland, 1907, p. 35.; Al-Sha'rani, Tazkarat,
in: Ed., "Buhlul"...op. cit.; Also cf. Ulrich Marzolph, Der weise Narr Buhlul, Wiesbaden, 1982, p. 17;
Buraka'i, Bozorgan...op.cit., p. 5 : quoting Majales ol-mo'menin of Shushtari, no d. no. p. Litho.
which is also quoted by Marzolph.
49
In the latest research about Bahlul carried out by Marzolph it is stated. "Die historische Existenz des
Bahlul al-Magnun kann anhand der in den wesentlichen Punkten übereinstimmenden Quellen als
gesichert gelten." Marzolph, Der weise Narr...op. cit., p. 4.
50
Niebuhr, Carsten, C. Niebuhrs Reisebeschreibung nach Arabien und anderen Umliegenden,
Nachdr. Graz, 1968, (•'"Kopenhagen, 1774-78), ( 2 Hamburg, 1837), Vol. 2, p. 300ff.; G. Le Strange,
Baghdad during the Abbasid Caliphate from Contemporary Arabic and Persian Sources, Oxford,
1924 ( 1900), p. 350.
51
Buraka'i,Bozorgan...op. cit., p. 8.
52
Research by Lagarde and Olshausen makes it clear that the term "Mah" used during the Arab
period refers to the region of Western Media. Mah is the same as the old name "Mada". As Nöldeke
points out Mahi "ist einfach der Meder". Cf. Theodor Nöldeke, Geschichte des Artachsir i Päpakän
(aus Pehlewi übersetzt), Göttingen, 1879; Idem, Parthava und Pahlav, Mada un Mah, (Ein Votum
von J. Olshausen ), in: Zeitschrift der Deutschen Morgenländischen Gesellschaft, XXXI, 1877, pp.
560 - 562.
53
In the Yaresan version the Imam Ja*far was a pir whereas Bahlul a manifestation of Divine
Essence and their relationship and positions were similar to that of Mohammad and
'Ali.(Jayhunabadi, Haqq ol-haqayeq...op. cit. p. 224). Bahlul's companions were Ja v far (Benyamin),
Qasab (Mostafa), Rajab (Davud), Habib (Yadegar), Hasan Gavyar (Ruchiyar), Musa al-Kazem (Pir
Musa), Zarin, (who was the wife of Harun ar-Rashid and incarnation of Ramzbar). Ibid., pp. 225 -
226.
 44

Already in the first documents regarding Bahiui it is mentioned that he showed

Shiite tendencies.54
In the Yaresan book "Doureh-ye Bahlul" it is mentioned that Bahlul was the first
person who founded the Yaresan community in Ouraman before leaving for
Baghdad with some of his Lorestani companions. In Baghdad he visited the
seventh Shiite Imam Ja'far. After studying there some time, he went back to
Kermanshah. In that region he continued to propagate his ideas and attracted
many followers.55
According to Yaresan texts Haqq ol-haqayeq and Kaka Reda'i, as Bahlul was
threatened with being killed by the Caliph, he pretented to be insane. But while
doing so, his comrades continued to spread the Yaresan principles and ideas in
secret. It is also mentioned that Bahlul agitated against Abbasid rule and sent a
number of his companions to various places to spread Yaresan ideas.56
There are several poems attributed to Bahlul in which he says that he was regarded
as being insane by ignorant people. He speaks of his travels where he goes from
one city to another to revive Iranian religion and customs. 57

2.2.2a) Shah Fazl period

If we regard Bahlul as the earliest leader of the Yaresan, then a certain Fazl-e Vali
must be the second earliest. But Elahi does not mention the name of Bahlul and
considers Fazl-e Vali as their earliest leader. He is supposed to have lived at the
end of the third century after Hijra, i.e. in the tenth century A.D.58 According to Elahi
the exact date of his birth and death is not knowns. Also the Yaresan book
"Saranjam" refers to Fazl-e Vali as the first Divine incarnation in the post-Islamic
period. It is said that he was from India. Elahi gives the name of his companions as
Nasimi, Zakariya and Tork-e Sar-Borideh. It is also narrated that he was met by the

54
Marzolph, Der weise Narr...op. cit., p. 7, 9, 34: "Ein interessanter Gesichtspunkt des sich hierbei
ergebenden Bildes ist zudem die bislang unbeachtete Tatsache, daß Buhlul vor allem in der
persisch-schiitischen Literatur (ab ca. 11./17. Jhdt.) im Rahmen der 'Uqala' al-maganin eine
exponierte Stellung innehat." (Ibid., p. 2). The earliest stories regarding Bahlul and his Shiite
tendencies were produced by 'Ami b. Bahr al-Jahez (d. 255/868), al-Bayan wat-tabi'in, (Ed. Harun,
Baghdad/Cairo, 1380/1961, II, 239f.). For the Persian Sufi poets of 12th and 13th centuries, Bahlul
was a well-known personality. (Marzolph, op. cit., p. 15).

55
Buraka'i, Bozorgan...op. cit. p. 8.

56
Jayhunabadi, Haqq ol-haqayeq...op. cit., p. 224; Buraka'i, Bozorgan...op. cit.,p. 8.

57
Buraka'i, Bozorgan...op. cit., p. 12.

58
Nur 'Ali Elahi, Borhan ol-haqq, Tehran, 1343 H.( 1 1342 H.).
 45

famous Sufi Mansur Hallaj. In addition to these, Jayhunabadi mentions some other
names as the companions of Fazl-e Vali.59 Elahi emphasizes that despite the
similarity of the names, the Yaresan saint and his companions are different from
Fazlollah, the founder of the Horufi movement and his followers.
The available documents about the Yaresan and their religious tenets show that in
the course of its development this community went through three different phases:
The first period begins with Arab domination and lasts until the Turkish invasion, i.
e. from 8th to 11th centuries. Bahlul and Fazl-e Vali are regarded by the Yaresan as
having been their main saints during this period.
When we consider the historical situation of the Kurdish regions as well as other
parts of Iran during the early Islamic period, we find that it would not have been at
all surprising if a certain Bahlul (or someone with another name) had tried to start
an anti-Abbasid movement.

2.2.2.b) Kurdish protest movements during the Arab domination

Several historical reports show dissatisfaction of the Southern Kurds with Arab
domination, the earliest being the Kurds of Holvan who revolted against Mokhtar at
the end of seventh century.60
Recently a perchment written in Pahlavi was found describing the situation of
Shahrezur (K. Sharazur) during the Arab invasion. There it speaks about
devastation, massacre and slavery brought about by the invading army.61 This
document is probably of a much later period than the Arab invasion. This would
indicate a certain sentiment of grievance that must have lingered among the
people.
During Umayyad period the oppressive and racial policies of the Caliphs caused a
number of revolts against their rule. One of these revolts which started in Khorasan
succeeded in overthrowing the Umayyads and brought the pro-Iranian Abbasids to
power.62

^ Jayhunabadi, Haqq ol-haqayeq...op. cit., pp. 260 - 261.

60
Sohrab Firuziyan, Kermanshahan-e bastan, Tehran, 1347 H., p. 115.

61
Rashid Yasemi, Kord...op. cit., pp. 119 -120.

62
The Abbasids were brought to power by the people of Khorasan. But the leader of the anti-
Umayyad movement called Abu Moslem was from West Iran. There are some historical reports
indicating that he was a Kurd. Abu Moslem (d. 755) who was seen as a national hero by various
classes of Iranians, was highly motivated by political zeal and his policies were opportunist and
tactical in that he made promises to various communities in order to gain support from divergent
groups. He was apparently fighting for Alid legitimacy and played the main role in overthrowing the
Umayyad dynasty and in replacing them with the Abbasids. When Abu Moslem was killed by the
 46

The Kurds played a n important role in a number of revolts and organized

m o v e m e n t s in t h e early Islamic period. It should b e mentioned here that in the early
Islamic period the term "kurd" w a s u s e d for all paturalists of Iranian stock.
T h e r e f o r e it is at present not possible to k n o w axactly to w h o m referece is being
m a d e in reports of this period. M o s t of t h e reports refered to here are a b o u t those
m o v e m e n t s which occurred in W e s t e r n Iran a n d s o it is very likely that the
ancesters of the present Kurds are meant in t h e s e latter reports. From the
beginning of their conversion they f a v o u r e d Kharejism. 6 3 In addition t o that w e
possess records that M a z d a k i t e s 6 4 a n d Khoramdinis 6 5 w e r e n u m e r o u s in south
Kurdistan. In 9 6 6 A.D. M o t a h h a r b. T a h e r w r o t e a b o u t important colonies of
Khoramdinis in t h e middle stretch of t h e Karkha river in L o r e s t a n . 6 6 T h e Kurds
played a considerable part in the Z a n j slave revolt, as well as t h e o n e led by Y a ' q u b
the C o p p e r s m i t h . 6 7

As the A b b a s i d s could not fulfil the expectation of the Iranians a n d exploitative a n d

oppressive policies continued, the opposition m o v e m e n t s i n c r e a s e d . 6 8 Historians
give a c c o u n t s of m a n y Kurdish revolts during the A b b a s i d period. It is interesting to

Abbasids who feared his popularity, he became a martyr hero. After his death, he was considered to
be alive, and to be someone who would return as a Messiah. It is not yet certain whether Abu
Moslem was really a Kurd. Still, the Yaresan have some oral traditions about him. The followers of
this community believe that Abu Moslem was a Kurd from the well-known Baban family. The
Babans ruled in a part of Kurdistan for a long time. According to the Yaresan, Abu Moslem
manifested himself in the form of Davud Kou-Suar, an important Yaresan angel.Cf. Otakar Klima,
Beiträge zur Geschichte des Mazdakismus, Praha, 1977, p. 51; Mohammad Mokri, Le Kalam
gourani sur le Cavalier au coursier gris, le dompteur du vent, in: Journal Asiatique, Paris, 1974, p.
82.

Bois, The Kurds...op. cit., p. 87.; Vladimir Minorsky, Kurds Kurdistan, in: The Encyclopaedia of
Islam, New Edition.The Kharijites at first followed 'Ali b. Abi Taleb but later deserted him as he did
not accept their extremist stand.

64 Abol Fath Mohammad b. 'Abdol Karim Sharestani, Al-Melal van'n-Nehal, (Persian translation of
Afzal ad-Din Sadr Torkeh Esfahani), Tehran, 1321 H. Shahrestani mentions the Shahrezur region
as one of Mazdakite centre. This later on was the birth-place of Sahak, one of the main leaders of
the Yaresan community.

According to Ebn an-Nadim, Khoramdinis lived in the region of Jabal, located between Azarbaijan,
Armenia and Daylam in the north, and Hamadan and Dinavar in the south. (Ibn an-Nadim, Fihrist,
Vol. I, p. 342, in: G. Flügel, Babak, seine Abstammung und erstes Auftreten, Zeitschrift der
Deutschen morgenländischen Gesellschaft, Vol. 23, 1869, p. 534). Dabestan al-Mazaheb gives the
names of two Mazdakite leaders in later periods who were Kurds. (Otakar Klima, Mazdak,
Geschichte einer sozialen Bewegung im sassanidischen Persien, Praha, 1957, (Repr. New York,
1979, p. 286).

66 Huart, ed., Livre de la création, Vol. 30, in: Vladimir Minorsky, Etudes sur les Ahl-i-haqq.
I.Toumari"=Ahl-i Haqq, in: Revue de l'Histoire des Religions, Vol. XCVII, 1928, p. 103.

67 Theodor Nöldeke, Ein Sklavenkrieg im Orient, in: Orientalische Skizzen, Berlin, 1892, 172ff.; AI-
Kamel, Cairo Edition, Vol. VII, p. 264, in: Yasemi, Kord...op. cit., p. 180.

68 Cf. D. Sourdel, The Abbasid Caliphate, in: The Cambridge History of Islam, Vol. I., Cambridge,
1970, pp. 104 -139.
 47

note that the notorious Sho'ubite Dindan, who was secretary of the governor of
Kurdistan, is said to have had many Kurdish followers, and is considered to have
been one of the founders of the Qarmatian movement. 69
During the Umayyad period two movements of the Khoramdini appeared. One in
Gorgan led by Maziyar (d.840 A. D.) 70 and the other by Javidan in Azarbaijan. 71
The Khoramdini movement became an important threat to Abbasid domination.
Babak, who succeeded Javidan as leader of the Khoramdinis, revolted in 816. But
his revolt was crushed. 72 He was arrested and sent to the Caliph in Samara where
he was tortured and killed in 838. 73 The movement did not die down and two other
Abbasid Caliphs, namely Ma'mun and Mo'tasem, tried their best to eliminate the
Khoramdinis, who continued to fight for another thirty nine years. 74 One of the
important functions of the Khoramdini movement was the revival of pre-lslamic and
especially Mazdakite ideas. According to Siyasat-nameh, written by the Saljuq
Vizier Nezam ol-Molk, the Khoramdini movement was founded by Khorameh, the
widow of Mazdak. 75 We hear about the Mazdakites as late as the twelfth century.76

6 9 Bernard Lewis, The Origins of Isma'ilism, Cambridge, 1940, pp. 69 - 71

70
Sadeq Hedayat and Mojtaba Minovi, Maziyar, Tehran, 1342 H.;Sourdel, The Abbasid...op. cit.,p.
125.
71
Al-Baghdadi quoted by Hashem Razi, Commentary on "Moda v iyan-e nobovat", by: E ' t e z a d os-
Saltaneh, Tehran, 1343 H., p. 202.
72
Abol M a x ali Mohammad al-Hosayn al-'Alavi, Bab-e panjom-e bayan ol-adyan, Edited by
Mohammad Taqi Danesh Pazhuh, in: Farhang-e Iran Zamin, Vol. 10, Tehran, no.d., p. 177.
73
Vladimir Minorsky, Caucasica IV, in: Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies, 1953,
pp. 174 - 176; Klima, Beitrage...op. cit., p. 78, 84; Razi, Commentary...op. cit., p. 201. Babak fought
various armies sent by the Caliph for about 23 years. According to another report he fought for
about 20 years. ( E , t e m a d os-Saltaneh, Montazem-e naseri, quoted by Sa % id Safisi, Babak-c
khoramdin delavar-e azarbaijan, Tehran, 1342 H., p. 16.

7 4 Nafisi, Babak...op. cit., p. 16; Also cf. Abu 'Ali Nezam ol-Molk, Siyasat nameh, Tehran, 1334 H., p.
242.

7 5 Nezam ol-Molk, Siyasat-nameh...op. cit., pp. 231 - 232.

7 6 Mas % udi in "At-Tanbih va'l ashraf" mentions the names of those regions in which the Khoramdini
(as well as other similar groups: Kudakiyeh, Kudak Shahiyeh and Jazan) had their centres. It is
interesting to observe that most of these places were located in present Kermanshah and Lorestan:
The Khoramdinis were concentrated in the villages of Varsanjan, Qesm, Kuhdasht (in vicinity of
Saymareh which may be identified with the town of Kuhdasht which is now located in the Tarhan
district of Lorestan), in Mehrgan Kadeh (Arabized: Mehrjan Qadaq, the ruins of which still exist in
Lorestan), in the towns of Sirvan and Varyujan located in Masbadan, in Mah Kufeh and Mah
Basreh (also together known as Mahayn, two regions in present Kermanshah and North Lorestan.
The main towns of Mah Kufeh were Dinavar and Kermanshah city, and the main towns of Mah
Basreh were Nahavand and Brujerd). In addition to the abovementioned regions, Khoramdinis were
concentrated in Zazayn which was two joint regions, both called Zaz. These were possibly located in
the mountains of Lorestan between Hamadan and Esfahan. We have already mentioned that the
Yaresan saint Bahlul was born in Mah Kufeh and therefore was called Bahlul Mahi. But the famous
 48

The Khoramdini movement can be considered a prototype Iranian social

movement, which would include the Zanj and Qarmatian movements. The latter
movements added some Shiite tendencies to their ideological background.
The Zanj revolt was carried out by about five hundred thousand black slaves
working in the saltmarshes. 77 This revolt was led by 'AM b. Mohammad, an Iranian,
who, according to Siyasat-nameh, was a Mazdakite. 78 He came from a Shiite family
with a tradition of disliking the Abbasid Caliphate.
The Qarmatian movement, which first came to prominence in 892 A. D., was the
first Iranian movement that succeeded in establishing a republic, which lasted
about 150 years. Similarly this movement was inspired by the Mazdakite and Shiite
ideas.
In addition to the above-mentioned movements, the Kurds actively supported
Ya'qub the Coppersmith in his move to destroy the Abbasid Caliphate in the
second half of the ninth century. 79

2.2.3. Baba Sarhang period

Another saint of the Yaresan is called Baba Sarhang Dudani. He was a leader of
the community who also lived during the period of Arab domination. The
information provided by Elahi about this saint is very limited. According to him Baba
Sarhang lived during 4th century after Hijra (tenth century), but the exact dates of
his birth and death are not known. According to a manuscript in the possession of
Buraka'i he was born in 324 after Hijra.
In the poems attributed to Baba Sarhang, like Bahlul, he speaks about the Kurdish
customs and their struggle against their enemies.

Bahlul, also known as "Wise Fool", is said to have been born in Kufeh. It is not impossible that
Kufeh and Mah Kufeh have been inter-changed in the course of time. Sayyed Morteza Hasani Razi
in his book "Tabsarat ol-'avam fi ma v refeh maqalat ol-anam" says that in Mahayn the Khoramdini
followers were known as "Mohamereh" i.e. the Red claded. Cf. Nafisi, Babak...op. cit., pp. 26, 32 -
34.
77
Lewis, The Origins...op. cit., p. 92. According to Jorji Zaydan about two million slaves participated
in the Zanj movement. Jorji Zaydan, Tarikh-e tamadon-e eslam, Tr. 'Ah Javaher Kalam, Tehran,
1333 H., p. 40.
78
Also cf. Klima, Beiträge...op, cit., p. 78.
79
Yasemi, Kord...op. cit., p. 180.
 49

2.2.4.a) Shah Khoshin period

Shah Khoshin is the earliest Yaresan theophany after 'Ali. This can mean that his
period was one of the decisive stages in the development of this community.
Shah Khoshin is the nickname for a certain Mobarak Shah. He was born in 406 H.
(1015 A. D.).80 In the history books we come across these names, but it is difficult
to say whether they belonged to the same person.
According to the Yaresan tradition, Shah Khoshin was born of a virgin mother with
the name of "Jalaleh" the daughter of a certain "Amanollah", a prominent man in
Lorestan. He is supposed to have disappeared in the river "Gamasiyab" (K.
Gamasiyau) which flows through Lakestan. 81

2.2.4.b) Lorestan, Lakestan and Kermanshah

The second period of Yaresan history begins in the eleventh century with the
emergence of Shah Khoshin in Lorestan. It is related that all of the most important
companions of Bahlul Mahi were from Lorestan like himself. We can suppose that
prior to the emergence of Shah Khoshin some Yaresan ideas existed in the area,
and the saints like Bahlul and Baba Sarhang were revered by the people. In a
poem attributed to Bahlul, he speaks about the "Jam", which is an important
Yaresan ritual.82

on
Buraka'i, Bozorgan...op. cit., p. 27. In Elahi's version, Khoshin emerged after Baba Sarhang
disappeared in the fourth Hijra century. According to the Yaresan he was a contemporary of Baba
Taher. According to Reza Qoli Khan, who does no give his sources, Baba Taher lived in the period
of Daylamite rule and died in 1020 A.D. in Hamadan. He is sometimes called Hamadani and
sometimes Lor. Minorsky writes: "It is certainly well to remember that in the 11th century there
were very close links between Hamadan and Luristan and the poet may have spent his life between
the two places". There is a story about him according to which he was enlightened over night and all
of a sudden was able to speak Arabic. Then he said: "Last night I was a Kurd and this morning I
have become an Arab." According to Browne "Baba Taher flourished about the middle of the
eleventh century of our era". Gobineau was the first to note the existing relation between the
Yaresan and Baba Taher. He wrote that Taher was regarded as one of the saints of the Yaresan,
and that his sister Bibi Fatemeh is equally venerated by this community. Cf. Reza Qoli Khan,
Majma* ol-fosaha, Tehran, 1295 H., Vol. I, p. 326; Vladimir Minorsky, Article "Baba Tahir", in:
Encyclopaedia of Islam, New Edition; Gobineau, Trois...op. cit., p. 344; Edward G. Browne, Some
Notes on the poetry of the Persian Dialects, in: Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society of Great Britain
and Ireland, October, 1895, pp. 788 - 789.
81
For the religious story regarding Shah Khoshin's birth see Appendix II, Third Period: a.
82 Buraka'i, Bozorgan...op. cit., p. 14.
 50

There are several reasons to believe that where Shah Khoshin came from as well
as the area he was active in, was that part of Lorestan which is known as Lakestan.
This can, for example, be concluded from the existence of a large number of Laki
speaking followers, the language of the poems related to Shah Khoshin, place
names, and the like.
This region, which is unofficially called Lakestan, is located in the north of the
province of Lorestan and Ham, east of Kermanshah and west of Hamadan, two
other Iranian provinces. Thus this region is at present parts of four different
provinces. Previously all four these provinces, constituted the fifth Iranian province,
its provincial capital being the city of Kermanshah.
It is interesting to note that Lakestan occupies precisely that area where once the
kingdom of the Kassites was located. The Kassites conquered Babylonia, and for
more than two hundred years they continued the so-called Middle Babylonian
civilization in Mesopotamia. After their overthrow they went back to their homeland
i. e. present Lakestan. The river "Kashgan" flowing through the region still has a
Kassite name. 83
According to Herzfeld: "Die Kulturstufe dieser Gebiete ist immer eine Funktion der
Kultur der Babylonischen Ebene." 84 But Western Iran is saturated by many other
peoples and cultures, such as the Medians, Achaemenians, Parthians and
Sassanians. There we find the "Gate of Asia" through which all invading armies
passed. The silk road, which passes through this region was used for trade and
pilgrimage for a long time. "Fünf Jahrtausende sind Menschen in Krieg und Frieden
die Straße gezogen, ob es von Babilu nach Hagmatana heiß, oder 'a Babylone
mollissimo transitu in Bactros', oder von Baghdad nach Hamadan,- die Erde kennt

83
Vladimir Minorsky, Les Tsiganes Luli et les Lurs Persans, in: Journal Asiatique, CCXVIII, 1931, p.
293. Minorsky assumes that the present Lors of Lorestan are the descendants of the Kassites. He,
like some other scholars, make this assumption without defining the term "Lor". But this was in
Lakestan that a large number of Kassite bronze figures were discovered. Most of these figures were
found in the region which is still populated by the Yaresan. Minorsky"s assumption was probably
based on his another assumption that the Laks are immigrants from north Kurdistan. But as far as is
known to me, he does not provide any evidence for it. There are some scholars who do not
recognize a clear dividing line between the Lors and the Lacks. In a recent report by the Iranian
scholar Izadpanah we come across sentances like: "Both the Lors and the Laks are Lors". It is true
that in many aspects of life not only the Lors and the Laks are similar, but also it can be said that
there are many cultural features which are shared by the peoples of Kermanshah and Lorestan in a
whole. Inspite of that it has been known for quite a long time that, linguistically, Laki and Lori
belong to two different groups of Iranian languages. Cf. Hamid Izadpanah, Asar-e bastani va
tarikhi-ye lorestan, Tehran, 1363 H., Vol. I., pp. 29 - 31, p. 33; Hamid Izadpananah, Farhang-e laki,
Tehran, 1367 H., p. seven and nineteen; Oskar Mann, Kurze Skizze der Lurdialekte, in:
Sitzungsberichte der Königlich-Preussischen Akademie der Wissenschaften (Berlin), 1904, p. 1176,
1189; Oskar Mann, Die Mundarten der Lurstämme im südwestlichen Persien, Berlin: Georg
Reimer, 1910. pp. X X I I - X X I V .

84 Ernst Herzfeld, Eine Reise durch Luristan, Arabistan und Fars, Dr. A . Petermanns Mitteilungen
aus Justus Perthes' Geographischer Anstalt, Band 53,1907, p. 60.
 51

keine Straße einer so alten Geschichte."85 From time immemorial until the Arab
invasion in the seventh century, the majority of Kurds followed one of the versions
of Mazdaism influenced by Mesopotamian and native Zagros religions. It is not
clear how much Zoroastrianism institutionalized by the Sassanians had affected
this part of their empire. As compared to eastern Iran, the Magian elements i. e.
pre-Zoroastrian beliefs remained strong. The famous Anahita temple was
constructed in this region by the Parthian, and is said to have been the greatest
Anahita temple in ancient times.86 This temple was devoted to the goddess
Anahita, the protectoress of the water. Anahita was one of the most powerful
goddesses in Mazdaism.
Although her importance was later reduced, she and Mithra were able to survive in
Zoroastrianism. As we will point out below, Anahita still lives on in the religious
beliefs of the Yaresan.
In a poem attributed to Shah Khoshin a direct reference to the Anahita temple is
made. In this poem he addresses a certain Pir Shariyar and speaks about the
destruction of the temple. 87

2.2.4.C) Pir Shahriyar

As mentioned earlier, Shah Khoshin addresses a certain Pir Shahriyar in a poem

and speaks about the destruction of the Anahita temple. The personality of Pir
Shahriyar can probably help us to reach a better understanding of Shah Khoshin
and some parts of his doctrine.
Pir Shahriyar is the nickname of one of the interesting saints of the Yaresan. The
well-known scholar Rashid Yasemi, who himself was a Guran, writes. "I have heard
from Kurdish scholars that there was a spiritual 'Pir' in Auraman called Pir
Shahriyar, who was a Zoroastrian priest (Mogh). He left a book known as'Ma'refat-
e pir shahriyar' (= Wisdom of Pir Shahriyar), which is very respected by the people
of Ouraman. They do not entrust this book to outsiders. They use sayings and
proverbs of the book on different occasions. In the sayings of Pir Shahriyar there
are many references (Esharat) to the preservation of the ancient religion and

QC
Ernst Herzfeld, Am Tor von Asien, (Felsdenkmale aus Irans Heldenzeit), Berlin, 1920, p. 2.

Herzfeld says that this temple of Anahita is three hundred years older than Paykoli and it is "the
most important monument of Parthian architecture in Persia". Jackson says that a temple of Anahita
was erected under the last Achaemenids. (Ernst Herzfeld, Pailuli Monument and Inscription of
Early History of the Sasanian Empire, Berlin, 1924, Vol. I, p. 6; A. V. Williams Jackson, Persia, Past
and Present (A book of travel and research), London, 1906, p.237.

87
Sayyed Qasem Afzali Shah Ebrahimi (ed.), Daftar-e romuz-e yarestan, (Ganjmeh-ye soltan sahak,
ahl-e haqq), Tehran, 1350 H.(?), p. 9, (Doureh-ye shah khoshin).
 52

customs. The natives of Ouraman do not have any doubt that Shahriyar was a
Zoroastrian."88 The Kurdish historian Mardukh Kordestani provides similar
information about Pir Shahriyar. Mardukh also adds that the poems of the Pir are in
the form of two couplets.89 Another scholar mentions that the poems of the Pir "are
written in beautiful and pure Kurdish".
Pir Shahriyar was in fact the nickname of Khodadad son of Jamasp of Ouraman.
According to the Saranjam, the main Yaresan religious book, the youth Shahriyar
went to meet Shah Khoshin and lived for about thirty years in Delfan and around
Yafteh-kuh in Lakestan. Then, Shah Khoshin sent him to Ouraman to spread the
Yaresan ideas, where he died towards the end of the fifth Hijra century.90 The
existence of a Zoroastrian priest must have played an important role in introducing
pre-lslamic religious ideas to the Yaresan.
The revivalistic tendency of Pir Shahriyar and his preference for the old Iranian
religions are very evident also among other Yaresan leaders prior to him. We have
already noted that two important saints, namely Bahlul Mahi and Baba Sarhang,
propagated the revival of ancient Iranian religious practices and customs. This kind
of revivalistic approach must have existed in different parts of Iran throughout
several early Islamic centuries.

2.2.4.d) The Sho'ubite movement

The best known case of Iranian revivalistic and "nationalistic" endeavour is that of
the Sho'ubites.
After the Arab occupation the secular nationalistic movement of the Iranians began
with the Mavalis or the "clients" who were mostly freed slaves and who were known
by the name "Sho'ubiyeh" for many centuries.
The Mavalis, who lived in close contact with the Arabs, entered their service and
did their best to show their abilities in various fields.
The Iranian Mavalis performed literary and scientific activities and especially ran the
empire's bureaucratic machinery, and it was from them that the literary movement
of the Iranians started. Through their writings and translations from Pahlavi into
Arabic they tried to prove to their Arab masters that their ancestors possessed a
high civilization. The pioneer of such activities was a certain Ruzbeh, known as Ebn

88
Yasemi, Kord...op. cit., pp.119 -120; Firuziyan, Kermanshahan...op. cit., p. 115.
on
Shaykh Mohammad Mardukh Kordestani, Tarikh-e mardukh, Tehran, 1324 H., p. 40.

90 Buraka'i, Bozorgan...op. cit., p.43.

 53

al-Moqqafa' 9 1 (d. 757 A. D.), whose skillful translations into Arabic made him the
founder of Arabic prose literature. 92
There were some poets in Arabic like Bashshar b. Bord 93 (d. 783 A. D.) and Abu
Novas 9 4 (d. 806 - 816 A. D.), who began to extol the Iranians and their own Iranian
origin. This can be considered the beginning of the Sho'ubi movement, which
continued from the eighth century till the twelfth century. 95 When the movement
was transferred from the Mavalis in Iraq to Iran, the old Persian Landed nobility
(Dehqan) became the main supporter of the Sho'ubi movement. 96

2.2.4.e) Historical background of the region in Khoshin's period

The Iranian principalities which were created in the ninth century brought about the
necessary atmosphere for anti-Arab propaganda and glorification of the Iranian
past, and thus the Iranians could justify their rule through their claim to
descendancy from legendary Iranian kings and heroes. Thus one of the effects of
the Sho'ubi movement was to encourage the emergence of the principalities
mentioned above which in turn revived ancient Iranian symbols or aimed at the
restoration of the Iranian realm. 97

91
"Rozbeh, persischer Name des 'Abdallah Sohns des Dadhuyeh al-Moqaffa' (d.i. des Krüppels, weil
seine Hand durch die Folter verkrüppelt war), genannt Ibn al-Moqaffa', berühmter Gelehrter und
Freidenker, Uebersetzer des Chudai-namak (Schahnameh) und des Kalilah und Dimnah aus dem
Pehlewi ins Arabische, aus Gur (arab Jur, d.i. Firuzabad) in Pars; er ward so. 762 aus Privatrache in
einem Dampfbad erstickt." Ferdinand Justi, Iranisches Namenbuch, Marburg, 1896, p.267.
92
Hamilton A. R. Gibb, and Jacob M. Landau, Arabische Literaturgeschichte, Zürich, 1968, p. 69;
Mohammad Badi' Sharif, Beiträge zur Geschichte der Mawali-Bewegung im Osten des
Chalifenreichs,(Diss.), Basel, 1942, pp. 25 -26.
1
" Ignaz Goldziher, Muhammedanische Studien, Hildesheim/New York, 1971 ( x Halle, 1888), p. 162;
Sharif, Beiträge...op. cit., pp.50 - 55.
94 Sharif, Beiträge...op. cit., pp. 56 - 60.

95
Hosayn 'Ah Momtahen, Nehzat-e sho'ubiyeh (Jonbesh-e meli-ye iraniyan dar barabar-e khalafat-e
amavi va abbasi), Tehran, 1354 H., p.188.
96
It is not certain whether the name "Sho'ubi" was used by the Iranians themselves or was given to
them by their opponents. The term had already been used for the Kharijites, who on religious
grounds maintained the doctrine that no race or tribe enjoyed any inherent superiority. But this
term was perverted to a new use and applied to those who proclaimed the superiority of the
Persians over the Arabs, and defended their claim by social and cultural, and not religious
argument. Hamilton A. R. Gibb, The Social Significance of the Shu'ubiyya, in: Studia Orientalia
Ioanni Pedersen Dicata, Kopenhagen, 1953, p. 109.
97 • • .
S. M. Stern, Ya'qub the Coppersmith and Persian National Sentiment, m: C. E. Bosworth (ed.), Iran
and Islam, Edinburgh, 1971, p. 538; Goldziher, Muh. Studien, op. cit., p. 155. Also cf. detailed
description of revivalistic and nativistic tendencies of Mardaviz and Maziyar by Sa'id Nafisi, Mah-e
 54

With the decline of the Caliphate, the Abbasids lost their real power and had only
nominal positions. At this time several separatist movements grew up in the Iranian
provinces of Khorasan, Transoxania and Sistan, and a number of principalities
sprang up in various parts such as Azarbaijan, Mesopotamia and Kurdestan.
Minorsky calls this period an "Iranian intermezzo" between long periods of foreign
occupation.98 The principality of Hasanwayeh was the most important of the
principalities under autonomous Kurdish rule. The centre of this principality was
Sarmaj in Lakestan, where Shah Khoshin was born and which was where he was
active. Hasanwayeh and his successors ruled from 960 A. D. to 1047 A. D.. Except
during the rule of Badr, son of Hasanwayeh, who was only partly able to develop
the region, the other rulers of this dynasty spent most of their time fighting each
other."
In 381 H. (991 A. D.) Mohammad b. 'Anaz founded another dynasty around
Holvan, which is the present Guran region where the majority of the Yaresan
reside. Mohammad b. 'Anaz ruled for 20 years till 1010 A. D., and his son Abol-
Shouk was able to seize the dominion of Hasanwayeh. Then conflict arose
between Abol-Shouk and his brother Mohalhel. Mohalhel asked 'Ala od-Douleh, the
ruler of the Kakuyid dynasty to come to his assistance. 'Ala od-Douleh came from
Esfahan and plundered and destroyed the region of Kermanshah and Dinavar. But
he made peace with Abol-Shouk and returned home. After he left, the brothers
began to fight each other and caused a large amount of destruction especially in
the region of Sanandaj (K. Senah) and Shahrezur. There many villages and towns
were burned and plundered and a large number of people were massacred.100 In
1040 A. D. the Saljuq Turkish tribesmen of the Asian steppes made their way to the
Iranian plateau, after defeating the Ghaznavid and Buyid dynasties. They reached
Kermanshah in 1046 A. D. and from then this area was the scene of numerous
wars between Benu 'Anaz dynasty and the Saljuqs, contributing to the already
existing ruins. The Annazids ruled about 130 years and gradually their remaining
territory was incorporated by Khorshid, the founder of a native dynasty in Lorestan.
If the dates of birth and death of Shah Khoshin are correct, then his life time
coincides with the last part of the period of the "Iranian intermezzo", and the period

nakhshab, Tehran, 1334; Hedayat/Minovi, Maziyar, op. cit.. Gibb argues that Sho'ubiyeh "was not
merely a conflict between two schools of literature, nor yet a conflict of political nationalism, but a
struggle to determine the destinies of the Islamic culture as a whole". According to Gibb, it is
erroneous to interpret their attack on the Arabs as nationalist. The Persian nativistic tendency
displayed itself in risings which were not only anti-Arab but also anti-Islamic. Gibb, The Social
Significance...op. cit., op. cit., p. 105ff.

98
Minorsky, Iran: Oppositon...op. cit., p. 187.

99
Firuziyan, Kermanshahan...op. cit., p. 117.

100
Ibid., p. 121ff.
 55

of Saljuq occupation and rule. He was born in 406 H. (1015 A. D.), that is about the
time Abol Shouk succeeded his father and was busy fighting the last leader of the
Hasanwayeh dynasty, Zaher son of Halal. After Abol-Shouk defeated his rival he
annexed Hasanwayeh's dominion to that of his own. When in 437 H. (1045 A. D.)
the Saljuq Ebrahim Yenal, came to the region and occupied Hamadan, Dinavar and
Kermanshah, he plundered and laid waste to the whole region up to Khanaqin, now
in Iraq. 1 0 1 At this time Shah Khoshin must have been about 31 years old.
The Saljuqs established their dynasty in 1063 A. D. and remained in power until
1156 A. D. In the last 30 years of his life, Shah Khoshin witnessed the turbulent
period of war between Abu 'Anaz and the Turkish invaders, and the overall Saljuq
rule and domination.

In the Yaresan religious tradition we come across a story about the occupation of
the country by the "Rumi" troops during Shah Khoshin's early life time. 102 This is
most probably a reference to the Saljuq invasion. For about 25 years Shah Khoshin
must have experienced Saljuq administration.
A large number of the Oghuz nomadic tribes under the leadership of the Saljuqs
made their way towards the Iranian plateau from Central Asia. They came after the
Gaznavids whose invasion of Central Iran was of short duration as they were more
interested in the riches of India. The Saljuq invasion was the beginning of one of the
darkest periods in Iranian history.
The oppressive apparatus of the Saljuq empire was achieved by combining the
military power of the Turks and the administrative methods of the Sassanid and
Abbasid. "The system of spies, of messengers and of troops, skillfully assorted
from different elements, was harmonized with the founding of the religious colleges,
those nurseries of administrators who were to watch over the rectitude of the path
followed by their flocks." 103
The Turks, being nomadic and orthodox Sunnis, did not have much in common
with their Iranian subjects, Nezam ol-Molk, the well-known Saljuq minister (Vazir)
quotes a speech of his master Alp Arsalan to his attendants. He said: "We are

Firuziyan, Kermanshahan...op. cit., p. 122. Later on a conflict arose between Yenal and his
brother Toghrel. The Saljuq Toghrel, with an army of one hundred thousand men, came to fight his
brother. There is a report according to which Baba Taher was a contemporary of Toghrel. It is also
said that he met Toghrel when the latter reached Hamadan while on his expedition against his
brother. It is reported in Rahat as-Sodur (c.601/1204 GMS,98-99) that when Toghrel entered
Hamadan in 447 H., Baba Taher addressed an admonition to him which impressed the Soltan. But
whether this meeting took place or not is a matter of dispute. Cf. Firuziyan, Kermanshahan...op. cit.,
p. 123; Minorsky Baba Taher, op. cit.; Edward Heron-Allen, The Lament of Baba Taher, London,
1902, p. viii.

Wladimir Ivanow, Majmu'eh-ye rasa'el va ash'ar-e ahl-e haqq, (Tazkarat ol-a'ala), Bombay, 1950,
p. 37.

Minorsky, Iran...op. cit., pp. 187 - 188.

 56

foreigners in a land which we have taken by force. We are pure Muslims and these
Persians ('Eraqi) have a bad religion and favour the Dailamites",104 i.e. Iranian
Shiites.
The Saljuqs also followed a discriminatory policy towards their subjects which was
based on ethnic affiliations. In "the official documents relating to the period, Turks
and non-Turks (tajiks) are usually both mentioned, which suggests that there was a
clear division between these two elements, as there had been formerly between
Arabs and non-Arabs or Persians ('ajam)". 105
Due to the fact that the most important opposition to Saljuq domination came from
the Esma'ilis of Alamut, they tried their best to suppress this movement with iron
hands. 106 It is interesting to note that at the time of Ghazali, a thinker of the Saljuq
period, a religious movement began in the region of Shah Khoshin, namely
Nahavand. Unfortunately the name of the founder of this movement has not been
reported. It is only noted that in the whole region (Savad) the movement won many
"opferwillige Anhänger". 107
In 1198 (594 H.) Khwarazmshah, who had some military victories in Khorasan, sent
an army to invade Western Iran. As the ruler of Hamadan opposed him, he laid
waste to the entire region from Hamadan to Dinavar and Kermanshah. 108

2.2.5.a) Soltan Sahak period

There is a gap of more than two centuries between the emergence of Shah
Khoshin and that of Soltan Sahak, who gave the final form to the Yaresan
community as it is known at present.

104
Nezam ol-Molk, Siyasat-nameh...op. cit., p. 163.

105
Ann K. S. Lambton, Landlord and Peasant in Persia, London, 1969 ( 1 1953), p. 57.

106 Cf. Marshal G. S. Hodgson, The Order of Assassins. The struggle of the early Nizari Isma'ilis
against the Islamic World, 's-Gravenhage, 1955; Ignaz Goldziher, Streitschrift des Ghazali gegen die
Batinijjasekte, Leiden, 1956 ( 1 1916).

107 Goldziher, Streitschrift...op. cit., p. 60. During the Saljuq domination the Qaderi Sufi Order was
established in Kurdistan which still has a considerable number of followers in the region. It was
founded by the Kurd 'Abdol Qader Gilani (vivebat 1078 - 1166). At present the Naqshbandi order
also has a large number of followers. This order was founded by Baha' ed-Din of Bokhara and was
introduced in Kurdistan by the Kurd Moulana Khaled (b.1779 A.D.). According to an Iranian writer,
antagonism exists between these two orders. The Naqshbandi is favoured by the feudal families,
whereas the Qaderi following consists mostly of peasants. Cf. Bois, The Kurds, op. cit., p.93;
Edmonds, Kurds, Turks...op. cit., p. 60ff.; Mo'meni, Dar bareh-ye mobarezat-e kordestan, Tehran,
1358 H., p. 30.

108 Firuziyan, Kermanshahan...op. cit., p. 124.

 57

We have already mentioned that in the time prior to Sahak, the Yaresan ideas had
already found their way into Ouraman. For example the important ritual of "Jam"
and basic ideas about theophanies and their angels seem to have existed at the
time of Shah Khoshin. 109
Sahak was born in the village of Barzanjeh (K. Barzanja) in the Shahrezur (K.
Sharazur) region. This place is now located in Iraqi Kurdistan in the Halabcheh (K.
Halabja) district of Solaymanieh province. 110 He was a son of Shaykh 'Isi and
Khatun Dayerak known as Razbar or Ramzbar. 111 Shaykh 'Isi was the son of Baba
'Ali of Hamadan, 112 thus relating the family to the ancient city of Ecbatana or
Hamadan, located in the immediate neighbourhood of Lakestan. 113 Baba Taher,
one of the Yaresan saints, lived and died in the city of Hamadan. According to the
Yaresan tradition, Shah Khoshin once along with his companions, travelled to
Hamadan where he visited Baba Taher. 114
It is believed that Sahak was born in a poor peasant family. His father had to
accompany Moslem pilgrims as a servant. 115 At the same time there are some
reasons to believe that his family had possessed some traditions of learning. His
grandfather, Baba 'Ali of Hamadan, is said to have been a renowned scholar in his
time. Sahak himself had first studied philosophy, metaphysics and literature, and
later religion and religious jurisprudence. 116 There are conflicting records about the
date of his birth. From these records we can conclude that he lived sometime from
the second half of the 14th century to the first half of the 15th century. According to

109
In the poems attributed to the Yaresan saints prior to Soltan Sahak reference to the "Jam" and
angels are already made.
110 Elahi, Borhan ol-haqq, op. cit., p. 38.
111 Ibid., p. 39.
112
Buraka'i, Bozorgan...op. cit., p. 53.
113
For Yaresan stories regarding Sahak's manifestation see Appendix II, Fourth Period: a, b.
114
Jayhunabadi, Haqq ol-Haqayeq...op. cit., p. 295ff.; Ivanow, Majmu'eh...op. cit., p.44ff.; Afzali,
Romuz...op. cit., p. 14. At this stage of the research into the Yaresan community we have to be
careful about dates. So, for example, according to Reza-qoli Khan, Baba Taher died in 406 H. While
other dates indicate that Baba Taher and Shah Khoshin were separated considerably in time, they
were roughly contemporaneous according to the Yaresan text which gives 406 H. as the year in
which Shah Khoshin was born. But if we suppose both dates to be correct, then Shah Khoshin could
not have met Baba Taher, as the Yaresan tradition says. Cf. Browne, Some Notes (Dialects)...op.
cit., pp. 788 - 789; Also see Appendix II, Third Period: c.

115 Charles R. Pittman, The Final Word of the Ahl-i Haqq, in: The Moslem World, Vol. XXVII,
1937, p. 157; Wladimir Ivanow, The Truthworshippers of Kurdistan (Ahl-i Haqq), Leiden, 1953, p. 6.
116 Buraka'i, Bozorgan...op. cit., p. 53.
 58

Elahi, it is said that the Mongol Timur had visited him. 117 This would indicate that he
lived during the turbulent period of the second Mongol invasion of Iran. This
meeting might not have taken place at all as we do not possess any record of that
period.

2.2.5.b) Historical background of the region in Sahak's period

The invasion of the Near East took Timur from 1379 A. D. till 1402 A. D. His religion
was a mixture of Sunnite Islam and Mongol Shamanism, which he had inherited
from his ancestors. Timur spread universal destruction and with the skulls of his
victims, he "built pyramids"! Innumerable towns and cities were pillaged and
devasted. 118
The region of Kermanshah was already destroyed by an earlier Mongol invasion.
The Mongol invasion of Iran in 1219 A. D. brought the short period of prosperity of
the Kermanshah region to a rude halt. In the following years the Mongols ravaged
the city of Kermanshah so severely that when Hamdollah Mostoufi described it 120
years later, it was no more than a village.119
Timur could never create a stable empire and subsequently died in 1405 A. D.. His
son Shahrokh rectified the religious deviations of his father and pretended to be the
model of a "most Muslim monarch". 120 His lawyers attempted "to bring in discreet
allusions to the continuing existence of the Islamic Caliphate in the person of their
master, on the basis of the Koranic passage according to which God 'gives the
kingship to whom he will'".121
It is said that Sahak lived a long life, over a hundred years. It is possible that he
even experienced the defeat of the Timurids and invasion of Western Iran by the
Turkoman tribes of Qara-qoyunlu and Aq-qoyunlu. Minorsky supposes that the
final formation of the Yaresan took place during the domination of Qara-qoyunlu
Turkoman tribes. 122

117
Elahi, Borhan ol-haqq, op. cit., p. 39.

118
Bertolt Spuler, The Disintegration...op. cit., p. 167.

Hamd-allah Mustawfi of Qazvin, The Geographical Part of the Nuzhat-al-Qulub, composed in 740
(1340), Leyden/London, 1919, p.106.

120
Minorsky, Iran...op. cit., p. 192.

121
Ibid., p. 193.
1 yy
Vladimir Minorsky, Jihan-shah Qara-qoyunlu and his poetry, in: Bulletin of the school of Oriental
and African Studies, Vol. XVI, 1954, p. 276. Minorsky writes: "Even if the Ahl-i Haqq doctrines
were not a kind of state religion under the Qara-qoyunlu, they may have developed in the favourable
 59

Earlier on introducing the Yaresan saint Fazl-e Vali we said that Elahi rejected Fazl-
e Vali as being the same person as the founder of the Horufi movement Fazlollah.
As a matter of fact we can find some similarities between Fazl-e Vali and Fazlollah
of Astarabad (c. 1389 A. D.) who established the Horufi movement against the
Mongol rulers. A part of Horufi religious teachings has survived among the
Bektashis of Albania and Anatolia.123 Not only are the names of the Yaresan saint
and the Horufi leader identical but two of their close companions also have the
same names. Among the companions of the Yaresan saint, a certain "Nasimi" is
mentioned, which is also the name of the important Horufi leader who is considered
the most prominent follower of Horufi Fazlollah. Jayhunabadi narrates a story
according to which the Yaresan Nasimi was flayed alive by the order of a Shaykh
because he revealed the truth. 124 The Horufi Nasimi (vivebat 1369 - 1417) suffered
a similar fate, facing the same brutal death in Aleppo.

The important movement of Horufi spread very rapidly. Even in -Fazlollah's lifetime
his doctrine spread from Astarabad, south of Caspian Sea, to Adrianople. 125 The
Mongol Timur ordered his son Miranshah to destroy the movement, which for a
while he had used for his own purposes against the orthodox clergy. He arrested
Fazlollah and some of his followers, imprisoned them and finally put them to
death. 126
Persecution of the Horufis seems to have been widespread. A number of them
escaped to Asia Minor, among them Nasimi. He was one of the leading figures of

climate of unorthodoxy which prevailed under the sultans of the Black Sheep." Minorsky also
mentions that the inhabitants of the small district of Maku bear the name Qara-qoyunlu and are of
the Yaresan persuasion. In Ivanow"s view this can only be accidental that these people have a name
similar to the Turkoman dynasty. In short it can be said that due to the absence of historical facts
the relation between the Yaresan and the Qara-qoyunlu remains obscure. Minorsky, Notes sur la
secte...(1920), op. cit., p. 40; Ivanow, The Truthworshippers...op. cit., p. 153.

123
Margaret Hasluck, The Non-Conformist Muslims in Albania, in; T h e Contemporary Review,
1925, p. 599. Edward G. Browne in his important study about the Horufis discovered that the Horufi
doctrines have survived among thousands of Bektashis. Furthermore, in his well-known "Literary
History of Persia", Browne says Horufi "activity continues down to the present day, the Bektashi
dervishes being still the representative and repositories of the Hurufi doctrine". In Birge's view
although from the fifteenth century onwards "Bektashis have been among the most enthusiastic
believers in the teachings of Fazlullah", they have always been "separate systems of doctrines". Cf.
Edward G . Browne, A Literary History of Persia: T h e Tartar Domination (1265 -1502), Cambridge,
1976 ( 1902), p. 370; Idem, Some Notes on the Literature and the Doctrine of the Hurufi Sect, in:
Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, 1898; John Kingsley Birge, The Bektashi Order of Dervishes,
London/Hartford, 1937, pp. 60 - 61.

124 Jayhunabadi, H a q q ol-haqayeq...op. cit., p. 265ff.

125
Gibb, History...op. cit., pp. 343 - 368; Mohammad 'Ali Tarbiyat, Daneshmandan-e azarbaijan,
Tehran, 1314 H., p. 387.

126 Tarbiyat, Daneshmandan...op. cit., p. 386. According to Ebn Hajar, Miranshah "struck off his head
with his own hand. A n d when this was known to Timur, he demanded his head and body and burned
them". Browne, Some Notes (Literature)...op. cit., pp. 61 - 62.
 60

the movement, who preached the Horufi doctrine in his poetry. Consequently he
was convicted of heresy in Aleppo and he was flayed alive.127 In the Yaresan texts,
Nasimi is often seen as the incarnation of Davud, one of the main angels.128
Horufis must have influenced West Iran very strongly. It was a Horufi from Lorestan
under the name of Ahmad-e Lor who made an attempt on the life of the Timurid
Shahrokh in 1427 A. D..129
West Iran gave birth to a prominent Horufi poet, Mola Parishan, who used Laki-
(Gurani?) as the medium for his verse containing Horufi propaganda.130

2.2.6.Kermanshah 15 - 17th centuries

The 15th century was likewise a politically turbulent period, in which on the one
hand much bloodshed and destruction occurred and on the other hand a number
of socio-religious movements emerged. Among them, the Safavid movement
succeeded in establishing its rule in Iran.131

127 E. J. W. Gibb, History of Ottoman Poetry, London, 1900, Vol. I, p.. 346. While this was being
done, it is said that his face became pale due to loss of blood. Some accused him of being a coward.
He answered in verse: "Even the face of the sun, who is the bravest of all, becomes pale as he goes
to rest at the end of the day." ('Emad od-Din Nasimi, Divan-e Nasimi, Baku, 1972, p. 15). Similar
execution scenes in which the accused is criticized of being afraid inspite of his claims that he is all
powerful and immortal, are sometimes found in the history of Iranian social movements. Whether
these have happened or have been created by the followers, it leads us to have a better
understanding of the psychology of these people and their ideal of martyrdom and elevation to a
super-human level.

128 Mokri, Le Kalam gourani...op. cit., 63.

129 After the execution of Fazlollah a Horufi assassin called Ahmad, while pretending to present a
petition to Shahrokh stabbed him in the stomach in the city of Harat. This Horufi was a Lor, which
indicates the spread of Horufi doctrine in Lorestan. Ghiyas so-Din b. Homam od-Din al-Hosayni
Khwandamir, Tarikh-e habib os-siyar fi akhbar-e afrad-e bashar, Tehran, 1333 H., Vol. I, pp. 323 -
324.
130 His name was Mola Abol Qasem and as place of his birth "Dinavar" and "Delfan" have been
suggested. Cf. Mohammad 'Ali Saki, Joghrafiya-ye tarikhi va tarikh-e lorestan, Tehran, 1343 H., pp.
69 - 73; Esfandiyar Ghazanfari Amra'i, Golzar-e adab-e lorestan (Majmu'eh-ye asar-e sha'eran-e
lorestani), Khoramabad, 1364 H., pp. 82 - 83; Soltani, Hadiqeh...op. cit., p. 146ff.
131 Before the Safavids come to power, another similar movement called Mosha'sha'i had already
established its power in Khuzestan, in south west Iran. This movement like the Safavid is an example
of nomadic chiliasm.
A man called Sayyed Mohammad Fallah claimed to be the Mahdi and a number of Arab tribes of
Khuzestan and Basreh (Basra)joined him. It was said that he had learned some magical secret and
practices from a book belonging to his Sufi master, Shaykh Ahmad b. Fahd, and that he taught an
incantation or recitation (zekr) to his followers, containing the name of 'Ali b. Abu Taleb, which
enabled them to enter fire or bend a sword with their stomach without being harmed. He was
probably from a native family but he claimed descent from the Imam Musa Kazem. At an earlier
time he had prophesied his own coming as the Mahdi. He later went on a pilgrimage and isolated
himself in the Kufeh (Kufa) mosque fasting and praying. He also proclaimed himself to be the
 61

In the early years of the rule of Shah Esma'il, founder of the Safavid dynasty, the
Kermanshah territory was occupied by Soltan Morad, the Aq-qoyunlu Turkoman
ruler. But he was defeated by Shah Esma'il near the city of Hamadan. 132
The chiefs of the Zangeneh Kurds of Kermanshah supported the Safavids from the
beginning, and took part in Safavid wars against the Ottomans. 133 Some part of
Zangenehs are now the followers of the Yaresan. In 15th century Soltan Sahak was
able to revive the Yaresan and created a solid socio-religious organization by
codifying the laws and regulations regarding the community. During his lifetime he
selected some of his companions as the leaders of different branches of the
Yaresan. Later on their descendants continued to lead the community. Originally
the Yaresan community was divided into seven branches, and in the 18th century
four new branches were added to them which brought the number to eleven
branches.

2.2.7. Kermanshah 17 - 20th centuries

2.2.7.a) Safavid rule

Due to the strategic significance of Kermanshah, this region has never known a
prolonged period of peace. During the Turko-lranian wars the region was occupied
several times by Ottoman troops. The Safavids themselves followed the policy of
suppression and forced migration of Kurdish tribes. In 1610 A. D. Shah 'Abbas
carried out a systematic massacre of the male members of the Mokri Kurds, to

future world invader. He was outlawed and on his arrest pretended to be a Sunnite Sufi whom the
Shiite were conspiring against. Around 1440 A.D., his nomadic followers sold their buffaloes, bought
arms and transformed themselves into an army. In january 1441 A.D. he had a bloody battle with
the Emir (amir) of Jaza'er, which was successful. Later he undertook some other military
expeditions which finally brought a large area in Khuzestan and Basreh under his domination and he
made Hovayzeh his capital. Fallah's extremist son declared himself the incarnation of 'Ali and God
and pushed his father into the background. He attacked many cities and caravans and destroyed
Shiite shrines. After he was killed in one of his expeditions, his father appeared on the scene again.
His successors ruled in Khuzestan independently until it was conquered by the Safavid Esma'il, and
their domain became a vassal state. The Mosha'sha'is, who had become orthodox Shiite, continued
to rule in Khuzestan until 1921. Cf. Ahmad Kasravi, Tarikh-e pansad saleh-ye khuzestan, Tehran,
1356 H., ( 1333 H.), p. 16; E'tezad os- Saltaneh, Moda'iyan-e nobovat, Tehran, 1343, p. 266ff; W.
Caskel, Ein Mahdi des 15. Jahrhunderts, (Saijid Muhammad ibn Falah und seine Nachkommen), in:
Islamica, Jahrg. 1931; Walther Hinz, Irans Aufstieg zum Nationalstaat im fünfzehnten Jahrhundert,
Berlin/Leipzig, 1936; Erika Glassen, Sah Isma'il, ein Mahdi der anatolischen Turkmenen, in:
Zeitschrift der Deutschen Morgenländischen Gesellschaft, Vol.121, 1971, pp. 61 - 69; Vladimir
Minorsky, Shaykh Bali-Efendi on the Safavids, in: Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African
Studies, Vol. 10, 1957; Hana Sohrweide, Der Sieg der Safaviden in Persien und seine
Rückwirkungen auf die Shiiten Anatoliens im 16 Jahrhundert, in: Der Islam, 41,1965, pp. 95 - 223.

Firuziyan, Kermanshahan...op. cit., pp. 127 - 1 2 8 .

133 Ibid., pp. 129 - 1 3 0 .

which an important family of the Yaresan belongs. The women and children were
enslaved and presumably taken to Esfahan, the Safavid capital.134
The treaty of Zohab in 1639 A. D. fixed the Turko-lranian boundary west of the city
of Kermanshah; and a part of the region (mainly populated by the Yaresan)
remained under the Turks.135 In 1723 A. D. the provincial capital was again taken
by the Turks, and in the Russo-Turkish treaty of Constantinople aimed at dividing
up Iran, Kermanshah was included in territory which was allocated to Ottoman.
In 1727 A. D. the region was captured by the Afghans, and although the Turks
recaptured it, they were driven out again in 1730 A. D. by Nader Shah, the leader of
the Turkoman tribes of Afshar. During the short domination of Nader Shah the
region was occupied by the Ottomans. The Kalhor and Zangeneh Kurds, with the
help of the Afshars, fought the invading army but were defeated.136 Therefore
Nader Shah came to the region with a large army and was able to deport the
Ottomans. Later, in 1732 and then in 1733, Nader Shah passed through the region
to capture Baghdad.137

2.2.7.b) Afshar and Zand periods

After Nader his brother Ebrahim Khan came to Kermanshah on a military

expedition. He defeated Amir Khan who had been appointed by Nader Shah. He
plundered the city of Kermanshah, massacring the inhabitants as well as the
pilgrims.138
Nader Shah forced 6,000 families of the Shaqaqi Kurds and 300 families of the Laki
tribes of the Zand, to emigrate to Khorasan.139 After the assassination of Nader
Shah in 1747 A. D., the Zand tribe came back to their homes in Lakestan. Karim
Khan, the leader of this tribe gained power and occupied different parts of the
region including the city of Kermanshah. Then, he conquered Central Iran with his
supporters from Kermanshah and Lorestan. In addition to the Laki tribe of Zand,
Karim was helped by some other Kurdish tribes such as the Zangeneh, the Kalhor,

134
Eskandar Bayk Monshi Torkoman, 'Alam-ara-ye 'abbasi, Tehran, 1350 H., p. 814.

135
Rabino, Kermanshah...op. cit., p. 59.

136
Firuziyan, Kermanshah an...op. cit.,p. 131.

137
Ibid., pp. 131 - 1 3 2 .

138
Ibid.,p. 132.

139 Abol-Hasan Golestaneh, Mojmal at-Tavarikh, Tehran, 1344 H., p. 147, 301. The Afshar rulers
used the Shaqaqis in their conflict with the Afghans.
 63

the Ahmadavand and the Guran. 140 We know that most of these are still of the
Yaresan persuasion.
Karim Khan succeeded in becoming the ruler of the country after centuries of
Turkish domination. Karim Khan (1750 - 1779), who never called himself a "Shah",
is the only revered ruler of Iran after Islam. It was during this period that a new
branch of the Yaresan was established by Atash Bag (Khan Atash) in Lakestan. 141
The exact dates of Atash Bag's birth and death are still not known. But his younger
brother Khan Almas was born in 1072 H. (1661-62) and died in 1138 H. (1725). 1 4 2
The founder of another branch of the community, called Shah Hayas, was born in
1125 H. (1712). 1 4 3 The date of Shah Hayas' birth coincides with the death of a very
revered saint called Shaykh Amir of Zuleh in Lakestan. 144
After the death of Karim Khan, Iran again fell into the hands of the Turkoman tribes,
this time the Qajar. The Qajar chief, Agha Mohammad Khan, brought about a
universal destruction in Iran. He founded a dynasty that ruled Iran for about 141
years, the darkest period of Iranian history.
In the period between the death of Karim Khan and Qajar domination some parts of
Kermanshah were occupied by the Ottomans. 145

Mirza Hasan Hosayni Fasa'i, Tarikh-e fars-nameh-ye naseri, Tehran, 1312 H., Vol. I, p. 219;
Rabino, Kermanshah...op. cit., p. 40.
141
Jayhunabadi only mentions that Khan Atash was appointed as a leader by Mohammad Bag.
According to Elahi, Mohammad Bag was nicknamed "Sayyed Mohammad Nurbakhsh". This also
happens to be the name of a well-known "heretic", the founder of the Nurbakhshi order in
Khorasan. Elahi adds that Mohammad Bag first appeared in Bakhtiyari and then in Lorestan.
According to Elahi, this Mohammad Bag is not the same person as the "heretic" Nurbakhsh. W.
Caskel writes: "Im äußersten Osten bekannte sich die sufische Schule des 'Ali Hamadani (T 1385)
zur Si'a. Ihr interessantester Vertreter ist der Muhammad Nurbachs (T 1464 oder 1465), der das
Chalifat für sich beanspruchte und seit dem Jahre 1423 eine nicht ganz durchsichtige Mahdi-Rolle
zuerst im bucharisch-afghanischen Grenzgebiet, später in Luristan spielte." Like Mohammad Falah,
Nurbakhsh attended the classes of the Sufi master shaykh Ahmad b. Fahd. In the story of
Nurbakhsh narrated by Jayhunabadi we can conclude that Nurbakhsh was living in Ghaznayn before
he came to Lorestan. Refering to Majles ol-Mo'menin, Minorsky says: "Au XVe siècle Nourbackch,
fondateur d'une secte mystique chi'ite, obtint un grand succès au Loristan." A native scholar tries to
connect the Laki-speaking followers of the Yaresan to the Mosha'sha'is. According to him a certain
Amir Shah Qasem from Mosha'sha'i family came to Lorestan i.e. "Doru Faraman", and spread his
ideas among the Lak people of Tarhan and Delfan. In the story of Nurbakhsh, Jayhunabadi says that
the Yaresan Nurbakhsh had a son called Qasem. This man, who was at the same time Yadegar and
Mir Sekandar, decided to stay in Ghaznayn and did not join the religion of the Yaresan. Cf.
Jayhunabadi, Haqq ol-haqayeq...op. cit., p. 533ff. and 534; Caskel, Ein Mahdi...op.cit., p. 59; Saki,
Joghrafiya...op. cit.; Minorsky, Etudes...op. cit.,p.103.

142
Buraka'i, Bozorgan...op.cit., p. 111.
143
Ibid., p. 123.
144
Ibid., p. 127.
145
Firuziyan, Kermanshahan...op. cit., p. 137.
 64

2.2.7.C) Qajar dynasty

Agha Mohammad Khan (1784 - 1797) forced the 'Abdol Maleki and Khwajavand
Laki Kurds to move from Fars to Mazandaran.146 These tribes, which were Karim
Khan's supporters, still reside in the Caspian province of Mazandaran, and a
number of their members are followers of the Yaresan.
The Ottoman attacks and occupations in 1821 - 1823 A. D. compelled the Qajar
Fath 'Ali Shah to heavily fortify and garrison the city of Kermanshah. His son
Mohammad 'Ali Mirza, who was made Governor-General of the province, managed
to repel the Ottoman attacks and he was even able to annex the district of Zohab to
Kermanshah. This district, largely populated by the Yaresan, was for a long time
ruled by the Ottomans and formed one of the 10 pashaliks dependent upon
Baghdad.147 When the Iranian army returned after the siege of Baghdad, they
brought with them Cholera to Kermanshah from where it spread throughout the
country.148
Arround 1830 A. D., a certain Haji Khan of Khoi was Governor of Kermanshah. One
winter he visited Kerend, one of the main urban centres of the Yaresan. He treated
the people very badly, and in vain the Sayyeds of the town begged him for mercy.
"Haji Khan would not listen to them. At length the people could stand it no longer,
and rising against him, attacked the house in which he was living. Haji Khan
barricaded all the doors, and for a time he kept his assailants at bay. The latter,
however, were throughly roused, and climbing on the terrace, broke through the
roof and effected an entrance. They made short work of Haji Khan. A massacre of

Ann K. S. Lambton, Article "Ilat", in: The Encyclopaedia of Islam, New Edition. In his history
Fasa'i mentions these Laki tribes as the supporters of Karim Khan in Shiraz. The same tribes were
used by the Qajars during the Irano-Russian wars. A Qajar crown prince, Mohammad Mirza, with
troops of these tribes, was sent to Ganjeh (Ganja) to guard the fortress which had passed into the
possession of the Iranian army. Fasa'i, Fars-nameh...op. cit., p.272; And in English translation of this
book by Herbert Busse: Hasan-e Fasa'i, History of Persia under the Qajar Rule, New
York/London, 1972, p. 178.

Major Rawlinson wrote in 1836 A.D.: "Zohab formed one of the ten Pashaliks dependent upon
Baghdad until about thirty years ago, when Muhammed 'Ali Mirza, prince of Kirmanshah, annexed
it to the crown of Persia. Zohab, having been acquired in war, is Khalisah or crown land. It has been
usually farmed by the government of Kirmanshah, at an annual rent of 8000 tomans (4000 1.) to the
chief of Guran tribe." Rawlinson, Notes on a March...op. cit., p.26.

R. Pollitzer and Others, Cholera, in: World Health Organization Monograph Series, No. 43, 1959,
pp. 51 - 52; R. M. Burrell, The 1904 Epidemic of Cholera in Persia: Some Aspects of Qajar Society,
in: Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies, Vol.LI/2,1988, p. 258.
 65

his attendants followed; every man of them who pronounced the word "Gosht" with
a Turkuman accent was cut down."149
During the 1850s disturbances broke out in the area, so that when Curzon visited
the city of Kermanshah its walls were "in ruins and the ditch as choked with
rubbish", as he put it. 150 Mrs Bishop who visited the region in 1890 reports: "It is
really half in ruins. It has suffered terribly from plague, pestilence and famine, and
from the awful rapacity of governors." She also adds: "So severely have the town
and the province been oppressed that some years ago three quarters of the
inhabitants migrated, the peasants into Turkey, and the towns people into the
northern province of Azerbijan."151
Around this time one of the well-known Yaresan personalities called Taymur
appeared in the community. He was born in the village of Banyaran near
Kermanshah in 1246 H. (1830). As a youth apparently he claimed to be an
incarnation of divinity. When a large following gathered around him, people in
government circles grew very worried. Governor-General of the province sent a
large troop to arrest him. The troops were ordered to execute the command in
complete secrecy so that Taymur's followers did not get the opportunity to prevent
his arrest. After six months imprisonment, Taymur was hanged in the city of
Kermanshah. 152
Iran has frequently been subject to drought, but the Qajar period is especially
marked by the emergence of a large number of famines. Among these was the
severe famine of 1870 - 1871, which was one of the most tragic events in the
modern history of Iran. We possess harrowing reports about the starvation of the
people and the death of about 20 - 25 per cent of the total population. 153 Even the
Kermanshah region, which used to be a grain producing region, was so much
affected that, for example, the population of the city of Kangavar was reduced from
2,500 to 1,000. It also caused the sedentarization of a large nomadic population

149
Rabino, Kermanshah...op. cit., pp. 55 - 56.

150
George Curzon, Persia and Persian Question, London, 1966 ( 1 1892), Vol. I, p. 558.

151
Mrs Bishop (Isabella L. Bird), Journeys in Persia and Kurdistan, (Including a summer in the
upper Karun region and a visit to the Nestorian Rayahs), London, 1891, Vol. I, p. 101.

152
Buraka'i, Bozorgan...op. cit., p. 137; Minorsky, The Guran, op.cit., p. 95; Idem, Etudes...op. cit., p.
96; Idem, Le traité de polémique Bâhai-Ahlé-Haqq, in: Revue du Monde Musulman, Volumes
XLIV-XLV, 1921, p. 276.
io
G. Gilbar, Demographic developments in late Qajar Persia: 1870 - 1906, in: Asian and African
Studies, XI, 1976 - 77, pp. 143 - 144; Also cf. Nikki R. Keddie, The economic history of Iran: 1800 -
1914, in: Iranian Studies, Vol. V, 1972, p. 69.
 66

w h o had lost their livestock. 1 5 4 The insanitary situation c a u s e d by d e a d bodies,

invited a cholera epidemic which p r o d u c e d further deaths. It is w o r t h mentioning
that it w a s not only natural catastrophes that caused s u c h famines. In m a n y cases
social and administrative factors played a more important part in these
tragedies. 1 5 5
In 1892, the people of Kermanshah revolted against the Governor of the Qajar,
Anoushirvan, son of Bahman, and attacked his h o u s e with empty hands.
A c c o r d i n g to Adib ol-Mamalek-e Farahani, the Governor-General tried t o calm
d o w n the crowd, w h i c h w a s several t h o u s a n d strong. Because he had only one
t h o u s a n d soldiers, t o o few to fight s u c h a large n u m b e r of people, the houses
belonging t o the Governor a n d his officials were looted. A large t r o o p w a s sent
f r o m Bijar that s u p p r e s s e d the revolt, killing a large n u m b e r of people in the
process.156
In 1903 Cholera again entered Kermanshah, via B a g h d a d t h r o u g h a g r o u p of
pilgrims a n d until mid May the daily death rate reached m a x i m u m of a r o u n d a
hundred persons.157

Cf. Shoko Okazaki, The great Persian famine of 1870 - 71, in: Bulletin of the School of Oriental
and African Studies, Vol. XLIX/1,1886, pp. 184 -185.

Fragner points out that "die Ursachen vieler, jedoch keineswegs aller Hungersnöte waren in durch
anhaltende Trockenheit bedingten Mißernten zu suchen, wobei jedoch noch die Unfähigkeit
staatlicher Organe und das Desinteresse von Grundbesitzern und Steuerpächtern, eventuell
vermeidbare Konsequenzen schlechter Ernten von der notleidenden Bevölkerung abzuwenden, ins
Kalkül zur ziehen sind". Bert G. Fragner, Persische Memoirenliteratur als Quelle zur neueren
Geschichte Irans, Wiesbaden, 1979, p.149; Also cf. Okazaki, The great...op. cit., p. 186ff.

Mohammad Sadeq Adib ol-Mamalek-e Farahani, Divan-e kamel-e bozorgtarin ostad-e sokhan-e
'araqi dar qarn-e akhir, Tehran, 1312 H., p. 218 ff.
We have reports about another revolt which took place outside Kermanshah region by the members
of the Yaresan in Mazandaran. This revolt was led by a certain 'Alamgir who had gone there from
Kermanshah. In October 1891 Feuvrier noted in his newspaper that 'Alamgir was preaching
rebellion. He wrote: "He is already surrounded by about a thousand adherents who have fortified
themselves and are appealing to all believers". The government sent a troop against them and a
pitched battle resulted in the defeat of 'Alamgir's followers, in whose ranks even a number of
women and children had fought. There is another version of this event written by de Balloy on
December 16, 1891. According to it the Sayyed was taken to Tehran after his capture, where he
defended himself, claiming that there had only been an intrigue directed against him by a court
figure and his peasants in Mazandaran. These peasants were against the Kurdish tribes which had
moved into the area. The courtier (Sa'd do-Douleh) presented their rivals as rebels against the Shah
and headed an expedition against them. This latter report is contrary to all other existing reports.
'Alamgir was Minorsky's main informant. From Minorsky's descriptions of this man and his ideas
we can imagine the truthfulness of the original version which has also been independently attested.
Minorsky, Notes sur la secte ...(1920) op.cit., p. 63; Dr. Feuvrier, Trois ans ä la cour de Perse, Paris,
1900, p. 278, Pers, trans.: Seh sal dar darbar-e iran, az 1306 ta 1309 qadimi, Tehran, 1363, also cf.
Nikki R. Keddie, Religion and Rebellion in Iran, The Tobacco Protest of 1891 - 1892, London,,
1966, p. 136; F.O. 60/524, Lascelles to Salisbury, no.239, Nov.22, 1891, in: Keddie, Religion and
Rebellion...op. cit., p. 137; A. E. Perse, 1891 de Balloy despatch, Dec. 16, P.R.O. British Embassy
Archives from Tehran, in: Keddie,op. cit., Appendix I, pp. 139 -140.

157
Burrell, The 1904...op. cit., p.263.
 67

Herzfeld writes in 1907 about his travels in Lorestan which he undertook some
years before this date: "In Zarna wurde mir die Nachricht, daß Ghulam Riza Khan
und mit ihm ganz 'amele, das eine Bevölkerung von 20000 Seelen haben soll,
verzogen sei, und zwar nach Emirabad, welches zwischen Huseinije und Dizful an
dem von Pilgern viel benutzten Wege nach Baghdad liegen soll. Der Khan lag im
Kampfe mit seinem ältesten Sohne und hatte aus diesem Grunde seine Residenz
verlegt." 158
We know that the '"Amaleh" (i. e. workers, servants) who live in the Posht-e Kuh
region are followers of the Yaresan. They were a settled population who also were
cultivating crown land and were in the service of the vali (i. e. hereditary ruler) of
Lorestan. 159
De Bode, a nineteenth century English traveller writes: "The 'Amalah were formerly
very numerous, but have been much reduced since aga Mohammed Khan, the
founder of the present Kajar dynasty, transplanted them into Fars. After his death, it
is true, the greater part returned, but their force was broken...As they lead a
sedentary life, they are, more than the others, under the immediate sway of the
Persian authorities, and are, therefore, looked down upon with contempt by their
more independent neighbours."160
A Persian traveller, Hajj Sayyah Mahalati, who visited this region around the same
time described the extreme poverty of the people, and wondered how they could
tolerate it. 161
During the first half of the twentieth century Kermanshah continued to experience
social and political instability. During the Constitutional Revolution of 1905 - 1906,
the region witnessed civil war between the Constitutionalists and the Royalists162;
and in 1911 and 1912 looting took place in the city of Kermanshah. In 1915 the
region was occupied by Turkish forces from Mesopotamia, and after their
withdrawal in 1917 the region was temporarily taken over by the Russians. In 1918
it was occupied by the British.

-1 CO
Herzfeld, Eine Reise...op. cit.,p. 55.
159
Layard, A Description...op. cit., p. 4.

160
D e Bode, Travels...op. cit., pp. 289 - 290.

161
Hajj Sayyah Mahalati, Siyahat nameh ya doureh-ye khouf va vahshat, in: Saki, Joghrafiya...op. cit.,
pp. 317 - 318.

162
Ahmad Kasravi, Tarikh-e mashruteh-ye iran, 5th Edition, Tehran, 1340 H., p. 368.
 68

2.2.7.0) Pahlavi dynasty

After the establishment of the Pahlavi regime, replacing the Qajar, the
Westernization policy of Reza Shah (1925 -1941) brought immense changes in the
region. The dictatorial regime affected all aspects of life of both urban and rural
populations. The policy of Reza Shah to forcibly pacify and settle the tribes reduced
pasturalism and influenced urban growth. In 1927, in the course of sedentarization
of the pastural, the rebellious Bairavand were "decimated and exiled in their
thousands to the distant province of Khorasan". 163 People were forced to abandon
their traditional costumes and culture and adopt Western ones. 1 6 4 The native
population reacted against these measures, but their revolts were put down and
many were deported. It took several years to put down the revolt of the Javanrud
(K. Juwanru) in Ouraman.
In 1936 the Anglo-Iranian Oil Company constructed a refinery on the right bank of
the Qara-su river, now part of a suburb of Kermanshah city, which provided work
opportunity and encouraged urbanization.
Reza Shah was forced by the Allies to abdicate in 1941, because he cooperated
with the Germans. They occupied Iran and put Reza Shah's eldest son on the
throne, thus being able to supply arms to the Russian front.
The region of Kermanshah was occupied by the British forces, who remained there
until the end of the Second World War.
During the rule of Mohammad Reza Pahlavi (1941 - 1979) the policy of
Westernization continued, but the ineffective execution of land reform caused the
extensive migration of the rural population to urban areas. Militarization of the
Kermanshah region was accelerated by increasing tensions between the Iranian
and Iraqi regimes and the long term Kurdish struggle for autonomy in Iraqi

Jacob Black-Michaud: An Ethnographic and Ecological Survey of Luristan, Western Persia:

Modernization in a Nomadic Pastural Society, in: Middle Eastern Studies, Vol. 10, No. 2, (May
1974), p. 218.

An English traveller who was in the region during this period writes: "They were given a year long
ago to obain a European coat and trousers and a Pahlevi hat. No one had thought of doing so: fairy
tales, which know human nature, always five a year and a day, and the hero does not begin to think
about the matter till the last evening. Now a new message had come through from Teheran, and five
days were to see Luristan dressed and shaved, long hair being considered incompatible with a
civilised appearance. To procure a city suit in five days in the wilds of Luristan, is a joke only fit for
Punch or Persian government: the tribesmen gazed in unhappy perplexity while the policeman
expounded. 'Do you think the Ferengi clothes keep rain and snow out as thoroughly as these felt
coats?' I asked. 'Oh no' said the policeman. 'I should think the Pehlevi hat would not last long in this
climate ?.' 'No time at all', the tribesmen said in chorus, with obvious joy." Stark, The Valleys...op.
cit., p. 13.
 69

Kurdistan. Several military bases were constructed on both sides of the border; the
most important one in Iran right in the heartland of the Yaresan community.
Subsequently the army provided the most attractive job opportunities to the
unemployed young people in the absence of industries.

2.2.7.e) 1979-1988

During the Iranian Revolution of 1979, the inhabitants of the province of

Kermanshah took active part in the overthrow of the Pahlavi regime. The activity of
the Yaresan members was concentrated in the urban areas especially in Kerend,
Sahneh and the city of Kermanshah.
Since the beginning of the war beween Iran and Iraq the central region of the
Yaresan has been witnessing something both old and new. Although it has been
the scene of numerous wars since time immemorial, their experience of the effects
of sophisticated, modern weapons is new.
In the beginning of the war a large part of the region was occupied by Iraqi troops,
and the town of Qasr-e Shirin was literally flattened. The war accelerated the
migration of people to the city of Kermanshah and other parts of Iran. The latest
news indicated that the town and region of Halabcheh (Halabja) have several times
suffered from chemical warfare. This region was the birth place of Soltan Sahak,
the main founder of the Yaresan.
 70

3. STORIES OF THE CREATION

3.1. Yaresan Stories of the Creation arid Demonology

To describe the Yaresan religious system we start with their story of the creation. In
every religion the stories of the creation constitute an important part of the religious
tenets. It is also an important distinguishing feature of any religious system. This is
due to the fact that many other religious tenets depend on how the creation of
world is seen. Therefore, in this part of our study, we describe various Yaresan
stories of the creation. In addition to that, attempts are made to present these
stories in the context of their Iranian background.

3.1.1. From pre-eternity to the creation of the "Haftan"

The Yaresan story of the creation begins in pre-eternity. In pre-eternity, nothing

existed and the whole world was covered with water. The Divine Essence was in
the form of "Ya", located in a pearl. The pearl was in a shell and the shell was
located in the depths of the primordial ocean.1
In the Yaresan cosmology, the world was created in two stages. First there was the
creation of the spiritual world and then the creation of the material world. In the first
stage "Ya" decided to create the first angel "Jebra'il". So He created Jebra'il out of
Himself.2 But Jebra'il did not realise who his creator was until a messenger was
sent to guide him.3
This stage of the story has been described by Shaykh Amir, a Yaresan poet saint
as follows:
" Lorsque mon Roi (Dieu) était en tant que Ya, il n'y avait ni terre, ni ciel...ni la voix
de personne. Dieu, sous l'apparence d'un oiseau aux ailes d'or, vint se jeter dans
le grain pur...Lorsque mon Roi se trouvait dans la demeure de la Perle, la Perle était
au sein de l'Océan invisible du secret. Il ne voulut pas rester seul. Il témoigna de

^Jayhunabadi, Haqq ol-haqayeq...op. cit., pp. 34 - 35; Suri, Sorud-ha...op. cit., p. 22.

2
Jayhunabadi, Haqq ol-haqayeq...op. cit., pp. 35 - 36;also cf. Vladimir Minorsky, The Sect of the Ahl-i
Hakk, in: Iranica: Publication of the University of Tehran, 1964, p.307; Idem, Notes sur la Secte
(1920)...op. cit., p. 25.
•y
Jayhunabadi, Haqq ol-haqayeq...op. cit., pp. 36 -39.
 71

son art et fit apparaître les serviteurs fidèles. Il conclut un pacte avec ses serviteurs,
puis mettant le pied gauche en avant il sortit de la Perle."4
After his enlightenment, Jebra'il remained alone in the primordial ocean until he
requested "Ya" to create other angels: "Alone, I am not able to praise You. I request
You to create some companions for me to be able to perform this duty."
Then "Ya" accepted this request and created six other angels out of Himself. They
were called Mika'il, Esrafil, 'Ezra'il, Ruchiyar, Aywat and Marmuz. Mika'il was
created out of His breath; Esrafil was taken out of His mouth, and 'Ezra'il was
created out of His anger. Ruchiyar and Aywat were created from the light of His
eyes; one from the right eye and the other from the left.5 The seventh angel,
Marmuz, who is of feminine gender, was created out of His sweat.6 These six
angels along with Jebra'il became known as the "Haftan", i. e. the seven bodies or
seven angels.7
It was then that the "Haftan" requested the Divine Essence to emerge from the
Pearl. This request was accepted and the Dvine Essence manifested Himself as
"Khavankar".8

3.1.2. The creation of the universe and the earth

Other creations took place at the request of the "Haftan". These creations also
emerged from the Pearl, which was Khavankar Himself. First the Pearl began to
burn and boil, as a result of which matter was separated from spirit. Out of the
smoke, the skies were created, which turned into nine orbits (heavenly spheres)
and seven heavenly wheels. From the radiation of the flames the stars and the
heavenly towers were created. From the burning fire steam rose and became the
clouds in the sky.9 And from the matter which came out of the Pearl, the earth was
created. Then two of the "Haftan" viz. Ruchiyar and Aywat, were transformed into
two apparitions, one resembling a bull and the other a lion. The earth was put on
the horn of the bull and on its back stood the lion. On the back of the latter the

^Mohammad Mokri, Le symbole de la Perle dans le folklore persan et chez les Kurdes Fidèles de Vérité
(Ahl-e Haqq), in: Journal Asiatique, 1960, p. 477; Also see Appendix I: a, e.

^Jayhunabadi, Haqq ol-haqayeq...op. cit., p. 42

6
Ibd., op. cit., p. 41.

Ibid., op. cit., p. 43; Also see Appendix I: b.

8
Ibid., op. cit., p. 49.
Q
Ibid., op. cit., p. 56.
 72

supreme sphere was located. Then Khavankar looked into the primordial ocean
and a large fish was created. A white stone was put on the back of the fish , on
which the bull stood.
For the creation of day and night, two luminous bowls were removed from the
foreheads of the above-mentioned bull and lion and placed on the sun and the
moon.10 The mountain chains of "Qaf" and "Ghayn"11 were erected around the
world as seen by them, like a barrier to block out the sea.12

3.1.3. The creation of the heavenly bodies (Demonology)

Once more Khavankar looked at the Pearl and it began to burn and boil. A gem
appeared out of it and from it the essence emerged. Particles came out of the
essence, from which in turn luminous beings were created. From the smoke of the
burning pearl the devils, demons, djinns and the evil essence were created.13
The blazing fire of the Pearl was diffused into particles, which were kept inside the
"Zemehrir" well. From this the primordial djinn, called "Jan", was created. From
under his arms a feminine djinn named "Marjaneh" was created, who gave birth to
many children.14
According to the Yaresan story of the creation all the creatures, good or evil, were
made from the same source, i. e. Khavankar Himself.15
The Yaresan texts are not clear about the period of creation. But we can conclude
from Jayhunabadi's narration that the whole process of creation took about eight
days, two days in the beginning and another six days. The first of the two days was
Saturday, which is the best of all days. On this day Jebra'il was created out of the
Pearl. On the second day, which was Sunday, the main angels (the Haftan) were
created. On the other six days the two worlds and all that is in them were created.
From Monday to Saturday djinns and fairies were created. On each day of the eight

10
ibid.

11
"Qaf' is the name of a legendary mountain which plays an important role in Iranian mythology and
folklore. It is most probably also identical to "Hara" often mentioned in Zoroastrian texts. "Qaf' is at
the same time the name of one of the Arabic letters which is followed by "Ghayn". Therefore calling
another mountain "Ghayn" refers to this background.

12

Jayhunabadi, Haqq ol-haqayeq...op. cit., p. 58; Also see Appendix I: d.

13
Ibid., p. 61.

14
Ibid., p. 73.

^Ibid., p. 62.
 73

days one sky was created.16 From Monday to Saturday djinns and fairies were
created. On the ninth day which was Nouruz (the first day of spring and the Iranian
New Year) the Supreme Sphere emerged. The Supreme Sphere was on top of all
the skies, and is where Khavankar sits on His throne.17

3.1.4. The creation of Adam and Eve

Khavankar was again requested by the "Haftan" to create a human being and their
request was accepted.18 So Khavankar sent Mika'il to mount Sarandib (Sarandil) to
fetch yellow earth for the creation of Adam. But the yellow earth refused to be taken
for that purpose because Adam's children would later be sinners.19 But finally it
was brought by Esrafil. Then 'Ezra'il was sent to fetch black earth20 where upon
Khavankar mixed the black and yellow earth and moulded Adam's body in His own
image.
After this Adam took on a dualistic nature. In the later stages the yellow and black
earth were separated from each other in Adam's children. So that it was possible
for the angels to be re-incarnated in those persons who are made up of yellow
earth.21 The Yaresan associate the human soul with the manifestation of the Divine
Essence.
The Haftan requested Khavankar to manifest Himself in human form, which he
accepted.22 But as the Divine Essence was like fire, the material body would have
been burnt. Therefore it was decided to place the soul in Adam's body. When the

Ibid., pp. 59 - 60. The creation of the world in eight days corresponds to the tendency of Jayhunabadi's
narration to count the Haftan as eight. The Saranjam speaks of seven days.Cf. Suri, Sorud-
ha...op.cit., p. 29.
17
Jayhunabadi, Haqq oI-haqayeq...op. cit., pp. 60 - 61; Also see Appendix I: c.

18
Ibid., pp. 77 - 81.

19
Ibid., p. 82. In another story narrated in Tazkarat ol-a'ala it is said that Paradise also refused to go to
earth.

Ibid., p. 83 - 84. In Tazkarat ol-a'ala this story also appears. There, these two types of earth are not
mentioned. At the end of this version it is Jebra'il who brings the earth and not Esrafil, as in
Jayhunabadi's narration. In the Saranjam no details are given. Ivanow, Majmu'eh...op. cit., pp. 15 -
16; Suri, Sorud-ha...op. cit., p. 31.

Jayhunabadi, Haqq ol-haqayeq...op. cit., p. 85.

22
Ibid., p. 86.
 74

Divine Essence manifests in a human body, the soul like water prevents it from
being burnt.23
The soul too refused to enter Adam's body, so the Haftan enter Adam's heart and
begin to play mystical music.24 When the soul heard this music, it went into a
mystical trance and entered Adam's body. Then the Haftan came out and the soul
remained imprisoned there.25 After Adam came to life Eve was created from one of
his left ribs.26
It is worth mentioning here that in some of the older Yaresan texts the name
"Mashyeh" and "Mashyaneh" are used. This is what the primordial man and woman
were called by the ancient Iranians.27

3.1.5. Adam and Eve in paradise

When Adam and Eve were sent to paradise28 the enmity of Satan against them was
roused.29 So with the help of the snake and the peacock, Satan succeeded in
entering paradise. There he transformed himself into a handsome angel, who
encouraged Eve to eat the forbidden wheat. As a result Adam and Eve were
expelled from paradise along with Satan, the snake and the peacock.30
According to Jayhunabadi, Satan and the snake stand for concupiscence (nafs-e
amareh) and the peacock stands for greed, which made Adam eat wheat, symbolic
for material wealth (zib va zar=ornaments and gold).31

^Ibid., p. 87.

2 4 Ibid, pp. 88 - 89.

^Ibid., p. 91.

Ibid., p. 99. In Tazkarat ol-a'ala it is said that Jebra'il kneaded the clay and made Adam's figure in "the
image of God" i. e. in the likeness of the five Al-e 'Aba. According to Ivanow, this type of
"symbolism of limbs and feature of the face of man is explained in the Shiite manner". In Tazkarat
ol-a'al we read that when the soul refused to enter Adam's body, Jebra'il fixed the light of
Mohammad in Adam's forehead. The soul was glad to see the Mohammadan light and entered the
body. Ivnow, Majmu'eh...op. cit., pp. 16 -17.

27
Sediq Safizadeh Buraka'i, Doureh-ye haftavaneh ( Jozvi az nameh-ye minavi-ye saranjam), Tehran,
1361H., p. 78,136; Idem, Neveshteh-ha...op. cit., p. 126.
28

Jayhunabadi, Haqq ol-haqayeq...op. cit., p. 92.

29 Ibid., p. 93.

^Ibid., p. 101.

31 Ibid., p. 100.
 75

Satan also represents egoism and angel love. Both egoism and love, which are
antagonistic, are located in the land of the body. Egoism is the re-incarnation (dun)
of the ruler of the land of darkness, who is the enemy of God. Paradise is love,
where God also resides. Whenever the light of God appears, it is covered by the
cloud of darkness. Light and darkness remain hostile to each other until the Day of
Resurrection. Each person who becomes subject to darkness is the enemy of both
God and paradise. A person who becomes subject to the light enjoys the presence
of God. 32
It is worth mentioning that the Yaresan do not curse Satan. The Yaresan of the
Kermanshah region use the name "Malek Tavus", i. e. the Peacock Angel to
designate Satan. As against Jayhunabadi, the older Yaresan texts use this name
for Satan.33 Another point to be mentioned is a statement of Elahi about the
creation of Eve. According to him Eve is not created from Adam's rib.34
Unfortunately he does not give his source. Therefore we do not yet know whether it
is his personal opinion or originated from the Yaresan religion.

3.1.6. Adam and Eve on the earth

Although Adam and Eve were forgiven for the sin which they committed in
paradise, they become mortal. They were destined to achieve immortality only after
having gone through many trials and tribulations in this world. 35 Therefore the main
aim of being in this world is to tolerate pain with the hope of once more entering the
presence of God.
On earth Eve gave birth to many children from whom many others were born. 36 But
the antagonistic and dualistic characteristics of their life on the earth continued.
A daughter of Adam called 'Anaq was married to a devil and gave birth to a
monster with two heads. There was a struggle between this monster and Adam's
grand children until Jebra'il cut him in two. One of the pieces becomes a dragon
which was sent beyond the Qaf mountain. This dragon will function as hell on the
Day of Resurrection. From the other half of the monster many children were born
who, along with other djinns and demons, continue to fight human beings. These

32
Ibid., p. 94.

33

Sun, Sorud-ha...op. cit., p. 175,

34
Nur 'Ali Elahi, Asar ol-haqq, Tehran,1360 H. (1*1357)

Jayhunabadi, Haqq ol-haqayeq...op. cit., p. 102.

^Ibid., p. 104.
 76

demons were collectively called Gog Magog.37 Gog Magog remained on earth and
killed many human beings till Alexander, who was the re-incarnation of Esrafil, (and
appeared after Noah) stopped them all.38

3.2. The Yaresan Story of the Creation in Iranian Context

Inspite of the fact that the Yaresan story of the creation has not been unified and
there are some differences between groups, we are nevertheless in a position to
say that generally their version is independent when compared to other religions
even if there are some parallelisms to and borrowings from other current religious
ideas in Iran. Below is an attempt to point out some of these parallelisms and
similarities.

3.2.1. Mazdaism

One of the characteristics of the Yaresan story of the creation is the idea of the
Divine Essence dwelling in a pearl. This idea must certainly have a very ancient
origin. Like other Iranian peoples for the Yaresan the pearl is a symbol of virginity.39
In Iranian mysticism the pearl is the symbol of spiritual birth and consciousness.40
As far as is known no mention of a pearl is made in Zoroastrian literature. Inspite of
this, it is possible that in the Mazdean version which was current in western Iran at
that time, the pearl did play a more important role in the story of creation. The
reason for this proposition is the Yazidi version of the story of creation. In the Yazidi
religious book "Mashaf-e rash" it says: God first created the white pearl out of His
precious essence, and created a bird, called "Anfar". He put the pearl on the back
of the bird, which remained there for about fourty thousand years.41

37 Ibid., pp. 104 -105.

^Ibid., p. 106.

39
Mokri, Le symbole...op. cit., p. 464. Because of its spherical form and its inimitable lustre the pearl is
at times considered to be the symbol of perfection. An intact pearl was the symbol of virginiy in
Iran. Persian myths related the pearl to the original creation of matter by the spirit. Herder Lexikon,
Symbole, Freiburg im Breisgau, 1978, p. 123.

^Mokri, Le symbole...op. cit., p. 468. Similarly Elahi points out that the pearl is considered to be the
symbol of spiritual rebirth. Nur Ali-Shah Elahi, L'ésotérisme Kurde; aperçus sur le secret gnostique
des fidèles de vérité, Paris, 1966, p.17.

41 Giuseppe Furlani, The Religion of the Yezidis, Religious Texts of the Yezidis, Bombay, 1940, p. 54.
 77

There is another Yaresan concept about the early stage of Divine Manifestation for
which we find an analogy in Mazdean literature. In the Yaresan story of the creation
we find that there are two separate aspects of God namely the stage of the pearl in
pre-eternity and the stage of Khavankar after His manifestation. In Zoroastrianism
the same distinction is made; "the distinction between 'Vahma' and Mazda, the
Impersonal and the Personal aspects of godhead. The 'Vahma' aspect is the pre-
creation state of God where there is no universe. There is only the Entity, viz.
Vahma. The Mazda aspect is the post-creation aspect where God is the Lord of the
universe that has emanated out of Him".42
In our Yaresan text we can observe that Jayhunabadi is confused about the period
of creation. First he says that both the worlds and all that was in them, were
created in six days and on the ninth day the creation of the Supreme Sphere was
made. Then elsewhere he says that the skies were created in eight days and on the
ninth day the creation of the Supreme Sphere was made. In the Zoroastrian book
"Bondaheshn" it is said that the creation of the two worlds took place in sixth
periods. Similarly in one of the copies of the Saranjam, the main Yaresan religious
book, instead of days, "periods" of the creation is referred to.43 In another
Zoroastrian book called "Mainyo-i-Khard" (MP. Minu Khrad) the Supreme Sphere is
said to be located in heaven in a place called "Garothman" where the creator
"Hormazd" resides in.44 In addition to these varying periods of creation, there is yet
another viz. the Zoroastrian story, in which water plays an important part, just as it
does to the Yaresan and Yazidi: "First the entire creation was a drop of Water; that-
is, everything was from water, except the seeds of men and animals; for, those
seeds are of-the-essence-of-Fire." 45 As regards the creation of the material world,
Urmazd, first created the Sky, second the Water, third the Earth, fourth the Tree,
fifth the Beneficent Animal and sixth He created Gayomart (MP.Kayumars). Urmazd
rested after each period of creation. "He produced these six creations, in the six
periods of the Gahanbars, computed in a year, of three hundred and sixty-five
days, of twelve months, each being of thirty days, and one month of thirty-five
days; He named each day after a Beneficent-Immortal."46

42
Jatindra Mohan Chatterji, The Gospel of Zarathushtra (in the words of Moulana Jalal-ud-Din Rumi),
Calcutta, 1973, p. lxix.

43
Suri, Sorud-ha...op. cit., p. 31.

. W. West, The Book of the Mainyo-i-Khard,(The Pazand and Sanskrit texts, in Roman characters as
arranged by Neriosengh Dhaval, in the fifteenth century), London, 1871, p. 140.

45
B . T. Anklesaria (trans.), Iranian or Greater Bundahishn (Zand-i-Akasih), Bombay, 1956, p. 21.

^Ibid., p. 27. In Zoroastrianism the main angels are called the Beneficent-Immortals. As we will see
later on, Yaresan too follows the system of naming each day of the week after an angel.
 78

As mentioned above in the six period, Urmazd created Gayomart i. e. the

Primordial Man, along with "Gav" the Primordial Animal:
"Fifthly, He created the sole-created Gav, in Iranvej, in the middle of the earth, on
the shore of the river Ven-Daiti,-that is the middle of the earth-; she was white and
shining, like the Moon, and her height was three reeds of-average-length; He
produced the Water and the Tree, for her help; for, she- had strength and growth,
from these, in the mingled state."
"Sixthly, He created Gayo-mart shining as the Sun; his height was four reeds of-
average-length; his width was symmetrical as the height; he was on the shore of
the river Daiti,-that is, the middle of the earth;-Gayo-mart was on the left side, the
Gav on the right side; their distance from each other, their distance,-too, from the
water Daiti, was as-much-as their-own height-; he was possessed-of-eyes, ears,
tongue and mark,-Gayo-mart's possession-of-the-mark was this that mankind
were-born,of his seed, in his semblance-;: He produced, for his help, repose-giving
Sleep; for;Ohr-mazd created forth the Sleep, in the astral-form of a tall man, fifteen
years-of-age and radiant; He created Gayo-mart, with the Gav, out of the Earth; He
created forth the sperms of men and animals, out-of the Light and verdure of the
Sky;-as these two sperms are of-the-principle-of-Fire, not of-the-principle-of-Water-;
He produced them in the material-body of the Gav and Gayo-mart, so that the
complete-propagation of men and animals arose therefrom.47
As regards Gayo-mart, Bondaheshn says that he passed away after thirty years.
While passing away he emitted the seed, which was filtered by the light of the Sun.
After forty years Mashya and Mashyaneh grew up from the earth in the astral-body
of a "Rivas" plant i. e. rhubarb. This rhubarb plant had one stem with fifteen leaves.
They were joined to each other, and their hands rested behind over their shoulders,
and were of such a uniform height that it was not evident, which one was the male
and which one the female.48

As already mentioned,the name of Mashya and Mashyaneh as well as the

connected rhubarb plant is mentioned in early Yaresan texts such as "Doureh-ye
haftavaneh". 49 In addition to that, Jayhunabadi several times mentions the name of
Kayumars i. e. Gayo-mart. The Yaresan like the Zoroastrians recognize Kayumars

47
Anklesaria, Iranian...op. cit., pp. 25 - 26.

^Ibid^p. 127 - 129. The idea of the emergence of primordial man from plant is a very old Indo-Iranian
concept and is close to the belief in re-incarnation. It is interesting to note that according to Persian
version of the history of Tabari, another name for Gayo-mart ( i. e. life-mortal) is "Gelshah" i. e.
first king created from dust. Abu 'Ali Mohammad b. Mohammad Bal'ami, Tarikh-e bal'ami,
(Taklameh va tarjomeh-ye tarikh-e tabari ta'lif-e Abu Ja'far b. Jarir Tabari), Tehran, 1341 H.,p. 113.

49
Buraka'i, Doureh-ye haftvaneh...op.cit., p. 78,136; Idem, Neveshteh-ha...op. cit., p. 126.
 79

as the first king of the world.50 In one of the Yaresan stories it is said that during the
period of Shah Khoshin, when Baba Bozorg mentioned his incarnations, he
pointed out that at one time he was the re-incarnation of Kayumars and another
time the re-incarnation of Zarathustra.51 It is worth mentioning here that Gayo-mart
was regarded to be both the first king and the first prophet by the ancient Iranians.
In the above mentioned Yaresan text "Doureh-ye haftavaneh" another Yaresan
angel , Mohammad Bag, also makes interesting statements about his previous
incarnations. He declares that in eternity he was the incarnation of '"Anqa", the
legendary bird, and was the ancestor of people in the incarnation of Mashya and
Mashyaneh.52
The legendary bird '"Anqa" has its parallel in Persian, namely the bird "Simorgh".
The name of this bird is often mentioned in connection with the mountain "Qaf" in
Iran. Mountain Qaf is thought to have been the haunt of the fabulous bird Simorgh.
This legendary bird is supposed to have lived since the beginning of the world and
withdrew to Qaf into complete solitude.53
In the well-known work "Manteq ot-tayr", written by the Persian Sufi poet Farid od-
Din 'Attar, both the legendary bird and the mountain play an important role. He
"describes the pilgrimage of the Sufi by way of the seven stations through which
the soul must pass before it loses itself completely in God, by means of the allegory
of a very difficult journey filled with adventures, accomplished by a bird, traversing
the seven valleys, until it reaches the mountain Kaf, where their very wise king
Simurgh is enthroned".54
In our Yaresan text it is said that the mountain Qaf was created in order to block the
sea. In another version, in the Yaresan text "Tazkatat ol-a'ala", it is said that God
"created the mountains to serve as the anchor (i. e. backbone) of the earth". In the
Persian version of the history of Tabari, it is said that it is only due to the existence

50
Cf. JayhunabadL.op. cit., p.12,13.

5
^Ibid., p. 294. The Yazidis also believe in "a father primeval, who lived before Adam and did not fall in
sin". This, according to Jackson, appears to be a reminiscence of Kayumars. Williams A. V. Jackson,
The Yezidis, or so-called Devil-Worshippers, around Tiflis, (Notes on a Journey to Persia, I.), in:
Journal of American Oriental Society, No. 25, p. 181; Idem, Persia...op. cit., p. 12.

52
Buraka'i, Doureh-ye haftavaneh...op. cit., pp. 78,135 - 136.
53
"Simorgh", originally "Sen-morgh", means the Great Bird, similar to "Garuda" of the Mahabharata and
'"Anqa" of the Arabs. The legendary bird of the Alborz mountains is supposed to have the gift of
speech, and its feathers to possess magical properties. It is a guardian of heroes and a symbol of
God.
54
Cf. the English translation of Farid od-Din Attar's Manteq ot-tayr ( The Conference of the Birds,
London/Henley, 1978,1*1954). The name of this mountain is mentioned in many Iranian tales such
as Thousand and One Nights. See also the German translation: Tausendundeine Nacht, Gustav Weil
(trans.), Hersching, 1980, Vol.111, p. 367 etc.
 80

of the mountain (Qaf?) that the earth does not constantly shake and if this
mountain was not there to support the earth, no creature would be able to live on
it.55 The origin of the idea of the earth resting on a bull is very old.56 The Iranians
describe the animal on which the earth rests, sometimes as bull and sometimes as
a hybrid bull and fish. The great Persian Sufi Jalal od-Din Moulavi (Rumi) speaks of
the mountain Qaf which surrounds the world. Other mountains are said to be the
veins of Qaf.57
In the Zoroastrian literature the name of the mountain Qaf is repeatedly mentioned.
This is an ancient Iranian traditional belief according to which this mountain range
surrounds the terrestrial world, and probably is the same as the mountain Alborz,
which played and still plays a very important symbolic role for both ancient Iranians
and modern Zoroastrians. This mythical mountain range was regarded to have
been at the edge of the world, and the home of the gods.58 In the Persian Revayats
it is mentioned that mount Alborz is "a pillar of the sky and the sun, moon and stars
revolve (round it) like the turning of a water-wheel".59
There is a very interesting parallelism between Yaresan beliefs and Mazdaism that
concerns demonology. The role of demons in such religions is found in variety of
forms, e. g. in the story of the creation, the apocalypse and the Day of
Resurrection. It can be observed in Mazdaism that even after historical events have
been mythologized, demons take the place of once historical personalities.
Similarly we can see that among the Yaresan the story of the creation ,
demonology and historical persons are interwoven. The dualistic system of thought
has made the antagonistic angels and demons typical of the Iranian thought, which
has also penetrated neighbouring societies.
Evidence of demons taking over the role of people might be found in the Avesta
itself. There, we come across strange giants such as "Khara" which live in the
sea.60 In the Yashts we often see the name of "Deava" which has been changed

55
Bal'ami, Tarikh...op. cit., p.43.

56
Attar also refers to the same concept in his Manteq ot-tayr. There it is said: "At the beginning of the
centuries God used the mountains as nails to fix the Earth on the back of a bull, the bull on a fish,
and the fish on the air. But on what rested the air?. On nothing." Attar, The Conference...op. cit., p.
3.

57
Moulana Jalal od-Din Mohammad Balkhi Rumi, Masnavi-ye ma'navi, (ba haft ketab-e nafis-e digar),
Tehran, 1315 -1319, p. 275.
58
West, The Book...op. cit., p.181.

59
Ervand Bamanji Nusserwanji Dhabhar (trns.), The Persian Rivayats of Hormazyar Framarz and
Others, Bombay, 1932, p. 426.

^Ebrahim Purdavud, Aabiyat-e mazdyasna, Yasht-ha: Qesmati az ketab-e moqadas-e avesta, Bombay,
1307 H. (1928), Vol. I , p. 133.
 81

into "Div" in modern Persian. Among the great Deavas is "Azay Dahaka", who is
said to have had three mouths,61 and is thought to be the name of a historical
personality.
In Zoroastrian literature we are able to find a description of the "divs" "pari" and
"djinn", which are almost the same as those of the Yaresan. In the Bondaheshn too
we read about the pairing of human beings and divs:
"Az-i Dahak, during his reign, let-loose a "div" on a young woman, and let-loose a
young man on a "parik"; they performed coition with (the sight) of the apparition;
the negro came Into-being through that (novel-)kind of coition."62
Another example is the case of "Jam" and his sister, "Jami", as narrated in the
Zoroastrian books called the "Bondaheshn" and the "Revayats":
"Jam, when (his) light had departed from-hlm, took a she-'div' to wife, and gave his
sister Jami to a 'div' to wife, owing-to the fear (of) the 'divs'; the ape, the bear, (the
resident-of-the-forest,) the tailed-being, and other races arose from them; (his
lineage did-not-progress therefrom)."63
"... About the offspring of Jam and Jame. From Jam and the pari (arose) the ape
and the bear and the limber-legged ones and those having ears like a shield; and
from the impure Dev and Jame (arose) alligators, tortoises, frogs and cats."64
"Again first there were 10 kinds of men and their names are:-the breast-eyed, the
three-eyed, the breast-eared, the elephant-eared, one-legged, limber-legged, those
having the head of panthers, those having the head of lions, those having the head
of camels and those having the heads of dogs."65
In the same book, the Revayats, other types of creatures have been mentioned
"the heads of some of them are like the horse's head and some of them have the
dog's head. Some have tails like the cattle and some are nlm-tan*( lit., half-
bodied)".66
It is worth mentioning here that in Zoroastrianism these super-human creatures
have a great significance. We should remember here that the real name of
Zoroastrianism is Mazda-yasna as against Daeva-yasna, i. e. the worshippers of
Mazda as against the worshippers of Divs. Just like the angels, the Divs or Pari play

61
Fritz, Wolff, Avesta: Die heiligen Bücher der Parsen, Strassburg, 1910 (Nachd. Berlin, 1960), Yt.: 15.
19.

62
Anklesaria, Iranian...op. cit., p. 137.

63
Ibid., p. 137.

64
Dhabhar, The Persian Rivayats...op. cit., p. 257.

65
Ibid.

^Ibid.
 82

certain roles and perform certain functions. In the following chapter concerning
dualism we will again speak about these super-human beings and their
cosmological and mythological significance.

3.2.2. Zarvanism

Zarvanism was an important part of Zoroastrianism of the later period, and

represented the general "mood" of the "articulate populace".67 Zarvanism survived
the Islamic period and became widespread among "heretical" groups. In addition to
this, most of the surviving Zoroastrian books like Bondaheshn have many Zarvanite
ideas.
In our Yaresan story of the creation of the two worlds, God created the luminous
being out of fire and the evil essence out of smoke, both out of the same pearl. In
Haqq ol-haqayeq it is emphasized that "all the creations good and evil were made
from the same source, whether fire or smoke". This is clearly a Zarvanite idea,
according to which Urmazd is the creator of both good and evil.ln Bondaheshn it is
said:
"Out-of His-own Self, out-of the Essence-of-Light, Ohr-mazd created forth the
astral-body of His-own creatures, in the astral-form of luminous and white Fire,
whose circumference is conspicuous; and out-of the Essence of those Spirits,
which remove the opponent that is in both the creations: that which is Power and
that which is Time."
"The Evil-Spirit miscreated his creatures, out-of his own Essence-of-Darkness, in
the astral-form of the blackness of charcoal, of the wicked worthy-of-darkness, like
noxious-creatures of very-sinful-blemish."
"He, first, produced the Essence-of-the-'Divs', Evil-progress, that Spirit wherefrom
the harmfulness of the creatures of Ohr-mazd arose; for, out-of the essence-of-
Darkness, he produced the Infinite Darkness; and out-of Infinite Darkness, there
forthwith arose Untruthful-Utterance, which became manifest, owing-to the vileness
of him the Evil-Spirit;-for,-he created such creatures, whereby he would-make him-
self worse, that-is, he might-become ineffective; for, he miscreated that astral-form,
out-of Infinite Darkness, he produced his-own creatures in that astral-form, and
became useless owing-to his-own creation-of-the-creatures."68
We have already mentioned that the Yaresan call Satan "Malak Tavus" i. e. the
angel peacock. The Yaresan also do not curse Satan and believe that both evil and

67
Richard N. Frye, Persia, London, 1968, p. 53.

^Anklesaria, Iranian...op. cit., pp. 15 -16.

 83

good are in the heart of human beings. We know that the Yazidis too use the name
"Malak Tavus" to designate Satan. The Yazidis, who have preserved many old
Iranian religious ideas, respect both of the dualistic elements, namely Ahriman and
Urmazd.
In Zarvanism, similar to the beliefs of the Yaresan, both good and evil principles
have one and the same origin. Unfortunately our knowledge of Zarvanism is too
limited to be able to identify other similarities with the Yaresan. "Zarvan" (Avestic:
Zrvan, Pahlavi: Zaravan) means time and it is usually accompanied by the adjective
"akarana" meaning endless.69 In various passages in the Avesta, Zarvan is praised
as a Yazata or lesser divinity.70 But "according to the Zarvanist theory, he is neither
an attribute nor a deity, but a primal source of deity, a fons deitatis*"71 The word
"Zarvan" is not found in the Gatha and it is believed that Zarvanism emerged during
Arsacid and Sassanid periods. Zarvanism sees "Endless Time" as being the
ultimate power in creation. For Zarvanites both Spenta Mainyu (Ahuramazda) and
Angra Mainyu (Ahriman) are the sons of Zarvan.72
In two treatises known as '"Olama-ye eslam", containing answers to the Islamic
doctors, Zarvanite ideas are discussed. In one of these treatises it is said:
"By the truth of the Creator and by the true Religion (I swear) that if God and all the
Amshaspands and all the Behdins gather together, they cannot bring into existence
the slightest particle without (the help of) Zamana* (i.e. Time), because it can come
into existence by Time. I mention(the word) Ruzgar* (i. e. Time) for this reason that
there are many persons who do not know that ruzgar*is Zamana* (i. e. Time).
Religion can be taught through Time; a trade can be taught through Time; manners
can be taught through Time; and gold and garden can be acquired through Time.
A tree grows through Time and it yields fruit through Time.Crafts can be acquired
through Time, and the existence of all things is justified by Time; and it cannot be
said that Afridagar*(i. e. the Creator) is and Ruzgar* (i. e. Time) is not. If a person
says that ruzgar* is night and day, then it should be known that for a great length of
Time when days and nights did not exist, Zaman (i. e. Time without bounds) did
exist."73

69
Ebrahim Purdavud, Khordeh avesta (Jozvi az nameh-ye minovi-ye avesta)., Bombay, 1931H., p. 37

70
Vend. xix. 44,55; Ny. i. 8, etc.

71
E. Edwards, Sects (Zoroastrian), in: James Hastings (ed.), Encyclopaedia of Religion and Ethics, Vol.
xi, New York, 1954 (1*1920), p. 345.
72
Hashem, Razi, Zaravana-akarana, in: Hukht, No. 12, Serial 17, 1345 H., p. 38. Shahrestani's version
also indicates that for the Zarvanites both Urmazd and Ahriman are sons of the same mother.
73
Dhabhar, The Persian Rivayats...op. cit., p. 443.
 84

In another treatise it is said: "It is thus manifest in the religion of Zartosht: except
Time all other things have been created and Time is the Creator. Time is without
bounds; its top is undiscoverable; its bottom is undiscoverable; it has always
existed and it shall ever be. He who is endowed with wisdom will not say whence
came Time and on account of all its greatness, there was no one who could call it
the Creator: Why? because, it had not (yet) made the creation. Then it (i. e. Time)
produced fire and water and when these intermingled, Ormazd came into
existence. Time is as well the Creator as the Master in relation to the creation
produced by him."74

3.2.3. Iranian folklore background

We can find some similarities between certain parts of the Yaresan story of the
creation and what may be loosely called folklore. Many of these concepts have
their roots in a more arranged system of thought whose more vital components
have survived. Some other parts may result from socio-historical experiences,
which continue to play a role in the life of the people.
We possess a book called '"Ajayeb ol-makhluqat va gharayeb ol-moujudat" written
by a native of the city of Qazvin, Zakarya b. Mohammad Qazvini (vivebat 1186 -
1266) which contains the ideas current at his time about different types of super-
natural creatures. Here we find not only a parallelism with our Yaresan stories, but
they also help us to understand the Yaresan ideas better.
One of the most important tenets of the Yaresan religion is the belief in a number of
angels. According to the Yaresan story of creation, "Ya" created His angels before
manifesting Himself. In their religious system the role of these angels is almost as
important as that of Khavankar Himself. Among the first group of angels, known as
the "Haftan" four of them have names which are well-known in the region, namely
Jebra'il, Mika'il, Esrafil, 'Ezra'il. Qazvini describes these four angels as follows:
Jebra'il is the confidant of God and His revelation and the guardian of the treasury
of holiness (amin-e vahy va khazen-e qods). It is said that the prophet asked
Jebra'il to appear in the form he really existed so that the prophet could see him.
Jebra'il promised to do so and on a moonlit night appeared in "Baqi"', a cemetery
in Medina. The prophet fainted when he saw what Jebra'il really looked like
(haybat). When he became conscious again he saw Jebra'il in his usual form. Then
the prophet said: "I do not think that among God's creatures any one has an

74 i b i d „ p. 450: For the Persian text of this part cf. Purdavud's Khordeh avesta...op. cit., pp. 65 - 66.
 85

appearance like yours."75 Jebra'il has helpers who are responsible for "the power
of anger" (qovat-e ghazabi) and have ability and vitality to repel wild animals, and
evil.76
Esrafil is responsible for carrying out God's orders and for blowing the trumpet on
Resurrection Day. This trumpet is pointed towards the empyrean ('arsh). The
circumference of its mouth is more than the breath of the skies and the earth, and it
stands ready till the order to blow is given.
The prophet Mohammad said to God that Jebra'il and Mika'il were known from the
Koran, but it was not clear who Esrafil was.God answered that he was a very
important angel. He has four wings; one pointing towards the east, another
towards the west, a third one is on the earth and in the sky. The fourth wing he has
folded around himself to shield himself from the glory of God. His head is where the
top of the empyreans are and his feet are under the seventh earth. There are a
tablet and ink between his eyes and whether God has an order he commands the
pen to write on that tablet. Then Esrafil inspires Jebra'il about God's order. Esrafil's
helpers in this world are in charge of blowing the winds for the benefit of animals,
plants and "mines" (ma'aden).77
'Ezra'il is the stopper of movements and the remover of souls. His head is in the
upper sky and his feet are under the planet earth. He is standing before the
destiny-tablet and has many helpers (u ra a'van bashad be-a'dad).78 It is narrated
that Solomon met 'Ezra'il and fainted on seeing him . When Solomon told him
about his gigantic and dreadful form, 'Ezra'il said that he was standing on another
angel who was still much larger. That angel is so big that both the earth and the sky
can fit into his mouth. He takes the souls of the monotheists with his right hand and
puts them in a silk cloth perfumed with musk. The souls of non-believers are put
into a shirt made out of tar (sarbali az qatran) and taken to "Sejjin", a place in hell.79
Regarding the creation of Adam and Eve, we find that a similar story existed among
the Sufis. The well-known Persian Sufi Jalal od-Din Moulavi (Rumi) refers to this
story which is very similar to the Yaresan version. The main difference between
these two stories concerns the types of earth fetched by the angels. As we have
observed in the Yaresan version, there were only two types of earth, namely black
and yellow. In Jalal od-Din's version, after the first three angels failed to bring earth,

75
The same story is narrated by the Persian Sufi Moulavi. Cf. Balkhi Rumi, Masnavi....op. cit., p. 276.

Zakariya b. Mohammad b. Mahmud al-Memuni al-Qazvini, 'Ajayeb ol-makhluqat va gharayeb ol-

moujudat, Tehran, 1340 H., p. 57.

^Ibid., pp. 56 - 57.

78
Ibid., p. 58.

79
Ibid., p. 59.
 86

God sent 'Ezra'il, the death angel, to do this work. The death angel succeeded and
brought seven handfuls of earth and consequently seven differently coloured races
appeared on earth. So the white race originates from white earth, Africans from
black earth, Nubians from half black earth, Mongols from yellow earth, olive-
coloured Indians from green earth, Arabs from brown earth and certain tribes in the
jungle from red earth.80 This concept of seven human races on earth and their
geographical location is an ancient Iranian concept called seven "Keshvars", which
played an important role among the Sufis.81
In the Yaresan version of the creation of Adam it is said that the angels were sent to
a mountain to fetch yellow earth. Jayhunabadi uses the name "Sarandib" to
designate this place, whereas in the older Yaresan texts the name "Sarandil" is
mentioned. Although Mohammad Mokri has used these two names synonymously
in the index of Jayhunabadi's book, they may be of different origins. The name
"Sarandib" is well-known. According to the above-mentioned book '"Ajayeb ol-
makhluqat", Sarandib is the mountain where Adam came down from paradise. His
footsteps (qadam) are to be seen here. And every night rain washes those
footsteps (qadamgah) and every Saturday lightening appears over this mountain
without any cloud (sahabi) about and red rubies as well as diamonds are found
here which are brought down the mountain by the floods. There is also aloe-wood
(ud) there.82
Mount Sarandib is apparently the same as Adam's peak in Sri Lanka. Sarandib is
the old Persian name for Sri Lanka , derived from Sanskrit "Simhala-dvipa" meaning
"The Isle where the Lions Dwell". Ebn-e Batuteh (Ibn Battuta), a fourteenth century
Arab traveller, who visited this mountain, gives a description of it.83 From what he
writes it can be concluded that mount Sarandib used to be revered by several
communities, including Yogis and dervishes. Actually, he met Iranian dervishes a
number of times going to or coming from Sarandib mountain.84
To discuss once more the subject of super-natural creatures existing in the
Yaresan stories of the creation we shall refer to the thirteenth century book "'Ajayeb

OA
Balkhi Rumi, MasnavL.op. cit., p. 305ff. We find a similar version in Persian version of the history of
Tabari. Bal'ami, Tarikh...op. cit., pp. 70 - 72.
81
Cf. Henry Corbin, Spiritual Body and Celestial Earth ( From Mazdean Iran to Shi'ite Iran), Princeton,
1977 (1 "Paris, 1960).
82
Qazvini, 'Ajayeb ol-makhluqat...op. cit., p. 164.

83 Ibn Battuta, Travels in Asia and Africa 1325 -1354, London, 1963 (l*The Broadway Travellers, 1929),
pp. 258 - 259.

84 rbid., pp. 246 - 247.

 87

ol-makhluqat" which is saturated with Iranian folklore, and describes the djinns as
follows:
A djinn is a kind of animal and has the ability to change its form and appearance.
God created it out of fire. Before the creation of Adam, the djinns inhabited the
earth. There were no kings or prophets among them. They began to oppose the
human prophets, and began to revolt. As the situation on the earth deteriorated
and it became full sedition, God sent an army of angels to stop them. The angels
stopped them from penetrating into the land and pushed them towards the sea.
Among the captives was young 'Azazil, who was brought up by the angels.
According to 'Ajayeb ol-makhluqat there are different types of djinn: Oppressor and
insurgent djinns as well as believers and non-believers. Each group has its own
leader and they are very obedient and never refuse to follow an order of their
leaders.85 In Jayhunabadi's text 'Azazil is the name of the same Satan who
deceived Adam and Eve in paradise. It was due to the help of the snake and the
peacock that Satan could deceive Eve in paradise. The snake, due to its
connection with the story of Adam and Eve, plays an important role in Oriental
folklore. Some believe that it is a creature of Satan, and others think that it emerged
as the result of metamorphosis. It is also said that after it was driven from paradise,
it fell to earth in the central Iranian region of Esfahan or in the east Iranian region of
Sajestan. In popular belief the snake is also connected to the djinns, as it is
supposed to be one of the forms in which djinns appear.86 In Islam the djinns are in
fact more like human beings, they can be both good and bad. Therefore the word
djinn is associated with human beings. But in Islam, "Shaytans", like "Eblis", are
fallen angels. They were deported from paradise because they refused to prostrate
themselves before Adam. This is also what Jayhunabadi's version has adopted.
Among the Moslems, Shaytans only play negative roles and because of that they
always repeat the phrase: "I take refuge with God from the stoned Satan."87
The last point which we would like to mention regarding what we may loosely call
the folklore, concerns the apocalyptic tribes of Gog Magog which also exist in other
religions. We are not intending to go into discussion of how it has been adopted by
the Yaresan. In the story narrated by Jayhunabadi, we notice that Adam's daughter
gave birth to a monster .This monster was cut in two by Jebra'il as it was harming
human beings. One piece became a dragon and another piece became a demon
who was paired with a she-demon. She gave birth to many children called Gog
Magog.

OC
Qazvim, 'Ajayeb ol-makhluqat...op. cit., pp. 37 - 38.

J. Ruska, Article "Hayya", in: The Encyclopaedia of Islam, New Edition.

87
D. B. Macdonald-(H. Massé), Article "Djinn", in: The Encylopaedia of Islam, New Edition.
 88

As in the case of the Yaresan the story of the Gog Magog in the Orient is related to
the legend about the Macedonian Alexander.
In Jayhunabadi's text the Gog Magog continued to kill human beings until
Alexander stopped them all. This story is an important part of the book "Alexander
Roman", as called in German; a fictional story about Alexander's adventure in the
Orient. This legend, which in the course of time has been translated into several
languages, is equally well-known in Europe. According to this book, Alexander
constructed a wall in the north to stop the apocalyptic tribe of Gog Magog.88 This
interesting story found its way into religious texts. The original version was based
on a historical fact. Up to now the Gog Magog have been identified with several
invading tribes such as the Scythians, the Huns, and the Arabs. 89 The wall was
sometimes situated in the region of the "Caspian Gate" and sometimes in India and
finally as the Chinese wall. The oldest translation of the story was made as early as
the Sassanid period from Persian into Syrian. 90 It was also in Persian that the story
was presented in the form of poetry by two great Iranian poets, Ferdousi and
Nezami. 91
In the book 'Ajayeb ol-makhluqat the Gog Magog are described in a part titled "
Animals of strange appearances or forms". Here it is said that the Gog Magog is a
tribe (qoumi) whose number no one knows except God. They have the stature of
human beings. They have "Zanab" (?) and claws (makhaleb) like wild animals
(seba'). One of them can give birth to many and their food is what the sea washes
up on the beach. 92
The book 'Ajayeb ol-makhluqat speaks about another group of creatures who live
near the Gog Magog and their ears are like an elephant's trunk.93 It also describes
many types of strange creatures, among them "Nasnas" which is also mentioned
by Jayhunabadi. This demon has only one of every organ.and limb. He was born

go
Franz Pfister, Gog und Magog, in: Hanns Bächtold-Stäubli (Hrg.), Handwörterbuch des deutschen
Aberglaubens, Berlin/New York, 1987. This wall apparently existed along the eastern edge of
Caucasia near Darband long before Alexander. It was constructed to protect Armenia and Iran
from attacks of the northern tribes.
QQ

Franz Pfister, Kleine Schriften zum Alexanderroman, Meisenheim am Glan, 1976, p. 175, 330, 331.

^Pfister,Kleine Schriften...op. cit., p. 327, 330.

9 * I t was around the year one thousand A.D. that Ferdousi, as the first poet, put this story in verse.
Around 1190 A.D. Nezami wrote his "Eskandar nameh", where Alexander' appears as a follower of
Islam. Cf. Wilhelm Bacher, Nezami's Leben und Werke,
92
Qazvini, 'Ajayeb ol-makhluqat...op. cit., p. 458. Qazvini also gives the story of Harut and Marut
according to which these two angels came down to earth. They committed sins and were asked
whether they wanted to be punished in this world or the next. They chose this world and were
hanged in a well in Babylonia. Here Qazvini does not refer to the story about Venus. (Ibid., p. 64)
93 Ibid., p. 385.
 89

from the pairing of a demon and a human being. 94 Some demons have camel and
lion heads, others horse heads, some have human heads but bodies like a snake,
and others have their eyes on their breast.95

94 Ibid., p. 384.

95 Ibid., p. 388, 458, 459.

 90

4. DIVINE MANIFESTATION, ANGELOLOGY AND DUALISM

4.1. Divine Manifestation

The central point in the dogma of the Yaresan is the belief in the successive
manifestations of the Divinity. Such incarnations are symbolically called garments
(jam, jameh, lebas, dun) 1 put on by the Divinity. As mentioned earlier, in pre-
eternity, God, In the form of "Ya" dwelt enclosed In a pearl at the bottom of the sea.2
Then He manifested Himself in the form of Khavankar, who created a special soul
in which His Essence could be manifested.
There are seven possible incarnations about which, up to Sahak (the fourth
theophany), there is no dispute between various branches of the Yaresan, but
several differences of opinion regarding the successors of Sahak are reported.

4.1.1. Manifestation of the "Divine Essence" among the Yaresan

The Yaresan theory of Divine Manifestation Is based on two main propositions:

a) We can observe in our stories that some of the theophanies are born through
Divine transmission. It is because of this that the Yaresan put so much emphasis
on the subject of virginity.
In the Yaresan texts we first note that the second theophany, 'Ali, was the
manifestation of Divine Essence. There, it is said that his mother was pregnant from
the Truth.3
While in the above case it is not mentioned how the Divine Essence was
transmitted, in the case of the third theophany it is clearly explained. In the story
about Shah Khoshin narrated by Jayhunabadi, it is said that "Jalaleh", mother of the
theophany, became pregnant from a small particle of light which entered her
mouth.4

The terms used by the Yaresan come from various sources: Persian "jameh" and "jam", Arabic
"lebas" and Turkish "dun". The followers of "Tanasokh" (i. e. metempsychosis) in Iran consider the
human body as a garment that should be thrown away when it becomes old. Cf. Abol Ma'ali
Mohammad b. al-Hosayn al-Alavi, Bayan ol-Adyan, Tehran, n. d., p. 20.

Jayhunabadi, Haqq ol-haqayeq...op. cit.,p. 52; Also cf. Minorsky, The Sect...op. cit., p. 307; Idem,
Notes sur la secte...(1920) op. cit., p. 25.

Jayhunabadi, Haqq ol-haqayeq...op. cit., p. 187; Also see Appendix II, Second Period: a.

Jayhunabadi, p. 273ff; Also see Append« II, Third Period: a.

 91

The Yaresan have certain terms regarding the transmission of the Divine Essence.
Among them are: "Zat-mehman" meaning " the one in whom Divine Essence is a
guest" or "a person who is visited by God".
According to Elahi a person may be "Zat-mehman" either for a certain period of
time or for his whole life. As this person also possesses his own essence,
transmission of the Divine Essence will result in three different situations:
I. The substance of the visitor is superior but enlightenment is on an equal level, as
happens with the inhabitation of one angel by another during human incarnation.
II. The visitor has a superior substance and a superior level of enlightenment,
ill. The substance of the visitor and the person visited is equal.
After the Divine Essence leaves a person in the cases above, all that will remain is
his own essence.5
There are other terms current among the Yaresan which have the same meaning;
among them "Shah-mehman" meaning "the one who is visited by the King",
"Khoda-mehman" meaning "the one who is visited by God".6
We again discuss this subject in the following section with regard to the angels,
b) Another form of Divine Manifestation is represented in the story regarding Soltan
Sahak.
As mentioned in the Yaresan texts, the four angels waited and prepared for the
manifestation for a long time, until finally a stick sprouted and a Royal White Falcon
sat on it. Then the Virgin Lady Dayerak unfolded her skirt on which the Falcon
settled. She again folded and unfolded her skirt and saw that a child was there.
This child was the Soltan Sahak.7
This is probably an ancient Iranian religious myth. One of the Yaresan books,
called "Doureh-ye damyari", is devoted to this subject. In this book we note that Pir
Benyamin, who is the re-incarnation of Jebra'il and represents the "Spiritual Adam",
appears as a hunter. This hunter is pictured as having a trap in his hand and who
searches the universe throughout centuries to hunt the Eternal Royal Falcon. This
Eternal Royal Falcon is Khavankar Himself.8
We note in the Yaresan texts that Shah Khoshin, the third theophany, disappeared
in the river Gamasiyab. After some time Benyamin and his companions went

Mohammad Mokri, L'idée de l'incarnation chez les Ahl-i-Haqq, -Wiesbaden, 1959, p. 498.

Cf. Jayhunabadi, Haqq ol-haqayeq...op. cit., p. 155,156,540,562, etc.

Ibid. 318ff; Also see Appendix II, Fourth Period: a, b.

Afzali, Daftar...op. cit., Seventh volume: Doureh-ye damyari; Also cf. Mohammad Mokri, Le
Chasseur de Dieu et le mythe du Roi-Aigle (Dawra-y Damyari), Wiesbaden, 1967.
 92

through many trials till the Royal Falcon appeared. 9 This Is a process of purification
and enlightenment as we see in case of Jebra'il in another passage.lt took quite a
long time before Jebra'il was prepared for the Divine Manifestation. Inspite of this,
he needed guidance and help which was given to him by G o d who emerged before
him in the form of a beautiful boy. 1 0
The same legend appears in Mazdaism. There, Urmazd emerges before Mart-e
ahrav in the form of a fifteen-year-old boy with a beautiful face like the radiant sun.
Mart-e ahrav was already a perfect and just man, who lived completely according
to the ethic. 11
But to reach such a level a great deal of pain had to be suffered, as did the Yaresan
angels.

4.1.2.The idea of Divine manifestation

The earliest mention about the concept of Divine Manifestation in Iran can be found
in Avesta. In Yasna 48.10, "Naroish naro" expresses the idea of god-head. "God is
stated here to be the 'Man -in-Man', i. e. the Ideal Man or the Ideal of Manhood." 1 2
In addition to this there existed another concept called "Far-e yazdan" or "Far-e
izadi" or "Far-e kayani". This concept was based on the belief in the transmission of
the essence and glory of G o d in the chosen begotten family. In Avesta it is called
Kayaena Khwareno and is described in Kayan Yasht. This was given to the good
kings by Ahura Mazda. First it was Hushang who received it. Jamshid lost it at the
end of his life due to his disobedience. The evil king also tried to become it but was
not successful. After Jamshid, Abtin or Apem Nepat took the "Farr" with her to the
bottom of a sea called Vouru Kasha and kept it there. 13 According to Darmesteter,
this idea was transfered to later periods by newly converted Iranians. 14

Cf. the Persian text in Vladimir Minorsky, Matériaux pour servir à l'Etude des Croyances de la
Secte Persane dite Ahle-Haqq, Moskau, 1911, pp. 117 -119.
10
Jayhunabadi, Haqq ol-haqayeq...op. cit., p. 36ff; Also see Appendix I: a.
11
Yasht: XIV, § 17; Also cf. Mokri, Le Kalam gourani sur le Cavalier...op. cit., p. 78; Idem, La
naissance du monde chez les Kurdes Ahl-e Haqq, in: Trudy XXV Mejdunarodnogo Kongressa
Vostokoved, t. 2, Moscou, 1963, p. 166.
12
Chatterji, The Gospel-.op. cit., p. Li.
13
"Abbas Mehrin, Article "Azhi dahak ya zohak", in: Hukht, Serial 28. No. 7, 2536, p. 18.
14
James Darmesteter, Le Mahdi depuis les origines de l'Islam jusqu'à nos jours, Paris, 1885, p. 15ff.
 93

In the Pahlavi story of Ardashir-e Papakan, Far-e Kayani is described as a ram

which followed the future king.15 It belongs in the first place to Ahura Mazda, the
Ameshaspands and the Yazatas. It is supposed to be concealed in the sea and will
accompany the future Saviour.16 Similarly we note in Avesta that some Mazdean
gods had the power to re-incarnate themselves in different appearances. In
Vahram Yasht we observe an enumeration of incarnations of "Verethraghna", as a
wind, a bull, a horse, a camel, a boar, a youth, a bird, a ram, a buck and a man.
Verethraghna is the angel of victory and as will be explained, he has been identified
with one of the Yaresan angels. He is described as a youth of fifteen years, in
analogy to Anahita as the ideal type of girl of fifteen years. 17 Tishtrya, was another
angel who incarnated himself in a bull, a horse and a youth of fifteen years. 18 The
bird in whose form Verethraghna manifested himself, is called "Varaghna". In the
yasht 19 we note that it is the bird "Varaghna" that transfers the "Far-e Yazdan"
from one person to another, till it is transferred to the Mazdean Messiah,
Saoshyant.19

4.1.3. The Divine Essence

We are in a position to trace a concept similar to the abovementioned "Farr" in later

periods. In the Islamic period we come across a concept called "Nur-e
Mohammadi", or Mohammadan Light resembling "Far-e yazdan". In the early
Islamic period the idea was very widespread. It was from here that this idea spread
to neighbouring cultures. Among them we can mention the Druze whose founder
was an Iranian called Hamzeh b. 'Ali (d. 412 H./1021 A.D.), who is probably also
author of the doctrine of Divinity of Fatemid Caliph al-Hakem.20
In heresiological and historical books several schools are named which believed in
some sort of Divine manifestation in the form of the human body. The milder ideas
belonged to the school of "Tashbih" (anthropomorphism) which compared God
with human beings. According to this school man's appearance resembles God

15
Nöldeke, Geschichte...op. cit., p. 45.

16
Hans Reichelt, Avesta Reader, Strassburg, 1911, p. 127.

17
Ernst Herzfeld, Zoroaster and His World, New York, 1974 ( 1 Princeton, 1947), Vol. II, p. 522.

18
Yasht 8 - Tir Yasht: 13 - 1 6 -18.

19
Yasht 19 - Zamyad Yasht: 6: 35-37-38.

20
Cf. D. Bryer, The Origin of the Druze Religion, in: Der Islam 52,1975, pp. 239 - 262; 53,1976, pp. 5
- 27; Josef van Ess, Chiliastische Erwartungen und die Versuchung der Göttlichkeit (Der Kalif al-
Hakim 386 - 411 H.), Heidelberg, 1977.
 94

exactly, as at the time of the creation He looked into the mirror and created Adam
similar to Himself.21 Followers of the school of "Efrat",used to elevate the Shiite
Imams to the level of God, whereas the people of "Tafrit" brought God down to the
human level.22 Likewise a group called the "Bozayghiyyeh", which was a sub-group
of the "Khatabiyyeh", believed that the Imam Ja'far Sadeq was God, who had
descended in human form. The Khatabis were a branch of Ismailism. They were
the followers of Abol Khatab and believed that after reaching the level of
prophethood, the Imams would attain the level of God.23 Other groups, such as the
"Bananiyyeh" and the "Zamiyyeh" believed in the Godhood of 'Ali b. Abi Taleb. The
former said that God resembles human beings in each part and limb.24 And the
latter were of the opinion that, although 'Ali had sent Mohammad as his
representative, Mohammad got people to support his own prophethood.25
There were many other similar groups which we do not need to name. More
interesting among these groups are those which developed into socio-religious
movements mentioned in the next section.

4.1.4. The idea of Divine manifestation among Iranian social movements

It is interesting to note that many socio-religious movements which emerged in the

early Islamic period adhered to the doctrine of Divine Manifestation. It shows that in
this period the idea was still strong in Iran. In the later periods many movements
shifted their emphasis to Messianism.
The period between the Arab and Saljuq invasions (eighth to eleventh centuries)
was a hectic period in Iranian history. During this period a large number of anti-
Umayyad and anti-Abbasid movements were organized by the Iranian people.
Among the anti-Umayyad movements the only movement that proved to be
successful was that of the Khorasanian people led by a certain Abu Moslem. Abu
Moslem, who was seen as a national hero by various classes of Iranians, was
highly motivated with political zeal, but his policies were pragmatic and tactical in
that he made promises to various communities in order to gain support from

21
Sayyed Morteza b. Da'i Hasani Razi, Tabsarat ol-'avam fi ma'refat maqalat ol-anam, Tehran, 1313
H., p.76.
22

Shahrestani, AI-melal...op. cit.,8.

23 Ibid., p. 9,10.

24 Ibid., p. 10-

25 Ibid., p. 18.
 95

divergent groups. 26 He was apparently fighting for Alid legitimacy and played the
main role in overthrowing the Umayyad dynasty and in replacing them by the
Abbasids.When Abu Moslem was killed by Abbasids, who feared his popularity, he
became a martyr hero who after his death was considered to have possessed
Divine power. Many oppositional groups that appeared during the Abbasid period
ascribed to him some kind of Divine quality. The general name given to these
groups was "Bu Moslemiyyeh".
One of the branches of "Bu Moslemiyyeh" was called "Razzamiyyeh" led by a
person called "Razzam". The followers of this group appeared in Khorasan, and
claimed that God's soul had been incarnated in Abu Moslem. 27
Another branch of Bu Moslemiyyeh was called "Sepid-jamegan", meaning those
dressed in white. They were the followers of a certain Hashem of Marv, nicknamed
"Al-Moqana"1, the Veiled Prophet of Khorasan. Hashem used to be in close contact
with Abu Moslem, and glorified and mythified Abu Moslem in the same way as he
had been by others.
Baghdadi says that Al-Moqana' was the follower of the abovementioned
"Razzamiyyeh" in Marv and later he claimed Divinity for himself. If we compare our
sources, we can say that he claimed that he had manifested himself physically so
that his followers would be able to see him. He told them that God had first
appeared in the form of Adam and because of that He ordered the angels to
prostrate themselves before Adam. As Satan refused to do so, he became subject
to God's anger. Then God appeared in the form of Noah and then in all the
prophets and philosophers, till He appeared in the form of Abu Moslem. Finally
God's soul left Abu Moslem's body and was incarnated in the body of Al-
Moqana'. 28 In this way Al-Moqana' believed that Divinity travels in images.
As we note here, there are interesting similarities between the Sepid-jamagan, i. e.
the followers of Al-Moqana', and Yaresan regarding the idea of Divine
manifestation. This idea was also current among the Khoramdinis, the most
important anti-Abbasid movement. Babak, the leader of the Khoramdini movement,
declared himself a Divine theophany. He also said that the soul of his master
Javidan had passed on to him.29 It is also recorded by Shahrestani that the

Klima, Beitrage...op. cit., p. 51.

27
Shahrestani, Al-Melal...op. cit., p. 18.

28
Shahrestani, Al-melal...op. cit., p. 36; Nafisi, Mah-e nakhshab...op. cit., pp. 21 - 22; Razi,
Commentary...op. cit., p. 190; Ebn Khalikan, in: Edward G. Browne, A Literary History of Persia:
From the Earliest Times until Firdawsi, (I. Volume), Cambridge, 1977 ( 1 1902), p. 320; 'Alavi, Bab-
e panjom...op. cit., p. 173; Da'i Hasani Razi, Tabsarat...op. cit., p.179.
29
Naiisi, Babak-e khoramdin...op. cit., p. 51; Browne, A Literary History...(Vol.I) op. cit., pp. 327 -
328.
 96

doctrine of the Khoramdini as a whole was based on "Tanasokh" (i. e. the passing
of the soul from one body to another) and "Holul" (i. e. the passing of God into
human form). 30
Similarly this idea appeared among other movements in various forms. For
example the Qarmatians believed in re-incarnation or the return of the leader.
Naser Khosro says that before his death Abu Sa'id had ordered his followers to
remain united until his return. He said: "If, when I return, you do not recognize me,
strike me on the naps with a sabre. If indeed it be me, I shall come back to life
immediately."31 The Ismaili leaders of Alamut castle were considered by their
followers to be the incarnation of Wisdom. 32
Some groups of Sufi mystics, as a reaction to absolutism, gradually moved towards
pantheism. The well-known Sufi, Mansur Hallaj, is included in this category. Even
during his brutal execution he repeated his claim of Divinity.33 He had made a
public proclamation that he was God, and "just before his head was struck off, he
bade his disciples to be of good cheer, for he would return to earth again in thirty
years".34 Some scholars count Hallaj among the pantheistic and thaumaturgic
Sufis: a pure mystic and martyr to his mystical beliefs.35 Other scholars place
emphasis on his connection with the Qarmatian movement and regard him as a
follower of some chiliastic revolutionary doctrines.36 As Browne points out, "the

•in
Razi, Commentary...op. cit.,p. 203; Nafisi, Babak-e khoramdin...op. cit.,p. 22. There were several
other movements in the early Islamic periods whose leaders claimed Divinity for themselves.
Shahrestani tells us that the followers of Sanbad believed in anthropomorphism and
metempsychosis as well as in incarnation i.e. the incarnation of Divine Essence in human body. Also
Al-Barbari declared that Mohammad b. al-Hanafiyeh was God and he himself was the prophet. (Cf.
Shahrestani, Al-melal...op. cit., p. 20; Abu Mohammad Hasan b. Musa Noubakhti, Tarjomeh-ye
feraq ash-shi'eh-ye noubakhti, Tehran, 1353 H., p. 25).
31
Abu Mo'in Naser Khosro, Safar-nameh, Berlin, 1340 H., p. 82.

32
Hodgson, The Order...op. cit., p. 41. Also in a Nezari text Rashid od-Din, the leader of the Ismailis
of Syria in 557/1164, presents himself as incarnation of godhead. Divine manifestation was also a
central point in the teachings of a group of Nosayri-Eshaqiyyeh.Heinz Halm, Das "Buch der
Schatten". Die Mufaddal-Tradition der Gulat und die Ursprünge des Nusairiertums, in: Der Islam
55,1978, p. 247,250, 264.

33 Cf.Farid'ud-Din 'Attar, Tadhkiratu l'Awliya (Memoirs of the Saints), London/Leiden, 1907, Vol. II,
pp. 135 -145.

34
Browne, A Literary History...(Vol.I) op. cit., p. 436. "After he had been scourged with a thousand
stripes, and his hands and feet cut off, he was put to death, and his body burnt with fire." (Ibid., p.
430).
35
Cf. Louis Massignon, L a Passion de Husayn Ibn Mansur Hallaj; martyr mystique de l'lslam, Paris,
1975, Vol.I., p. 15,338, 339, etc.
36 Sharif provides some evidence about Hallaj's connection with "heretical" movements. H e writes:
"Den Beziehungen Al-Halladj's zu den qarmatischen Kreisen möchte Massignon kein großes
 97

garb of a Sufi dervish or religious mendicant was one of the most obvious
disguises for a heretical propagandist to assume". 37
The Sufi version was partly adopted by the Horufis who put emphasis on the role of
man. The Horufi doctrine was inspired by Mazdakism, Sufism and possibly
humanism which dominated culture and philosophy in Iran from the ninth to the
fifteenth century. 38 For the Horufis, "man, created in the image of God, in the ideal
form, is the Microcosm, the book of God, the Goal and Measure of all things".39
Each human being was a manifestation of God and no distinction existed between
his body and soul. 40
Similarly the idea of Divine manifestation emerged among the Safavids, although
without the philosophical context as among the Horufis.
The Safavid leaders were considered by their followers to possess Divine qualities.
The nomadic followers of the Safavids considered Jonayd to be God and his son
Haydar (militabat 1456 - 1488), the son of God. 41 According to an anonymous
Italian merchant, the Safavid Esma'il (1499/1500 - 1523/1524) was "loved and
reverenced by his people as a God, and especially by his soldiers, many of whom
entered into battle without armour, expecting their master Ismail to watch over
them in the fight".42 We can infer Esma'il's doctrine from his poetry. In his "Divan"
he proclaims 'Ali b. Abi Taleb to be the manifestation of God, whereas Mohammad
is a prophet, 43 and he believes in the re-incarnation of the Divine substance of
'Ali.44 At the same time Esma'il considers himself to be "of the same essence as Ali

Gewicht beilegen. Doch scheint mir manches dafür zu sprechen, daß Al-Halladj den zersetzenden
politischen Bewegungen doch nicht so fern stand." Sharif, Beiträge...op. cit., p. 31.
37
Browne, A Literary History...(Vol.I) op.cit., p. 424.
TO
Cf. Nikolaj J. Konrad, Das Problem des Realismus und die Literaturen des Ostens, in: Viktor
Zmegai (ed.), Marxistische Literaturkritik, Frankfurt am Main, 1972, p. 253.
39
Browne, Some Notes on the Literature...op. cit., p. 70.

40
Cf. Nasimi, Divan...op. cit., pp. 11,210,212, 297 - 298.

41
Fadlullah b. Ruzbihan Khunji, Persia in A. D. 1478 - 1490, in: Royal Asiatic Society Monographs,
Vol. XXVI, 1957, p. 65.

42
Edward G. Browne, A Literary History of Persia: Modern Times (1500 - 1924),(IV. volume),
Cambridge, 1978 ( 1 1924), p. 50.

43
Vladimir Minorsky, The Poetry of Shah Ismail I, in: Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African
Studies, X, 4,1942, p. 1026a, 1047a.

44
Ibid., p. 1026a, 1048a.
 98

and composed of the latter's mystery" 45 , and in short he considers himself the
Absolute Truth. 46
It must have been with the same orientation that another movement prior to the
Safavid had emerged among the Arabs of Khuzestan. This was the Mosha'sha'
movement which has some indirect relation with the Safavids and the Yaresan.

4.2. Angelology

4.2.1. The Yaresan henotheism

We suggest the term "henotheism" to describe the Yaresan system of angel

worshipping. 47
As mentioned above the Yaresan believe in one God whose Essence might be
manifested on earth. There have been seven main manifestations and numerous
minor manifestations.
Just as the great Essence had manifested itself in other beings, the angels are the
avatars of one another, and therefore their names are interchangeable in the
Yaresan texts. The angels play the part of ministers to the Divinity.
Before discussing the Yaresan angels it is necessary to mention that, like
Zoroastrians, the Yaresan divide world history into three epochs:

45
Ibid., p. 1048a.
46
Ibid., pp. 1026a - 1047a. Esmail using already existing theories of "Holul" (i. e. passing of God into
human form), and claimed that a man could be a manifestation of a Godhead so that Esmail was
Adam just with new clothes on. He had come as God's light, as the seal of the prophets, as a perfect
Guide, as the guiding Imam.(Ibid., p. 1026a, 1048a, 1049a). According to Glassen it is not still clear
whether Esma'il was considered by his followers as a God, a prophet or the representative of the
Hidden Imam. (Glassen, Sah Isma'il...op. cit., p. 64) Glassen refers to a document in which it is
observed that Esma'il was initiated by the Imam himself who sent him and legitimized his fights
(India Office Library-Pers. 1877-fol. 26b - 28a; E. D. Ross, The Early Years of Shah Isma'il,
Founder of the Safavi Dynasty, in: Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, 1896, pp. 309 - 313).
47
This term was first applied by Max Miiller in his study on the Vedas. To him "henotheism" means
how a Divine reality reveals itself to human beings. Study of the Vedas had impressed him with the
way in which each deity, out of a large recognized pantheon, is treated in turn as if it was the
supreme or even sole god. He saw in the Vedas a "Breaking forth" of the awareness "that all the
deities are but different names of one and the same godhead". In this sense this term comes near to
the Yaresan ideas regarding Divinity, but does not describe it adequately. For the Yaresan the
Divinity reveals Himself to human beings under different names and appearances, although His
ultimate being is one and the same. But at the same time they believe that the one powerful Divinity
is surrounded by a number of angels, who have considerable power and independence. Inspite of
that, these angels are created by the Divinity and from His own Essence. As will be shown in our
study the Yaresan system of angels worship resembles that of Mazdaism. (Cf.Robert Mackintosh,
Article "Monolatry and Henotheism, in: James Hastings (ed.), Encyclopaedia of Religion and
Ethics, Vol. 8, Edinburgh, 1915, p. 810; Michiko Yusa, Article "Henotheism", in: Mircea Eliade
(ed.), The Encyclopaedia of Religion, London,1987, p. 267)
 99

a) Epoch of Eternity (azal, àlam-e alast),

b) Epoch of Shari'at i. e. the Islamic period,
c) Epoch of Haqiqat, which starts from the establishment of the Yaresan faith and
will continue till the Day of Resurrection. 48
The history of the world is at the same time divided into seven periods marked by
main manifestations of the Divinity in each period. These seven are at the same
time divided into three epochs mentioned above. The first epoch starts with the
period of Khavankar. The periods of 'Ali and Shah Khoshin are included in the
Shari'at epoch. The third epoch called Haqiqat, began with the emergence of
Sahak with four main manifestations. 49
The angels who accompanied the Divinity during these three periods are as
follows:
a) The "Haftan" (The Seven Bodies). These are the main seven angels who appear
shortly before the Divine manifestation. The following table is a more accepted
pattern of the "Haftan" during the seven periods of Divine manifestations.

Period of

1.Khavandegar Jebra'il Mika'il Esrafil 'Azra'il ?

2.'Ali Mohammad Salman Qambar Nosayr Fatemeh
3.Khoshin Baba Bozorg B.Faqih B.Hasan B.Taher ?
4.Sahak Benyamin Davud Pir Musi ? Razbar
5.Qermezi KakaMireh K.'Arab «.Rahman ? Zarbanu
6. Mohammad-bag Ka-Merijan K.Malakjan Qarapust Shah-savar ?
7.Shah Atash Sh.Jamshid Sh.Almas Sh.Abdal ? Pari Khanom 5 0

48
Jayhunabadi has divided his traditional history of the Yaresan according to this division.
49
According to Ivanow, among other groups such as the people of "Gholov" or the extremists, the
manifestation of the Divine substance is accompanied by the manifestation of several associates. In
Ivanow's view the Yaresan system "to some extent resembles a reduced programme of the Ismaili
conception of religious history of the world which is divided into seven periods of millenial duration
(dawr), at the beginning of which an Apostle of God, Natiq, is sent to humanity, accompanied by his
Asas, or Wasi, and the latter followed by seven Imams each accompanied by twelve hujjats".
Wladimir Ivanow, An Ali-Ilahi Fragment, Bombay, 1948, pp. 153 - 154).
Pittman has produced another version in which there are some differences in the names of the
angels. (Pittman, The Final...op. cit., p. 147). According to Ivanow in Shiite extremism the
manifestations of Divine substance are also accompanied by the manifestations of several associates.
According to him, this above mentioned Yaresan system "to some extent resembles a reduced
programme of the Isma'ili conception of religious history of the world which is divided into seven
periods of millennial duration (daur), at the beginning of which an Apostle of God, Nateq, is sent to
humanity, accompanied by his Asas, or Vasi, and the latter folloewd by seven Imams each
accompanied by twelve hojjats. Wladimir Ivanow, An Ali-Ilahi Fragment, Bombay, 1948, pp. 153 -
154.
 100

b) The "Haftavaneh" (K. Haftawana) (= The Seven Powers) are the second group
of Yaresan angels. The Haftavaneh of the fourth period, i. e. Sahak's period, are
supposed to be the founders of the seven branches of the Yaresan community,
which was later increased to eleven.51
Re-incarnations of the Haftavaneh in the three epochs of "World History" are as
follows:

II. III.
1. Shantiya Mohammad Ahmad
2.Taha Hamzeh Bolvafa
3.Yasin Abu Taleb 'Isi
4.Mahla (Mohla?) 'Omreh Mir
5.Tasim Maqdad Mostafa
6.Hamim Abazar Shahab
7. Pari Batul Habib Shah.

The seventh angel is in each case of feminine gender.

c) The third group of the Yaresan angels are called the "Haft-sardar" (The Seven
Commanders). Among the Haft-sardar, some well-known historical and
mythological army commanders are included. Re-incarnations of the Haft-sardar in
the three epochs of the "World History" are as follows:

I. II. III.
I.Qartas Nosayr 'Abedin
2.Qimas Mahmud Patel Nariman
3.Kheld 'Abbas Rostam
4.Qitas 'Amar Yaser Ahmad Havar
5.Ayyas Moqbel Musa Siyah
6.Shimya Ja'far Eskandar
7.Rafa'el Moh.Hanafiyeh Mir Varcham

d) The fourth group of the seven re-incarnations are the "Qavaltas". Their names in
the three epochs of the "World History" are as follows:

Also cf. Minorsky, Notes sur la secte...op.cit., p. 33.

 101

I. Il III
1.'Anzil 'Abdollah b. 'Abbas Qoli
2.Harut 'Aqil Shabedin
3.Titus Balal Shakeh
4.Marut Sa'd b. Vaqas Shah Nazar
5.Geryal Abol Mo'ajen Morad
6.Shahbal Saleh Salman
7.Salsal 'Adi b. Hatam Qaltas 52

In addition to the abovementioned four groups there are several other groups of
angels who are revered by the Yaresan:
e) The "Chehel-tan" or the forty bodies,
f) The "Haftad-o-do-tan" or a group of seventy two men watching and waiting for
the reappearance of the Divinity.53
g) The "Bivar-gholam" or the numerous slaves. 54

4.2.2. Names of the Yaresan angels

Among all these names given as Yaresan angels we notice that some of them are
quite well-known. These names are mostly mentioned during the first and second
periods.
In the first period, the first four angels are Judaeo-Christian and Islamic angels. The
following three angels are two groups of interchangeable names. "Ramzbar"
apparently is composed of two parts "ramz" and "bar". The first part is an Arabic
word meaning "mystery, and with the Persian suffix "bar" means "mysterious". This

52
These tables have been derived from Jayhunabadi's Haqq ol-haqayeq.
Co
Cf. Minorsky, Etudes...op.cit., p. 96.
54
There are even more groups of angels that are mentioned by Elahi: "Haftan-haftavaneh", which
according to Elahi number forty nine angels; the "Chehel-chehel-tan" (one thousand six hundred
angels); the "Navad-o-noh-pir-e shahu" (ninety nine Pir of Shahu, a region and mountain in
Kermanshah); the "Shast-o.shesh gholam-e zarin-kamar (sixty six golden belt followers); one
thousand and one noble Character (khwajeh sefat) followers, The "Bivar hezar" followers (gholam),
which according to Elahi means ten thousand. The word "Bivar" signifies numbers. Azhi Dahak was
also called "Bivar-asp" which according to Purdavud means the owner of ten thousand horses. But
Mehrin gives the number nine thousand and also says that in the Avesta "Be" means : Two. In this
case "Bivar" could also mean two thousand. But the general meaning of this word is ten thousand as
found in Haim Persian English Dictionary. So as contrary to Elahi the number of the
abovementioned angels must be ten thousand thousands. (Cf. Elahi, Borhan ol-haqq, op. cit., p. 43;
Purdavud, Adabiyat...op. cit., Vol. I, p. 189; Mehrin, Azhi Dahak...op. cit., p. 17; S. Haim, The One
Volume Persian English Dictionary, Tehran, 1354 H.).
 102

can be replaced by the name "Hur", meaning "a person with beautiful black eyes".55
There is a name in Persian which approaches to Razbar.viz. "Rad-borzin". "Radh"
means "a Magian" and in NP. "rad", according to Justi means: "edel, freigiebig, als
Magiertitel:Redner".56
The names of the last two angels, namely "Ruchiyar" and "Ayvat", are of unknown
origin, although the former has a Perso-Kurdish structure. Other names for these
two angels are '"Aqiq" and "Yaqiq"; the former means "cornelian stone"57 and the
latter is probably a word play on the former.
In the second period we come across historical names. The theophany of this
period is 'Ali b. Abi Taleb; the most revered personality in the Shiite world. Similarly
the angels of this period are also Shiite personalities.
Shiism was a movement which was not limited to one region, and originally was
politically motivated. The dispute about the successors of the prophet brought the
followers of 'Ali b. Abi Taleb (Martyred 661 A. D. ) together and they called
themselves the Shi'at 'Ali (Party or followers of 'Ali). They differed in no way from
the rest of the community as regards religious beliefs. The faction was purely Arab
and made no attempt to gain the sympathy of their subject races.58 But the number
of Shiites increased rapidly among the non-Arabs in Iraq, who in the first Islamic
century "constituted the majority of the population there".59
From then on Shiism has been the most important and widespread opposition
movement throughout the Islamic world. "The movement came to be dominated by
the Mavali and other oppressed classes, and became the instrument of their social
and religious revolt against the oppression of the orthodox state."60 These Mavalis
were the non-Arab Moslems who were subject to racial discrimination. It was
among these people that the revivalistic movement of the Sho'ubites started.
Later, as racial discrimination was replaced by class distinction based on economic
criteria, Shi'a became the mouthpiece of the unprivileged.61

55
'Amid's Persian English Dictionary, op. cit.

56
Justi, Iranisches Namenbuch, op. cit., p. 256, 257.
57
'Amid's Persian English Dictionary, op. cit.
58
Wladimir Ivanow, Studies in Early Persian Ismailism, Bombay, 1955, p. 127; Keddie, Iran:
Religion...op. cit., p. 86.
59
Ibrahim al-Haidari, Zur Soziologie des schiitischen Chiliasmus, (Ein Beitrag zur Erforschung des
irakischen Passionsspiels), Freiburg im Breisgau, 1975,119.

60
Lewis, Origins...op. cit., p. 24.

61
Ibid. In Iraq and Syria the Greek Christians became Sunnis whereas Shiism attracted the peasants
and artisans who were gnostics. It was probably through such followers that Shiism became
 103

After the murder of 'AN b. Abi Taleb, his eldest son, Hasan (b. 624), was claimant to
the Caliphate until he renounced the office in favour of Mo'aviyeh b. Abi Sofyan.
Hasan is regarded the second Imam by the Shiites. According to Shiite tradition he
was poisoned at the order of Mo'aviyeh. After Hasan's death, his brother Hosayn
revolted against the Umayyads.62 Hosayn, known as the Master of Martyrs, was
brutally killed in Karbela along with his family and followers on October 10, 680. It
was after Hosayn's dramatic martyrdom that Shiism was transformed into a
revolutionary movement, which first manifested itself in the revolt of Mokhtar in 685.
As will be mentioned later, for the Yaresan Hosayn represents an angel who is
martyred once and again.
Among other angels of the Yaresan we come across the name of Salman the
Persian. In our table we see that the Yaresan name him as the first angel instead of
Mohammad, although some groups do consider him as the second angel. Salman
was one of the companions of the prophet Mohammad and is one of the most
popular figures of the Moslem legend. He is said to have been a Zoroastrian priest
who went to Arabia in search of the Truth.63 There he was caught by Arabs who
sold him to the prophet. After he was converted to Islam, he became the prototype
of the converted Iranian, who played such an important role in the development of
Islamic culture. Salman became a national hero to the Iranian Moslems and a
favourite personage of the Sho'ubite movement.64
Salman was especially revered by oppositional movements and is also regarded as
one of the founders of Sufism.65 The artisan's guilds considered him as their patron
and he played a considerable part in the rites of the artisans' Fotoveh (Futuwwa)
brotherhoods.66 He is also very much revered by various religious groups such as

connected to the trade guilds.(Cf. Note by Prof. H. A. R. Gibb, in: Arnold J. Toynbee, A Study of
History, London/New York/Toronto, 1951 ( 1934), pp. 400 - 401).

62
L. Veccia Vaglieri, Article "Hasan b. 'Ali b. Abi Talib", in: Encyclopaedia of Islam, New Edition.

G. Levi della Vida gives Salman's Iranian name as "Mahbeh" (Mayeh) or "Ruzbeh" on the authority
of Justi, but they can not be traced in this source. The Zoroastrian scholar Rashid Shahmardan gives
Salman's Iranian name as "Dinyar". Cf. Levi della Vida, Article "Salman al-Farsi, in: The
Encyclopaedia of Islam, New Edition; Rashid Shahmardan, Farzanagan-e zartoshti, Tehran, 1330
Yazdgerdi, pp. 699 - 701.

64
Goldziher, Muh. Studien, op. cit., p. 117,136,153,212.

Reynold A. Nicholson (ed.), The Kitab al-luma' fi'l-Tasawwuf, by: Abu Nasr al-Sarraj,
Leyden/London, 1914, p. 134 sq.

66
Levi della Vida, Salman...op. cit.
 104

the Nosayris.67 The Khaksar dervish order which is connected to the Yaresan
consider Salman as their "First Pole".68
The fourth Yaresan angel is called "Nosayr", whose name has also been adopted
by the Nosayris, was a notable of Basreh. He proclaimed himself the "bab" of the
tenth and eleventh Shiite Imams.69
Among the other names there is "Fatemeh" who must be the mother of 'Ali and not
his wife. In all other cases those angels who are of feminine gender are considered
to be the mothers of the theophanies. The names of the other angels in 'Ali's period
are similar to the companions of the Shiite Imams.
As a matter of fact names of the angels in other periods are more important for the
study of the Yaresan. From third to seventh periods we come across local
personalities of whom, unfortunately, only Baba Taher is known. We have already
mentioned this mystic poet. In the Yaresan texts there is a story about a visit that
took place between Shah Khoshin and Baba Taher in Hamadan.
We will be refering to some of the Yaresan angels in subsequent chapters. Here we
shall only discuss the position of the sixth and seventh angels, Ruchiyar and Ayvat.

4.2.3. The Ruchiyar and Ayvat positions

In a story about the creation of the Haftan, it is said that Ruchiyar and Ayvat were
created from the light of the Creators's eyes; the former from the light of His left eye
and the latter from the light of His right eye. Here a special position is given to these
two angels as compared to the others.70 Similarly in another story about the

cn
Louis Massignon, Article "Nusairi", in. The Encyclopaedia of Islam, New Edition.
68
Richard Gramlich, Die schiitischen Derwischorden Persiens, Zweiter Teil: Glaube und Lehre,
Wiesbaden, 1976, p. 175. Shahrestani speaks about a group called "Salmaniyyeh" who believed in the
Divinity of Salman. (Shahrestani, Al-melal...op. tit., p. 20). In the gnostic speculations of some
groups such as the Nosayri and the Yaresan, the rank of Salman is very high. "Here the historic
figure of Salman is lost in the divine emanation which was represented by him on earth during a
certain time. As such he is called sin (after the first letter of Salman) and a member of the divine
trinity, the other two members being 'Ain ('Ali) and Mim (Muhammad). While 'Ain stands for the
static, central element of the divinity and Mim for the dynamic and self manifesting element, Sin
represents the necessary connection between both (the sabab ila 1-sama' of Sure xxii).The different
sects have a different conception of the gradation of these divine emanations; thus Nusairis consider
Sin as the third member of the trinity of which he constitutes the gate (bab). With the Ahl-i Hakk
the Sin is on the same degree as the Mim, below the 'Ain; Salman is here the first and Muhammad
the third person of the pentad in the second of their seven cycles." (Massignon, Nusairi, op. cit.)

69 Massignon, Nusairi, op.cit., p. 455.

70
Jayhunabadi, Haqq ol-haqayeq...op.cit., p. 42; Also cf. Appendix here.
 105

creation of the two worlds the important position of these two angels is
emphasized. 71
As remarked earlier, the names of these two angels are of unknown origin. As we
have already seen, each angel has a certain position among the Haftan. For
example, the fifth angel is of feminine gender and is the mother of the theophany
and the Lady of the Day of Resurrection. Although it is evident that all angels have
defined positions and duties, it required much search to know more about them.
Unfortunately the positions of the sixth and seventh angels are more confused.
These have been termed: "Position of Ruchiyar" and "Position of Ayvat".
The most revered angels of these positions are those of the fourth period, i. e. the
period of Sahak. If we consider the role played by these personalities, we will be
able to understand their positions better.
In our table, the sixth angel in this period is called Shah Ebrahim. He is supposed to
have been born in 725 H. and was brought up by his mother, daughter of a
prominent man in Lorestan. It is said that he was in Iraq for missionary purposes. 72
The seventh angel, Baba Yadegar, born in 761 H., was ordered by Soltan Sahak to
go to India as a missionary. When he returned home to his village he was killed
there. 73
Although Baba Yadegar is in the position of "Ayvat" and Shah Ebrahim in that of
Ruchiyar, they are confused in Yaresan texts. There, for example, is a book called
"Zolal-zolal" attributed to both Baba Yadegar and Shah Ebrahim. 74
In this book there is a long dialogue between these two angels in which they speak
about their re-incarnations from which they always emerge together. What is
unusual about these incarnations is that Baba Yadegar represents the people who
were murdered or are said to have been murdered. In the early period his soul was
incarnated in the person of "Iraj", the legendary king of Iran.75 Iraj was a son of
Faridun, the king of the old world. He divided his domains among his three sons,
Iran being given to Iraj. His brothers became envious and conspired against him
and finally murdered him.76

71
Ibid, p. 57; Appendix here.
11
Buraka'i, Bozorgan...op. cit., p. 65; Afzali, Daftar...op. cit., Vol. I, p. 34.
73
Buraka'i, Bozorgan...op. cit., p. 71; Afzali, Daftar...op.cit. Vol.1, p. 34.
74
Afzali, Daftar...op. cit. Vol. II.: Kalam-e pedivari, doureh-ye zolal-zolal.
75 Afzali, Daftar...op. cit.: Doureh-ye zolal zolal, p. 47.

76
Pur Davud, Adabiyat...op. cit., Vol. I, p. 194.
 106

In another period, as mentioned in Doureh-ye zolai-zolai, Yadegar is the re-

incarnation of Siyavash, another Iranian mythological character,77 who was also
victim of a conspiracy. Yadegar is also regarded as the re-incarnation of Hosayn,
the great Shiite martyr.
It is worth mentioning here that the Shiites have mourning processions, perform
passion plays and narrate religious stories in memory of the third Imam Hosayn, on
the day of'Ashura (Oct. 10. 680).78 This ceremony was introduced for the first time
by a Shiite Buyid ruler in the tenth century.79 It was observed in all countries ruled
by this Iranian dynasty until its collapse.80 But a similar ceremony already existed in
pre-lslamic Iran in memory of the martyrdom of the above mentioned Siyavash. He
Is the symbol of purity and goodness in Iranian mythology. Narshkhi, writing in the
tenth century, says: "The people of Bukhara have many laments on the slaying of
Siyavash, which are known everywhere and the minstrels have turned them into
songs which they chant, and the singers call them "the weeping of the Magi".81
Prior to Yadegar many murdered personalities had held the "Ayvat" position and
after Yadegar this position was given to 'Ali Qalandar. He was one of the Haftans
and was born in 838 H. in the vicinity of the mount Shahu. 'Ali Qalandar, to whom
one of the branches of the Yaresan is attributed, is also said to have been killed by
his enemies.82
This long chain of Martyrs is at the same time connected to the sacrificial rites of
the Yaresan. In a story about the sacrifice a goat comes down from the mountains
to be sacrificed.83 Benjamin meets the goat and as he is accompanying it, Ayvat
dies and his soul, as ordered by God, was incarnated in the body of that goat. As
the goat was the re-incarnation of Ayvat, it was sacrificed for the sake of the Truth.

77
Afzal, Daftar...op.cit., p. 27,48.

78
The Ashura ceremony is on the tenth day of the Arabic month of Moharam.'The name is obviously
the Hebrew 'asor' with the Aramaic determinative ending." A. J. Wensinck, Article "Ashura", in: The
Encyclopaedia of Islam, New Edition.
79
Browne, A Literary History (Vol. IV), op. cit., p. 30. The Buyid ruler was Mo'ez od-Douleh Ahmad.

80
This is mentioned in an extant document which refers to the history of "Ibn Kathir" by Browne
(ibid., p. 31). Mayel Baktash believes that "the ceremonies of the Buyid period had an immediate
external objective: Opposition to the power and establishment of the Sunnis". Mayel Baktash,
Ta'ziyeh and its Philosophy, in: Peter J. Chelkowski, Ta'ziyeh: Ritual and Drama in Iran, New York,
1979, p. 96.
81
Abu -Bakr Mohammad b. Ja'far, Tarikh-e Bokhara, Tehran, 1972 ( 1 1936 - 1937), p. 24. Also
cf.Ehsan Yarshater, Ta'ziyeh and Pre-lslamic Mourning rites in Iran, in: Chelkowski,op. cit., p. 90;
Hildegard Miiller, Studien zum persischen Passionsspiel, (Diss.), Freiburg, 1966, p. 190.

82
Buraka'i, Bozorgan...op. cit., p. 85.

83
Jayhunabadi, Haqq ol-haqayeq...op.cit., p.351.
 107

After the sacrifice, Ayvat dies and his soul goes into the body of "Asghar" who is
lying unconscious on the mountain.84 He goes down the mountain and says that
he had a magic spell cast on him in a cave. So the Haftan were glad and became
the "Hashttan", i. e. the Eight Angels. 85 The corpse of Ayvat was brought to
Perdivar and was buried there. After that a shrine was constructed over the grave
which is made the Kiblah of the Yaresan. Then Sahak told his companions: "Ayvat
will not be destroyed and remains unconscious although he is alive. On the Day of
Resurrection he will come to life again and I will manifest myself in his body, which
is beautiful."86
Again in another story about sacrifices, it is said that the brain of the sacrificial
bison was wrapped in a winding-sheet and was buried because it was the "Jam"
(bowl, garment) of Ayvat, whose soul after the death of Ahmad entered the bison. 87
In Avesta there is an angel called Verethragna who was incarnated in a beautiful
goat. In Yasht 14 (25,26)we read:
"Den ahurageschaffenen Verethragna verehren wir.-
Es fragte Zarathustra o Spitama Zarathustra.-
Zu ihm kam fahrend her der ahurageschaffene Verethragna
zu neunt in der Gestalt eines wilden schönen Ziegenbocks
mit spitzem Gehörn.
So kam Verethragna her.- Ob seiner Pracht..."88
For the Yaresan the importance of this goat sacrifice and sacrifice in general is due
to its connection to the spiritual contract between theophany and his companions.
The spiritual contract, which we shall discuss in the chapter regarding sacrifices,
gives this ceremony a cosmological significance.

4.2.4. Baba Yadegar's birth

In a story about the incarnation of the Divine Essence in the person of Sahak, it is
mentioned that Ayvat was given the duty of guarding a certain garden. In this
garden a tree was supposed to grow on which the Royal Falcon was going to sit.89

84
Ibid., p.353.

85
Ibid., pp. 355 - 356.

86
Ibid, pp. 359 - 360, 364.

87
Ibid, p. 376.

88
Wolff, Avesta...op. cit., p. 261.
QQ
Jayhunabadi, Haqq ol-haqayeq...op.cit., p. 324ff; Also cf. Appendix here.
 108

At the same time the birth of Baba Yadegar has also been related to a tree.
According to Yaresan tradition, Sahak gave Shah Ebrahim's walking stick to a
certain Pir Esma'il Kulan, to plant it in the garden. This stick grew into a
pomegranate which was picked and brought with much respect to the Soltan. Then
a "Jam" ceremony90 was held and the pomegranate was prayed over and blessed
and then distributed among those present. After the ceremony a servant came to
clean the room. She was called Dad Sari and was a daughter of Pir Mika'il. While
cleaning the room, one single pomegranate seed sprang out from under the
carpet. She took the seed and ate it. After some time she became pregnant and
gave birth to a child that came out of her mouth. As the people were speaking
against the girl, Sahak ordered that the child be kept in an oven and the entrance
was closed. This order was obeyed by Davud. After three days Davud opened the
entrance of the oven and Baba Yadegar came out of it unscathed.91
It is worth mentioning that Siyavash, who is supposed by the Yaresan to have been
the incarnation of Ayvat, according to Iranian mythology went through a similar test
of his purity and innocence.

4.2.5. The Spring of Anahita

Like the Yazidis,92 the Yaresan have two sacred springs. It is said that while
Yadegar was guiding people in the area around Mount Dalahu he decided to
perform a miracle by creating a spring to be known as "Ghoslan".93 "Ghosl" is an
Arabic word meaning "ablution".94 At this time Shah Ebrahim was in Baghdad.
When he received the news about the spring, he got on his horse called "Buzeh"
(K. Buza) and went to Saraneh, where Yadegar was staying. There Ebrahim also
created a spring called "Hanita".95

90
For the description of this ceremony cf. chapter 6.

91
Afzali, Daftar...op. cit.: Doureh-ye zolal-zolal, p. 71; Jayhunabadi, Haqq ol-haqayeq...op. cit., pp. 400
-404.

92
CJohn Edmonds, A Pilgrimage to Lalish, Aberdeen, 1967, p. 19; W. A. Wigram and Edgar T. A.
Wigram, The Cradle of Mankind, (Life in Eastern Kurdistan), London, 1914, p. 101.

93
Afzali, Daftar...op. cit., Vol.1, p. 33.

94
Haim's Persian English Dictionary.

95
Afzali, Daftar...op. cit., Vol. I., pp. 33 - 34.
 109

We have already mentioned that one of the most important Anahita temples was
constructed in the region in pre-lslamic periods. As remarked earlier, there are
many references made to this temple in the poems related to the period of Shah
Khoshin.
Her complete name is Ardvi Sura Anahita to whom "Ardvi Sur Yasht" prayer in
Avesta has been devoted. Ardvi "seems to have been the name of some large river-
basin, which had become of great importance for the nomadic tribes of the
Iranians".97 In the ancient Iranian belief all cattle and all animals are under her
protection. She was the goddess of celestial waters and fertility, a great goddess
whose name was "Lady". Along with Mithra and Verethragna she lost much of her
power during Zoroastrian period but did not disappear.98 Ardvi Sura Anahita's
"striking growth in popularity seems to have begun in Achaemenid times, through
her identification with the Western Iranian divinity Anahiti known from Greek
sources as Anaitis".99 The Western Iranian goddess Anahiti was a mother-goddess
who was united with the water-goddess Anahita in Zoroastrian periods. In Susa
and Lorestan many figures of the mother-goddess Anahita have been discovered.
In Pahlavi books they are sometimes treated separately.100
The Yaresan and Yazidi holy springs seem to go back to the cult of water-goddess
Anahita. The Yaresan springs are spoken about several times in the book "Doureh-
ye zolal-zolal"101, which is a dialogue between Shah Ebrahim and Baba Yadegar.
Similarly in Avesta, Anahita is the goddess of the underground waters. There, the
whole of the Aban Yasht is attributed to Anahita. According to Windischmann "Ardi
cura Anahita bedeutet also die aufwallende, starke Reine, und sie ist die
Personification nicht des Wassers in seiner gewöhnlichen Erscheinungsweise,
sondern des himmlischen, von Ahura-Mazda herabströmenden, alle Fruchtbarkeit
der Gewächse, Thiere und Menschen bedingenden Urquelles, von wo alles

A critique of views concerning the architectural remains of Kangavar is presented by Azarnoush. He

argues that it was rather a palace from the time of the Sassanid king Khosro II. Even if we accept
this view, it will not change our argumentation. In addition to another temple of Anahita, which
certainly existed in Hamadan her statue, which is about 12 feet high, is still standing in Taq-e bostan
in Kermanshah. It should be remembered that Anahita was originally a Western Iranian divinity.
(Cf. Massoud Azarnoush, Excavations at Kangavar, in: Archaeologische Mitteilungen aus Iran,
Band 14,1981, pp. 69 - 94; Herzfeld, Zoroaster...op. cit., Vol. II, p.520).

97 Reichelt, Avesta...op. cit., p. 100.

98 Herzfeld, Zoroaster...op. cit., Vol. II, p. 516.

99
Mary Boyce, Article "Anahid", in: Ehsan Yarshater (ed.), Encyclopaedia Iranica, Vol. I, p. 1003.

100
Ibid., pp. 1003 -1004; Kambakhsh Fard, Kovosh dar ma'bad-e anahita (kangavar), in: Barasi-ha-ye
tarikhi, 1347 H., pp. 35 - 36.
101 Afzali, Daftar...op.cit.: Doureh-ye zolal-zolal, p. 30,59,61.
 110

irdische Gewässer entspringt. Das ganze Opfergebet auf Anähita, welches uns im
Aban-Yascht erhalten ist, dient zum Beleg für diesen Satz". 102
In this way the water-goddess Anahita is related to Zoroastrian sacrificial rites.
Similarly as will be described in chapter six of this study, sacrificial ceremony is an
important part of the Yaresan religious practices.
In case of Anahita worship, sacrifice rites were so important that Anahita temples
were usually built on the banks of rivers where animal sacrifices were made. 103
Strabon, a Greek geographer, reports that the sacrifices were made near rivers,
lakes and springs. They dug a hole in the earth and sacrificed the animal in it,
taking care that the water was not sullied with blood. 104
In Aban Yasht (25 & 29) we hear about a large number of cows and sheep being
sacrificed by Jamshid and Azhi Dahak. 105 They both asked Anahita for assistance.
In another Avestan passage it is said that Azhi Dahak made a sacrifice on the
mountain of Kerend, i. e. the center of the Yaresan community. 106
In "Doureh-ye zolal-zolal" it is said that Yadegar was at one stage the incarnation of
Jamshid. At this period Shah Ebrahim was the incarnation of Faridun, who fought
the army of Azhi Dahak and defeated them. 107 This Jamshid, who is supposed to
have been one of the incarnations of Yadegar, is a proto-king and proto-man in
Mazdaism and Iranian mythology.
According to a legend, in his struggle against the demon king Azhi Dahak, Jamshid
was defeated and escaped to China. There, he hid himself in a hole in the trunk of a
tree. But Azhi Dahak found him and sawed him and the tree in two. 108 Here too,
Yadegar is the incarnation of a character who is supposed to have been murdered.
As mentioned above, both Jamshid and Azhi Dahak sacrificed a large number of
animals for Anahita in order to get her assistance. In Aban Yasht (29) it is said that
Azhi Dahak sacrificed one hundred horses, a thousand cows and ten thousand

102
Fr. Windischmann, Die persische Anahita oder Anaitis, (Ein Beitrag zur Mythengeschichte des
Orient), in: Abhandlungen der philosoph.-philologjschen Classe der königlich bayerischen
Akademie der Wissenschaften, Vol. 8,1856, p. 113; Also cf. Purdavud, Adabiyat...op. cit., p. 166.
103
Purdavud, Adabiyat...op. cit., p. 173.

104
Ibid., p. 160.

105 Ibid., p. p. 245,247.

106 Wolff, Avesta...op. cit., p. 270: (Ram Yasht 15.19).

107 Afzali, Doureh-ye zolal-zolal, op. cit., p. 26,47.

108 Purdavud, Adabiyat...op. cit., p. 187

 111

sheep for Anahita and requested her to help him to empty seven countries of
human beings. But his demand was not accepted by Anahita.109
In some of the Yaresan texts we come across certain events which are related to
each other. The first story is about an animal which comes down from the mountain
and a second is about the sacrifice of the same animal and the subsequent "Jam"
ceremony110 which is held by the theophany and his angels. It is after this
ceremony that they make their spiritual contract. Here below we discuss the former
and the latter in a subsequent chapter.111
We have already mentioned that in Mazdaism a story exists in which one of the
gods incarnates himself in a yellow goat that comes down from the mountain. We
have seen that there is another story about an angel who sleeps in a cave and
once in a while incarnates himself in the animals which are going to be sacrificed. In
Jayhunabadi's text this angel is called "Asghar" and is the incarnation of
Yadegar.112
Similarly there is a sleeping hero in Mazdaism, who is called "Karshasp" or "Sam".
Karshasp "ist einer der Unsterblichen, welcher bis zur Auferstehung schläft, von
Genien bewacht, um nach seinem Erwachen den Dahaka zu tödten".113 He is
supposed to have been wounded in a battle but is not dead.114 The book Minu
Khrad says that "the body of Sam remains in the wilderness of Pusht Gushtaspa,
near to the mountain of Damavand.115 According to Bondaheshn, ten thousand
Farahvars, a kind of angel, guard his body.116
We should mention here that the great demon, Azhi Dahak, who will be killed by
Karshasp, is also alive,chained up in a cave in Mount Damavand. Here the story of
Karshasp is related to apocalyptic ideas in which Azhi Dahak breaks the chain and
begins to destroy the world. Then Karshasp wakes up from his long sleep and kills
the demon.117

109
Ibid., p. 190, 247.

110
See chapter six here.

111
Cf. section 7.2. 2.
112
Jayhunabadi, Haqq ol-haqayeq...op. cit., p. 355. Jayhunabadi calls this "Asghar" a hero and a
sleeping ruby. (Ibid., p. 167, 355, 356)
113

Justi, Iranisches Namenbuch,op. cit., p.161.

114
Purdavud, Adabiyat...op. cit., p.

115
West, The Book...op. cit., p. 185.

116
Anklesaria, Iranian...op. cit., p. 255.
117 Purdavud, Adabiyat...op. cit.,pp. 203 - 204; Hashem Razi, Farhang-e nam-ha-ye avesta, Tehran,
1346 H., p. 911.
 112

Karshasp is among a number of Immortals who will accompany Soshiyans, the

promised Zoroastrian Messiah.
"Then, near unto the end of UsetarmSh's millennium, DahSk will-be free from
fetters; Bevarasp will-injure many creatures and creation with the 'div'-ik desire.
And at that time, Sosiyans son of Zaratust will-appear; and for thirty days and
nights, the sun will-stand at the zenith of the sky. Of earthly-beings, they-will first
raise the dead-body of KarsSsp son-of-Sim,118 who will-smite Bevarasp with the
mace, and kill, and withhold him from the creatures; the millennium of Sosiyans will-
commence; as the millennium of him, the body-builder, is for fifty-seven years."119
Karshasp is said to have kept much oppression away from the world."lf from these
oppressions, one had remained behind, it would not have been possible to effect
the resurrection of the dead and the final body."
Among the Immortals accompanying Soshiyans there is also a certain Tus.120
According to the Yaresan, Shah Ebrahim was an incarnation of Tus.121

4.2.6. The Yaresan system of angel-worship

Yaresan must be regarded as a monotheistic religion. But the structure of its

monotheism differs from the three main monotheistic religions. For the Yaresan
there is only one God, but He manifests Himself in human form. Up to now there
have, been seven major and numerous minor such manifestations of God. Each
theophany is accompanied by a different group of angels. We have already called
this system henotheism. Mazdaism among other religions follows the same
system, and has also been a part of Iranian religious thought from earliest times.
Even in the Assyrian scripts belonging to the period of Assurbanipal (dominabatur
667 - 626 B. C.) foreign gods Assaramazash and seven Anunnaki are mentioned.
According to some scholars, these are the same as the Ahura Mazda and the
seven Ameshaspands.122 According to Moulton, in the Bistun Inscription east of
Kermanshah city, there are two names that are the same as two Mazdean angels,

Earlier in page 255 "Sam" is given as another name for Karshasp and here as his father's name.

Ankiesaria, Iranian...op. cit., pp. 281 - 283.

Purdavud, Adabiyat...op. cit., p. 215.

Afzali, Daftar...op. cit.: Doureh-ye zolal-zolal, p. 27.

V. Justin Ptäsek, Geschichte der Meder und Perser bis zur makedonischen Eroberung,
Darmstadt, 1968 (-""Gotha, 1906, 1910), p. 119. Geiger also tries to provide what he calls "Beweise
für die Verwandtschaft der Adityas und der Amesa Spentas". Bernhard Geiger, Die Amesa Spentas,
Ihr Wesen und ihre ursprüngliche Bedeutung, Wien, 1916, p. 164ff.
 113

Haurvatat and Amertat. 123 This inscription belongs to the Achaemenian period. It
means that this system has also existed in Western Iran, right from very early on.
The seven Ameshaspands are six angels, who with Spenta Mainyu, become seven.
Each Ameshaspand is in charge of one natural element and is helped by several
other angels. This system of worshipping angels is as important for the
Zoroastrianism as it is for the Yaresan.

4.2.7. The Ameshaspands and the Haftan

The Haftan are similar to the Ameshaspands (Av. Amesha Spenta, Ph.
Amahraspand). Both groups should be regarded as first rank angels in these
religions.
In order to make a short comparison between these two groups of angels, we
should first name the Ameshaspands:
I. Spenta Mainyu (Ph. Spennag Minug), the protector of man,
II. Vohu Manah (Ph. Vahman, P. Bahman), the protector of cattle,
III. Asha Vahishta (Ph. Ardvahisht, P. Ordibehesht), the protector of fire,
IV. Khshathra Vayriya (Ph. Sharevar, P. Shahrivar), the protector of the sky and
metals,
V. Spenta Armayti (Ph. Spendarmaz, P. Sepand), the protector of the earth,
VI. Hourvatat (Ph. Hordad, P. Khordad), the protector of the waters,
VII. Ameretat (Ph. Amordad, P Mordad), the protector of plants. 124
If we look back to our Yaresan story of the creation we see that God has His throne
in the empyrean. It must be in this place that he holds the "Jam" ceremony with his
seven angels. Similarly, in Mazdaism we find Ahura Mazda sitting on a golden
throne accompanied by his seven angels in the empyrean which is called
"Garonmana".125 It seems that it is the same as the place called "Sajnar" by the
Yaresan.
Mokri has already pointed out the similarities between the Zoroastrian first angel,
Vohu Manah, and the Yaresan first angel, Benyamin. 126 We are also in a position to
point out similarities between some other angels. For example the fifth angels,

123
Carl Clemen, Die griechischen und lateinischen Nachrichten iiber die persische Religion, Giessen,
1920, p. 71; James H. Moulton, Early Zoroastriansm, (The Origin, the Prophet, the Magi),
Amsterdam, 1972 (•'•London, 1913), pp. 50 - 51.
124
Purdavud, Adabiyat...op. cit., Vol. I, p. 69ff.; Mord Ourang, Ameshaspandan, Tehran, 1344 H., p.
18ff.

125 Purdavud, Adabiyat...op. cit., Vol.1, p. 86; Ourang, Ameshaspandan,op. cit., p. 57.

Mohammad Mokri, L'ange dans l'lslam et en Iran, (3e Colloque de l'AMR), Paris, 1969, p. 87.
 1

namely Zoroastrian Spenta Armayti or Spendarmaz and the Yaresan Ramzbar. Like
Ramzbar, Spendarmaz is of feminine gender.127 Spendarmaz is the protector of the
earth128 and Ramzbar is the Lady of Resurrection when everyone will rise out of the
earth (i. e. their graves). It is even possible that the etymological source of the
names "Spendarmaz" and "Ramzbar" or"Razbar" is the same. There is also some
reason to believe that the sixth and seventh angels of the Mazdeans are the same
as the sixth and seventh angels of the Yaresan. In the book "Doureh-ye zolal-zolal",
Shah Ebrahim, the Sixth Yaresan angel, says that he was an incarnation of
Harut,129 which is originally the name of the Sixth angel Hourvatat. Similarly,
Yadegar, the seventh Yaresan angel is declared the incarnation of Marut,130 which
is originally the name of the seventh Mazdean angel Ameretat. In addition to this,
Ameretat symbolizes Immortality, and we have seen that there is some vague idea
of Immortality in the stories about Yadegar. But more important is the general
impression which we get from the Yaresan writing about the character and position
of their Sixth and Seventh angels which resemble those of the Mazdean. It seems
that like the Yaresan angels, in pre-Zoroastrian period these two angels were
enjoying outstanding importance in Western Iran, as only their names are
mentioned in the Achaemenian inscription in Bistun.131 Like the two Yaresan
angels, Ruchiyar and Ayvat, the Mazdean Hourvatat and Ameretat are usually
mentioned together.132
Another reason which directs us to identify Mazdean angels with the Yaresan ones
is that in the Avesta the seven Ameshaspands are also called the "Haftan". One of
the important parts of the Avesta is called "Haftan Yasht" and contains hymns of
praise for the Haftan or the seven Ameshaspands. Haftan Yasht is the oldest part
of the Avesta after the Gathas.133 Therefore we can conclude that this term goes
back to the earliest periods of Iranian history.

127
Purdavud, Adabiyat...op. cit., Vol.1, p. 94. Spendarmaz is supposed to be daughter of Ahura
Mazda, and Ramzbar is mother of the Yaresan theophany.
128
Ibid.; Ourang, Ameshaspandan, op. cit., p. 59.

129
Afzali, Daftar...op. cit.: "Doureh-ye zolal-zolal", p. 28.

130 Ibid.

131
Moulton, Early Zoroastrianism, op. cit., pp. 50 - 51-According to Boyce "under the Sasanians
Anahid overshadowed all other female divinities as far as private prayers and devotion were
concerned, although in public worship the great Amesaspands, Spendarmad, Hordad and Amurdad
continued to be more honored". Boyce, Anahid, oop. cit., p. 1005.
132 Purdavud, Adabiyat...op. cit., Vol.1, p. 59.

133
Ibid., p. 110; Razi, Farhang...op. cit., p. 233.
 115

4.2.8. The Yazatas

As with the Yaresan, Mazdaism also has other angels. There is a group of angels
called the Yazatas, the Avestic term "Yazata" meaning "an adorable being worthy of
worship". In Khorshid Yasht it is said that there are hundreds and thousands of
Yazatas in the universe134 whereas Yasna gives the number thirty, including the
seven Ameshaspands.135 In one passage in Khordeh Avesta thirty three
Ameshaspands are mentioned,136 which is echoed in the Persian Revayat which
speaks of thirty three Ameshaspands and Yazatas.137
The Yazatas are regarded as the helpers of the Ameshaspands, who are also
sometimes regarded as belonging to the Yazata group of thirty. It will be simpler for
us to separate the Yazatas from the Ameshaspands. In this manner, the Yazatas
form the second rank divinities of the Mazdeans. The Yazatas are
anthropomorphized beings whose origins often stem from the pre-Zoroastrian
period. With the emergence of Zarathustra, these Mazdean gods lost much of their
power and were reduced to the level of Yazatas.
It seems logical to compare the Yazata with the Yaresan Cheheltan, because they
are similar in number as well as in their roles and importance.
From what is written in Khorshid Yasht we can conclude that another group of
angels possibly existed who might have numbered several hundred. A similar
group of angels exists for the Yaresan and is called "Bivar Gholam".
Similarly in Mazdaism we find another group of angels, namely the "Frahvars (Av.
Fravashay). The book "Minu Khrad" speaks of nine thousand and nine "Bivar

Purdavud, Adabiyat...op. cit., Vol. II. p. 311; A. V. Williams Jackson, Die iranische Religion, in:
Wilhelm Geiger und Ernst Kuhn (Hrg.), Grundriss der iranischen Philologie, Zweiter Band,
Strassburg, 1896 -1904 (Nachd. Berlin/New York 1974), p. 641.

Yasna 16. 3 - 4. The report by Plutarkhos that Ahura Mazda created twenty four angels is the
confirmation of this Yasna, as added by six Ameshaspands it will be thirty. (CfJackson, Die
iranische...op. cit., pp. 640 - 641; Carl Clement, Die griechischen und lateinischen Nachrichten über
die persische Religion, Giessen, 1920, p. 166). In Shayast la-shayast chapters XXII and XXIII the
writer calls own, upon some one, a series of blessings from the thirty angels. E. W. West, (trans),
Pahlavi Texts (Part I: The Bundahis, Bahman Yasht, and Shayast la-Shayast), in: The Sacred Books
of the East, Oxford, 1880, pp. 401 - 406.

Mo'bed Ardashir Azargoshtasb, Khordeh avesta, Tehran, 1349 H., p. 7; See also Friedrich Spiegel,
Avesta, die heiligen Schriften der Parsen, (Aus dem Grundtexte übersetzt, mit steter Rücksicht auf
die Tradition), Dritter Band: Khorda-Avesta, Leipzig, 1863, p. 4.

Dhabhar, The Persian Rivayats...op. cit., p. 579.

 116

Frahvars"138 It is said that the body of Karshasp or Sam is guarded by such

Frahvars. "And the Yazads and Ameshaspends have entrusted nine, and ninety,
and nine hundred, and nine thousand, and nine myriad (99,999) counterpart spirits
of the pious, as a protection for the body of Sam."139
Here in Mazdean text we find that the term "Bivar" has been used for the Frahvars
who like the Yaresan angels, Bivar Gholam, are supposed to be numerous.140
The Frahvars originally represented the departed souls of ancestors. In younger
Avesta they are believed to be angels and Ahura Mazda has stationed them
everywhere to keep the good creation in order, to preserve it, and guard it against
the constant attacks of fiendish powers.141

4.2.9. The Haftavaneh

The Haftavaneh (K. Haftawana), or seven powers, stand between the Haftan and
other angels, ranking second in the hierarchy. We do not find similar group among
the Mazdean angels. They are more comparable to the Ameshaspands than the
Yazatas. It is said that the Ameshaspands originally represented the qualities of
Ahura Mazda. There each Zoroastrian is obliged to follow the phases of purification
represented by the Ameshaspands. In this way he would integrate into his life all
the qualities of Ahura Mazda as represented by his seven angels: Through
righteousness and order (Asha) one achieves the quality of Vohu Manah, which is
a "Good Mind". Then he learns to develop a perception of the best Truth (Asha
Vahishta). It is through love, piety and devotion (Armayti) added to other aquired
qualities that one reaches the level of perfection. It will be after this stage that a
person reaches immortality (Ameretat) in the eternal spiritual world in the presence
of God (Khshathra Vayrya).142

Ardashir son of Khoda Rahm Marzban Bonshahi Allah-abadi (ed.), Ketab-e minu kherad va
andarz-nameh-ye Furiyukishan va gotar-e bozorgmehr, Bombay, 1317 H. Khorshidi, p. 77; West,
The Book...op. cit.: (Cf. Pazand text LXII, p. 23).

139
West, The Book...op. cit.,pp. 185 - 186.
140 Elahi, Borhan ol-haqq, op. cit., p.43. According to Azargoshtasb, there are as many of them as
there are Ahura Mazda's creatures. Farahvars at the same time function as one of the powers of
human beings. (Cf. Mo'bed Ardashir Azargoshtasb, Marasem-e mazhabi va adab-e zartoshtiyan,
Tehran, 1358 H. ( 1352), p. 197. There is an old Iranian name as "Hezarbandeh"or "Hazaranah"
which was a nickname of Mehr Nerseh and Justi gives the meaning "1000 Diener besitzend" for it.
Justi, Iranisches Namenbuch, op. cit., p. 128.
141 Reichelt, Avesta Reader...op. cit., p. 114.
142
Purdavud, Adabiyat...op. cit., p. 85.
 117

The same principles underlies Yaresan teaching although they are not represented
by the angels. Even in case of Iranian Sufism most of these principles are present.
It has been pointed out by several scholars that the oldest source of Iranian Sufism
is the Haftan Yasht. 143
Similarly in the Yasna 40. 2, gaining the presence of God is expressed as follows:
"Thou hast prescribed for us this work in this world and the spiritual world so that
through it we can achieve thy companionship, and remain with thee in the
presence of Eternal Righteousness."144
This also is an important part of the Yaresan religious belief that in the final stage a o
true follower can aspire to the presence of God.
Even more interesting is what we find in Yasna 41.3 which states: "... May in both
the worlds thou become our body and soul...".145 This could take the idea of Divine
Manifestation back to the Avestan period, in addition to the concept of Farr-e
Yazdan which we have mentioned earlier. We are not yet in a position to state with
certainty that the Yaresan Haftavaneh are connected to the Ameshaspands. But
there are at present only two reasons that prompt us to make this assumption:
I) Although the word "Haftavaneh" has been used to mean seven powers, still the
meaning is not definitely clear. But we come across the Iranian name "Haftan
bukht" in the history of Ardashir Papakan. Noldeke relates this name to seven
stars, 146 while Purdavud thinks that "Haftan" (i. e. with long ¿) refers to the Seven
Ameshaspands. In the Iranian epic book, Shahnameh, this word appears as
"Haftavad",147 which is very close to the Kurdish "Haftawana".
II) There is an interesting hymn in Avesta (Farvardin Yasht,82, 83,84) in which we
find the following:
"We praise the 'Frahvars' who are good, powerful, holy and pure and praise the
Frahvars of the shining, sharp (tond nazar), great, very powerful, brave, immortal,
holy and creatures of Ahura: Those seven who think like one, the seven who speak

Purdavud, Adabiyat...op. cit., Vol.1, p. I l l ; D. J. Irani, Payk-e mazdyasna, Bombay, 1928, p.lff;
Mohammad Mo'in, Mazdyasna va ta'sir an dar adabiyat-e parsi, Tehran, 1326 H., p. 496ff.

144
Purdavud, Adabiyat...op. cit., Vol.I, p. 125.

145
Ibid., p. 127.

146
Nöldeke,Geschichte...op. cit., pp. 49 - 50.: "Sebucht beim Armenier Elisäus 'die Drei
(wahrscheinlich guter Gedanke, gutes Wort, gute That, humat, hucht huwarst) haben erlöst'; ferner
öfter wohl für pers. Caharbocht, 'die Vier (welche?) haben erlöst. Darnach ist nun auch
Haftänböcht gebildet: 'die Sieben haben erlöst'. Haftän 'die Sieben' bedeutet aber nur die
'Planeten', welche ahrimänisch sind; für ein ahrimänisches Wesen passt eben ein Name, welcher das
Vertrauen auf die höllischen Mächte in demselben Grade ausspricht, wie der Mazdajasnier auf die
himmlischen baut".

147
Purdavud, Adabiyat...op. cit., p. 77; Also cf. Razi, Farhang...op. cit., p. 233. This name also appears
in Persian version of the history of Tabari as "Abtanbud". Bal'ami, Tarikh...op. cit., p. 879.
 118

as one, the seven who behave as one. Those, who have one thought, one word
and one deed. Those, who have one father and master who is Ahura Mazda, the
Creator."148
Here we see the concept of oneness of the Ameshaspands who have a single
father, being Ahura Mazda.
In a story regarding the creation of the Haftavaneh we notice that they are the sons
of the theophany. In addition to that they are so similar that Benyamin is not able to
distinguish them, as they are exactly like the theophany himself. The creation of the
Haftavaneh has also been related to the ceremony of sacrifice and the "Jam". It was
only after eating sacrificial meat in the Jam that the father could be distinguished
from his sons. But it is not said whether the Haftavaneh remained the same.149 In
this story mention is made of "Ayvat". Here the brain of the sacrificial animal that
was brought down from the mountain was buried because It was the incarnation of
Ayvat.150

4.2.10. Mithra and Vayu

Among the Mazdean Yazatas Anahita and Mithra are important due to the
widespread following they had by means of cults that were created after them.
Mithraism is known especially in Europe because of the role it played in the early
Christian era. Mithra appears in the younger Avesta as the god of the heavenly
light, the lord of vast luminous space and of the wide pastures, and the god of truth
and faith.151
According to Wladimir Ivanow, the Yaresan idea of incarnation and the angels
accompanying it parallels Mithra and his associates.152 On the basis of this he tries
to show a parallelism between Srosho and the first angels of the Haftan.153 After
that he attempts to show that a parallelism exists between Mithra's associate
Rashnu and the Yaresan angel Davud, between Mithra's chariot driver, Damoish
Upamano, and Mostafa, and between Rti-Parandi and Razbar.154 But Ivanow's

Purdavud, Adabiyat...op. cit., pp. 86 - 87.

149
Jayhunabadi, Haqq ol-haqayeq...op. cit., p. 375ff.

150
Ibid., p. 376.

151
Reichelt, Avesta Reader...op. cit., p. 109.

152

Ivanow, The Truthworshippers...op. cit., pp.35 - 36.

153
Ibid., pp. 36 - 37.

154
Ibi.,pp. 37 - 39.
 119

reasoning does not seem sufficient. Mokri has the better argument to identify Vayu
the god of wind and air with Davud.155
It is clear that in the course of time many names and roles of different divinities have
changed, developed, disappeared or have given way to others. It is actually the
structure of the idea which is of greater importance. Still, as we have seen above
not only in the structure of this idea, as we find a similarity between the Haftan and
the Ameshaspands, t u t there is also parallelism between individual angels. With
that we wish to say that the Yaresan angelworshipping system comes much nearer
to the later Zoroastrianism than early Mazdaism.

4.3. Dualism

4.3.1. Dualism of the Yaresan

From the point of view of the system of angelology, Yaresan dualism is similar to
that of Mazdaism.
As will be explained in detail, in Mazdaism before each Ameshaspand stands a
demon or an antagonistic power. So there are seven destructive powers that are
always struggling with the Ameshaspands. They are called 1. Angra Mainyu 2. Aka
Manah 3. Indra 4. Saurva 5. Taromayti 6. Tauru 7. Zairik (in Bondaheshn: Tarich or
Zarich).156
Similarly, we come across the same negative powers in Yaresan dualism. Here too,
as in Mazdaism, they are called "Commanders of Darkness".
We possess names of the Yaresan Commanders of Darkness in some periods of
Divine Manifestation. The names 157 of those in the first period being as: 1. Abu
Bakr158 2. 'Omar 159 3. 'Osman 160 4. Talheh 5. Zobayr 6. Rahman 7. Mo'aviyeh. As

Mokri, Le Kaläm gourani sur le Cavalier...op. cit. p. 47.

Purdavud, Adabiyat...op. cit., p. 88ff.

Jayhunabadi, Haqq ol-haqayeq...op. cit., p. 195.

Abu Bakr was the first Caliph who was born after 570 A.D. He found a special position in the
early Moslem community after Prophet Mohammad married his daughter. He was participant in all
expeditions led by the prophet. His period of Caliphate was only a little more than two years. During
this short period he was mostly engaged in dealing with apostasy. Several persons (including a
woman called "Sagah") claimed to be prophets, and some movements emerged which were religious
and political. The expansion into Iran was initiated by Abu Bakr. J. Wellhausen, Skizzen und
Vorarbeiten, Sechstes Heft: Prolegomena zur ältesten Geschichte des Islams-Verschiedenes, Berlin,
1899 (Nachdruck: Berlin/New York, 1985), pp. 7 - 37; Montgomery Watt, Article "Abu Bakr", in:
The Encyclopaedia of Islam, New Edition.
 120

mentioned before the second Yaresan cycle of Divine Manifestations occurs during
the Islamic period. In this period the Divine Essence is manifested in the person of
'AN b. Abi Taleb. The second period in the Yaresan religious system is completely
dominated by Shiite names and stories. As we observe here too that the first three
names of the Commanders of Darkness are those of the first three Orthodox
Caliphs. Among these names, it is difficult to identify Rahman. The other three
names are also well-known historical characters. We have already spoken about
the Umayyad Caliph Mo'aviyeh in the part of our study regarding Bahlul. The other
two, Talheh and Zobayr, were influential Arabs who, when 'Ali b. Abi Taleb was
elected Caliph, rebelled against him.161
In the Yaresan text of Haqq ol-haqayeq we notice that for the period of Naus only
one regional personality is named as the Commander of Darkness. The author has
simply replaced the other six with the names of some other personalities of early
Islamic period, such as Shemr b. Zol Joushan and Ebn Ziyad, the murderers of
Hosayn son of 'Ali.162 In case of other periods, Jayhunabadi gives the names of
some local personalities as Commanders of Darkness. In one of the stories about
the events during Sahak's period the name of a brother of Sahak is given as a
Commander of Darkness. He is called Qadereh, someone who led a military
expedition against Sahak.163 It is interesting to notice that in one more case the
leader of the Commanders of Darkness is a brother of the theophany. Is it
accidental or is it another point relating the Yaresan to Zarvanism ?. As we have
already mentioned in Zarvanism both Spenta Mainyu and Angra Mainyu are
brothers from the same father. Among the Yaresan too, negative and positive
powers both have the same origin. This idea brings the Yaresan closer to the

Abu Bakr was succeeded by 'Omar b. Khattab, who can be regarded as the founder of the Arab
empire and conqueror of Iran. Despite several merits attributed to him, he was more feared than
loved. It is said that he was the first to oppose the Caliphate of 'Ali bAbi Taleb. The Sufis have not
much to do with him, whereas among the Sunni Moslems he is one of the greatest figures in the
early Islamic period. G. Levi della Vida, Article '"Umar b. al-Khattab", in: H. A. R. Gibb and J.H.
Kramers (ed.), The Shorter Encyclopaedia of Islam.

'Osman b. 'Affan was the third Caliph whose period of Caliphate was twelve years and was killed
in June 656 A. D. It was during his Caliphate that the first socio-religious movement of Islamic
period began in Iraq. G. Levi della Vida, Article "Uthman b. 'Affan", in: The Shorter Encyclopaedia
of Islam, op. cit.

Shemr b. Zol Joushan encouraged Ebn Ziyad to order to kill Hosayn son of 'Ali. 'Obaydollah b.
Ziyad was made governor of Kufeh by Yazid son of Mo'aviyeh, after the inhabitants of the town
gave their support to Hosayn. It is narrated that when the heads of Hosayn and his companions
were placed before Ebn Ziyad he insulted them and even knocked some of Hosayn's teath with his
own switch.

See Appendix II, Third Period: e.

See Appendix II, Fourth Period: d.

 121

Yazidis. Still there are some differences between their versions of dualism. We have
no evidence proving the existence of a group of demons among the Yazidis which
may resemble the Yaresan Commanders of Darkness. For them Satan is only a
fallen angel that should not be insulted.164 Both the Yazidis and the Yaresan call
Satan by the same name i. e. Malak Tavus.
There is another example which shows the similarity between Yaresan and
Zarvanism. In one of the Yaresan stories regarding the creation of man, it is said
that the Earth rejected being used for the creation of man. Then Mika'il (or Esrafil)
requested Khavankar not to create man. He argued that man will cause evil, do
wrong and disobey God's commands. He tells God: "You are good and should
create only good." 165 In a hymn relating to Davud, one of the Yaresan angels, it is
said: "My Satanic name is inside the pearl...My Satanic evil holds only bad people."
Thus, for the Yaresan, Satan creates evil only for those who have an evil nature.166
These examples further prove similarity between the Yaresan principle of dualism
and that of Zarvanism.

4.3.2. Relation between the Yaresan and the Yazidis

We have seen that both the Yaresan and the Yazidis call Satan "Malak Tavus" and
have an almost similar concept about the devil principle. But there are many more
parallels between these two religious groups. Their system of angel worship is
similar to that of the Yazidi in its structure. They believe in one Supreme Being
called Khoda i. e. God. They also have seven angels, whose principal was
Lasifarus who spoke Kurdish.167 They even use the same Christian-Islamic names
of Jebra'il, Mika'il, 'Ezra'il and Esrafil for four of their angels.168 They have another
group of angels called "Chehelmir" (Chelmir)169 who, like the Yaresan Cheheltan
(Cheltan), consists of forty members. The Yazidis also have two sacred springs

Wigram, The Cradle...op. cit., p. 104.

Suri, Sorud-ha...op. cit., p. 173.

Ibid., p. 174. Wilson wrote that some members of the Yaresan denied the existence of Satan. They
affirmed: "Evil is a principle in the heart of man." Samuel Graham Wilson, Persian Life and
Customs, New York, 1900 (Repr. 1973), p. 240.

R. H. W. Empson, The Cult of the Peacock Angel, London, 1928, p. 83.

Edmonds, A Pilgrimage...op. cit., p. 4.

Edmonds, A Pilgrimage...op. cit., p. 11; Wigram, The Cradle...op. cit., p. 101.

 122

one called "Kani Sepi" a n d "Zamzam".170 Many of the Yazidi divinities had
miraculous births, s u c h a s f r o m a virgin m o t h e r . 1 7 1
T h e parallel b e t w e e n the Y a r e s a n a n d the Yazidis is far greater than originally
expected. W e will point out m o r e of t h e m in t h e next section.

4.3.3. Excursus: The Yazidi religion and community

In our study of the Y a r e s a n , w e often refer to t h e Yazidis d u e to the main similarities

which they share with t h e Y a r e s a n community. T h e r e f o r e it s e e m s n e c e s s a r y here
to briefly introduce this p e o p l e a n d their religion.
They are a religious community whose members are scattered throughout
Kurdistan. T h e majority of the m e m b e r s live in t h e Kurdish regions in northern Iraq,
but t h e r e are also Yazidis living in Turkish a n d Iranian Kurdistan a s well as in
Russian A r m e n i a a n d C a u c a s u s . T h e population of this c o m m u n i t y is said to have
b e e n r e d u c e d by half a n d at present there are fewer t h a n o n e h u n d r e d t h o u s a n d
people.172

Edmonds, op. cit., p. 12; Wigram, op. cit., p. 102.

'Abdol Qader Gilani's birth "was a miraculous birth, but this time there was no ordinary father.
His mother was a daughter of Shaykh Junayd (the mystic of Baghdad who died in A. D. 910). A
stone wall having collapsed and crushed Husayn al-Hallaj, a pupil of her father's, the girl drank from
a steam into which his blood had trincked and thereupon conceived".(Edmonds, op. cit., p. 72).
Another saint called Malak Miran also was born of a virgin mother (Ibid., p. 74). "The miraculous
creation of men without the intervention of a mother is a common feature of Yazidi legend:
According to one story Shaykh Assin himself was created by Shaykh Adi from a tooth (hence the
name) extracted from the jaw of Farkhadin; the Shaykhs of the Mand family are not descended from
his sons naturally born but from three male children created by him out of an apple, snake, and a
staff; and so on." (Ibid., p. 6)

The Yazidis have been subjected to many massacres and plundering for a long time. According to
an unpublished report, at one time, Mohammad Bag of Ravandez killed the Yazidi chief 'Ali Bag
and reduced his followers to a very small number.('Abdol Qader b. Rostam al-Babani, Tarikh-e
kordestan, Manuscript in the library of The K. R. Cama Oriental Institute of Bombay). In 1914 the
Wigrams gave their number to be about 150,000. They report that in 1892 the Vali of Mosul, called
Osman Bey, massacred many Yazidi men and took their women and children into captivity and
plundered their holy shrines. Since the Wigrams' report, the number of Yazidi has been further
reduced. It is said that at present they number hardly more than 60,000 - 70,000 altogether. The
Wigrams wrote: "If the truth of a creed can be judged by the number and constancy of its martyrs,
then the place we should yield to the Yezidis must be one of the highest of all. Small as their sect
has always been, they can count their martyrs by hundred of thousands ....The massacre of 1892 was
but the latest (and one of the mildest) of a long list of similar inflictions. Less than fifty years
previously all the Yezidis of the Sheikhan were driven from their villages by a great irruption of the
Kurds under the Beg of Rawandiz, and fled for refuge to Mosul. The flooded Tigris cut them off;
and so many thousands were massacred by their pursuers upon the site of Nineveh that the principal
mound over Sennacherib's palace acquired the ominous name of Kouyunjik 'the shambles of the
sheep'. The tale of earlier massacres runs back to the very dawn of their history." Wigram, The
Cradle...op. cit., p. 102.
 123

They call themselves Daseni and it is said that the name Yazidi is obtained from the
Kurdish Persian word "Izad", derived from the Avestic word "Yazata". In this case it
is more probable that this word comes directly from the latter. According to the
Yazidi traditon they have come to that region from the southern parts, Basra and
the lower Euphrates, at the time of Timur at the end of fifteenth century. 173
In our study of the Yaresan, we often refer to the similarities between them and the
Yazidis. So here only few other aspects regarding this community will be described.
The most distinctive feature of the Yazidi religion is respect for the evil principle
which they call "Malak Tavus", or the Angel Peacock. They believe in one God and
according to them He created from His own essence 1 7 4 six other divinities, the sun,
the moon and principal stars, and all these joined God in the creation of the world.
"The devil, who was God's own creation, rebelled against his lord and was cast into
hell. He afterward repented of his sin, did penance for seven thousand years, and
shed tears of contrition which fill seven vessels that will be used at the Day of
Judgment to quench the fires of the seven hells. God in his mercy pardoned the
recreant, restored him to heavenly rank, made him one with himself, and forbade
the angels to look with scorn upon their reinstated brother. Inasmuch as God's
grace thus forgave and exalted even Satan himself, man should not look with
hatred upon this so-called representative of Evil."175

The main saint of the Yazidis is called Shaykh 'Adi. There is an orthodox Sufi of the
same name 176 but who could not have been the founder of a group such as the
Yazidi. According to the Wigrams "there seems some historical evidence that he
lived in the tenth century, and that he was originally a Magian who had fled from
Aleppo when the Magian cult was suppressed". 177 Similar point has been made
about in "Tarikh-e kashaf" in which a Kurdish nobleman, who was probably a
Magian, cames from Allepo to Kurdistan after all other Iranian noblemen had been
killed.178
The Yazidis possess two holy books called "Mashaf-e rash", i. e. the Black Book
and "Ketab-e Jelveh" or the Book of Revelation. They have also holy standards

173 Th. Menzeh, Article "Yazidi", in: The Shorter encyclopaedia of Islam.
174
Also cf. Isaac Adams, Persia by a Persian, (Personal experiences, manners, customs, habits,
religion and social life in Persia), Washington, 1900, p. 503.
175
Jackson, Persia...op. cit., p. 11; Also cf. Wigram, The Cradle...op. cit., p.104.
176
Menzel, Yazidi, op. cit, p. 644.
177
178 Wigram, The cradle...op. cit., p. 105.
Timur Pasha son of Hosayn Khan Donboli, Tarikh-e Kashaf, Manuscript in the library of The K.
R. Cama Oriental Institute of Bombay, p. 377.
 124

called "Sanjaq". These are the figures of seven peacocks which corresponds with
the number of angels who took part in the creation of the world. 179
In their social structure the Yazidis have developed a caste-like social stratification.
It is a closed and endogamious community which does not permit outsiders to
enter it. Their principal prayer is adressed to Malak Taus and, similar to the
Yaresan, they observe only three days fasting which is in December.
It is necessary to mention here that there are as many differences between the
Yaresan and the Yazidis as similarities. It is interesting to note that Jackson has
already mentioned the Yazidi in connection with the various religious movements
which emerged, partly, as the outcome of the Arab invasion of Iran.180

4.3.4. Dualistic origin of the Creation among the Yaresan

We have already mentioned that according to the Yaresan, Satan creates evil only
for those who by nature are bad. This is based on the idea that in their original
substance the human beings are divided into two different groups. In the wider
sense the creatures of the world are divided according to the original elements they
are made of, whether of luminous or dark earth. Therefore human beings are
divided according to the origins of their souls. So four types of people are
distinguished:
a) The saviour soul belonging to the prophets and saints (Nas),
b) The luminous soul belonging to the good people (Shebh-e Nas). They are
guided by the first group i. e. the saviour souls.
c) Dark soul belonging to those who cannot see the Truth. These people, called
"Nasnas", have nothing to do except eat, drink and enjoy themselves. If they learn
anything at all they never believe in it. They are made up of black earth.
d) The fire soul belonging to the oppressors. 181
In the Mazdean literature we find terms and concepts similar to those used by the
Yaresan. The Bondaheshn names two demons which remind us of the
abovementioned Yaresan terms. One demon is called "Nas" and another is called
"Anast".182 There is also a similar concept in Mazdaism called "Nash". This term, as

Wigram, The Cradle...op. cit., p. 98. Each of these standards was alloted to a region and was
carried there every year in order to collect alms: Sharfadin (Assin) to Senjar, Farkhadin to Allepo
and Mardin, Sajadin to Van, Shams to Tabriz and Caucasus, Obakr to Diyarbakr, and Naserdin to
an ill-defined region. Edmonds, A Pilgrimage...op. cit., p. 39.

Jackson, Die iranische...op. cit., p. 696; Idem, The Yazidis...op. cit., p. 180.

Jayhunabadi, Haqq ol-haqayeq...op. cit., pp. 22 - 23; Elahi, L'ésoterisme...op. cit., pp. 68 - 69.

Anklesaria, Iranian...op. cit., p. 37, 40.

 125

discussed by Herzfeld, had a distinctive designation which resembles that of the

Yaresan.183 In addition to these we will see in the next section that the same kind of
classification is made by the Mazdeans.

4.3.5. Dualism in Iran

From the earliest periods dualism has been an important part of the Iranian system
of thought. It has manifested itself in different forms among Iranian socio-religious
movements. Mazdean dualism is the archetype of the Iranian dualistic world view
and is based on cosmic dualism.
The Zoroastrian history of the world is divided into three stages: First, the creation
of the two antagonistic principles, secondly, the mixture of these two principles and
their constant struggle, and finally the period which results in the victory of the
good principle over the evil principle.184 "In his Gathas Zoroaster looks back to
'eternity past'and the beginning of time, and forward to the Last Judgment and
'eternity to come",and sees all that takes place in between as part of the cosmic
struggle between good and evil, leading to the final overthrow of the latter."185
In the cosmic antagonism between these two principles, the historical role to be
played by man is emphasized and he has a choice of taking either side.186 Even
the pessimistic dualism of Mani could not completely oversee this historical role.
For him the cosmic antagonism was between the soul and matter. It is through
man's endeavour that these two could be separated by way of gnosis and the
complete rejection of the material world.187
Mazdak believed that the course of the main cosmic struggle is accidental and the
mixture was caused by a blind attack of the darkness; the action of the light, on the
other hand, is free and conscious.188

183 Herzfeld, Zoroaster...op. cit., p. 834ff.

184 Mary Boyce, Zoroastrians: Their Religious Beliefs and Practices, London/Boston/Henley, 1979,
pp. 74 - 75.
1QC
Idem, On the Antiquity of Zoroastrian Apocalyptic, in: Bulletin of the School of Oriental and
African Studies, Vol. XLVII, Part 1,1984, p. 58.
186 Hashem Razi, Zartosht va ta'alim-e u,Tehran, 1350, p. 61, pp- 65 - 70.
187
Sayyed Hasan Taqizadeh, Mani va din-e u, Tehran, 1335 H., p. 48.
188
Shahrestani, Al-melal...op. cit., p. 264. Klima makes a useful summary of Mazdak's dualism as
follows: "Gegeneinander stehen am Anfang zwei Wesen, das Licht (Gott), dessen
Haupteigenschaften und Waffen vernünftige, zweckmässige Zielstrebigkeit und freie
Willensentscheidung gewesen sind, und die Dunkelheit, der böse Erzdämon, dessen Wesenszüge
sämtlich negativ sind. Er ist dumm und blind, seine Tätigkeit beruht lediglich in unsinnigen,
 126

In the case of Sufism, "in the dualism of the Magian and Manichaeans, it sees
typified the interaction of Being and Not-Being wherefrom the phenomenal world
results".189
As a result of the belief in the cosmic division of two principles, Mazdean
angelology is also based on dualism. Here too, before each Ameshaspand stands
a demon which represents the evil principle. So the cosmic struggle is also carried
out by these two antagonistic powers:
I.Spenta Mainyu (Protector of Man) # Angra Mainyu (Destroyer of Man),
2.Vohu Manah (P. of Cattle) # Aka Manah (D. of Cattle),
3.Asha Vahishta (P. of Fire) # Indra (D. of Fire),
4.Khshathra Vayrya (P. of the Sky and Metals) # Soura (D. of the Sky and Metals),
5-Spenta Armayti (P. of the Earth) #Taromayti (D. of the Earth),
6.Hourvatat (P. of the Waters) # Touru (D. of the Waters),
7.Amertat (P. of the Plants) # Zayrika (D. of Plants).190
Just like the Yaresan, the Mazdeans have seven Commanders of Darkness. In
Minu Khrad we come across these Commanders of Darkness in the cosmic
struggle against the forces of the good principle. This cosmic struggle is reflected
in man as a micro-cosmos:
"Every good and evil that occurs to men, and also the remaining creatures, occurs
through the Seven planets and the Twelve constellations. And those twelve
constellations are called, in the religion, the twelve commanders who are from the
side of the Hormezd; and those seven planets are called the seven commanders
who are from the side of Aharman. And those seven planets harass every creature
and creation, and deliver them up to death and every evil; whereas these twelve
constellations are the preparers and impellers of the world."191
We have already pointed out that there is a dualistic origin in the Yaresan story of
the creation of man. The Yaresan divide human beings according to their original

stürmischen Angriffen, in ununterbrochenem Kampf mit der guten Welt, in der Unterstützung
gewaltiger Tyrannen und Unterdrücker, in planloser Raserei. Er ist also Gründer aller bösen
Massregeln und Beschützer aller bösen Kreaturen. Er ist der Geist der Vernichtung. Nachdem er
nach der zoroastrischen Tradition infolge eines Angriffs seiner Dämonen das Böse in die gute Welt
hineingebracht hatte, hörte der erste vollkommene Zustand (bundahisn) auf und trat eine Epoche
der Mischung der beiden Ursubstanzen (gumezisn, mizaj) ein. In diesem Zustand wird die Welt bis
zur Vernichtung des Bösen sein, dann wird eine Voneinandertrennung der beiden Prinzipien und
die Reinigung der Welt kommen (vicarisn). Die Mazdakiten folgten einer abgeänderten Meinung:
das Ende des gumezisn ist zugleich der Sieg des gutem Prinzips, die Rettung der guten, sich nach
Gerechtigkeit sehnenden Unterdrückten, Erniedrigten und Ausgebeuteten..." (Klima, Beiträge...op.
cit., pp. 33 - 34).

Browne, A Literary History...op. cit., Vol. I, p. 443.

Purdavud, Adabiyat...op. cit., p. 88ff.; Ourang, Ameshaspandan, op. cit.

West, Pahlavi texts...op. cit., pp. 142 -143; Cf. Bonshahi, Ketab-e minu khrad...op. cit.,pp. 23 - 24.
 127

substance: Exactly the same classification is mentioned in the Zoroastrian book

Minu Khrad:
"The Sage asked the Spirit of Wisdom thus: Of man how many are the kinds?
The spirit of Wisdom answered thus: Of man there are three kinds: one is man; and
one, semi-man; and one, semi demon. A man is that who is undoubtful of the
creativeness of Hormezd, and the destructiveness of Aharman, and the existence
of the resurrection of the dead and the final body, and also of every remaining
good and evil which is in the world and spirit, that the origin is from both of these,
from Hormezd and Aharman; and his belief is in this one, pure, good religion of the
Mazdayasnians, and in any different manner, he believes not, and hearkens.
A semi-man is that who performs the affairs of the world and the spirit, by his own
desire, and self-conceitedly, and self-willedly; be it the duties and good works
which are the will of Hormezd, and be it what is by the will of Aharman, it proceeds
from him.
A semi-demon is that, in whom is only the name of humanity and the human race,
otherwise in very deed and action he is like to a two-legged demon; he
understands no world, and no spirit; he understands no good work, and no sin; he
understands no heaven, and no hell; and he also considers not the accountability
which is on the soul."192
Manichaeism also classified mankind into three classes namely, Elect, Hearers and
Sinners.193
Different versions of the idea of dualism emerged in Iran, especially among socio-
religious movements. It was mostly wrapped in theological discussion. For
example, the Ismailite idea about the existence of the two principles of 'Aql and
Nafs is very near to the idea of cosmic dualism.194 According to this idea (which
preserved the connection between dualism and Messianism), with the coming of
the Messiah (Qa'em) "the Nafs al-Kull would finally return to unity with the 'Aql al-
Kull".195
The Iranian is among the oldest cultures which has made systematic attempts to
give dualism a sound theoretical basis and create a religious doctrine based on this
idea. In chapter 8 we will discuss some of the factors contributing to the
emergence and development of dualism in Iran.

y
West, PaMavi texts...op. cit., pp. 170 -171.

193
Williams A. V. Jackson, The Doctrine of Metempsychosis in Manichaeism, in: Journal of
American Oriental Society, 1925, p. 247.

194
Cf. Hodgson, The Order...op. cit., p. 123.

195
Ibid., p. 154.
 128

5) ESCHATOLOGY

5.1. Doctrine of Metempsychosis

5.1.1. Metempsychosis among the Yaresan

Metempsychosis is one of the most important parts of the Yaresan religious tenets.
The Yaresan doctrine of metempsychosis is based on cyclical regeneration with a
limited number of re-birth. According to the Yaresan, "the death of men is like the
diving of a duck".1 In the course of metempsychosis each person is supposed to
go through 1001 re-incarnations. This is, however, only a minimum number of re-
incarnations for a pious soul. The re-incarnations take place within a period of
50,000 years, within which there will be about 1,000 rebirth and with the last
incarnation will be 1,001 ? The last incarnation will be on the Day of Resurrection.
This is the day of Judgement when the pious people will be separated from the
sinful.3 On the Day of Resurrection, the righteous soul will be rewarded by being
allowed to live near God. The sinners will be sent back to earth as this world is the
hell and hell fire is in the heart of man. In which kind of animal a soul incarnates, will
depend on the nature and size of the sin.4 They may also be punished by additional
incarnations in a human body. Such an incarnation will be of short duration, the
person dying of some illness within a few months after birth. For every sin there will
be one extra incarnation. This is because everyone will reap in this world what he
has sown. They also believe that both good and bad people, like day and night,
move round the world; sometimes one group is dominant (ghaleb) and sometimes
another.5
On the Day of Resurrection, when the souls are judged, a hundred sins will be
pardoned by one pious act. Even if the sins and the pious acts are equal,
according to the above calculation, the person will still be pardoned. It may also be
the case that God will forgive those people whose good acts amount to one quarter
of their sins. But in the case of those people whose good acts are less than one

Minorsky, The Sect...op. cit., p. 306; Idem, Notes sur la Secte ...op. cit. (1920), p. 54.

Jayhunabadi, Haqq ol-haqayeq...op. cit., pp. 44 - 45.

Ibid., pp. 46 - 47.

Adjarian, Une religion...op. cit., p. 301; Wilson, Persian Life...op. cit.,p. 240: "The wicked are
thought to enter into donkeys, mules, and other beasts of burden."

Jayhunabadi, Haqq ol-haqayeq...op. cit., pp. 177 -178.

 129

fourth of their sins, there will be no pardon and they will be thrown into the hell (i. e.
they will be annihilated).6
For the pious souls the one thousand and first garment (incarnation) is the final and
eternal one. The reward is immortality in the presence of God. Actually the Yaresan
believe in two types of paradise:
a) Mortal paradise, (i .e. another life charaterized with worldly pleasure,
b) Eternal paradise, which is characterized by mystical joy.
Those who look for mortal paradise, even if they may be pious, will perish. Eternal
paradise on the other hand is immortality in the presence of God (i. e. union with
God).7
We have already mentioned that the Yaresan, like the Mazdeans, believe in two
worlds, namely the spiritual and the material worlds. Similarly, in another
interpretation they divide paradise and hell into a spiritual and an external one. The
external paradise is located in the sky and spiritual paradise is where
manifestations of the Divinity exist.
Spiritual hell is where there is infidelity (in the heart of people). External hell has
eight stages or strata. In each of these, lives one of the Commanders of Darkness.
The eighth stage is beyond the Qaf mountains where the Great Dragon lies (and
where sinners are annihilated).8
Much of our information on the subject of metempsychosis comes from Nur 'Ali
Elahi. In a passage, quoted by Mokri, he says:
There are four types of re-incarnation; "....après la mort ce qui est le cas normal;
exceptionnellement après une maladie, lors de la guérison; parfois à l'état de veille,
quand l'homme sent subitement que son âme est changée; enfin pendant le rêve.
Dans ce dernier cas, le rêveur s'aperçoit qu'il est devenu une autre personne,
Cette prise de conscience nouvelle par illumination, quel que soit le mode selon
lequel elle se produit est désignée par l'expression 's'éveiller soi-même à la suite
d'un rêve'".9
In the eleventh chapter of his book "Asar ol-haqq", Elahi answers several questions
regarding metempsychosis. There, he speaks of five different types of soul, namely
inorganic, vegetable, animal, human and heavenly (malakuti). The first four souls
are mortal and it is only the fifth soul which is immortal. It keeps the memories and
traces of the first four which do not possess a heavenly soul. Evolution and

6
Ibid., pp. 180 -182.

7
Ibid., pp. 45 - 46.

8
Ibid., p. 18ff.

9
Mohammad Mokri, Le songes et leur interprétation chez les Ahl-e Haqq du Kurdistan iranien, in:
Les songes et leur interprétation, Sources orientales 2, Paris, 1959, p. 192.
 130

judgement concern only the heavenly soul. Then there are some people who are
called "Tan-khak" (earthly body) and "Ruh-khak" (earthly soul), who do not possess
a heavenly soul.
So, there will be an evolution of each soul from inorganic to heavenly until the Day
of Resurrection. On the Day of Judgement, the first three souls will not be present
and it is only after the level of a human soul is reached that judgement is made.10
In additon to earth, according to Elahi, other planets also have their own
resurrection and judgement and hell. Paradise and hell of each planet exist in its
own atmosphere and the planets are unaware of each other. It is only at the level of
perfection that all souls will be united.11
The resurrection of animals lies in dying and being re-born in higher creatures till
the human level. Generally the soul may be sent to earth after being punished in
hell. But Elahi points out that sometimes souls are favoured by being kept in hell to
follow their course of evolution there.12 In other cases souls may remain in paradise
without being able to follow the course of evolution.13
A death within forty days after birth is a punishment and would not be counted as
one of the incarnations that one should go through.14 But if the child lives one
second more than forty days then its birth will be counted as one of the 1001
incarnations.15 In the course of metempsychosis sex may change and thus a man
may be born as a woman and vice versa. But after reaching the level of perfection
sexual differences disappear.16

5.1.2. Doctrine of metempsychosis

The doctrine of metempsychosis has always been widespread in Iran, mostly

among "heretical" groups and socio-religious movements. In heresiographical
books four types of metempsychosis have been distinguished in which the soul
transmigrates from a human body to:

10
Elahi, Asar ol-haqq, op. cit., p. 276.

11
Ibid., p. 277.

12
Ibid., p. 282.
I T

Ibid., p. 283. In another passage Elahi points out that the normal 50,000 years of re-incarnations are
not a punishment. It is a time and an opportunity given to man to save himself. (Ibid., p. 284).
14
Ibid., p. 289. 292.

15
Ibid., p. 292.

16
Ibid., p. 321.
 131

a) another human body, and is called "Naskh",

b) animal body and bird, and is called "Maskh",
c) plants and trees, and is called "Raskh",
d) reptiles, insects and similar creatures and is called "Faskh".17
The doctrine of metempsychosis is generally known as a Hindu idea and it is
difficult to find out how this idea came to spread in Iran and survived throughout
centuries.
We know that in pre-lslamic periods Buddhism was practised in eastern Iran along
the Indian border. The belief in metempsychosis is still current among the Parsis of
India. But some modern Parsi scholars believe that it is only a Hindu influence, as
Zoroastrianism is not consistent with the idea of metempsychosis.18 Still it is
surprising that in the religious movements that emerged in the very early Islamic
period, metempsychosis played such an important role although all of these
movements were, to a great extent, loyal to their pre-lslamic religious ideas.
But more interesting is what we see in the book "Dasatir" which comes to us from
the Pre-lslamic period.19 Although revered by the Zoroastrians for a long time,
modern Zoroastrian scholars consider it non-Zoroastrian. In this book we find the
same classification of metempsychosis mentioned above, but with old Persian
terms for them. Here, transmigration of a soul from a human body to another
human body is described and is called "Farhangsar". The transmigration of the soul
from a human body to an animal body is "Nangsar", to a plant is "Tangsar" and
finally to a mineral is "Sak" or "Sangsar".20
Adib ol-Molk Farahani was a nineteenth century Persian poet who had close
relations with members of the Yaresan community and translated some of their
Kurdish poems into Persian. He was probably secretly a Yaresan follower. In one of

17
Al-'Alavi, Bayan ol-Adyan, op. cit., p. 20; Da'i Hasani Razi, Tabsarat al-avam...op. cit., p. 87.

18
Khojeste P. Mistree, Zoroastrianism: An Ethnic Perspective, Bombay, 1982, p. 53. There are some
announcements related to a pre-lslamic Zoroastrian philosopher according to which in an
apocalyptic period the "Iranian which is so prosperous will be reduced to nothingness and desolation
at the hands of the wicked. Men will aquire much property and wealth by duplicity and falsehood so
that they will not reap the benefit of it in both the worlds. They will bury them underneath the
ground and will be destitute of their share in both worlds. In the next world they will suffer
punishment in hell and will be penitent. They cannot return to this world once again so that they do
virtuous deeds". (Dhabhar, Persian Rivayats...op. cit., p. 485). The above-mentioned Khojeste
Mistree quotes the last sentence i. e . " They cannot return to this world once again so that they do
virtuous deeds." According to him this is the strongest evidence against the theory of reincarnation
in Zoroastrianism. But if we consider the earlier predictions regarding the apocalyptic period, this
sentence could mean that only in that apocalyptic time they do not come back to this world.
Otherwise they come back and possibly they could do good deeds.
19
Shahmardan, Farzanagan...op. cit., p. 688ff.

20 Molah Firuz son of Molah Kavus (ed.), Dasatir-e asmani, Bombay, 1789, (Second edition by
Shahriyar son of Ardashir and others, Bombay, 1888), p. 193.
 132

his poems he describes the above types of metempsychosis using the same
Persian terms.21
It may in the beginning seem strange to come across this religious idea in Iran. But
some search into the Iranian history shows us that as before the Yaresan follows a
typical path in the Iranian religious history.
According to Browne the doctrine of metempsychosis is endemic in Iran.22 There
are many reports about the Manichaeans which indicate that they also believed in
metempsychosis.23 It is also possible that the Mazdakian movement which
appeared during Sassanid period knew about this doctrine.24

5.1.3. Metempsychosis among Iranian social movements

In the very early Islamic period various socio-religious movements began to

emerge in Iran. Metempsychosis was an important part of the ideological
background of these movements. The doctrine of metempsychosis was
widespread mainly among those movements that appeared in the early Islamic
periods until the end of tenth century. The movements that appeared during this
period were all incarnationist, which could easily be associated with the idea of
metempsychosis. These movements were marked by their inclination to Alid
legitimacy. But they can not be considered Shiites as we understand the term
now.25 It was only from the eleventh century onwards that Shiism proper emerged
as the main ideology of Iranian social movements.
Among the early movements which believed in the doctrines of re-incarnation and
metempsychosis were those of Sanbad26, Sepid-jamagan27, Khoramdinan28 and
the like.

21
Adib ol-Molk Farahani, Divan...op. cit., p. 740.

22
Browne, Literary History...op. cit., (Vol. I), p. 311.
23
Jackson, The Doctrine...op. cit., p. 246ff.

24
O. G. v. Wesendock, Der Seelenwanderungsglaube, in: Der neue Orient 6,1922, p. 225.

Da'i Hasani Razi, a Shiite heresiographer of the seventh Hijra century, had already pointed out that
the group known as Abu Moslemiyeh should not be considered as Shiites. Cf. Da'i Hasani Razi,
Tabsarat ol-'avam...op. cit., p. 178.

Shahrestani, Al-melal...op. cit., p. 20.

27
According to Shahrestani, Sepid-jamagan were a branch of Razamiyeh who believed in
metempsychosis. (Ibid., p. 18).
2ft
Cf. Razi, Commentary...op. cit., p. 203; Nafisi, Babak...op. cit., p. 22; Heinz Halm, Die islamische
Gnosis. Die extreme Schia und die 'Alawiten, Zürich/München, 1982, p. 82.
 133

Even among the movements which emerged after the Saljuq invasion the doctrine
of metempsychosis can be found. For example, Margaret Smith wrote in 1933
about the idea of re-incarnation which was taught to the fully initiated members of
the Ismaili movement. Inspite of that, Ivanow did not note in the same year that
there existed any report about the doctrine of metempsychosis in the extant
literature of the Assassin movement.29 We also find the doctrine of
metempsychosis among the Noqtavis which was a branch of the Horufi
movement.30
To get a better picture of the doctrine of metempsychosis as taught by these
groups we refer to what is attributed to 'Abdollah b. Harb. He is related to a
movement which supported a certain 'Abdollah b. Mo'aviyeh and which started in
Kufeh (Kufa) and spread to many Iranian cities. He was defeated by Umayyad
troops and escaped to Khorasan where he was killed at the order of Abu
Moslem.31 After his death, 'Abdollah b. Harb, son of a heretic from Ctesiphon, led
the movement. A report about the teachings of 'Abdollah b. Harb follows,
translated into German by Heinz Halm:
"Diese Gruppe behauptet, die Auferstehung sei nichts anderes als das
Heraustreten des Geistes aus einem Körper in einen anderen (hurug al-ruh min
badan ila badan); seien die Geister (=Seele) gehorsam gewesen, so würden sie in
reine Leiber, schöne Gestalten (suwar) und ewige Wonnen versetzt (nuqilat);
danach würden sie je nach dem Grad ihrer Reinheit die Stufen (maratib) der
Schönheit, der Heiligkeiten und Wonnen durchlaufen, bis sie Engel würden und
reine Lichtleiber (abdan safiya nuriya) erhielten. Seien die Geister dagegen
rebellisch (asya) gewesen,so würden sie in unsaubere (nagisa) Leiber, entstellte
Gestalten und verachtete Geschöpfe wie Hunde, Affen, Schweine, Schlangen und
Skorpione versetzt. Sie sagten: 'Die Paradiesgarten und die Höllenfeuer, das sind
die Körper.' Gottes Wort (Sure 29, 64): 'Die jenseitige Behausung, das ist das
Leben (hayawan). Wenn sie es nur wüßten!' deuteten sie allegorisch: 'Das
Jenseits, in das die Menschen nach dem Tode gelangen, ist lediglich der Übergang
des Geistes von einem Tier (hayawan) in ein anderes, bis sie schließlich in
verbrannte schwarze oder in lichte reine Körper versetzt werden. 'Allegorisch

29
Cf. Margaret Smith, The Doctrine of Re-incarnation in Islamic Literature, in: The Aryan Path,
Volume IV, No. 1, Bombay, 1933, p. 38; Ivanow, A Guid...op. cit.
30
Helmut Ritter, Studien zur Geschichte der islamischen Frömmigkeit, II: Die Anfänge der
Hurufisekte, in: Oriens, Vol. 7, 1954, p. Iff; Ernst Ludwig Dietrich, Die Lehre von der
Reinkarnation im Islam, in: Zeitschrift für Religions-und Geistesgeschichte 9,1957, p. 133.
31
William F. Tucker, 'Abdallah ibn Mu'awiya and the Janahiyya: Rebels and Ideologues of the Late
Umayyad Period, in: Studia Islamica 51, 1980, p. 41ff. Many of 'Abdollah's followers consisted of
Mavali and escaped slaves. According to Tucker the Janahiyeh "were probably the first to formulate
such an elaborate and comprehensive theory of transmigration of souls". Ibid., p. 53.
 134

deuteten sie (auch) Gottes Wort (Sure 82, 6-8): 'Du Mensch! Was hat dich
hinsichtlich deines trefflichen Herrn betört, der dich geschaffen und ebenmäßig
geformt und in einer Gestalt zusammengesetzt hat, wie er sollte?.' Sie sagen, Gott
setze den Menschen nach Belieben zu Tiergestalten zusammen, je nachdem er
Gehorsam oder Sünde erworben hat."32
For the theorist there has always been the problem of explaining the relationship
between the doctrine of metempsychosis and the ideas about resurrection and the
Final Judgement. This arises many questions which have involved theologlsts and
philosophers in long term debates about matters such as the immortality of the
soul, the number of souls, the relationship between soul and body. An explanation,
attributed to 'Abdollah b. Harb, aimed at answering some of these questions,
follows:
"Was aber ihre Lehre von den Zyklen angeht, so behaupten sie, Gott habe sieben
Adame erschaffen, einen nach dem anderen; der erste Adam weilte samt seiner
Nachkommenschaft 50,000 Jahre auf der Erde, indem sie lebten und starben und
aufeinanderfolgten und ihre Geister von einer Gestalt zur anderen wanderten
(tatanasahu arwahhum fi suwar ba'da suwar). Sie sagten: 'Dies (geschieht) ja nach
dem, wodurch sich die Gehorsamen von den Sündern unterscheiden.' Und
jedesmal, wenn 50,000 Jahre vergangen waren, wurden die Gehorsamen zu
Engeln und wurden zum Himmel dieser Welt emporgehoben, die Rebellen
dagegen wurden zu Geschöpfen in Mißgestalten, um die Gott sich nicht kümmert,
und wurden unter die Erde versetzt. Sie sagten: Dies bestätigt Gottes Wort (Sure
32,26): 'Haben sie es sich denn nicht zu Herzen genommen, wieviele
Generationen, an deren Wohnungen sie vorbeikommen, wir vor ihnen haben
zugrunde gehen lassen ? Darin liegen (doch) Zeichen. Wollen sie denn nicht hören
?' Und sie behaupten, die Ameisen, Mistkäfer und Schaben, die in ihren Häusern
herumlaufen, seien diejenigen, die Gott in früheren Zeiten habe zugrunde gehen
lassen, die Gott verwandelt (masaha) und deren Geister er in diese deutlich
sichtbaren Körper habe eingehen lassen (nasaha). Sie sagten: 'Dann wird ein
anderer Adam erwachsen, mit dem und dessen Nachkommenschaft geschieht das
gleiche wie mit dem ersten Adam; die Gehorsamen aus seiner Nachkommenschaft
werden zum Himmel dieser (irdischen) Welt emporgehoben, diejenigen aber, die
vor ihnen im Himmel dieser Welt gewesen waren (d. h. die Erlösten des ersten
Adam-Zyklus), werden eine Stufe (höher) zum zweiten Himmel emporgehoben; die
Rebellen aus seiner Nachkommenschaft aber steigen unter die Erde hinab; die
aber vor ihnen dort gewesen waren, werden von dort fortgebracht, so daß sie auf
der zweiten Erde (offensichtlich unter der ersten) hausen. So wird es mit jedem

Heinz Halm, Das "Buch der Schatten". Die Mufaddal-Tradition der Gulat und die Ursprünge des
Nusairiertums, in: Der Islam 58,1981, pp. 71 -72.
 135

Adam und seiner Nachkommenschaft und Sippe geschehen, bis die sieben Zyklen
vollendet sind; dann nimmt der Kult (ta'abbud) ein Ende. Sie deuteten Gottes Wort
(Sure 95, 4 - 6): 'Wir haben doch den Menschen in bester Form geschaffen.
Hierauf haben wir ihn ganz tief herunterkommen lassen, ausgenommen diejenigen,
die glauben und tun, was recht ist', sowie sein Wort (Sure 84, 19) 'Ihr verstrickt
euch mehr und mehr': damit meine Gott die Schichten der Himmel und der
Erden."33
From the above explanation we can conclude that metempsychosis follows one
main aim, namely the separation of body and soul, or spirit and matter as with the
Manichaeans.
From the eleventh century onwards the idea of metempsychosis was dropped by
many movements and the importance was placed on other ideas such as the
resurrection and Messianism. Still a few groups continued to preach the doctrine of
metempsychosis so that it could survive up to the present times.
Among the religious groups who still believe in this doctrine we can mention the
Yazidi Kurds. They believe in the transmigration of the soul and the punishment of
the sinner by incarnating In some animal.34
In case of the Baktashis, we should note that they do not have a single systematic
doctrine concerning life after death. According to Birge: "The range of belief (of
Baktashis) is wide, varying from superstition on the part of ignorant Bektashis up to
a virtual solipsism or belief that no one exists but one self, and even to a definitely
materialistic atheism. The belief about immortality arises from a conviction that the
soul on death passes into the body of an animal whose characteristics resembles
the quality of one's life to a complete disbelief in anything at all after death." 35
There are some other communities in the Middle East, such as the Nosayri36 and
the Druze, whose religious tenets include the doctrine of metempsychosis.
Although outside of Iran, both these communities are connected to the Iranian
culture. They have been sometimes related to the Qarmatian movement. Even the
Druze movement is supposed to have been started by the Iranian Hamzeh b. 'Ali

-a-a
Ibid., p. 23; Idem, Die islamische Gnosis...op. cit., pp. 72 - 73.

34
Jackson, Persia...op. cit., pp. 13 - 14; Idem, Yazidi...op. cit., p. 181; Adams, Persia...op. cit., p. 499,
pp. 505 - 506; Wigram, The Cradle...op. cit., p. 101.

35
Birge, The Bektashi...op. cit., p. 87.

Rudolf Strothmann, Seelenwanderung bei den Nusairi, in: Oriens 12, 1959, pp. 89 - 114; Idem,
Esoterische Sonderthemen bei den Nusairi (Geschichten und Traditionen von den heiligen Meistern
aus dem Prophetenhause), Abhandlungen der Deutschen Akademie der Wissenschaften zu Berlin,
Klasse für Sprachen, Literatur und Kunst, Jahrgang 1956, No. 4, p. 7.
 136

(d. 1021). He is probably also the one who established the idea of the Divinity of the
Fatimid Caliph al-Hakem.37

5.2. Millenarism and Nativism

5.2.1. Millenarism and egalitarianism of the Yaresan

Messianism is an important part of the Yaresan belief system. In this respect there
are some differences among various branches of the community. The Shah-Hayasi
branch believe that Shah Hayas himself will appear as the Mahdi at the End of the
Time. According to them, before his appearance, seven of his descendants
(peshteh) must first come to this world, manifesting themselves in human form. If
his descendants are not present, one of his representatives (nayeb) will be there. In
these representatives, (there are supposed to be seven), the essence of Benyamin
is manifested. According to one of the leaders of this branch, the seventh
descendant will be Soltan Sahak himself, who is the world conqueror.38
According to another version "the King of the World" has promised that when the
cycles (of re-incarnation) are ended, that is, when each individual soul has
transmigrated a thousand times (each transmigration taking about fifty years on the
average), he will then appear".39 The "Great Essence", according to this version,
would be manifested three times, "first in 'Ya', who appeared in the form of a man
in a clothing of light, second, in Sultan Sahak, who appeared among men; the third,
and last manifestation is to appear on the Last Day after the whole cycle of 50,000
years ends. His name at the last manifestation has not been unfolded; it is hidden
in mystery".40
There is another version which is based on the idea according to which the seventh
theophany, called Khan Atash, transformed himself into a falcon and flew in the

37
Bryer, The Origins...op. cit., (1975): pp. 239 - 262, (1976): pp. 5 - 27. Philip Hitti describes the
widespread belief in metempsychosis among the Druze masses. (Ibid, The Origin of Druze People
and Religion, New York, 1928). Some of the modern Druze religious reformers are again putting
much emphasis on this part of their religious tenets. This can be, for example observed in the
writings of S. N. Makarem, (The Druze Faith, New York, 1928). See also Reiner Freitag,
Seelenwanderung in der islamischen Häresie, Berlin, 1985, p. 1341'f.

38
Jayhunabadi, Haqq ol-haqayeq...op. cit., pp. 562 - 563. It is not clear whether in all seven persons
will appear or fourteen, i. e. seven descendants and seven representatives. Jayhunabadi also does not
explain whether the seventh person from the descendants or not.
39
Saeed Khan, The Sect of the Ahl-i-Haqq, in: The Moslem World, January 1927, Vol. XVII, No.l, p.
33.

40
Ibid., p.35.
 137

direction of the Sahand mountains, and will reappear to fulfil his vow and join the
world from the Orient to the Occident. 41
The place of his reappearance is called "Char Gusha Maten (Chahar gusheh-ye
matan?), which according to different texts is located in different places such as the
plain of Qazvin, 42 the plain of Shahrezur43 or Baghdad. 44 The last emergence of the
Great Essence in the form of the Messiah, the King of the World, brings about the
ideal state of the Yaresan.
Being the belief of the poor and underprivileged, the new ideal state is based on the
principle of equality. One of the interesting aspects of Yaresan ideas is that they
relate egalitarianism to the idea of metempsychosis. Mention is repeatedly made
that one of the aims of re-incarnation is to achieve justice on earth. 45 The tradition
has it that once the Great Essence in the form of Sahak "saw some lovely tulips,
some of which were taller than the others. With his cane, he knocked off the tall
ones and said: There is no superiority among my followers, all believers are
equal".46
Another story says that when prophet Mohammad ascended to heaven, he was
not permitted to enter the place till God inspired him to say: I am the ruler of the
people and servant of the poor 4 7 With such an ideal the Yaresan wait for the
manifestation of the King of the World.
The coming of the Saviour is described as follows:

41 Cf. Pittman, The Final ...op. tit., p. 147; Minorsky, Notes sur la Secte...op. cit., (1920), p. 42; Idem,
The Sect...op. cit., p. 314, Idem, Etudes...op. cit., p.95.

42 Minorsky, Notes sur la Secte...op. cit., p. 45. The immigration of a considerable number of Yaresan
followers and their settlement in the village round about Gazvin may not be disconnected with their
Messianic expectation.

43 Mohammad Mokri, Cinquante-deux versets de Cheikh Amir en dialecte Gurani, in: Journal
Asiatique, No. 4, 1956, p. 402; CJohn Edmonds, The Beliefs and Practices of the Ahl-i Haqq of
Iraq, in: Iran 7,1969, p. 91.

44 Vladimir Minorsky, Un Poeme Ahl-i Haq en Turk, in: Rudolf Tschudi: Westostliche Abhandlungen,
Fritz Meier (ed.), Wiesbaden, 1954, p.259, 261; Idem, English translation of the Kalam of Qushchi-
oghli, in: Ivanow, The Truthworshippers...op. cit., p. 200.

45 This idea is also current among the Nosayris. Cf. Strothmann, Seelenwanderung...op. cit., pp. 89 -
90.

46 Saeed Khan, The Sect...op. cit., p. 37. There is also a Sufi story in which the master strikes off the
blooms of the tallest of the plants. But there is no such egalitarian intention in this story. Cf. Idries
Shah (trs.), Thinkers of the East,(Studies in Experientialism), London, 1971,

47 Minorsky, Notes sur la Secte...op. cit., (1920), p. 27. In another Yaresan text, we find that when
Mohammad, the prophet, wants to enter a domed building, he is refused admittance because he
calls himself the "prophet". Then he humbly calls himself "the servant of the poor" and is admitted.
"He sees the inmates (who were naked), and in answer to his question is told that they are
mendicants, (i. e. ) faqirs. The prophet takes off his turban, tears it into pieces, and gives each one a
piece to tie round his loins." Ivanow, Majmu'eh...op. cit., p. 185.
 138

"Le connaisseur des choses sait que les quatre coins du monde restent
stupéfaits...
Comme une volée de sauterelles occupera d'un coup la surface de la terre.
L'armée débordera à Jirbal dans PHindustan.
Et les cris des héros retentiront d'un coup
De Damas jusqu'à Alep, à Balkh et à Bokhara.
Des environs de la Chine...
Les Francs et les Russes (se rassembleront) tout autour du monde
Et se fera entendre le son des tambours et des timbales.
De l'Occident à l'Orient, d'une part à l'autre.
Les gens se réuniront pour baiser les pieds de l'échanson...
Le scintillement de la lumière sinistre des étoiles
Le chaos de la bataille, des canons et des bombes,
Les cris de guerre des Kurdes cuirassés d'acier
Les chercheurs des combats à cause du sang de Siavouch!
Le jour de la fin du monde aura lieu dans la plaine de Qazvin...
...Le précurseurs du Mahdi parcourront les terres et les mers
Le monde entier d'un bout à l'autre deviendra conforme a son désir
Du combat pénible au jour du Malheur
Le peuple de Baba Khochin sortira libre
Le sommet du crâne du Qeyser deviendra la coupe...
Les trônes ornés d'or des rois et des begs seront
Foulés par les sabots des montures,
A Sultanieh aura lieu l'extermination des Sultans.
A Zendjan on établira le grand tribunal.
Le turcs se mettront en avant, les Kurdes derrière eux.
Au pied du Mont Sahand aura lieu la revue des serviteurs.
C'est ainsi oh connaisseurs (des choses) sachant les finesses!
Oh, clarté de l'esprit de clairvoyance des yeux!
Khan Aimas a acquis la certitude:
Le terme sera accompli et le monde deviendra unifié."48
The status quo is contrasted to the period of his reign when:
"Le juge souverain (rendra) la justice
un miroir et sans poison".49
This waiting is transformed into impatience and social revolutionary actions:
"To be looking for the coming of the King

48
Minorsk/s French translation of an original Gurani poem which was dictated to him in 1902 by one
of the members of the Yaresan community.(Ibid, Notes sur la secte...op. cit., pp. 43 - 45.

49
Mokri, Cinquante-deux versets...op. cit., p. 403.
 139

He is the true slave who is looking for the coming of the King.
Clean in action, clean in thought, clean in gaze
Unmovable from the path of truth and duty.
O dear friends, the King is coming
Good news, o good news, the King is coming
Let hands be engaged in service, but eyes look forward in expectation."50
Thus the believer, not knowing the time of his coming, is expecting him daily.51 This
is the source of hope for a better future, when no more oppression exists and the
oppressors and "the Sultans shall be exterminated".52 The more these people are
oppressed and humiliated, the more burning is their longing and desire for the
Saviours.53 In a Yaresan Kalam we read:
"Ich berge die Hoffnung, dass diese himmlische Wohnung, von den Geschicken
gelenkt, umgestürzt werden und nicht so bleiben wird, wie sie ist; dass die
Bewegung des Rades mit seinem krummen Lauf nicht immer dieselbe sein wird.
Dass...nicht immer die Herzen der Tugendhaften betrübt sein werden.
Möge der Beherrscher der Welt erscheinen und die Welt wird nicht leer bleiben.
Möge er die 'Unterdrückten rächen'. Mögen nicht -Streit und Gewalt erhalten
bleiben. Möge alles Undauerhafte hinweggefegt werden und der wahre Glaube
nicht länger verborgen bleiben. Mögen Unterdrückung und Seufzen
verschwinden...
Der Mahdi, welcher auf dem Wege der Wahrheit leitet, der Beherrscher, welcher
Hindernisse zerstört. Ich flehe sie alle an, mögen auf der Erde Gewalt und Streit
zerstört werden."54
Each time, when the flames of desire flares up, some personalities appear as the
Messiah with the intention of undertaking a great task and the destruction of the
existing order.55
The recorded events of the community during nineteenth and twentieth centuries
provide us with several examples of such personalities. A very notorious poet by

50
Saeed Khan, The Sect...op. cit., p.32.
51
Ibid.
52
Minorsky, The Sect...op. cit., p. 308; Idem, Notes sur la Secte...op. cit., (1920), p. 44, (The Kalam of
Khan Almas).
53
Wilhelm Emil Mühlmann, Chiliasmus und Nativismus, (Studien zur Psychologie, Soziologie und
historischen Kasuistik der Umsturzbewegungen, Studien zur Soziologie der Revolution), Berlin,
1961, p. 223.
54
This is a part of a Kalam or Yaresan religious poetry edited by Minorsky (Materiaux...op. cit., pp. 86
- 87). The above translation is made by Emmanuel Sarkisyanz, Rußland und der Messianismus des
Orients, (Sendungsbewußtsein und politischer Chiliasmus des Ostens), Tübingen, 1955, p. 249.
55
Mühlmann, Chiliasmus...op. cit., p. 223.
 140

the name Taymur of Banyaran, near Kermanshah,56 claimed to be the incarnation

of the Divinity.57 In one of his Guranl poems he declares that his mission is to take
revenge on the oppressors and murderers. 58 He also said that he had come to
sweep away all the states on the earth, and to defeat all the kings and make them
his subjects. He would accomplish this task with the sword. 59 As a large number of
people gathered around him he was accused of conspiracy against the monarchy
by the government and after six months imprisonment was executed in 1822.60
After Taymur's death another youth called Sayfur (or Fattah), who was also a poet,
claimed to be his incarnation. 61
Another is Ne'matollah Jayhunabadi, whose main work, Haqq ol-haqayeq
containing 11,117 couplets of poetry, is an important source for the study of the
Yaresan. He claimed that he went on a journey to the Beyond during a grave illness
at the age of thirty; he was appointed by God to announce the imminent return of
the Messiah and people flocked around his black flag, and on his command
ceased to take tea, tobacco and opium. 62 He "believed the time had come to reveal
the Real Truth", he thus "by God's command abandoned the world and became
the messenger of the Lord of the Hour". 63 "People sold their little patches of land
and their homes and sacrificed their sheep and cattle."64 After the advent was

56
Buraka'i, Bozorgan...op. cit., p. 137.
57 Minorsky, The Guran, op. cit., p. 95; Idem, Etudes...op. cit., 96.
58
Buraka'i, Bozorgan...op. cit., p. 140.
59
Minorsky, Le traité...op. cit., p. 276.
60
Ibid., p. 276; Buraka'i, Bozorgan...op. cit., p. 137."Le Prince Imâm-Qoli Mirza n'était pas trop sûr de
ses troupes cantonnées à Zohab.Il ne les employa donc pas pour repousser Teimour, croyant tous
ces gens-là gagnés à l'obéissance de Teimour et voyant des foules venant de Kermanchah, de
Kurdistan, de Louristan et de Soleimanié accourir chez Teimour et traîner leurs fronts dans la
poussière de ses pas. Or le Prince eut recours à une ruse et s'étant arrangé avec une partie de ses
soldats, en qui il avait confiance, il les envoya à l'improviste contre Teimour. Avant que les tribus
eussent été informées, Teimour fut capturé et amené à Kermanchah. Le Prince n'accorda aucun
répit craignant qu'un revirement ne se produisît dans les esprits et donna les ordres de couper sans
délai la tête à Teimour." The above is a part of a translation by Minorsky of a Persian document
found by Edward G. Browne. (Minorksy, Le traité...op. cit., p. 276.
61
Minorsky, The Guran, op. cit., p. 95; Idem, Le traité...op. cit., p. 277. Also cf. Edward G. Browne, A
traveller's narrative written to illustrate the episode of the Bab, (Volume II: English translation and
notes), Cambridge, 1891, p. 184.
62
F. M. Stead, The Ali Ilahi Sect in Persia, in: The Moslem World, April 1932, Vol. XXII, No.2, p.
188.
63
Minorsky, The Sect...op. cit., p. 310.
64
Stead, The Ali Ilahi...op. cit., p. 188.
 141

postponed twice, he shut himself up and waited for the Great Essence to come
upon him. 65
After his death it was said that when the stone of his tomb became tilted
spontaneously, then the coming theophany is at hand.
Saeed reports that now some people from time to time go about and tell others:
'The stone is tilted, the appearing is fast coming. What is the use of accumulating
wealth? Let us have it to spend it on the poor." 66
Another interesting event of this sort concerns a man called 'Alamgir who was
Minorsky's main informant. 67 He claimed to be the incarnation of he Great
Essence 68 and called himself '"Alamgir" i. e. "the world invader". 69
In October 1891, Feuvrier noted that Alamgir was preaching rebellion. He wrote:
"He is already surrounded by about a thousand adherents who have fortified
themselves and are appealing to all believers."70 The government sent a troop
against them and a severe battle resulted in the defeat of 'Alamgir's followers in
whose rank even a number of women and children had fought. 7 1

65
Minorsky, The Sect...op. cit., p.310; Stead, The Ali Ilahi...op. cit., pp. 188 - 189; Mohammad Mokri,
Introduction on Jayhunabadi's Haqq ol-haqayeq...op. cit., p. 9. In one of his Gurani poems he calls
on the "Didadaran" i. e. authorized Yaresan witnesses to come (and see) that the Great Essence has
manifested (Original Gurani text, in: Buraka'i, Bozorgan...op. cit., p. 160).
00
Saeed, The Sect...op. cit., p. 34.
67
Minorsky, Notes sur la secte...op. cit., (1920), p. 63.
68
Edward G. Browne, The Persian Revolution of 1905 - 09, Cambridge, 1910, p. 52. According to
Kennedy's report 'Alamgir declared himself to be the Mahdi's forerunner. Keddie, Religion...op.
cit., p. 136.
69
Minorsky, Notes sur la secte...op. cit., p. 63.
70
Dr. Feuvrier, Trois ans 4 la cour de Perse, Paris, 1900, p. 278; Pers. trans.: Seh sal dar darbar-e iran,
2nd ed., Tehran, 1363 H., p. 226. Above Eng. trans, by Keddie, Religion...op. cit., p. 136.
71
F. O. 60/524, Lascelles to Salisbury, No. 239, Nov. 22, 1891, in: Keddie, Religion...op. cit., p. 137.
There is another version of this event written by Balloy on December 16, 1891. After his capture,
'Alamgir was taken to Tehran, where he defended himself, claiming that there had only been an
intrigue directed against him by a court figure and his peasants in Mazandaran. These peasants were
against the Kurdish tribes which had moved into the area. The courtier (Sa'd od-Douleh) had
pretended that their rivals were rebels against the Shah and headed an expedition against
them.(A.E. Perse, 1891 de Balloy despatch, Dec. 16, P. R. O. British Embassy Archives from
Tehran, in: Keddie, op. cit., Appendix I, pp. 139 - 140). This latter report is contrary to all other
existing reports. However from Minorsky's description of this man and his ideas we can imagine the
truthfulness of the original version which has also been attested independently. In a photo taken by
Minorsky 'Alamgir is shown standing beside three flags which the Messiah is supposed to use when
He returns. With his right hand 'Alamgir points at a pair of scales (of justice) painted in the middle
of one of the flags and in his other he holds onto his long sword. This can be interpreted as a
symbolic gesture of bringing about justice with the sword. (Minorsky, Mat6riaux...op. cit., 1st page).
Dr. Feuvrier speaks of two hundred people being killed when 'Alamgir's revolt was suppressed.
 142

According to a report in the Daily News, December 1, 1891, rumour had it that at
the beginning of his career 'Aiamgir, "in order to show his divine mission, orders,
whenever he deems necessary, a big fire to be made, and then traverses it in every
way without being in the least hurt...It appears that the man aims not only at a
religious supremacy but even at a temporal sovereignity. Like the new
vicegerent, whilst on the one hand he propagates his doctrines, on the other he
carries the sword". 72
Even in 1904 a man from Maku with the name of Mohammad Hasan Agha
pretended to be the expected incarnation. According to M. S. Wilson, he claimed
that he would manifest himself within some years and would convert the world to
his faith. 73
The Yaresan religious texts preserve and encourage the revolutionary mood and
atmosphere In the community: "In imitation of thy name (i. e. Haydar) we are (like)
one hundred lions, opposed as Truth to Negation." 74
In religious texts of the Tumari branch it says: The time will come when a man
called the "World Purifying Rider" (Mirakhor-e jahanshur) 75 will come and spread
the religious laws of the Yaresan. According to Yaresan texts, during the period of
occupation of the King of the World, some personalities always appear 7 6 whose
duty it is to wait for, call for his manifestation or approval of the arrival.
Therefore the exalted members of the community are alert and each moment is
expected to be the time of his arrival. One of the Yaresan leaders 77 had even
forbidden his followers to smoke lest due to its distraction the arrival of the Messiah
would not be noticed. 78 This new world to come, which is impatiently awaited, will
stretch from the east to the west, under His just rule. 79 The new coming is, as a

72
Daily News, December 1,1891. "An Insurrection in Persia: A New Vicegerent of the Prophet (From
Our Own Correspondent), Tabreez, no. 24, in: Keddie, Religion...op. cit., p. 188.
73
Personal letter by M. S. Wilson to Vladimir Minorsky on January 27, 1904. (Minorsky, Notes sur la
secte...op. cit., (1920), p. 66).
74
Minorsky, Un Poème...op. cit., p. 259.
75
Minorsky quoting and correcting Adjarian's "Une Religion Nouvelle". "Mira Khor est, 'écuyer' en
persan. Djihan-choure serait 'celui qui lave le monde (de ses péchés?)'ou 'celui qui trouble le
monde." (Minorsky, Études...op. cit., p. 98).
76
These personalities are called "Didadar" in Yaresan terminology.
77
Atash Bag the fifth theophany of the Atash-bagi branch.

Minorsky, Études...op. cit., p. 96.

 143

matter of fact, a Utopia, all of it is a garden of roses, 80 where everyone is beautiful

and loveable.81
The following poem illustrates the main characteristics of the prevailing tendencies,
revolutionary mood and millenarian desire of the Yaresan during the period of
waiting. It is a part of a verse read by them in the ceremony of the "Jam".

Ce bruit.
Ce bruit n'est pas efficace.
En (cas de) besoin, implore.
Le Maître de Benyamin82, Lui, ne disparaît jamais.

Dieu est en lui.

Il est l'homme de Dieu, Dieu est en lui.83
Mon Roi (Pad§a) est dans la dun; nul ne connaît cette dun.
Quand il se lève84, Il est le Maître du Temps.

C'est le Jour du Jugement. 85

La guerre est (sur) la montagne de Sar-mil, c'est le Jour du Jugement.
(On entend) le cri de guerre des (hommes) réputés.
Pir et mon Roi (Padëa) sont les Maîtres des siècles.

Vient le tumulte.
Il vient le bruit des guerriers et le tumulte.
Le monde se rassemble à Sara-zul.86
Ce sera la vérification du registre des hommes et des djinns.

L'Ami s'éveillera.
A ce moment l'Ami s'éveillera.
De Qaf à Qaf, de la droite à la gauche, le monde, tout le monde,

80
A poem attributed to Qoshchi-oghli, cf. Saeed Khan, The Sect...op. cit., p. 34.
SI
Cf. Adjarian, Une Religion...op.cit., p. 301.
82
Maître (Xwaja) de Benyamin. Dieu.
83
Autrement dit: "Dieu habite en lui comme un hôte."
84
C.-à-d. : "il se fait connaître ou II apparaît."
oc
Litt. : "le jour des juges."

®® Ville du Kurdistan, actuellement en Irak, dans la plaine de laquelle les Ahl-e Haqq peresent qu'aura
lieu le jugement dernier.
 144

entendra le craquement de Zolfaqar.

Ce serra la résurrection.
La résurrection durera plusieurs jours et plusieurs nuits.
Les têtes tomberont comme les feuilles d'automne.
Zolfaqar s'aiguisera sur le crâne des traîtres.

(Il remet) Zolfaqar à sa place.

Alors, (Il remet) Zolfaqar à sa place.
Les sincères et les "doubles" seront séparés.
La pièce (frappée) au sceau du Pacte de Yari se répandra.87

Le livre du Pacte de Yari.

Alors on lira le livre du Pacte de Yari.
Les hommes (de bien) seront délivrés de leur fardeau.
Mon Maître (Xwaja) s'assiéra sur le trône de la Divinité.

Le Juge souverain (rendra) la justice.

Alors le Juge souverain rendra la justice.
Il jettera au vent les jours des méchants.
Alors les serviteurs seront joyeux.

Ce sera (le jugement des) justes.

Ce jour-là, qui sera celui du jugement des justes, sera la gloire des hommes (de
bien).
Les hommes ivres (de la vérité), éclateront de rire.
(La clé) de la porte de la bonté sera dans la main du Roi des gens qui n'ont
personne (Sah-e bi-kasan).

En poussière par le fer des talons.

Le vent emportera les montagnes réduites en poussière par le fer des talons.
Celui qui sait tout demande le jugement.
Les serviteurs sincères passent purs (devant Lui).

Il se stabilise.
Ainsi le Monde se stabilise.
Le coeur des créatures, oiseau, fourmi, serpent, sera pur comme un miroir et sans
poison.

87
C.-à-d. : "le culte de Yari se répandra."
 145

Ils polissent comme un miroir.

Ils polissent le miroir des coeurs comme un miroir.
Les hommes montent sur le Cheval gris.
Ainsi le Monde se stabilise.

Le pur, le sincère, l'existence, l'être atteindront le désir, l'idéal, le but.

Moi, le très petit, en ce jour-là j'espère.

Je suis pécheur et le Yar est celui qui pardonne.
Moi, le très petit, en ce jour-là j'ai cet espoir: pardonne moi pour l'amour du chien
gardien du seuil de l'Ami.88

5.2.2. Chiliastic prediction

Chiliasm and apocalyptism, as we already have seen, are important parts of the
Yaresan religion. In addition to that, there are some predictions which concern the
present political and social situation of the society. This type of prediction is
common among the members of the community who also like to speak about them
with outsiders. The predictions are not considered as something like religious
revelation, but as the word of their saints.
Among the predictions, those made by a man called llbagi Jaf have a unique place.
It is said that he was born in a Sunni family in 898 H. (1519) in Shahrezur. As a
youth he joined the Yaresan, something that moved his family and relatives to
decide to kill him. Therefore he left his hometown and went to the Ouraman region
and lived there until his death in 961 H.89
At present one of his poems containing predictions is known best among the
members of the community. In his poems llbagi predicts some historical and social
changes that were going to happen in Iran. Although it is possible that these
poems have been changed and modified in the course of time, their preservation,
circulation and content are of sociological interest.
Following is the translation of one of the above-mentioned poems attributed to
llbagi Jaf, in which some political changes and social innovations as well as
technological achievements are predicted.

oo
00
Mokri, Cinquante-deux...op. cit., pp. 401 - 404.
on
Buraka'i, Bozorgan...op. cit., pp. 101 -102.
 146

Some of the predictions made, have in fact been described above in the section
"Historical Background". It is worth mentioning that this poem was already known
about seventy years ago at the time when a poet translated it into the Persian
language. He has also translated some of the predictions made by Taymur of
Banyaran,90 whose revolt and execution we have discussed earlier.

The denier (of the Truth) will be disgraced

Conspiracy and war will be overwhelming
It was ever so and will ever be so.

Men will claim boastfully about their bravery

They also betray honesty
Words will be put in metal wire
And people will speak to each other at a distance
It was ever so and will ever be so.

Moon-faced government employees

Wine-drinkers in the privacy of their homes
Wear short skirts with head uncovered
with white and striped dresses
It was ever so and will ever be so.

Iran becomes like Europe

Everywhere there is colour, pictures and design (naqah)
Boys make themselves pretty like girls
And they become witty and flirtatious
It was ever so and will be ever so.

The good people become without homeland

Birds and fowl leave the meadow forever
Kings will be buried without being wrapped in a winding-sheet

It was ever so and will be ever so.

I act according to the sayings of the Guran

I speak from beyond the clouds

90
Adib ol-Mamalek, Divan...op. cit., p. 669ff.
 147

I speak of it for the people of Suran 91

I obey the order of the time (douran)
It was ever so and will ever be so.

When I keep my promise

I enter the state of passion and fervour
I look at the world
I leave enthusiastic for Mount Sinai
It was ever so and will ever be so.

Iran will be drawn into the flames of fire

The despot Sultan will dominate
People will be oppressed
It will be the period of Nader Shah's arbitrary rule92
It was ever so and will ever be so.

Then the time will fall into the hands of the Qajars93
Timur Lane will be conscious from his sleep
The heads of many great men will fall (will be cut off)
There will be disturbance, disorder and war
It was ever so and will ever be so.

The world will be full of uproar and tumult

A new epoch will appear
Half of Iran will be occupied by the Russians94
Honour and principle will lose their importance
Then their golden coins (zar) will be out of copper
Religion and belief will be very weak
It was ever so and will ever be so.

91
The "Suran" inhabit the region north of Guran and speak a Kurdish dialect of the same name.
92
He was the founder of the Afshar dynasty which, with the help of his Turkoman tribes, invaded a
large part of the Orient including Iran and India.
93
Qajar is the name of another Turkoman dynasty that ruled Iran until the beginning of the twentieth
century.
During the Second World War Iran was occupied by Russian and British troops.
 148

5.2.3. Nativism among Iranian socio-religious movements

In early Islamic period we observe a strong nativistic tendency among Iranian

social movements.
On the basis of Linton's definition of nativism we can distinguish between different
types of nativism among Iranian social movements. The Sho'ubi movement was a
revivalistic nativistic movement. At first a literary movement, it was started by Iranian
Mavalis or clients in Iraq in eighth century and continued till twelfth century.95 When
the movement was transferred from Mavalis to Iraq to Eastern Iran, the old Persian
land nobility (dehqan) became the supporters of the movement. The Sho'ubites
aimed at cultural revival because after the Arab invasion Iranian culture was
threatened by this dominant culture. A Sho'ubi poem which has survived shows
how Yaqub the Coppersmith (dominabatur 868 - 876 A. D. ), leader of an Iranian
political movement "made use of Shu'ubite notions in order to provide an ideology
for his rule. Its importance lies in the establishment of a link between the Shu'ubiyya
and the rise of the independent dynasties in Iran".96
In the case of religious movements we do not observe such clear revivalism as that
which appeared among the various versions of the Sho'ubi in its long life.
In the pre-lslamic Iranian system of thought, Messianism was often related to
dualism and national identity. Therefore, the cosmic struggle between good and
evil, leading to the final overthrow of the latter,97 is performed under the leadership
of Astvat-ereta, the greatest among the three saviours.98 Among his comrades are
"the heroes of the old who will return to aid the Iranian people at the end of time, as
they had done in the past".99
In this way the Iranians were put on the side of the forces of both the good and the
Messiah and consequently the originally cosmic apocalypse develops a patriotic
character as well as becoming a "political prophecy"100

95
See section about the Sho'ubis in chapter 2:3.
Qfi
S. M. Stern, Ya'qub...op. cit., p. 538; Also cf. Goldziher, Muh. Studien...op. cit., p. 155.

97
Boyce, On the Antiquity...op. cit., p. 58.

98
Idem, Zoroastrians...op. cit., p. 75.

99
Idem, On the Antiquity...op. cit., p. 59.

100
H. Monro Chadwick and N. Kershaw, The Growth of Literature, Volume III, Cambridge, 1940
(Repr. 1968).
 149

A branch of Mazdakism, the Mahaniyeh movement, directly connected dualism to

Messianism, 101 which was a revival of the idea of "God's Kingdom", a term first
used by Zarathustra, who divides the kingdom into two, one of light and the other
of darkness. The Millenarian World, which is "God's Kingdom", appears when the
Kingdom of darkness comes to an end. 102
However, this can be achieved if the Messiah helps his people not only in the
cosmic struggle against evil, but also against the "false" invaders of their land. The
following Pahlavi balad predicts the coming of Vahram-e Varjavand, the Zoroastrian
Messiah. He brings vengeance on the invaders like the epic hero Rotastahm
(Rostam) who brought vengeance on the whole world. But first we see how
Alexander was described by the Iranians:
"One day shall come to Asia's wealthy land an unbelieving man,
Wear on his shoulders a purple cloak,
Wild, despotic, fiery. He shall raise before himself
flashing like lightning, and all Asia shall have an evil
Yoke, and the drenched earth shall drink in great slaughter.
But even so shall Hades care for him completely overthrown.
He shall be utterly to destroy." 103

And in the Pahlavi balad we find:

"From us shall come that Shah Vahram

The Glorious, from the family of the Kay's
We will bring vengeance on the Arabs,
As Rotastahm brought vengeance...on the (whole) world.

So that 'nihil' shall be the miscreations of the Druz

From this world." 104

Klima, Mazdak...op. cit., p. 288.

Walter Nigg, Das ewige Reich: Geschichte einer Hoffnung, Zürich, 1954, p. 13.

Samuel Kennedy Eddy, The King is dead: Studies in the Near Eastern Resistance to Hellenism
334 - 31 B. C., Lincoln, 1961, p. 12.

J. C. Tavadia, A Rhymed Balad in Pahlavi, in: Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society of Great
Britain and Ireland, 1955,32.
 150

It seems that some like Ostadsis, who fought against the Umayyad Caliphs,105
attempted to materialize this Messianic mission.
These lamentations are the results of conscious national identity after invasions by
alien cultures. For them Iran is not only a country, it is the centre of the world which
is divided into seven Keshvars or lands:
"Airyanem Vaejah (Pahlavi Eran-Vej), the cradle or seed of the Aryans (=lranians),
is in Xvaniratha at the center of the central keshvar. There it was that the Kayanids,
the heroes of legend, were created; there, the Mazdean religion was founded and
from there spread into the other keshvars; there will be born the last of the
Saoshyants, who will reduce Ahriman to impotence and bring about the
resurrection and the existence to come."106
It is also the place where the Utopian city of "Var" or "Varjam" is built by the
legendary king Jamshid. It is also here that many cosmic events happen, where
primordial man, Gayomart, and primordial animal, "Gav", were born, where
Zarathustra was born, "where the final Liturgy setting the world on fire will take
place; and so this entire dramaturgy is itself perceptible only in Eran-Vij, at the
center of the world, that is at the summit of the soul".107
We come across different versions of this system of thought in later periods right
up to modern times. We can identify this combination of Messianism, dualism and
national identity among various Iranian social movements. We can trace the
conscious attempt of different movements in the early Islamic periods to revive or
perpetuate the ancient Iranian cultural elements.
But even in later periods we notice outstanding examples of such attempts with
long standing effect, lingering up to the present. It was the influence of the twelfth
century philosopher, Sohravardi, which continued to exist in all movements that
emerged after him. Sohravardi, a native of Western Iran, died a martyr at the age of
thirty-eight (1191 A. D.). He "came later to be called the Master of Oriental
Theosophy (Shaikh al-lshraq) because his great aim was the renaissance of
ancient Iranian wisdom".108 In his work "the author pursues the aim of reviving in
Islam the wisdom, the theosophia, of ancient Persia. His metaphysical outlook is
dominated, on the one hand, by the motif of the Xvarnah, the Light of Glory, and by
the Mazdean angelology through which he interprets the Platonic Ideas".109

August Müller, Der Islam im Morgen-und Abendland, Vol. II, Berlin, 1887, 495; Browne, A
Literary History...Vol. I, op. cit., p. 317; Klima, Beiträge...op. cit., 75.

106 Corbin, Spiritual Body...op. cit., p. 19.

107 Ibid., p. 50.

108 Ibid., p. 54.

109 Ibid., p. 52.

 151

We have already noticed that both the idea of Xvarnah or Far-e Yazdan and
angelology has survived among the Yaresan.110 But even other groups continued
to use Sohravardi's ideas in their religious and philosophical systems. In this way
the ancient system of giving geographical significance to the religious and
philosophical ideas continued to exist. Therefore attempts to revive or perpetuate
the ideas of the Oriental Theosophy is nothing but to revive and perpetuate Iranian
cultural heritage.
Here we observe the two most penetrating systems of ideas, namely those of the
Sho'ubi and those of Sohravardi, which have dominated Iranian cultural and
intellectual life. But more important for our discussion is the fact that both of these
were strongly revivalistic.
With the victory of the Safavids and the acceptance of Shiism as the official creed of
the country, national feelings, which continued to exist throughout the period after
the Arab conquest, began to take on a new form. 111 The extent to which the two
revivalistic tendencies mentioned above have penetrated Iranian culture is neatly
summed up by an observation by Gobineau and confirmed by Minorsky that the
influence of the Iranian epic went along side by side with the "belief in the Imam".112

5.2.4. Millenarism and egalitarianism in Iran

Millenarism is endemic in Iran and Zarathustra is the first known millenarian in the
wider sense of the term.113 "Zoroastrianism is in fact the archetypal millenarian faith
to which most subsequent millenarian movements may well owe a historical
debt."114

no Richard Grämlich makes an interesting suggestion according to which: "Aus alldem glaube ich
den nahezu sicheren Schluß ziehen zu müssen, daß der von den Haksar hochgepriesene Sultan
Galal ud-din-i Haydar niemand anders sein kann als der Suhrawardischeich Galal ud-din-i Buhari
(gest. 690/1291), der Gründer der Galaliya, deren persische Gestalt wir in den Haksar vor uns
haben. Der Haksarorden ist jedoch verwaltungsmäßig von den nichtpersischen Galali, deren
Existenz nur wenigen Haksarderwischen bekannt sein dürfte, vollständig getrennt, so daß heute der
gemeinsame Ursprung aus dem Bewußtsein der Ordensmitglieder ganz und gar ausgelöscht ist."
Grämlich, Die Shiitischen Derwischorden Persiens, Erster Teil: Die Affiliationen, Wiesbaden, 1965,
p. 73.

in Ann K. S. Lambton, The Persian Constitutional Revolution of 1905 - 6, in: P. J. Vitikiotis,

Revolution in the Middle East, London, 1972, p. 173.
112 Minorsky, Iran: Opposition...op. cit., p. 199.
113 Boyce, On the Antiquity...op. cit., p. 74.
114 Ibid.
 152

In the Zoroastrian history of the world "the limited time" (i. e. the three periods of
Creation, Mixture and Separation), which was regarded as a vast "world year" is
divided into segments of 1000 years. Over a period of three thousand years three
saviours appear, the last being the greatest of the Saoshyants, viz. Astvat-ereta.115
Saoshyant, the Zoroastrian Messiah, is a man of human parents,116 is a friend to
each and everyone of his followers,117 and is the one who will lead the forces of
Good in the last great struggle against the forces of Evil.118
Zoroastrian millenarism, which is of a revolutionary nature and is associated with
the great Iranian migration,119 survived among the active social movements due to
the frequent reappearance of a historical and social situation similar to that which
existed at the time of Zarathustra.
The historicity of Zoroastrian millenarism could easily be adopted by the Iranian
socio-religious movements whose main aim was historical. As a matter of fact, the
history of Iran throughout ages has revealed the receptivity of the people for a
deliverer.120 It was not long after the Arab invasion that Saoshyant appeared as
Vahram-e Varjavand as a national freedom fighter and saviour of Iranian people
from the yoke of the foreigners.121
The significance of the "historicity" of this Messianism can be seen in the great
effort to make it the centre of a syncretic-oppositional ideology. It is recorded in
Siyasat-nameh, that the Zoroastrian Sanbad (circa 756 A. D.) who rose against the
Abbasids, created a Messianic story at the centre of his propaganda, in the hope of
uniting all opposition groups. Thus he said: Abu Moslem is not dead and the Caliph
al-Mansur is planning to kill him. So Abu Moslem called out the name of God, and
was transformed into a white pigeon that flew away and now he sits in a copper fort
with the Mahdi and Mazdak. All three will come out, Abu Moslem as the leader and

Boyce, Zoroastrians...op. cit., pp. 74 - 75; Idem, On the Antiquity...op. cit., p. 65, 68. The book
Minu Khrad gives the names of other two Messiahs as Hushidar and Hushidar-mah. West, The
Book..op. cit., p. 132.

116
Boyce, Zoroastrians...op. cit., p. 42.

117
Emil Abbeg, Der Messiasglaube in Indien und Iran (Auf Grund der Quellen dargestellt),
Berlin/Leipzig, 1928, p. 204.
118
Herman Lommel, Die Religion Zarathustras (nach dem Awesta dargestellt), Tübingen, 1930, p.
228ff.
119
Boyce, On the Antiquity...op. cit., p. 74.

120
A. H. Nyberg, Die Religionen des alten Iran, in: Mitteilungen der Vorderasiatisch-Ägyptischen
Gesellschaft, No. 43, Leipzig, 1938, p. 267, 305.
121
Cf. Klima, Beiträge...op. cit., pp. 73 - 74; Abbeg, Der Messiasglaube...op. cit., pp. 239 - 240.
 153

Mazdak as his Vizier.122 Sanbad also claimed that Mazdak was a Shiite and that
there was understanding and union between the Shiites and the Mazdakites.123 Al-
Moqana' (circa 780 A. D. ) claimed that the divine spirit was first manifested in
Adam, then Noah, Abraham, Moses, Jesus, Mohammad, 'Ali b. Abi Taleb,
Mohammad al-Hanafiyeh, Abu Moslem and last in al-Moqana' himself.124 About the
same period, a man called Eshaq claimed in Transoxania that Zarathustra was not
dead, and he would come back again.125
As Shlism spread, it became the main advocate of Messianism and gradually
developed a corresponding doctrinal and theological basis. Thus the doctrine of
"Ghaybeh" (i. e. absence or concealment of the Mahdi) and Raj'a (i. e. his return)
became the most important characteristics of almost all Shiite movements. From
the very early Islamic periods on we notice Shiite Messianic elements among
Iranian social movements.126
In the Avesta, the Bahman Yasht consists of apocalyptic predictions, which remind
us of those of the Yaresan. "Iran is to be invaded from the east by hordes of
demons or idolators with dishevelled hair, who are to work much mischief, so as to
destroy the greater part of the nation and mislead the rest, until the religion
becomes nearly extinct. The details of this mischief, written in a tone of lamentation,
constitute the greater part of the text, which also notices that the sovereignty will
pass from the Arabs, Rumans, and these leathern-belted demons (Turks) to the
Turks and non-Turanians who are worse than themselves."127 Then the millennium
begins with the emergence of the Zoroastrian Messiah, Bahram-e Varjavand. He
comes with a large army and advances into Iran, where he is reinforced by a large
army of Iranian warriors. They succeed in defeating the demon race after immense
slaughter so that there is only one man left to a thousand women.128

122
Nezam ol-Molk, Siyasat-nameh...op. cit., p. 214. Frye has tried to show that Abu Moslem himself
was an orthodox Moslem and did not show any heretical tendencies. Richard N. Frye, The role of
Abu Muslim in the 'Abbasid revolt, in: The Moslem World, 1947, pp. 28 - 38.
123
Nezam ol-Molk, Siyasat-nameh...op. cit., p. 214.

124
E'tezad os-Saltaneh, Moda'iyan...op. cit., p.188; Browne, A Literary History...Vol. I, op. cit., p.
318ff; Müller, Der Islam...op. cit., p. 495.

125
Browne, A Literary History...Vol. I, op. cit., p. 314f.

126
This already started in early Islamic periods and continued up to the present. For example, on the
coins struck by the leader of the Zanj slave revolt, 'Ali b. Mohammad, (869 - 883 A. D . ) we notice
this Messianic tendencies.

127
West, Pahlavi Texts...op. cit., p. li and cf. p. 210.

128
Ibid., p. 215ff.
 154

The conclusion of the Persian version of the Bahman Yasht describes the Utopian
situation when the second saviour (Hushidar-mah) appears: the sun stands still for
twenty days. People no longer live on meat but only on milk and butter, and one
cow has enough milk for a hundred people. He clears the world of harmful
creatures and wild animals live harmlessly among mankind.129 In the Yasht 19. 89,
it says that Saoshyant "die Menschheit neu gestalte, zu einer nicht sterbenden,
nicht verwesenden, nicht faulenden, immer lebenden, immer gedeihenden, nach
Gefallen schaltenden".130
The Utopian period of the millenium is also marked by egalitarianism. In the ancient
Iranian system of thought we find an interesting connection between Messianism
and egalitarianism. Verethraghna, the angel of war and victory, is one of the forms
in which Far-e Yazdan is manifested. The last manifestation of the Far-e Yazdan will
be the last Soashyant, Asvat-ereta. Verethraghna, the angel of victory and war, is
always accompanied by another angel called Rashn, the angel of justice. Thus the
victorious wars carried out by Verethragna always bring about justice to the
people.
There is a tradition frequently repeated in Shiite writings according to which the
Mahdi will, when he returns, "fill the world with justice and equity as it was full of
injustice and oppression".131 In most of the Iranian movements we come across
egalitarian tendencies which were manifested in different forms. We find several
examples of Iranian millenarian movements which attempted to materialize a
Utopian egalitarian society.
Ismailism, especially in its Nezari version, was strongly influenced by Mazdakite
egalitarianism and Iranian Messianism,132 and provides us with an example of
attempts to bring about egalitarianism. It is reported that Hasan Sabbah, the leader
of the Assassins was eager to be just. He made his own wife and daughters work
with other women, even had his son executed on a charge of murder.133
The most interesting case is that of the Qarmatians, who for the first time
established an egalitarian state and survived about 150 years. According to Ebn
Rezam (Ibn Rizam), the preacher Hamdan Qarmat, "having converted the
inhabitants of some 'Iraqi villages to his doctrine, imposed on them an ever
increasing series of taxes and levies, and finally 'imposed on them the ulfa

129 Ibid., p.lviii.

130 Wolf, Avesta...op. cit., Yasht: 19.11, Yasht: 19.89.

1-31
Lewis, Ongins...op. cit., p. 26.

132 Cf. Klima, Mazdak...op. cit., p. 278.

133
Minorsky, Iran: Opposition...op. cit., p. 188.
 155

(union)'.which consisted of collecting all their property in one place, in order to

enjoy it in common. The da'is chose in each village a trustworthy man, who was to
receive all that the inhabitants of the village had by way of cattle, jewellery, furniture,
etc. In return, this manager supplied clothes to the naked, and satisfied all the other
needs of the people, so that there were no longer any poor people among the
sectaries. Everyone worked with diligence and emulation, in order to deserve high
rank by the benefit he brought to the community; the women brought whatever
they earned by weaving, and even the children gave the money they earned by
frightening birds away from the crops. Nobody retained any personal property
beyond his sword and his arms".134
The same kind of egalitarian tendency was shown by the Sarbedaran who came to
power in the north eastern region of Sabzavar.135 According to Minorsky the
Sabzavar Republic in fourteenth century "was still another example of the
democratic traditions with which this form of heterodoxy was inspired".136

Lewis, Origin...op. tit., pp. 97 - 98.

I. P. Petroushevsky, Nehzat-e sarbedaran-e khorasan, Tehran, 1351 H. (1"1341 H.), p. 100.

Minorsky, Iran: Opposition...op. cit., p. 192.

 156

6.RITUALS

6.1. Periodical Meetings

6.1.1. The "Jam"

In the previous chapters we discussed Yaresan religious tenets. But the practise of
their beliefs is accompanied by many rituals, these being as important as the
religious tenets. Thus it is necessary to make a detailed description of these rituals
below.
The Yaresan have no church and no daily prayer. Instead they meet periodically at
what they call a "Jam", and the private building in which these meetings are held
are called "Jamkhaneh". The "Jam" must be held seventeen times a year, apart
from those held on special occasions.
The number of the participants should not be less than three or five; the more
participants the better. Each member of the community is supposed to worship
maximally five times a day and at least once a month, and make special religious
offerings depending on his financial position.

6.1.1 .a) Conditions for helding a Jam1

a) The participants of the Jam should be initiated members, adult and should not
be insane. Both men and women attend the Jam.2
b) The participants should be both inwardly pure and outwardly clean.
c) It should be approached with the intention of being near and obedient to God
and not for show and hypocrisy (tazahor va riya').
d) The participants should tie a piece of cloth or a belt round their waists and over
their garments.3 This is a sign of I. Politeness of the slave to his Master (i. e. God),
II. Steadfastness (kamar-e hemat bastan) In the worship of God and in helping and
serving people, III. Unity and friendship (movadat) among the participants. It is an

* Elahi, Borhan...op. cit., p. 76ff.

2
This practice has made "outsiders" give them the name of "Cheragh-sodiiren" (i. e. light
extinguishers) in the Turkish speaking regions. The Jam of the Yaresan is considered by others to
be orgiastic nights. Rawlinson wrongly wrote in 1839 that orgiastic nights had existed "until within
the last half century". Rawlinson, Notes on a March...op. cit., p. 110; Also cf. De Bode, Travels...op.
cit., Volume II, p. 180, Gholam Hosayn Sa'edi, Ilkhchi, Tehran, 1357 H., p.127.
Elahi, Borhan...op. cit., op. cit., p. 76.
 157

important requirement of the Yaresan Jam that the participants should be united in
their thoughts (fekr-o zekr) and in paying attention to the Source so that they
become one single person.

6.1.1.b) Terms and roles in the Jam

For the sake of understanding certain terms used and functions carried out during
the Jam ceremony an explanation follows.

The Sayyed is a descendant of one of the eleven holy families that are called
"Khandan". His duty is to say the Offering-Prayers.

The Nayeb functions as the assistant of the Sayyed. He should be a descendant of

a "Dalil" who is from a second rank holy family. The Nayeb says prayer on those
offerings which are not within the reach of the Sayyed. In case there is no one from
a Dalil family present to function as a Nayeb, the Sayyed chooses one of the
participants for this purpose. This person should be known for his piety.

The Khalifeh is in charge of sharing out and distributing the offerings among the
participants.

The Kalam Chanter is a person who is trained to chant the religious hymns. 4

The Khadem is in charge o f :

a) Maintaining order (entezamat) inside and outside of the room,
b) He is ready to help the participants whenever he is asked to,
c) He starts and ends the Jam as well as the various ceremonies,
d) He recites the "Takbir" of the offering before the Sayyed recites his prayer. The
"Takbir" is a short prayer, which is mentioned below,
e) He takes the offerings that have been shared out from the Khalifeh and hands
them out to the participants.
The Sayyed can perform the function of the Khalifeh as well as that of the Kalam-
Reciter, but not vice versa.
The Khadem is not allowed to leave the Jam, and to perform the work outside he
should have one or more helpers. In case here is no one to function as a helper
and the Khadem has to go out, then he should leave his cap or turban on his place

Elahi, Borhan...op. cit., p. 79.

 158

in the Jam. The Khadem is not allowed to wear socks as a sign of humility and
respect.5

6.1.1.c) The Jam ceremony

Each member should approach the Jamkhaneh with respect, humility, politeness
and presence of heart, while calling the name of God (esmollah) and prostrating
himself at the threshold of the Jamkhaneh. When the first person enters, he
prostrates himself, goes in and sits on the right. To take the correct position he
gets down on his knees and sits back, resting his weight on his lower legs and feet.
Other participants do the same but first go from right to left, kissing the hands of
those already seated.6
The hand kissing ceremony is performed in the following manner: The newcomer
goes to each participant already seated in the room. He kneels down on his right
knee and they hold hands. Those who do not have the physical strength are not
required to take this position, instead they can simply bend down. They then hold
(right) hands, palms touching each other. Then they place their left hand on the
back of the other person's right hand. So with both hands holding the other
person's hands, each person kisses the left hand of the other. Some do it only with
right hands.7
In the Jam a complete equality among the participants is observed, to the extent
that a king and a beggar should be equally treated. Therefore no one is allowed to
have a special place to sit. Each newcomer goes round the room from right to left,
and after kissing the hands of those already seated, one by one, he takes the first
vacant place left to sit. Only the Sayyed or his representative, the Khalifeh and the
Kalam-Reciter, have special places. The place of the Sayyed or his representative
is opposite the entrance.
The Khalifeh sits on the left of the Sayyed and the Kalam-Reciter on his right. The
Khadem is not allowed to sit throughout the ceremony, and should remain standing
in the doorway opposite the Sayyed.
Once everyone is seated in a large circle, they tie a belt or length of cloth round
their waist, and the ends to those of the people sitting on either side. In this way all

Elahi, Borhan...op. cit., p. 80. Without socks, the Khadem is also able to avoid stepping on the pieces
of offering which may have fallen on the floor, as the offerings are regarded sacred. The Khadem
also should thoroughly wash his feet up to his knees before entering the Jam.

Probably the English word "genuflect" explains this type of sitting position. Some groups of the
Yaresan sit four fold crossed or tailor seat.

Elahi, Borhan...op. cit., p. 78.

 159

the worshippers are joined together in a circle. 8 The participants should also wear
some kind of headgear, and if a person does not have any then he should cover
his head with a piece of cloth or something else.
The Jam ceremony is usually accompanied by offerings and sacrifices. After these
have been distributed and consumed, the prayers begin.
Throughout the Jam, the participants are obliged to join in the prayers and the
worship, and discuss religious matters, and any kind of private conversation is
forbidden. The Participants are not even allowed to indulge in "Ta'arof", i. e. to
make the traditional guesting and praise of one another. After each newcomer has
entered the Jam, and has kissed hands the people already seated bow as he seats
himself, and say only: "Ya Haqq" or "Ya 'Ali".
From the beginning to the end of the Jam ceremony the participants should remain
seated in the manner already explained and in a circle. Except for the Khadem,
who remains standing in the doorway, the other participants should sit; side by side
without any distance between them. The participants should remain seated with
arms crossed, in silence and with eyes closed, saying the Secret-Prayer (khafi) with
presence of heart. 9 At the time when the Kalam-Reciter is saying the Audible-Prayer
(Jali) the participants should accompany him in Audible-Prayer.
Until the Khadem declares the Jam formally opened the participants are allowed to
move. 1 0 After that no movement and changing of position is permitted.
Therefore the Sayyed can pause at the end of each prayer and let the participants
move about. But during the offering ceremony and the reading of the Secret-
Prayers no movement should be made except in urgent situations, such as
accidents or if someone or the whole congregation is unable to continue the
ceremony; only then are they permitted to leave the room. If the whole
congregation leaves, then the ceremony is discontinued but it should be completed
in the first opportunity. 11

As this is done by some groups of the Yaresan, it is also possible that the individual participants only
tie their own waist. But according to Elahi it is preferable when they are tied together as well.

" Saeed Khan writes that in the Jam even "if a king should enter he must remain standing with hands
folded over his chest in an attitude of humility. In the Jam no one is superior". Saeed Khan, The
Sect...op. cit., pp. 36 - 37.
10
Elahi, Borhan...op. cit., p.81.
11
Ibid., p. 82.
 160

6.1.2. Types of prayer in the Jam

There are five types of recited prayer, each either silent or audible. Usually they are
silent while the audible prayers are performed according to circumstances.
Therefore the audible prayers are sometimes said and sometimes not. Audible
prayers can be said either before the offerings are eaten and the silent prayer is
said, or afterwards.
The names of the five types of prayer are as follows:
a) 'Ebadat (worship) is for the performance of religious services. One part is silent
and another audible.
b) Hajat (prayer for needs). These are prayers for any legitimate affairs ('amai),
These prayers are also silent and audible.
c) Mo'ezat (Sermons). These include advice and counsel for refining (tazhib)
morals and the purification of the soul (tazkiyeh-ye nafs).
d) Jazbiyat (raptures) are special chants which lead the participants into a state of
ecstasy and trance. This type of prayer is audible.
e) Moraqebat (attentions). They are for worshipping the Source with humility. The
participants engage in "Fekr-o zekr" (i. e. meditation and mystical dance) or "Zekr-o
fekr" (i. e. mystical dance and meditation) depending on the stages achieved.
Prayers of this kind ore only silent.12

6.1.3. Fekr-o zekr

As already mentioned, "Moraqebat" prayers are said in Fekr-o zekr meditation and
mystical dancing accompanied by music.13 Some initiated members enter into a

12
Elahi, Borhan...op. cit., p. 83.
i-i
This kind of dance consists mainly of a rotating movement, with both hands gradually rising. It is
also used in "Zurkhaneh" where certain types of traditional wrestling and gymnastic exercises are
practised. In the Zurkhaneh, the participants prepare themselves for battle against the enemy. The
mystical dances are, by contrast, preparation for the spiritual struggle against Evil. In a description
of the Zekr as practised by the Khaksar Dervishes, which are related to the Yaresan, Grämlich
writes: "Man unterscheidet zwei Dikrgrade: 1. Der neu aufgenommene Derwisch erfährt von seinem
Scheich die erste geheime Dikrfomel: Al-Hayy, der Lebendige. Man soll sie nur mit dem Herzen
sprechen und dabei die Zunge fest an den Gaumen pressen. Ein Scheich meinte, der Dikr solle dazu
führen, daß das durch diesen Namen Genannte im Novizen zutage trete, dergestalt daß er selber
der Lebendige werde'. 2. Dem Fortgeschrittenen kann man den Dikr hu hayy, er (ist der)
Lebendig(e), auftragen. Man spricht ihn nur mit dem Herzen, während man bei hu ausatmet und
bei hayy einatmet. Der gleiche Scheich erklärte: Mit hu ist die ganze geschaffene Welt gemeint,
denn ihr Dasein ist der Erscheinungsort des Lebendigen. Das Dikrwort will die Vielheit leugnen
und sagen, daß die Welt der Erscheinungen Gott ist." Grämlich, Die schiitischen Derwischorden
 161

state of ecstasy and trance which enables them to walk over burning coals, 14 and
rub them on their body 1 5 etc. 16
It is believed that through music, the participants of the Jam are able to gain access
to the mystery of the Truth. The function of music, (which is greatly mystified by
being regarded sacred) 17 , is to increase spiritual values. In the the Yaresan History
of Creation, we saw that the soul was implanted into Adam only through music. 18
The religious instrument used in Fekr-o zekr is the "Tanbur", a kind of lute which is
regarded as sacred by the Yaresan. Being a holy instrument, it is handed round,
each participant touching and kissing it, before it returns to the hands of the
player. 19 Shah Khoshin, the third theophany, is said to have played one. He is also
said to have had 900 singers, 900 framedrum players, 900 "Tanbur" players and
900 balur (flute) players. Even Soltan Sahak is supposed to have played the Tanbur
in the Jam. 2 0
Elahi, a recent leader of the community, was considered to be one of the best
players of the "Tanbur" in Iran. He learned to play this instrument at home at an
early age, and continued to play in Fekr-o zekr until his death. 2 1

Persiens, Zweiter Teil...op. cit., p. 405; also cf. Faridun Jonaydi, Zamineh-ye shenakht-e musiqi-ye
irani, Tehran, 1361 H., pp. 235 - 236.
14
Edmonds, Kurds, Turks...op. cit., p. 192; Minorsky, The Sect...op. cit., p. 309; Saeed Khan, The
Sect...op. cit., p. 39.
15
Stead, The AU IlahL.op. cit., p. 187.
16
Herzfeld reports in 1914 about his earlier journey to the Zohab region when, one night: "Zuerst
hörte man etwa drei Stunden lang den ununterbrochenen, hypnotisierenden Rhythmus des
Chorgesanges: La illaha ill'allah, la illah ill'allah. In vorgeschrittener Stunde vollführen dann die
Derwische ihr Wunder: sie durchbohren sich mit dem Schwerte, essen Feuer, erheben sich in die
Luft. Diese Sitzungen, an denen immer mindestens zwei Derwische teilnehmen müssen, damit der
eine den anderen agierenden aus seinem Trancezustand zurückrufen kann, werden ganz regelmäßig
abgehalten." Ernst Herzfeld, Die Aufnahme des sasanidischen Denkmals von Pailuli, Berlin, 1914, p.
17.
17
Mohammad Mokri, La musique sacrée des Kurdes "Fidèles de vérité" en Iran, in: J. Porte (Ed.),
Encyclopaedia des musiques sacrées, i, Paris, 1968, p. 44f.
18
Jayhunabadi, Haqq ol-haqayeq...op. cit., pp. 81 - 89.
19
Izadpanah, Farhang...op. cit., p. 28.

21 Mokri, La musique...op. cit., p. 448f; Buraka'i, Neveshteh-ha...op. cit., p. 150ff.

Taqi Tafazoli, Introduction to Elahi's Borhan ol-haqq, p. VII.
 162

6.1.4. The significance of music among the Yaresan

In the previous section we spoke about the role of music in the Fekr-o zekr. There
are more examples showing the extent of its importance.
The significance of music is even manifested in the way Jayhunabadi drew up his
book. He begins each section with a "Saki-nama" or "Saqi-nameh". "Saki", or "Saqi",
is a very familiar word in Iranian mystical poetry, meaning cupbearer of the spiritual
wine, usually accompanied by musicians. "Saqi-nameh" is a kind of bacchanalian
verse. But in these verses Jayhunabadi calls on the musicians to play music to
obtain a mystical trance. After each "Saqi-nameh" there is a story of one of the
theophanies. This is probably just the continuation of an old tradition of narrating
religious stories.
In the old Yaresan religious texts many musicians are named, even Yaresan
musicians, and Pre-lslamic Iranian musicians such as Barbad and Nakisa.22
In one of his poems the revered saint Baba Yadegar declares himself to be the re-
incarnation of Barbad, and declares Ayvat to be a re-incarnation of the Sassanid
king Khosro in whose court Barbad was the chief musician. He also mentions that
when Khosro defeated Bahram, Barbad came with his harp (barbat) in hand and
played thirty melodies and Kurdish songs.23
In another story narrated by the Saranjam it is said that one of the ancient prophets
who was later re-incarnated in the Haftavaneh appeared in the period of an
oppressive king. He invited people to join his religion, but people asked for a
miracle. So the prophet invented an instrument with which he played seven
melodies. Many people from everywhere were attracted to him and accepted his
religion. When the king heard about this, he sent his soldiers to kill the prophet.
When the soldiers reached him and heard his music they joined his religion. When
the king saw that his subjects and soldiers had adopted the new religion, he also

22
Music has a long tradition in Iranian religious life, especially among socio-religious movements. In
an excavation in south west Iran a tablet, which belonged to 2500 - 3000 B. C., has been discovered
which shows the picture of a music group, a kind of orchestra. There are several musicians playing
various types of instrument. We have reports about some leaders of social movements who played
music. For example, Babak the leader of the Khoramdini movement is said to have played the
Tanbur". According to an Oriental tradition "Tanbur" was created by the people of Lot, but the
Kurds were first to create wind instrument. Al-Alavi, Bab-e panjom...op. cit., pp. 175 - 176; Fliigel,
Babak...op. cit., p. 538; Nafisi, Babak...op. cit., p. 9; Barat Zanjani, Gardesh-e charkh va musiqi, in:
Majaleh-ye daneshkadeh-ye adabiyat va 'olum-e ensani, No. 1/22,1354, p. 431.
23
Buraka'i, Neveshteh-ha...op. cit., pp. 155 -156.
 163

joined them. This instrument which was invented by the prophet was called
"Aslaheh-ye saz-zan", i. e. weapon of the musician.24
It is worth mentioning that in the Yaresan texts the name of many other music
instruments are mentioned, which can mean that probably they played instruments
in their religious ceremonies.

6.1.5. The significance of the Jam ceremony

The importance of periodical gathering for communal worship and the related
rituals are characteristic of social movements, millenarian communities and secret
societies in different parts of the world.
The Yaresan are aware of the role these ceremonies play in the life of their
community. The importance which they attach to these gatherings is so great that it
overshadows even the significance of the Divinity. This is illustrated in a myth in
which Sahak's son who was wrestling with a believer, called out for his father, but
the believer called on the magnanimity of the Jam and won. The youth went and
complained to his father who answered: "Quite right, for my right arm is always with
the Jam."25
The significance of the individual and religious experiences in these ceremonies are
quite evident. As in most religions people feel that through these experiences they
have come into direct contact with the power which controls their destiny. In
addition to this, the main social significance of these assemblies is to deepen and
sustain the feeling of solidarity among the members. They are repeatedly reminded
about their togetherness and their being different from society in general. In this
way strong emotional ties are gradually created among them, which get them to
help each other in times of need. What members experience together in such a
sacred ritual will also affect their day to day relations. They kiss each other's hands
and demonstratively tie themsleves to each other again and again In the ceremony.
These acts are believed to be observed by the Divinity as they believe that He is
always present in the Jam. Naturally, the sacred tie is extended to their dally life,
and applies to all aspects of their social relation. The feeling of belonging and the
emotional involvement makes it quite difficult for them to leave the community. As
has also been observed among the Yazidis,26 excommunication is regarded as the
most severe punishment for members guilty of breaking some social and religious

24
Ibid., p. 152.

25
Saeed Khan, The Sect...op. cit., p. 37.

26
Wigram, The Cradle...op. cit., p. 102.
 164

law. It is evident that groups like the Yaresan require group solidarity and horizontal
loyalty so that the community does not fall apart during crisis.
According to Simmel:
"Since the symbolism of the ritual stimulates a wide range of vaguely bounded
feelings, touching interests far in excess of those that are definitely apprehended
the secret society weaves these latter interests into an aggregate demand upon the
individual. Through the ritual form specific purpose of the secret society is
expanded into a comprehensive unity and totality, both sociological and
27
subjective."
Secret societies, whose rudimentary forms begin with a secret shared by a number
of people, exert a highly efficient disciplinary influence upon moral accountability of
its members.
So, an important effect of the Jam is to encourage the unity of the community by
creating reciprocal confidence among the members. It is important for them to
keep the very unity a secret as the purpose of maintaining secrecy is, first of all,
protection.
With the ritual the secret society voluntarily imposes upon itself a formal constraint
which is demanded by the achieved self-sufficiency and isolation from the society
as a whole. Some of the reasons for the existence of such societies are public lack
of freedom, of a policy of police regulation, of police oppression, of inequality and
discrimination.28 It has been pointed out that "ritual regulation of these societies
from within proves a freedom and enfranchisement in principle for which the
equilibrium of human nature produces the constraint as a counter-influence" 29

6.2. The "Nazr" or Offering and Sacrifice

"Nazr" is an Arabic word meaning vow, solemn promise (to God) and oblation. It is
also used by Iranians to signify an offering made after the materialization of wishes
or the achievement of goals.
The Yaresan use this term meaning any type of offering and sacrifice made by its
members. It can include a promised oblation. Nazr is one of the major features of
the Yaresan community. There are two main types:
a) Offering, and
b) Sacrifice.

27

Simmel, The Sociology...op. cit., p.481.

28
Ibid., p. 470.

29
Ibid., p. 483.
 165

6.2.1. Offerings

There are two types of offering, namely "Niyaz" and "Shokraneh".

6.2.1 .a) The "Niyaz"

The Yaresan do not observe daily prayers. Instead they make offerings to the Jam.
So for them the offerings and the subsequent participation in the Jam has a
significance that is much greater than daily prayer.
The importance of the Niyaz is reflected in an anecdote according to which once in
a sacrificial ceremony during the period of Khan Atash, a "Khedmat"30 was brought
to the Jam. But before it was distributed among the people gathered, Khan Atash
ordered the vessel to be changed. The Yaresan asked for the reason and he
answered that it was religiously unclean. So the ceremony was repeated. The
people who had brought the vessel took it back to the seller and discovered that
seven years before it had been bought from a thief. Afterwards Khan Atash was
asked about the significance of prayer and he answered: "One Niyaz is equal to a
thousand prayers".31
The Niyaz, offered in praise of God, is any non-animal and uncooked food offered
at the Jam. It is consumed after the Jam ceremony has been performed.32

6.2.1.b) The "Shokraneh"

This is a thanksgiving ceremony. All food suitable for the Niyaz can also be used for
the Shokraneh. The difference is that it does not need to be consumed after the
Jam ceremony. Therefore this offering can first be made and then consumed later
at any time. It is a sign of gratitude and is made after any happy event, thought or
situation which has directed the attention of the person to God.

"Khedmat" is an offering of food made of rice and rooster. "Khedmat" is described below.

Ivanow, Majmu'eh...op. cit., p. 109.

•vy

Dehkhoda in his "Loghat-nameh" writes: "These people do not pray, mstead they have "Niyaz" or
"Kerdar". They say that because prayer should be performed with the presence of heart, and as this
is seldom possible, daily prayer is of no use. Still they do not prohibit prayer. It seems that their
earlier leaders reached enlightenment or claimed that they had joined God and thus prayer was a
useless act for them. Their followers have also made this their belief and have left out prayer. Ali
Akbar Dehkhoda, Loghat-nameh, Tehran, 1959, p. 142.
 166

According to the Yaresan, Niyaz is an offering in praise of God. And praise should
be made in the heart and mind and not with words. But Shokraneh is a sign of
gratitude towards God and gratitude should be made in word and in deed. 33

6.2.2. Sacrifices

There are four types of sacrifice:

a) blood sacrifice,
b) bloodless sacrifice,
c) those which are not actually a sacrifice but are accompanied by a sacrificial
ceremony,
d) Khedmat.

6.2.2.a) Blood sacrifice

The animals slaughtered for the purpose of blood sacrifices are camel, domestic
oxen, domestic sheep, roosters.
In addition to these, bison, wild sheep and gazelle are permitted.
The sacrificial animals should fulfill the following conditions:
a) They should be male,
b) They should not have been castrated. The only exception is the ox, which has
been castrated for agricultural purpose.
c) Male domestic camels must be less than one year old. And if he has a female
"partner" she is required to be pregnant in that year according to the natural laws
before the male is sacrifieced. A rooster should not be less than six months old.
d) They should not be old or crippled.34
e) They should not have physical defects like blindness, lameness and the like.
There should be no defect or cut in their ears, tail and teeth.
f) They should be healthy i. e. they should not be suffering from any sickness, or
injuries and should not have been beaten.
g) They should not be thin.35

33
Elahi, Borhan...op. cit., p. 92.

34
Ibid., p. 88.

35
Ibid., p. 89. Points 5 and 6 though, actually seem to be the same.
 167

6.2.2.b) Bloodless sacrifice

Those items which are not blood sacrifice but have the same significance, are
called by the Yaresan "those in order of sacrifice". The following are considered to
be suitable for a bloodless sacrifice: 1. Fish 2. Nutmeg 3. Gerdeh36 (a kind of
bread) 4. pomegranate.37
Both blood and bloodless sacrifices, except in the case of nutmeg, are made for
vows and oblation by individuals and distributed charitably. Nutmeg is only used in
the ceremonies regarding initiation and brother-sister- or brotherhood contract.

6.2.2.C) Items which are not sacrificed but are accompanied with sacrificial
ceremony.

The following items are used here: 1. Melon 2. Sugar (normal or in lumps ) 3.
Almond 4. Qavit (Qavut) i. e. roasted peas, ground, mixed with sugar and flavoured
with cardamon. There should not be less than seven different components for
making this food. 38

6.2.2.d) "Khedmat"

This is the fourth item included in the sacrifice group. This is a dish consisting of
rice and sacrificial meat. The minimum required for a Khedmat is 3.250 kilograms of
rice, 750 grams of Ghee and one rooster. To this a sufficient amount of bread
should be added which should not be less than one "man" (unit of weight
approximately equal to 3 kilograms).39
Some groups of Yaresan do not consider the following items proper for Nazr and
Niyaz: 1. Senjed (a fruit which resembles the mountain-ash), 2. Water melon, 3.
Cucumber, 4. Unshelled walnuts (shelled walnut are accepted). But for the

^ For each loaf of Gerdeh bread 75 grams of pure ghee, 150 ml. of water and 375 grams flour are
usually used.

37
Elahi, Borhan...op. cit., p. 90.

38
Ibid., p. 91.
-in
Ibid., p. 91. Jayhunabadi writes that for a Khedmat (at the end of the fasting period) there should be
one "man" of ground rice, a quarter "man" of ghee, one four-month-old rooster and one "man" of
bread. Jayhunabadi, Haqq ol-haqayeq...op. cit., p. 342.
 168

Shokraneh offering these items are used by all groups of the Yaresan community.
Those fruits which are sour or bitter are regarded unsuitable for any kind of
offering.40

6.2.3. Performance of the sacrificial ceremony

6.2.3.a) Ritual for blood sacrifices

First the animal, which has been brought for sacrifice is fed, watered and washed
before slaughtering.
The knife with which the animal is going to be slaughtered should be first
sharpened. Then the vowtaker takes the knife to his Sayyed or the Sayyed's
representative with a Shokraneh offering. There should be at least two office
bearers, both elected, i. e. appointed by mutual agreement; one who is called the
"Khalifeh", acts as parish president, and the other, who is called the "Khadem",
acts as manager and administrator.
The vowtaker binds a piece of cloth or belt around his waist and sits facing the
Yaresan Kiblah (i. e. Perdivar), with his legs crossed. He holds the knife and the
Shokraneh in his hands in such a way that the knife's tip points towards his mouth
(mohazi). The Khadem who has also tied a piece of cloth around his waist, kneels
before the Sayyed and says: "Allah". The Sayyed says: "Ayvallah" (By God-good)
and recites the following prayer for the knife:41
"Tigh-e bora (sharp knife), nafas-e gira (effective breath), va eshareh-ye shah (with
a hint of the King).42
After this the Khadem again says: "Allah", and the Sayyed says: "Ayvallah". Then
the Khadem stands a position called "Palavij". This is a position in which the
Khadem brings his feet together in such a way that they touch each other. Then he
touches his forefingers with his thumbs.43 The Sayyed says the "Permission-
Prayer" after which the participants are allowed to move if they wish. This prayer
runs:
"We return, sinful servants (bandagan), to God and we are in the situation (halat) of
asking for forgiveness. That the master (khwajeh) of the universe (ka'enat) through

40
Elahi, Borhan...op. cit., p. 93.

41
Ibid., p. 94.

42
Ibid., p. 105.

43
In page 102, Elahi gives the meaning of the word "Palavij" as "prostration", but on pages 107 - 108 he
adds the description of the position as mentioned here.
 169

intercession of the Pirs (maqamat- piran), whose prayers are heard, shows His
mercy (tafazol farmudeh). (So that) all calamities and misfortunes (baliyat) are
banished from this world, and we are subject to the merciful forgiveness in another
world."
Then a conluding prayer is said. This runs as follows:
"Qapi (group?) of the Jam is open (qapi-ye goshad). With the order of the master
the Jam's participants are free (va amr-e ostad jamneshin azad). The way of the
enlightened wayfarers (rah- rahravan). Eternal permanence (baqa-ye javedan).
Mystery of the Pirs (serr-e piran). The magnanimity of the Mahdi, the King of the
World (karam-e mahdi saheb az-zaman). The Beginning is the Friend, the End is
the Friend (aval yar, akher yar). By the order of the dear King Khavankar." 44
After this prayer the Khadem first prostrates himself and then distributes the
Shokraneh among the participants. If there is no one available to perform the duties
of the Khadem 4 5 the vowtaker himself should act in his place.
Before slaughtering the animal, care should be taken that the edge of the knife
does not come to contact with anything other than the sacrificial animal.
Some Yaresan groups bring the sacrificial animal inside the room for the knife
ceremony, while other groups bring it in only after the ceremony.
After the slaughtering, the blood should be washed away or covered by earth, in
such a way that no any other animal can consume it. Then the animal is skinned
and cut up into pieces. Care should be taken not to break any bones. Limbs and
organs that are religiously forbidden are removed and the rest is put into a big pot.
This should be cooked only in water and salt. This kind of cooking is called "Dig-
jush". The pot should remain closed all the time while cooking, and the food should
not be tasted at all. 46

Those limbs and organs that are forbidden to be consumed, or are disapproved of
but not absolutely unlawful (makruh), should be strewn about in the open 4 7 for
other animals to consume, or they should be buried.
After the sacrificial ceremony, the skin, intestines and the like should be sold on the
market and the money should be spent on a Niyaz which should also be distributed
among the participants of the Jam. If they are not sold, the vowtaker should donate
an amount of money equal to the price those parts would fetch on the market.

44
Elahi, Borhan...op. cit., p. 106.
45
Ibid., p. 94.
46
Some of the Yaresan groups do not put the following parts into the sacrificial pot: Stomach, rumen
(shekambeh), and intestines (rudeh-ye halal). Others leave out the stomach and intestines and some
only the intestines. A prayer is said over these parts and then distributed among poor servants.
47
Elahi, Borhan...op. cit., p. 95.
 170

The brain of a sacrificial ox, removed before cooking, should be folded into a white
cloth and buried in a cemetery or out in the open after the ceremony.
The vowtaker (saheb-e gorban) should provide enough bread to be eaten with the
sacrificial meat. It should in any case not be less than one "man" (3 kilograms) if the
sacrifice is only one rooster. The bread should be brought into the Jam with the
sacrificial meat. Bread is considered as an inseparable part of the ritual and without
it the sacrificial ritual cannot be performed.
The fire should be exclusively used for cooking the sacrificial food and till the end of
the ritual it should not be used for any other purpose. Otherwise anything cooked
on that fire is regarded as sacrificial food, for which, a sacrificial prayer should be
said. The same goes for the fire on which the ritual bread has been baked48 at
home, with the exception of bread bought from a bakery.
All the participants of the ceremony as well as those people engaged in the
preparation of the sacrificial food49 should have washed themselves and have on
clean clothes. During the ceremony, they should avoid any thought, behaviour or
talk that conflicts with that religious situation. The only reason for participating in the
ritual should be nearness to God. Similarly, the helpers and servants should have
the same aim at heart. And if any of them is in financial need, the vowtaker should
help such a person according to his financial position. This financial help should
not be regarded as wage but as a gift. If they do not accept the help, then the
vowtaker is obliged to ask them for pardon (heliyat), so that there will not be any
devaluation or reduction (khelal) of the spiritual rewards (savab).
After the sacrificial food has been cooked and inspissated (qavam amadan), the
participants are called to get together in the "Jamkhaneh". The distributors of the
sacrificial food wash their hands and feet before entering the Jamkhaneh.
The Khadem brings in a water-jug50 and a wash-basin for the washing of hands,
which is the same as ablution before the prayer (hokm-e vozu). He holds the jug in
his right hand and the basin in his left hand and says: "The Beginning and the End
is the Friend". With this he declares that the assembly is formally open. After
prostrating himself, the Khadem kneels before the Sayyed who performed the
sacrificial prayer, and lets him wash his hands. After the Sayyed, the vowtaker
washes his hands and after him the Khadem goes from right to left and lets the
participants wash their hands. Each participant, before whom the basin is held, first
touches the bowl and then kisses the fingers used (ba eshareh-ye dast busidan),

48
Ibid., p. 96.
49
Such as butcher, merchant, cook and the Khadem.
50
Elahi, Borhan...op. cit., p. 97.
 171

this action is repeated after washing their hands. Then the participant touches his
face with his wet hands and says: "The Beginning and the End is the Friend."
When the water of the jug has been used up or the basin is full, the Khadem should
remain in the same place, and his helper who is called "Farash" takes the jug and
basin outside the Jamkhaneh and after filling the former and emptying the latter,
gives them back to the Khadem who continues to wash the hands of the
participants. If the number of the participants is large, several other Khadems can
be elected, each starting from one corner and proceeding from right to left.
After all the participants have washed their hands, the Khadems pour water on
each other's hands. Then they empty the basin and again pour some water in it
and say: "The Beginning and the End is the Friend." They prostrate themselves and
remain standing on the threshold.
From the time the water is brought into the Jam until the end of the ceremony, the
participants are not allowed to move except for some urgent reasons. 51
If during the hand washing, someone enters the Jam and there is a place for him to
sit, he will be exempted from the hand-kissing ritual. He should remain standing in
his place and wash his hands in turn. He is allowed to sit only after all of the
participants have washed their hands while the Khadem is prostrating himself. After
the Khadem has prostrated himself the latecomer is no longer allowed to sit. 52 The
Khadem brings the "Sofreh" (table-cloth) and while saying "The Beginning and the
End is the Friend", he spreads it in the middle of the Jamkhaneh. Subsequently he
brings salt, bread, pots containing sacrificial meat (khwan-ha-ye gusht), and an
empty pot. He puts the pots before the "Khalifeh" (parish president) who, while
reciting the call-to-prayer (azan) of the Jam, separates the meat from the bones. If
there is a large amount of sacrificial food then, to accelerate the process, some of
the participants who are sitting near the Khalifeh may help him. 53 The Khadem puts
the bones into the empty pot and some salt is added to it. The sacrificial meat is put
into the original pot and salt and some soup is added to it. The Khalifeh covers the
pot with loaves of bread as a sign of respect for the "mystery of abundance" (serr-e
barakat). There is only a small opening from which the food will be distributed.
Some soup which has been prayed over in the Jam, will be taken outside to be
mixed with the rest of the food not used. 54

51
Ibid., p. 98.
<52
Ibid., p. 99. But if he did sit while the Khadem is prostrated, then like other participants he should
remain sitting and is not allowed to stand.

The Khalifeh can also put some other pots before other participants who are sitting in other parts of
the Jamkhaneh for them to separate the meat from the bones.

54
Elahi, Borhan...op. cit., p. 100.
 172

Before the distribution of the food the Khalifeh performs the Sofreh prayer that runs
as follows:
"Truth. The Beginning and the End is the Friend.55 Sofreh of the Soltan. Breath of
the (great) men (nafas-e marden). The Jam of the Cheheltan. 56 With the hint
(permission) of God (with the permission of God who is manifest in the person of
Sahak). With the respect for the "Spiritual Contract" and position of the Pir until it
reaches the eternal Pir. In honour of the position of the Dalil until it reaches the
eternal Dalil. In memory of the registration of good deeds in the Book, and good
behaviour in the eternal scroll until it reaches the eternal position. For love of the
sincere services of the seakers of the Truth until they reach the position of Truth.
Seeking refuge from the companions of God to reach security. The Beginning and
the End is the Friend. By the command of the dear King, the Khavankar."57
The Khalifeh takes pieces of meat with his right hand and puts them on loaves of
bread (which have been previously cut), and rolls them up. The amount of meat put
in each roll depends on the number of participants and the amount of sacrificial
meat. Distribution should be done in such a way that no one remains without a
share. Care should be taken that the shares are equal and that there are no any
differences.58 Each time that the Khalifeh puts his hand into the pot to take out
some meat he should say one of the names of God. Some Khalifehs when they
present a share to a participant usually say: "Dast-e pir-o padeshah", i. e. "the hand
of the Pir and the King". Or they say: "Mosht-e pir-o padeshah", i. e. "the fist of the
Pir and the King". And at the end they say: "Permission and abundance from God".
The sacrificial food is distributed in the following way:
The first share, which is in the name of the King of the Truth, i. e. the Divine
59
Essence (zat-e ahadiyat), is called "Sarjam". It is believed that the Jam is
surrounded by the manifestation of the Essence of the Truth. Because of that, the
most important place in the Jam (ra's) i. e. opposite the entrance, is the place of
the Truth (maqam-e haqq) and the first share is His.60

55
Ibid., p. 101. After saying the "Azan" in the Jam, the Khalifeh begins to distribute the sacrificial food.

56
Ibid., p. 105. Elahi interprets these lines as follows: "The Jam participants should be spiritually so
trim and delivered that there is not any difference between what they say and what they think (yek
del-o zaban). In this way they will be counted among the ranks of those men of the Truth (the
Cheheltan) in the holy world.

57
Ibid., pp. 103 -104.

58

Elahi says that the leaders of the Yaresan have strictly emphasized this point, i. e. equal shares.

59
Ibid., p. 107.

60
Ibid., p. 102.
 173

First the Kalifeh gives the Sarjam and one shinbone (boluli)61 and the skull of the
sacrificial animal to the Khadem. The Khadem makes a "Ziyarat" (pilgrimage, visit,
look with respect) of the "Sarjam" and takes it in his hands with respect and stands
on the threshold of the Jamkhaneh in the Palavij position. Then he says:
"The Beginning and the End is the Friend. Truth. 'Al-hamd ol-allah rab ol-alamin.'
Sofreh of the Soltan. Magnanimity of the "Khandan". The breath of the Pir. Takbir
(God is great)." 62
Then the Sayyed immediately recites the sacrifice prayer. The participants sit "Do-
zanu" 63 (i. e. kneeling and resting on their legs) and bow forward and hold the
palms of their hands open and up to their faces (in a posture expressing despair
and need) and begin to pray. 64
After the Sayyed finishes the prayer, the Khadem says: "The Beginning and the
End is the Friend." The Khadem prostrates himself and then the participants do the
same. The Khadem who has all the time been holding the Sarjam in his hands, puts
it near the pot and goes to the Khalifeh to help him distribute the sacrificial food.
He takes each share in both hands as a sign of respect and gives one share to
each attendant. He starts with the Sayyed, who read the prayer, and goes from
right to left. Every one receives only one share. If the Khadem wants to turn
around, it should only be from right to left.
If there is more than one Khadem then the first one stands beside the pot, in front
of the Khalifeh, who gives him the shares one after the other. The first Khadem
takes each share and passes it over to another Khadem on his right side and so
on, until all the participants are served. All this should be done in strict silence,
politeness and respect. If it is necessary to explain anything, they should try to do it
with gestures or in a very low voice so that the others do not hear it. This also
applies to the participants in the Jam. After the shares have been distributed, the
Khadems receive their own and remain standing on the threshold of the

"Boluli" is an Arabic word which has various meanings, one of which is "to be saved or delivered".
According to Elahi the Yaresan call shinbones "Boluli" because animals that are sacrificed are
supposed to take on a spiritual character and their legs are equal to human arms and legs, at the
time of "Sar-sepordan" a person is supposed to give his hand of allegiance and offer his head.

62
These lines have been interpreted by Elahi as follows: "It is deserving to be aware and make the
Yaresan aware that praise is due to God who is the creator of the worlds. He has spread the Sofreh
(sofreh-ye khan) of his royal generosity (karam), and among the family of the Truth (the Yaresan ?)
he has manifested the light of his mercy and blessing (rahmat). Now with the breath of the Pir we
say the "Takbir" i. e. we attest the glory of God."

63
Elahi, Borhan...op. cit., p. 107.

64
After each sentence the participants should say; "Amen, For the sake of seeking acceptance of the
prayer."
 174

Jamkhaneh. They hold the shares in both hands and bow while saying: "The
Beginning and the End is the Friend."
The first Khadem recites the Takbir (God is great) and the Sayyed prays. 65 The
attendants also take their shares in both hands while reciting the names of God,
accompanied with the word "Amen". Then the Sayyed gives permission to the
participants to eat their shares of sacrificial food.
Some Yaresan groups also bring the soup into the Jam while others keep it
outside. In the latter case the soup is used by both participants of the Jam as well
as non-participants. In both cases the distribution of the soup too should be
equitable and without discrimination.
Some groups of the Yaresan community believe that after the "Permission-Prayer"
has been said till the end of the ceremony nothing should be eaten or drunk except
a little water which is brought to the Jam. If there are people who want to eat the
meat that has remained on the bones, then the shinbones will be distributed
among them.
The rest of the bones will be prayed over for the second time. Then one part of it
can be given to the participants and another part to the non-participants outside.
Care should be taken that no bones are broken until the end of the ritual. 66
Permission to eat is valid only for the sacrificial food and nothing else, and is only
valid until the Sofreh-Prayer has been started. This Sofreh-Prayer will be read after
the sacrificial meat has been finished and the Khalifeh has finished the distribution
and the participants have consumed their shares. 67

65
Elahi, Borhan...op. cit., p. 108.
66
Ibid., p. 109.
67
There are two other versions of the Sofreh prayer:

a) "Oh, Praise (be to) 'Ali. Praise be to God the Lord of both the worlds. Praise (Ayvallah). Sofreh of the
Soltan. Magnanimity of the Khandan. Magnanimity or generosity (karam) of 'Ali. Magnanimity of
the Light of 'Ali. Broken (shekasteh !?). Fasten (basteh !?). The Light of the Prophet. Life of the
claimant (jan-e moda'i). Lawful to us. To the owners' (saheb) welfare and abundance (khayr-o
barakat). Praise. May the Sofreh of the (great) men not be reduced. May he fare well. May evil be
far from him. From the magnanimity (generosity) of the King of the great men. Owner of welfare.
Inside the welfare of the breath of the (great) men (dakhel-khayr-dam-e mardan). Breath of the Pir.
Conscience (baten) of Mortaza 'Ali...Hu... (Cf. Parviz Babazadeh, Cheheltanan, Tehran, n. d., p.
88).

b) May welfare be granted to the vowtaker (khayr-e saheb khayr gabul bashad). May it be registered in
the Book of Musi. May love be in the Dun (incarnation) of Dawud. May the "petition" of the
vowtaker to God be accepted ('arizeh dar gozarandeh bashad). May wealth remain in the hand of
the owner. Niyaz of the Haftavaneh. Niyaz of Jalaleh. Niyaz of the palace (ayvan) of the golden belt
slaves. Niyaz of the seventeen attendants (kamar basteh=wearing belts). Niyaz of Ahmad the
Cutter. Niyaz of Baba the Herald of the Court (chavush divan). Niyaz of Nariman. Niyaz of Pir 'Ali.
Niyaz of Shah Ebrahim. Niyaz of 'Ali and 'Ali-tan. Niyaz of Pir 'Ali Qalandar. Niyaz of 'Abdollah
Kuchak. Niyaz of Sekhr (?) of Baghdad. Niyaz of Nar Khwareh. Niyaz of Pir Rostam-e Mur." (Cf.
Ivanow, Majmu'eh...op. cit., pp. 189 -190).
 175

The last share of the sacrificial food is called "Boteh-khwan", which the Khalifeh can
keep in addition to his normal share. After the Khalifeh declares the end of the
distribution, the Khadem puts the Sofreh, the rest of the bread, salt and the like into
the empty sacrifice pot and takes it to the threshold of the Jam. While prostrating
himself he touches the pot and first says: "The Beginning and the End is the
Friend." Then he recites the Takbir (God is great). The participants hold their palms
before their faces and while prostrating themselves say: "Amen". After the Sayyed
has prayed, the pot is taken out of the Jam, and immediately the "Ab-charkh-jam"
(i. e. turning-water of the Jam) is brought in.
"Ab-charkh-jam" is a bowl of water which the Khadem brings in and says: "The
Beginning and the End is the Friend".68 The bowl is first presented to the Sayyed
who drinks out of it and passes it over to the person on his right. The bowl goes
round the Jam from right to left, each person drinking little water out of it. If
someone is not thirsty he should only take a small sip as homage. The empty bowl
is replaced by another one which is kept ready.
After each person has drunk the water,69 the Khadem turns the bowl in such a way
that each time a person drinks from a new place on the edge of the bowl. The
Khadem himself is the last person who drinks water out of the bowl. Then he says:
"The Beginning and the End is the Friend", and takes the bowl out of the Jam. 70
The water-jug and wash-basin are brought into the Jam. The process of washing
hands is repeated like the first time. As the Khadem or Khadems kiss the hands of
the participants in the Jam ceremony, then each other's hands. The Khadems
prostrate themselves while saying: "The Beginning and the End is the Friend", and
then they stand Palavij.
The first Khadem says: "Allah", and the Sayyed recites the "Permission-Prayer"
(declaring the end of the sacrifice ritual). Then the Khadem again prostrates himself
and says: "The Beginning and the End is the Friend."
Now the Niyaz (which is bought by the Proceeds of the sale of the skin) is
distributed among the participants if it is ready. Otherwise the Sayyed asks for it,
and the Khadem should say: "With the period of grace" (be shart-e mohlat). After
this the ritual comes to an end. 71

¿o
Here no Takbir or special prayer is needed. But if the Sayyed recites some "Ourad" (incantations),
as it is done by some Sayyeds, it is preferable.
69
Elahi, Borhan...op. cit., p. 110.
70
Some groups of the Yaresan bring the "Ab-charkh-jam" into the Jamkhaneh before the hand-
washing ceremony begins, whereas some other groups bring it in after the ceremony.
71
Elahi, Borhan...op. cit., p. 111.
 176

In case the Niyaz (of the skin) has already been prepared and the participants are
not tired then it will be brought into the Jam before the hand-kissing ceremony is
finished. The kissing of the hands is after the Niyaz has been distributed, after
which the Permission-Prayer is said. 72 But if the Niyaz is brought into the Jam after
the end of the sacrifice ritual, then both the "Kissing of Hands" and the
"Permisssion-Prayer" should again be performed.
The Sarjam (i. e. the first share) is given to one of the following persons:
a) A latecomer for whom there is no share of the sacrificial food.
b) A person who is in charge of cleaning, lighting and other work in the Jam and
the Jamkhaneh.
c) A Sayyed who recites the Nazr (offering) prayer.
d) Some other Sayyeds who may be present in the Jam.
e)The Khalifeh or the Khadem or the reciter of the Kalams.
The following persons are forbidden to eat of the Nazr (offering):
a) A person who has drunk any drink containing alcohol i.e. is still under the
influence.
b) A person who is engaged in any sort of illicit social and economic activity.73
c) One who does not honour the Nazr.74
The following variations in the performance of the ritual exist among the various
Yaresan groups:
1. Some do not say the Sacrifice-Prayer for the Sarjam (the first share). The other
shares are distributed after the Sarjam and the Khadem says the first and the
second prayers.
2. Some groups give extra shares of the sacrificial food to the following persons:
The person in charge of the lighting in the Jamkhaneh, the Sayyed, the Kalam
recitor and so on.
3. Some groups do not say the first prayer, the Permission-Prayer and the Takbir.
4. Some groups, before cooking the meat cut some flesh from the neck and breast
of the sacrificial animal and roast it. Then they say prayers and eat it. This is called
"Naqdineh" (cash or precious articles).
5. Some groups, before bringing the sacrificial food into the Jam, call a Sayyed and
a Khadem to come to the kitchen, where they say prayers and distribute the soup

72
Therefore there are only one Hand-Kissing ceremony and one Permission-Prayer. There is no extra
ceremony for the Niyaz.
73
The literal translation is: "One who does not avoid eating unlawful morsel".

74
Elahi, Borhan...op. cit., p. 112. Whether the request of the vowtaker is granted after a vow or not, he
should perform the Nazr ceremony. According to Elahi a real follower of the Yaresan religion is
one who sees his benefit and welfare (khayr) in God's good intention (maslahat).
 177

among the attendants. In this case no soup is brought into the Jam and
consequently there is no ceremony for it in the Jam.
6. In some Jams, the Khalifeh says the Takbir of the Sofreh-Prayer instead of the
Khadem. In this case the Khalifeh remains standing throughout the ceremony.75

6.2.3.b) Rituals for bloodless sacrifices

The ritual performed for the bloodless sacrifice is similar to the blood sacrifice and
only the following differences exist:
a) They do not have Niyaz for the skin.
b) Fish can not be slaughtered with a knife, so no Knife-Prayer or the knife's
Permission-Prayer is performed. The sacrificial fish can simply be roasted and the
cooking ceremony of the blood sacrifice is not followed.76
c) In the case of offering nutmeg, Gerdeh and pomegranates:
I. The ceremonies of washing hands and the drinking of water (Ab-e Charkh-e Jam)
are not necessary.77
II. The Knife- and Permission-Prayers are not needed as there are no other
religious activities outside the Jam. The knife is brought into the Jam together with
the offering.
In the case of the abovementioned items the following points should be taken into
consideration:
The Yaresan consider the head of the pomegranate where its flower was i.e the
growth at the botton of the fruit. In the case of the Gerdeh only one part, as head, is,
cut ceremonially78 and the rest can be cut into pieces either with a knife or
separated by hand. If there are enough Gerdeh or pomegranates then each
participant receives one, but for each item the head cutting ceremony must be
performed. Some Yaresan groups distribute the Gerdeh and pomegranates without
cutting their heads.

75
Elahi, Borhan...op. cit., p. 113.
7f\
A fish can be cooked in any other way on the condition that it is eatable and distributable.

77
In this case it is enough when the body is clean.

78
Elahi, Borhan...op. cit., p. 114.
 178

6.2.3.C) Ritual of sacrifices other than blood or bloodless sacrifices

The ceremony for such sacrifices is similar to the bloodless sacrifice, only with the
following differences:
Some groups do not use a knife in the case of sugar, almonds, the Qavit and salt.
In the case of hard sugar, a nut-cracker can be used and the Knife-Prayer is said.
Otherwise the hard sugar is treated just like ordinary sugar. But the ceremony
regarding a melon is exactly like that of a pomegranate. Some groups believe that
there should be a knife ceremony for all the abovementioned sacrificial except for
almonds, which, like fish, do not need a knife.79

6.2.3.d) Ritual for the Khedmat

The ritual regarding Khedmat is exactly the same as that of the blood sacrifice.
Instead of the Niyaz for the skin the price of the feathers is donated. The maximum
of the amount donated is one tenth and the minimum one twentieth of the price of
the rooster.

6.2.4. Ritual for offerings

The ceremonies regarding these two are like those of the Gerdeh and
pomegranate, but in these cases no Knife- and Sofreh-Prayers are needed.80

6.2.5. A hymn on the importance of sacrifice

The following is a translation of a Gurani hymn from the Saranjam81, which is the
oldest Yaresan text. This hymn clearly shows the importance that the Yaresan have
attached to this ceremony since its emergence. It also reveals some aspects of the

79
Ibid., p. 115. In the case of a melon, some groups consider its head where it is joined to the plant,
whereas others consider the opposite side to be the head. Here too, as in the case of other types of
offering, they first say the Knife-Prayer and then with the edge of the knife they draw crossed lines
on its surface.

80 Ibid., p. 117.

81
Masha'allah Suri, Sorud-ha-ye dini-ye yaresan, Tehran, 1344 H., p. 119 - 1 3 4 .
 179

Yaresan ceremony, such as lifting the sacrifice off the ground (for slaughter?),
which have not been mentioned by Elahi:
Oh Friends offer sacrifice
I shall tell you the rules and recitations of sacrifice
We prepare and conclude the Soltani Feast
Because it is the recommendation of the King of the great men in the Eternal Day
The troops of Shah Khoshin will rejoice
For the love of Davud as well as Benyamin
At the time of straitened circumstances (tangi) and the removal of calamity
It is advisable to offer sacrifice
The first time Jebra'il brought a ram from the invisible world
And instead of Ismail sacrificed it
The tenth of the month of Zolhejah82 is the Feast of Sacrifice
It is known to the whole world and the King
The second sacrifice is the yellow ram
It was Mika'il who ate the flesh of fish
The sacrifice should be ready and in a good condition 83
It should be fat and should be fed for six months with kindness
The Jam participants should be some pure-hearted friends
They should be devotees of the court of the celebrated King Soltan Sahak
Hoofs and feet, nose and mouth (the snout) of the sacrifice should be cleaned
(The sacrificial food) should be brought to the Jamkhaneh (according to the
Yaresan) rules
All the participants should have washed themselves
In order to be worthy (sitting) in the presence of the Great King
The eyes of impure people are forbidden to see the Jam 84
(That they do not see) the equality of the Pir and the followers
Because the impure are from the Devil
Therefore they are forbidden (to enter) the Jam of the Soltan
According to Eternal Tradition and the Soltan's instructions
The participants of the Jam must make every effort to offer sacrifices
Come friend, with politeness and with order and rule

82
This is the twelfth Arabic lunar month.
Ol
For a description of the quality of the sacrifice the word "Khoshrang" is used. It actually means
"good colour" or "beautiful" and can mean "good condition".
84
The outsiders are forbidden to enter the Jam or to look at the sacrificial food. In one of the Yaresan
religious stories narrated in Haqq ol-haqayeq it says: Once a Yaresan saint and some other
members of the community were performing the sacrifice ceremony. At this time some outsiders
arrived there. The saint ordered his followers to hide the sacrificial pot so that those people could
not see it.
 180

Bring sweets for the offering 85 as Shokraneh (gratitude)

Make the mouth of the sacrificial animal sweet (as a sign of gratitude)
When you want to slaughter it86
Say the prayer of the "Contract of Benyamin" and the participants accompany it by
saying: "Amen"
The sacrificial animal should be lifted off the ground at once
It should be taken to a place where there are no non-believers
When the sacrificial animal is laid down
You should say: "For the "pure" love of Benyamin" (be naz-e pak-e benyamin)
As you cut (the throat) quickly (without moderation) with the knife
You should say: "The Beginning and the End is the Friend"
Another kind of special sacrificial food is "Naqdineh"87
As the name (Naqdineh) indicates, it is a better kind 88
Add salt and roast it
In order to attend upon the King who does not need to eat or sleep
Do not give an uncovered share (of the sacrificial food) to anyone
Give a share to the poor whose soul is naked
Yes, I recommend that you, oh unanimous friends,
Do not tear the skin of the sacrifice
Oh Friends, do not tear the skin with rancour
Do not break the bones of the sacrifice
Clean the vessel of your Self and (then) sit in the Jam
Nothing should be requested before it is given to the Khadem
take the skin of the sacrifice to the Jam
Give as much as it costs for the "Niyaz"
Buy the "Gerdeh" but not more than forty loaves
Give two "white" metal coins for the "head" aim
So that you will be spread in the cities
After that take warm water to the Jamkhaneh
Wash the hands of all participants
So that rituals are (thoroughly) performed
It will not be registered on the Scroll by the Golden-Pen
Follow all its rules and regulations well
For respectability in the Morning of the Other World.

85
Here the word sacrifice (qorbani) is used to mean offering.
Qji
Before slaughtering the sacrificial animal the Yaresan put a piece of sugar-candy in its mouth.

87
This word means "cash or precious articles".

88
See section: 6.2.3.
 181

6.2.6.Sacrifice rituals in Iran

Sacrifice is a very old tradition in Iran, going back to pre-Zoroastrian times. The
Gatha, which is supposed to be Zarathustra's own words, accuses the Karapan
Aryans of sacrificing animals to their gods, animals, in fact, created by Urmazd for
agricultural purpose.89 But from other parts of the Avesta we can conclude that
Zarathustra was not able to put an end to this ancient rite. We have already reffered
to the Yashts in which it is said that hundreds of animals were sacrificed for
Anahita.90
Isidor of Charax (Masiones Parthicae), the Greek geographer who visited Media in
the first century A. D. wrote:
"Three schoeni (eight or nine miles) from the frontier of upper Media is the city
Konkobar, where there is a temple of Artemis. Three schoeni beyond this is
Bazigraban, which is the place of receipt of customs. Four schoeni thence to
Adrapana, a palace in the territory of Batana (i. e. Ecbatana), destroyed by
Tigranes the Armenian. Twelve schoeni thence is Batana (Ecbatana) the capital of
Media, the treasury, and the temple where they sacrifice constantly to Anaitis."91
We also have reports from other Greek historians about the existence of sacrificial
rites in ancient Iran.92
The Zoroastrian book "Shayest na-shayest", a compilation of miscellaneous laws
and customs, speaks about the sacrifice of sheep and meat-offerings for various
angels and the guardian spirits.93
In Islam sacrificial rites are observed on various occasions, and by pilgrims to
Mecca, who each sacrifice one animal. Iranian Muslims make sacrifices and
offerings on several other occasions such as for the fulfilment of wishes.
Wigram reports that in Kurdistan on September 14 every year sacrifices are made
by various communities, apparently commemorating the event of Noah's flood.
There are "Christians of all nations and confessions, Musulmans of both Shiah and

OQ
Ebrahim, Purdavud, Gatha: Sorud-ha-ye payghambar-e iran sepitaman zartosht, Bombay, 1952, p.
88.
90
Cf. Yasna: 11. 4; Yasht: 5. 21, 25, 33, 108; Yasht: 9. 25. In Yasht 5. 9 it says: "I shall offer unto the
holy Ardvi Sura Anahita, goddess of the heavenly streams, pure and undefiled, a goodly sacrifice
accompanied by an oblation." Also cf. Purdavud, Adabiyat...op. cit., p.243.

Translated by Jackson, Persia...op. cit., p.241.

92
Cf.Clemen, Die Griechischen...op. cit., p.l06ff.
93
West, Pahlavi texts...op. cit., p.335. This text is more than one thousand years old.
 182

Sunni types, Sabaeans, Jews, and even the ....Yazidis are there, each group
bringing a sheep or kid for sacrifice; and for one day there is a 'truce of God'". 94
Then there is another sacrifice made by the Yazidis. In their most important
ceremony in Shaykh 'Adi they sacrifice an ox (or sheep), which is cooked and
distributed among the people. 95 Wigram reports that during their main festival in
Shaykh 'Adi, the Yazidis sacrifice one sheep to Malak Isa and seven to Malak
Tavus. 96 Thus, like the Yaresan (and the Mazdeans as will be mentioned below),
the Yazidis make their sacrifice to the angels.
Another religious community which observes sacrifice is the Baktashi. The Baktashi
are related to the Iranian world through the Horufi movement as well as through its
founder, Haji Baktash who was of Iranian descent. 97 The Baktashis make a
sacrifice in a ceremony which they call Ain Jam (like the Yaresan Jam) in which
religious poems are recited. 98
It is only the Iranian Zoroastrians, however, who (like the Yaresan) observe
sacrifice accompanied by detailed cult rituals. This ceremony is called "Mehr Izad",
i. e. the Yazata Mithra, and is held on the day of Mehr in the month of Mehr
(February - March). 99 The ritual takes five days and is observed in detail. The
following is a summary of only one of these rites, called "Darin":100
On the first day, the men of each family get together in a house where the sacrifice
is going to be made. There should not be less than seven of them. Then the
sacrificial animal is given water. They pour a mixture of native sweets and special
herbs on the head of the animal. This mixture is called Avishan. 101 After
slaughtering, the legs are roasted and taken to the room where the members have
got together. They are then put in copper bowls, each standing on seven stones.
Beside them there are vessels containing various kinds of fruit, along with a bowl of
water. Then the priest begins to recite the Avesta. While he is doing this, certain

94 Wigram, The Cradle...op. cit., p. 335.

95 Adam, Persia...op. cit., p.506; Jackson, Persian...op. cit., p. 13.

96
Wigram, The Cradle...op. cit, p. 104. Jackson says that for the latter angel thirty sheep are sacrificed,
which does not seem probable. Jackson, Persia...op. cit., p. 13.
97
Edward G. Browne, Further notes on the literature of the Hurufis and their connection with the
Bektashi order of dervishes, in: Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society of Great Britian and Ireland,
1907, p. 535.
no
Birge, The Baktashi...op. cit., p. 181.

99
This is the day of Mehr in the month of Bahman in the new calender.

100
My informants were some people from Sharif-abad in the province of Yazd. This village on the
edge of the Iranian desert is the stronghold of Zoroastrian traditions and customs.

"Avishan" is marjoram, which is mixed with native sweets.

 183

kinds of food are prepared outside, which are placed before the priest. In addition
to that, some sacrificial meat must be cooked and, with milk, wine, eggs and bread,
are all taken into the room. Outside, where the priest can see it, a fire is made
which burns all the time until the end of the ceremony. The fire is made with the
branches of seven different kinds of tree. After the Avesta has been recited, the
priest removes the bones. He puts pieces of meat, eggs and other things into small
bowls which he distributes among the participants from right to left. Then the
special food (called Sirok and Siro-sedou) 102 which has been prepared, the fruit
and the water are similarly distributed so that everyone shares in "Ham-namak".
This term refers to common loyalty that is created among them. This ceremony is
repeated throughout the five days, each time different families making sacrifices
and offerings. But each family keeps two legs of the sacrificial animal, a bowl of
"Sirok" and one piece of fruit, which on the fifth day they take to the fire temple.
There, the priest takes one of the legs and one is given back to each family to take
home. The legs obtained from all the families are placed together in one single
vessel. Similarly, other offerings are also put into separate vessels. The meat, taken
home is partly consumed and partly given to relatives who were not able to
participate in the ceremony, so that they too share in "Ham-namak". The meat that
was kept in the temple is separated from the bones by the priests. In the evening all
the members of the community get together in the temple and the meat and other
offerings are distributed among them.

Nowadays the Iranian Zoroastrians only slaughter sheep and goats for the "Mehr
Izad" ceremony. But it has not always been like this. The Avesta frequently refers to
the sacrifice of cows and other animals.103
Even until the middle of nineteenth century, the sacrifice of cows and bulls was
practised by the Iranian Zoroastrians.104 At the request of a Parsi from India the
sacrifice of cows was discontinued soon afterwards.

Sirok is a kind of cookie made out of wheat flour fried in sesame oil. Sir-o sedou is a dish made of
rue (sedab), garlic (sir), vinegar and other herbs fried in oil.

Cf. Aban Yasht 41 - 43; Dervasb Yasht 21. Jackson writes: "Besides the sacred plants, perfumes
(baodhi), bread-offerings (draonah, myazda), consecrated water, the haoma, and milk the Avesta
frequently refers to the cow (gao) in connection with the Yasna ceremony. Like their Parsi brethern
in India, the Zoroastrians of Persia interpret the Avestan words gao Jivya lit. 'living cow,'as goat's
milk (Pers. shir), and similarly employ an egg and melted butter to represent the gao hudhah, lit.
'beneficent cow,'in the ceremony." Jackson, Persia...op. cit., pp.370 - 371; Also cf. Lawrence Mills,
The Pahlavi texts of Yasna XXII, (For the first time critically translated), in: Journal of the Royal
Asiatic Society of Great Britain and Ireland, 1907, p. 86, Note 3.

Mary Boyce, A History of Zoroastrianism, (Volume one : The Early Period), Leiden/Koln, 1972,
pp. 150 -151.
 184

There is some similarity between some of the Yaresan offerings and those of the
Zoroastrians, for whom pomegranates and bread are also important offerings. The
pomegranate corresponds to the Avestan word Urvara Hadhanaepata.105
As we have seen, one of the important Yaresan offerings is "Khedmat", a dish
made of sacrificed rooster. Similarly we have a report from the tenth century
historian, Narshakhi, that the Mazdeans used to sacrifice a rooster over the Iranian
New Year. This sacrifice was made to Siyavush, a legendary character and a "pure
martyr".106
The existence of sacrifice in Iran with cult ceremonies more or less similar to the
Yaresan prove that such rituals have been typical of Iranian religions. Whether the
Yaresan ritual was originally a revival of a ritual that had fallen into disuse or the
perpetuation of an existing one is a matter which can not easily be established. But
it seems that this type of ritual has been an important part of Iranian religions.

6.3. Other Yaresan Rituals and Religious Tenets

6.3.1. Fasting

In order to draw a better picture of the structure of the Yaresan religious beliefs, an
attempt is made in this section to describe some other aspects of their religious life.
Therefore, in addition to some more important religious ceremonies, a few
distinctive features of their religious ideas will also be described. This makes the
comparison between the Yaresan and other religious groups a much easier task.
Each male and female member of the Yaresan community should fast either three
or six days in a year. Observation of this rule varies from groups to groups. The first
three days of fasting are named:
a) "Niyyat-e marnovi"
b) "Da'vat-e shahi" or "Da'vat padeshahi"
c) "Qavaltasi"
The word "Marnovi" refers to a story according to which the Soltan and his
companions were trapped by enemy troops in a cave called "Marno", which means
the "new cave". Those three days during which they fasted are called "Marnovi".
The fourth day was declared a feast, and is called the Shahi Day or the Truth
Festival.107

Jackson, Persia...op. cit., p. 369.

Narshakhi, Tarikh...op. cit., p. 24.

See the story about fasting in the appendix III. c.

 185

The name "Da'vat-e shahi" or "Da'vat-e padeshahi" is given because Sahak, who is
supposed to be the King of the World, asked his followers to fast on the same three
days, as a sign of gratitude and in honour of the power of the Almighty. 108
The Yaresan who fast only for three days, also call it "Qavaltasi" in additon to the
other two names. 109 "Qavaltasi" refers to a story in which some of the Yaresan
110
angels were covered by snow by order of the Soltan. After the companions
fasted for three days, the Qavaltas angels came to life again. The Saranjam also
refers to the same event and says: "Those who were dead for three days came to
life. Out of gratitude this day became a feast." 111
The fasting period is from the twelfth to the fourteenth day of one of the lunar
months every year. This lunar month should occur within the solar month of Azar
(Qous) and Day (Jadi) according to the Iranian calender. When the first day in the
solar month of Azar coincides with any day in the lunar month of Gharah, then the
next lunar month is the month of fasting on the twelfth of which the three days of
fasting begins. So the fasting period occurs sometimes at the end of autumn and
sometimes at the beginning of the winter season.
During these three days of fasting an offering is made every day. How much the
individual members offer depends on their financial position. 112 An offering may
range from a piece of bread to a "Khedmat" or more. These offerings are made in
the following manner:
a) The first offering is made in the twelfth night of the lunar month. This offering is in
honour of the Eternal Pir, the second night in honour of the Eternal Dalil, and the
third night in honour of Mostafa Davudan. The fourth day, is celebrated as a feast
day, and an offering is made in the honour of the King of Truth. 113

1U0
Elahi, Borhan...op. cit., p. 132.
109
Ibid., p. 133.
110
This story is reproduced in the appendix.
111
At the end of the stories relating to Marnovi and Qavaltasi Jayhunabadi makes two statements.
On page 342, after narrating the story of the Marno cave, he says: "After that the Soltan ordered his
followers to fast three days and nights. But the companions mentioned that the human beings do not
have the stamina to fast three days and three nights continuously. Therefore it would be better if the
Yaresan fast for three more days instead of those three nights. So every night they make one
offering and celebrate on the seventh night." On page 346, after narrating the stories about the
Qavaltas, Jayhunabadi says: "The companions told the Soltan that they would fast three days for the
sake of the Yaresan and three days for the sake of the Qavaltas. So the Soltan forgave them."

112
Ibid., p. 13.
113 Some Yaresan groups make the first night offering in honour of Mostafa Davudan, and the
second and third nights in honour of the Pir and the Dalil.
 186

b) For the feast day 114 each member gives an amount of money which is equal in
value to one fourth of a "Mesqal" of pure silver.115
c) In addition to the above offering, each person offers a loaf of Gerdeh bread
called "Gerdeh-ye razbari" on the feast day (ruz-e padeshahi). This can be on the
fifteenth or sixteenth night.
d) There is also an offering in honour of Pir Musi (nicknamed the Registrar of
Deeds), which is made sometime between the sixteenth days to the end of the
month. 116
Some Yaresan groups fast six days instead of three. The twelfth to the fourteenth
day is called "Niyat-e marnovi" and the fifteenth to the seventeenth "Qavaltasi".
Depending on whether these groups base their calculations on solar, Roman or
Persian calendars, the fasting period occurs between the months of Azar and
Bahman of the Iranian solar calendar. 117
During Qavaltasi an offering is made every night. The offering in the first night is in
honour of Shah Ebrahim, 118 the second in honour of Baba Yadegar, the third in
honour of Khatun Razbar and the fourth night is a feast in honour of the King of
Truth.
Some groups observe only the Qavaltasi fasting and some only the Marnovi. The
Guran and some other groups fast on the twelfth day of any lunar month which falls
on any part of the first forty days of the winter season as fixed by Iranian calendar
(Cheleh-ye bozorg). This fasting is called "Niyat-e guran" or "Niyat-e marnovi".
In the Yaresan branch of 'AN Qalandar, some fast from the twelfth to the fourteenth
of the month of Day, i. e. the first month of winter according to the Persian calendar
(forasi). Another group of the same branch fasts on the last day of the month of
Azar (qous) and the first and second days of the month of the Day (Jadi). Others
again fast from the twelfth to the fourteenth of Kanun-e Sani (the Jewish and Syriac
month: Des-jan).119 Among the latter group some start their fasting one day before,
i. e. on the eleventh of the second Kanun in order to welcome the fasting period. So
these people fast four days instead of three days.

114
The offerings that are made on the feast day are called "Sar-fetr-e yari". This type of offering is
sometimes made on the first night and sometimes on the Shahi feast.

115
"Mesqal" is a unit of weight of about five grams.

116
Elahi, Borhan...op. cit., p. 135.

117
Ibid., p. 137.

118
Elahi., Borhan...op. cit., p. 139.

119
Ibid., p. 140.
 187

The Atash Bagi branch of the Yaresan does not fast at all. They only make some
offerings during the Qavaltasi fasting period.120

6.3.2. The prohibition of fasting for thirty days

It seems that fasting is a later innovation among the Yaresan. From the story of
Qavaltas we can conclude that this rite was introduced during the period of Soltan
Sahak. In addition to the stories regarding fasting we also possess several Gurani
poems in which fasting in general has been rejectted. As we know, the Gurani
poems are much older than Persian prose texts. These poems indicate that in the
early stages of its development, the Yaresan community did not fast. Below are
some of these Gurani poems that prohibit fasting in general:
Gouhar-Shahi says:
Fasting is wrong
The King has declared fasting wrong
Anyone who fasts is like the killing poison (I?) (or fasting is a killing poison I?)
He is also worthless for the "Contract of Benyamin".
The King says:
Do not fast
No member should observe fasting
Denial of Eternity is (like) a burning fire
The people of Truth fast eternally (i. e. not only for a certain time).121
Ka Pireh says:
The sorrowful heart
Oh King I seek quarter, the heart is full of sorrow
Anyone who fasts is like the people of Nanu122
(And) he is included among the seventy two sects.
Qabez123 says:
Oh King! Seeking quarter
There is no fasting for the Yaresan
Anyone who fasts will have no welfare

120
Ibid. p. 141.

The Yaresan believe that a pious person always fasts in the sense that he does nothing to excess.

This word is not yet known to us. The people of Noah are probably meant.
12-1
'Ezra'il is probably meant.
 188

In the end, he is a victim of the furious wolf.124

In the story about the Qavaltas (6.3.1., Appendix lll.b), after the events referred to it
continues:
With the intention of the King of the World, the seven men came to life and fell to
His feet and said: "We request you to forgive our sins." The King of the World said:
"The penalty for you is that you should fast for one month." The Qavaltas
responded, saying: "May we be sacrificed for thee! We are the followers of Yaresan
(Ahl-e Haqq), why should we fast?." The Magnanimous of the World answered:
"You should fast (because) if you were the real followers of Yaresan (Ahl-e Haqq)
you would not have doubted."
In short, the companions (understood) that they can not continue. They (went) and
brought Ka Pireh to intercede for them with (the King). Ka Pireh said: "Oh my
Religion and my Faith! I hope that you excuse these people for the sake of this
most humble servant (in kamtarin), they have brought a sinful one like me for
intercession." The King of the World said: "Oh Pir of the Shart!125 I forgive them on
the condition that they firmly observe the contract of Benyamin, and do not behave
according to the desires (of concupiscence) (hava-ye nafs). Any time, after this, if a
group (of the Yaresan) deviates from the pillars (foundation of the religion), they will
not enjoy the company of the People of the Truth (Ahl-e haqq). However these
people have asked you to act as an intermediary. They must keep steadfastly to
the conditions as I have forbidden fasting for this and other Yaresan groups. If
anyone, who counts himself to the Yaresan community and fasts he is out of the
assembly of (great) men (and) he is included in other communities (melat-ha) and
his hand will not grasp Benyamin's (life) line. Also, oh Pir of the Shart! Anyone who
is (the follower) of the Yaresan should observe the Shahi feast." Ka Pireh asked:
"Oh my Religion and my Faith! Should the people of Delfan celebrate or the people
of Kupa Sa'i?." He answered: "It is different (do ast). People of Delfan do (celebrate)
and Kupa Sa'i should fast for three days." Ka Pireh said: "Oh my Religion and my
Faith! I plead by your Indestructibility (Eternality) to forgive the fasting of these
people for my sake, the sinful one. So the way of the Truth (Ahl-e haqq) will not be
blocked." The King of the World deigned to reply the Pir of the Shart: "You confess
that these people have deviated from the basis of the religion (arkan) and left the
confession (eqrar) and did not follow the way of your convenant (shart) and they
have done something that is prohibited " After Ka Pireh took an oath, the King of

Ivanow, Majmu'eh...op. cit., pp. I l l - 112; Also cf. Sayyed Mohammad 'Ali Khwajeh od-Din, Sar-
sepordagan: tarikh va sharh-e 'aqayed-e dini va adab-o rosum-e ahl-e haqq (yaresan), Tehran, 1362
H., p. 102.

"Shart" is the "Spiritual convenant" of the Yaresan.

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the World deigned to say: "Swear by the 'Convenant (shart) of the Pir' that because
the Pir of the Shart does not wish the people of Selseleh 1 2 6 to observe fasting,
(thus) for his sake I declare fasting unlawful for all his people." 127

6.3.3. Ablution of the Yaresan

An ablution ceremony is practised by most of the religions and is usually

accompanied by prayers; the Yaresan too. Ablutions are performed after sexual
intercourse, the touching of a dead animal, and the like.
There are two types of ablution:
a) Ertemasi 128
b) Tartibi. 129
Ertemasi is carried out when enough water is available, in which case the whole
body is washed.
Tartibi is performed where there is not enough water. In this case a bowl or handful
of water is poured three times on the head, three times on the right shoulder and
then three times on the left shoulder.
Before pouring the water, the following verse (ayeh) is read:
"To the speech of the Wise Emir who wears the cloak of light
My water is "Tashar" 130 , my Kiblah is Perdiwar
To the manifestation (jam) of Ebrahim who is a mirror in which the world is visible.
To the Spiritual Contract (eqrar-e shart) of Shah Benyamin
To the cloak of the guiding leader Davud
To the speech and breath (be notq-e nafas) of the Golden Pen Musi
With the water of Razbar, the Wonderful Manner Lady
I become clean and pure from head to foot." 131
For ablution to remove sexual pollution (janabat) the following verse is recited:
"For the cleanliness of the body I give myself (ablution)

"Selseleh" and "Delfan" are two regions in Lakestan.

127
Ivanow, Mjmu'eh...op. cit., pp. 108 - 111.
128
"Ertemas" is an Arabic word meaning "going into water" or "to put the head under water".
129 Tartibi" apparently refers to the Arabic word "Tartib", which means "serial" or "systematic".
TV)
This is the name of one of the holy springs of the Yaresan and the word means "clean".

131 Suri, Sorud-ha...op. cit. p. 196.

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With the water of Razbar and the b o w l m of Ebrahim

To be accepted for the sake of the Companions (yaran)
I do ablution for the cleanliness of my body."133

6.3.4. Ceremonies for the dead

Like ablution, the ceremonies regarding a dead person are very important religious
rites in a community. The way in which these ceremonies are performed, is also
one of the distinguishing features of religious communities. Following is a
description of rites observed by the Yaresan from the time a person has died until
he is buried.
First the corpse is washed with water, then the Benyamin-Prayer is recited. After
that with a bowl (which has a capacity of about three liters) water is poured nine
times on the corpse, three times over the whole body, three times on the right
shoulder and three times on the left shoulder. While doing so the following verses
are recited:
"For the sake of this present corpse and the confession
With the order of the dear King the Khavankar
To the golden pen of Pir Musi, the Registrar
With the bowl of Ebrahim and the water of Razbar
To the value of the modesty of Mostafa, the Powerful
For the love of Ayvat, the flying Angel134
I have washed him with Tashar water
In order to be clean and pure
The Beginning and the End is the Friend."135
Then the corpse is covered with a white cloth and taken to a graveyard. There the
coffin is put down and the attendants stand around it. A "Niyaz" (offering) for the

"Jam" actually means "bowl". The Yaresan compare the human body to a bowl, and the human
soul to water. Therefore, the expression "to go in a bowl" means the soul enters the body, and so, in
the same way the Divine Essence enters a human body. In another way "Jam" can be the short form
of "Jameh" which means "garment". The word "Jameh" is frequently used in Yaresan texts, and there
"emerging in someone's garment" means "to reincarnate".

Suri, Sorud-ha...op. cit., p.194. The Iranian Muslims also observe two types of ablution. They are
also called Ertemasi and Tartibi. In Ertemasi ablution the whole body is put into water. In case of
Tartibi the head and neck are first washed then the right half followed by the left half of the body.
Then a verse, "Alahom tahherni va tahher aqlbi" is said. It means: Oh God let me and my heart be
cleam.

Usually Hosayn Bag, maternal grandfather of the Soltan, is called "Tayyar" i. e. flyer. He is
believed to have flown from a far away place to visit the Soltan.

Suri, Sorud-ha...op. cit., p. 199.

 191

love of the first and the last King (padeshah) is distributed and consumed, after
which the Corpse-Prayer is read as below:
"With the truth of certitude (wa sedq-e yaqin)
The soul of....(name of the dead person), with the truth of certitude
With the Permission (hint) of the King and Spiritual Contract of Benyamin
May he be forgiven (find salvation) without blasphemy and rancour (amorzideh bu
bi kofr-o kin)."136
After reciting these verses, four persons take the corpse and placed with the head
towards the Kiblah (Perdivar) and arrange the "Lahad", i. e. a niche in the side of a
tomb. Then with a stick touch the shoulder of the corpse and shake it. After putting
earth on it, they say the "Talqin"137 prayer as follows:
(Name of the dead person) died
Oh King take care....(name of the dead person) died
Because a follower of the Yaresan he was envied
He sought refuge in the sight of (be dargah) the Soltan
He offered his head to the Spiritual Contract of Benyamin
He ate the lawful morsel of the religion of the Truth 138
He did not betray the Yaresan religion
He sealed his religion with a nutmeg and a coin 139
Only you know what to order
Oh King accept our entreaty and wishes
Forgive (overlook) our faults and sins
The soul of....(name of the dead person) passed from mortal life
With a burden of sin comes towards the Other World
Oh Truth, do not punish him in the World of Existence (Other World)
Whatever he is asked his answer will be:
The Beginning and the End is the Friend
His Pir is Benyamin, his King is Khavankar
His Dalil is Davud, the Guide of the Way
His deed is the light (cheragh) before his food
The accountant is Pir Musi who is the Registrar (saheb daftar)
His true (rightful) Kiblah is Perdivar
His intermediator in the Day of Resurrection is Lady Razbar
His helper is Shah Ebrahim, his friend and assistant (yar) is (Baba) Yadegar

136
Ibid., p. 200.

137 . . . .
This word means "suggestion" and "inspiration".
1-5Q

This can also mean that he did not do anything which was religiously unlawful.

This means that he was initiated to the Yaresan.

 192

His score (hesab-o ketab) is (according) to the cycle of re-incarnations

(The breadth of ) his way (to Paradise) depends on the extent he observes
(payravi) the Spiritual Contract.
His place of refuge is the glory of the Jam of the upright ones
The Jam is the place of Truth and good people
The foundations of his religion are the Shart-o Eqrar
The Haftan will help him on the Day of Resurrection
The Haftavaneh are the guides in all affairs
The Cheheltan are the guides on the Day of Reckoning (the Day of Judgement)
The quality of the water of Kousar is purity
It is life-elixir for the soul (jan) of all mortals
I hope it will be the share of all followers of the Yaresan
The way to the Other World becomes easy for them
May his hope be the truth, the truth be his friend and helper
The glory of the Companions be his supporter
One who executes this law is the receiver of inspiration
This is the condition to show the way of the foundations of the Religion."140
After the burial, a fire is made on the grave on the first night. In the room of the
dead person a lantern is kept that burns for three nights.141
Among the Laki-speaking followers of the community inhabiting north Lorestan, the
death procession is accompanied by music and dancing. There until very recent
times mourning ceremonies were accompanied by music and songs as well as a
kind of dance called the "Rara".142 Although the dance is now seldom performed,
music and songs are still an inseparable part of the ceremonies. The instruments
played on this occasion are "Soma" (a kind of oboe) and "Dohol" (the kettledrum).
The mourning songs are mostly sung by qualified mourners women. The kind of
instrumental music performed in the procession is called "Chamari". On the first
evening and first morning after the death, only instrumental music is played viz. on

Suri, Sorud-ha...op. cit., pp. 202 - 207.

Afzali, Daftar...op. cit., Volume II, pp. 3 - 4. The Yaresan regard the fire-place as sacred. Every
time a lamp is lighted the Yaresan say the following prayer: "Oh, Praise (be to)'Ali, the lamp is
lighted. Oh, Praise (be to) 'Ali. Going of the luminous day. Coming of the dark night. May you
make the day and the night a blessing (khayr). From the breath of 'Ah flourishing. Hu, Oh 'Ali
help." (Baba-zadeh, Chehel-tanan, op. cit., p. 16). There is also a belief "au pouvoir magico-religieux
contenu dans les cendres de certains foyers des mystiques et des Ahl-e Haqq Kurdes (certains
sayyed odjakh Kurdes). Celles-ci sont douées d'une vertu bénéfique: elles sont censées guérir
plusieurs maladies, notamment les morsures de serpents et de scorpions, aussi les croyants
cherchent-ils à s'en procurer". (Mohammad Mokri, Le Foyer Kurde, in: L'Ethnographie, Nouvelle
Série No. 55, Année 1961, p. 87).

Klippel gives a report about the same type of dance in the mourning ceremony among the Yazidis.
Ernst Klippel, Unter Drusen, Kurden und Teufelsanbetern, Berlin, 1926, p. 118
 193

the "Soma" and "Dohol". These melodies, which are called "Ai Dau Dau" and "Hanai
Mamad bag", are performed for the absolution and repose of the dead person.
"Pueh Muri" or "Mur" is a kind of song sung mostly by women on various occasions
in memory of the dead person.143 Previously when a prominent person died a
melody was played which was called "Sahari" or "Yari" to announce his death. In
this way they used to call people to participate in the mourning ceremony . "Sahari"
was played throughout the ceremony.144

6.3.5. The "Charchivan" or the "Four Pillars" of Yaresan religion

In addition to the rites already mentioned, there are some other important religious
aspects of the Yaresan which can be considered as the distinguishing features of
their religious system. Below is a description of:
a) Belief in certain religious motives which should be followed by each member.
They consider these to be the private basis of their belief system.
b) Belief in the sacredness of certain things (such as the Jam, the Convenant,
sacrifice) which are regarded to be the basis of their religious community.
The "Four Pillars" of the Yaresan religion are summarized in the following verses of
the Saranjam:
"You should observe the Four Pillars of the Yaresan religion (Yari charchivan bavari
vaja):
Purity, straightforwardness (truthfulness), "non-existence" and the Redda (devotion
and aid?) (Paki-o rasti nisti-o redda)."
Elahi interprets the above four goals as follows:
a) Paki (Purity): It is both inner and apparent purity. Inner purity includes good
words, good deeds and good thoughts. The apparent purity is cleanliness in dress,
residence, occupation and food.
b) Rasti (Straightforwardness, truthfulness): It is to pursue a straight path and to
avoid falsehood and sin.

On the basis of interviews and the article "Angjzeh va ehsas dar musiqi, taraneh va she'r-e lori, in:
Ruznameh-ye etela'at, No. 15236, 21 Bahman, 1355 H.

Izadpanah, Farhang...op. cit., p. 75. Melodies called "Maleh-zhiri" and "Kharivi" used to be
performed at the time when the tribe started the yearly migration. These melodies were to be heard
at the time of farewell. They were usually accompanied by weeping because some would die during
the migration and so they would not be able to see one another agian. But at the time when the tribe
came back and the separated members and families met again, happy melodies were played and was
called "Barza-kovi". Izadpanah, Farhang...op. cit., pp. thirtyone - thiry two.
 194

c) Nisti (Non-existence): It is annihilation of arrogance, pride, egoism, selfishness,

desire, lust, passion and all evil qualities. In short it means the complete
achievement of selflessness.
d) Redda (Devotion and Aid): It means sincere service and help and devotion to
people, who are the creatures of God.
In some passages of the Saranjam the word "Reza" (consent and agreement)
instead of "Redda" is to be found. In Elahi's view this would mean a complete
annihilation to reach the level of the Truth.

6.3.6. T h e five "Moqadasat" of the Yaresan

The Yaresan believe in the sacredness of certain things or items which are
supposed to be the basis of their religion:

1. Sajnari and Perdivari Bayabas 1 4 5

This is the spiritual contract between the Yaresan theophanies and the Haftan in
which the laws and the basis of Yaresan religion were established. The first Spiritual
Contract is believed to have been made between Khavankar and His companions.
This is called the Khavankari contract. At least some parts of the Yaresan laws were
established by Shah Khoshin, called the Sajnari contract. The Sajnari 146 contract

Elahi says that the word "Bayabas" is a combination of "baya" and "bas". "Baya" means "door" and
"bas" means "enough, much, only". In the Yaresan interpretation it means "Final and effective
contract" (qarardad-e mon'aqedeh-ye kafi va qate'), which has finally come to mean "The Basic
Religious Laws". (Elahi, borhan...op. cit., p. 17). But this etymologically interpretation of the word
"Bayabas" as offered by Elahi seems doubtful. "Baya" can also be a deformation of the Arabic word
"Bay*at" or "Bay*a" meaning "oath of allegiance". The word "bas" or "bast" may refer to the verb
"bastan" in Persian and "basan" or "basen" in South Kurdish, meaning "to close, shut, to tie and hold".
So in this case the word "Bayabas" would means "a contract of allegiance which has been made". It is
interesting to note that in the Dasatir there is a word which in meaning and form comes very near to
the Yaresan term. This word is "Barbast" which means "law, instruction, method, rule etc". Most
probably the Yaresan term is a version of this word. Firuz, Dasatir...op. cit., p. 235.

"Saj" is a round metal plate on which a sort of round and thin (Kurdish) bread is baked. "Nar" is an
Arabic word meaning fire. Therefor "Saj-e nar" means: "Plate for baking bread on a fire". According
to Elahi, for the Yaresan it is symbolically the source of the sun (cheshmeh-ye khorshid). The
atmosphere in which the Sajnari contract was made is compared to the brightness and elevated
position of the source of the sun. Another interpretation is that the dough of the mystery of
prophethood (after assuming consistency in the pot of Imamhood or velayat) is baked on the plate
of the unity (vahdat)on the fire of knowledge and it becomes the bread of blessing which is given to
the finders of the grace of the Truth. In concrete terms "Sajnar" refers to a place, as in the case of
Perdivar, where Shah Khoshin declared the foundations of his religion and made a convenat of
allegiance with his companions. The laws and basis of the Sajnari were renewed and reformed by
Sahak and he called it the Perdivari convenant or contract. In Dasatir there is a statement about fire
being under the universe (sepehr). There, it explains that as the universe is rotating it creates much
 195

was revived, reformed and expanded by Soltan Sahak who wrote it down in Gurani.
This contract is called Perdivari147 Bayabas.

2. The Kalams of the Saranjam

These are poems which are supposed to have been written by some of the
theophanies and their companions in Gurani and South Kurdish dialects. These
Kalams are also called "Kalam-e khazaneh".

3. The "Jam" and the "Jamkhaneh"

As already explained, "Jam" is the periodical meeting of the Yaresan and

"Jamkhaneh" is a place where these meetings are held. The Jamkhaneh is not
bound to any special place or type of building. The Jam can be convened
whenever and anywhere the members of the community get together. There
should be a pure and immaculate intention for worship. It should be according to
the prescribed orders, with presence of heart to seek the help of God. They believe
that the Divine Essence is present at the Jam, where it appears to any pure heart. It
is also believed that at the Jam all difficulties find their solution.

4. Sacrifice and offering

Anything which is brought to the Jam as an offering and sacrifice to be consumed

by the participants is regarded as sacred.

5. Ahd-o misaq

Elahi explains this part as the treaty and swear allegiance. According to him,"Ahd-o
misaq" also means contract (payman) and firmness (ostovari). This is to confess
and believe in the conditions and laws prescribed by the Perdivari Bayabas. 148

heat. Therefore if it would have been anything other than fire there, it would have been burnt. Cf.
Elahi, Borhan...op. cit., p. 18; Firuz, Dasatir...op. cit., p. 140.

"Perd" in kurdish means "bridge", and "ivar" or "ayvar" means "this side". It is believed that Sahak
made his contract on one side of a bridge that was on the river Sirvan. It was here that the Sajnari
contract was renewed and was called "Perdivari". Sahak declared this Bayabas to be "unchangable,
irreducible, and has only one interpretation". In the Saranjam Sahak says: "Agar bayu bivan hazar
khoda'i'Har khoda'i chani bivan hazar barga'i'Ou nacheh mucheh garakmeh perdivar naya'i". Here
he says quite irrespective of whether numerous masters or gods come and each one brings
numerous organizations and foundations, he only accepts the Perdivari Bayabas and nothing else.

Elahi, Borhan...op. cit., pp. 25 - 26.

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6.3.7. Periods of the World History

In this part of the study of the Yaresan we introduce one more aspect of their
system of thought, namely cosmic historicity.
The Yaresan divide the World History into seven periods: 149

1. The period of Khavankar which is called "'Alam-e Dez". In this period a set of
laws was made which is known as "Bayabas-e Khavankari".
2 & 3. The period of Jan and Bani Jan.
4. The beginning of the emergence of mankind.
5. The Islamic period.
6. The period of Shah Khoshin, during which there was a set of laws known as
"Bayabas-e Sajnari".
7. The present period which is known as "Bayabas-e Perdivari". This set of laws is
valid until the Day of Resurrection. 150

The concept of the existence of a cosmic world history is also found in Mazdaism.
But as against seven periods mentioned above a cosmic world history is divided
into three periods in Mazdaism, namely Creation, Mixture and Separation. Each of
these periods is a segment of one thousand years. The Mazdean concept of time
has a celestial significance. According to this each day of the month and each
month of a year is associated with an angel.
We come across a similar concept among the Yaresan. For them each day of the
week is associated with one of their angels:

1. Friday with Sayyed Mohammad

2. Saturday with Abolvafa
3. Sunday with Mir
4. Monday with Mostafa
4. Tuesday with Sayyed Shahab od-Din
5. Wednesday with Soltan Badusi
6. Thursday with Sayyed Habib Shah 1 5 1

149
Ibid., pp. 40 - 41.
150
In a passage of Saranjam it says: "Shashem tamam bu haft nalo va sar". This refers to the division
of the World History into seven epochs, and mentions that after the sixth epoch is over the seventh
epoch will not come to an end. In this manner it says that the law and organization established by
Sahak in the Perdivari contract are valid until the Day of Resurrection.

Ivanow, Majmu'eh...op. cit., p. 197.

 197

6.3.8. Other similarities between Yaresan and Mazdaism

There are some other similarities between the Yaresan religion and Mazdaism.
We find a similarity between what the Yaresan regard as the pillars of their belief
and the Mazdean "Ashu'i". Both are ethical systems of values to be followed by all
true believers. The following short description of Ashu'i shows its similarity to the
Yaresan "Charchivan", even in the details:
s

According to a contemporary Zoroastrian high priest, Ardashir Azargoshtasb, the

Mazdyasnan religion is based on the pillar of "Ashu'i", which is an Avestan word
meaning purity (paki), straightness and truthfulness (rasti, dorosti). There are two
types of Ashu'i: inner and apparent. The latter refers to cleanliness in body, dress
and home as well as the purity of the four natural elements,viz. water, fire, air and
earth. Inner Ashu'i consists of "Humt", "Hukht" and "Havarasht" i. e. good words,
good deeds and good thoughts.152
We also find that, as in the case of Yaresan, fasting is prohibited by the Mazdean
religion.153 Further there is a similarity between Mazdean prayers for the dead and
that of the Yaresan.154

152
Azargoshtasb, Marasem...op. cit., pp. 40 - 41.

153 Ibid., p. 43.

154 Jackson, Persia...op. cit., p. 393.

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7. ORGANIZATION AND INSTITUTION

7.1. Social Organization and Rites

Two important institutions, namely "Sar-sepordan" and "Shart-o Eqrar", define social
relations and roles within the community. These institutions receive full, formal
recognition after the rites have been performed. Through these institutions:
a) the social position of individuals in the social hierarchy is determined and vertical
loyalty between the common members and the leaders is created.
b) the leading families are connected and horizontal loyalty is strengthened, because
the social structure of the community is not pyramidal.
c) the role and position of new members are made secure.
d) a feeling of solidarity among the common members is encouraged.

7.1.1. Some initiation terms

Before discussing the abovementioned institutions it is necessary to define some of

the terms which occur in our description.
Khandan: It is an Iranian word meaning house (-hold), family, dynasty. According to
Elahi, "Khandan" to the Yaresan means a person whose heart is enlightened through
the manifestation of the light of Truth. Therefore, he and his family are competent to
guide an initiate according to the laws of "Perdivari Bayabas", in the way of the Truth. 1
As a matter of fact, it is only a Sayyed family and its head that are regarded as
Khandan. It is therefore only their genealogical connection with the early leaders of
the Yaresan that makes them suitable for such a high position in the community.
Padeshah: This means "King", but for the Yaresan it is one of the names of God.
According to Elahi, a Padeshah is a person who, after having gone through various
stages, has finally achieved the state of perfection and reached the stage of sainthood
(ouli ol-amr) and the level of the manifestation of God (mazhar-e elahi)2. Therefore he
is like a mirror in which the Divine Light is reflected. So, those people who are guided

Elahi, Borhan...op. cit., p.49.

This term means "Divine Manifestation". Elahi explains it indirectly in a Sufic-like language. According
to him "Mazhar" is a soul which in the course of evolution has been polished and has become a place on
which the reflection of the light of the essence of God is manifested. It has been surrounded by the
essence of God.
 199

by the "Pir"3 (under observation of the King) will enjoy the grace of God. In addition to
that it is the Padeshah who assigns the positions of the Pir and the "Dalil"4 to
competent persons. In some cases the Pir can also appoint a temporary or
permanent Dalil for the followers.
Broadly speaking, a Padeshah is someone who is regarded as being the
manifestation of the Divine Essence.

Pir: This is a person who, with the permission of the Padeshah, guides the initiates
(who are already helped by the Dalil) and passes them on to the King. In practice they
are the members of the Sayyed family.

Dalil: This is a person who, with the permission of the Padeshah and the Pir, helps
and guides the initiates who enter the community. In the initiation ceremony, he
passes the initiate on to the Pir.5 The permission of the Padeshah which is given to the
Pir and Dalil was originally given to the founders of the Khandan at the time of their
formation. At present the permission is only a theoretical matter.

7.1.2. Conditions of membership in the community

To be regarded as a full member of the Yaresan community, each male and female
should fulfill the following conditions:
1) Each person should have a Padeshah, a Pir and a Dalil.6
a) If the Padeshah is not apparent (zaher), which is the case at present, then He
should exist in the consciousness of the follower.
b) The Pir should be from one of the Yaresan Khandans i. e. from one of the Sayyed
families.
c) The Dalil should be chosen by one of the Khandans involved.
2) Each person should bring with him to the initiation:
a) One nutmeg flouz).

For this name see below.

For this name see below.

Elahi, Borhan...op. cit., p.49.

Jayhunabadi says that one should not follow a dead person. Thus one should offer one's head only to a
living leader. But the term "dead person" has been interpreted as someone who does not believe and the
term "living person" has been interpreted as someone who is pious and in whom the essence of God is
present. Jayhunabadi, Haqq ol-haqayeq...op. cit., p. 421.
 200

b) One piece of new, white cloth, not less than one square metre, called the "Shad". 7
c) One offering, or Niyaz, of any sort. "Shakh-e nabat", a type of sugar candy or rock
candy is prefered.
d) One sacrifice or Khedmat.
e) An amount of money equal in value to two "mesqal" 8 of pure silver.
f) One coin that can be out of normal metal. It is on this coin that the nutmeg is put
and cut into pieces.
g) A sharp knife for cutting the nutmeg.

7.1.3. The "Sar-sepordan" or initiation ceremony of the Yaresan

Among the Yaresan the initiation ceremony is called the "Sar-sepordan" or "Jouz-e sar
shekastan". "Sar-sepordan" means, literally, "offering" or "surrendering the head" and
"Jouz-e sar shekastan" means "breaking a nutmeg (as a symbol) for the head". 9 The
nutmeg represents the head of the initiate which is symbolically offered to the King,
who is represented by the Pir.
The initiate provides a nutmeg, a coin, a piece of white cloth and sacrificial offerings.
"Sofreh" (table-cloth) and a tray (on which the nutmeg is cut) are also provided.
First, the sacrificial offerings are cooked and consumed according to the rules of the
sacrifice rites as described earlier. 10
After the sacrifice ceremony is completed the Sar-sepordan ceremony begins, which
is attended by the successor of the Eternal Pir (pir-e azali), i. e. a Sayyed from one of
the Yaresan Khandans, and the successor of the Eternal Dalil (dalil-e azali), i. e. a
person from one of the Dalil families. If there is no Dalil available, then the Sayyed
chooses one of the participants to function in his place.
If the initiate is an adult, then he should attend the Jam himself, 11 otherwise his father
or a proxy (vakil-e qanuni) should represent him in the Jam. After that the Pir explains

Elahi, Borhan...op. cit., p. 56.

o
"Mesqal" is a unit of weight equal to five grams. It is said that at the time of Sahak, the Yaresan used to
provide an amount of two "Qarans" for this rite. A Qaran was the money current at that time and it was
made of pure silver.
9
Elahi, Borhan...op. cit., p. 58. In the Saranjam the word "breaking" has also been used. So, the term
"Jouz-e sar-shekastan" is often used by the Yaresan, which is synonymous with "Sar-sepordan". Sar-
sepordan means "offering or surrendering the head" and "Jouz-e sar-shekastan" means "breaking the
nutmeg of the head". Some Yaresan groups break the nutmeg instead of cutting it.

10
See section 6.23.a.

11
Ibid., p. 120.
 201

the main conditions of belonging the to the Yaresan community and the initiate or his
proxy promises to keep them.
The white cloth is tied around the neck of the initiate or his proxy. Then the Dalil, who
is sitting beside the Pir, selects a participant as his representative. This representative
holds onto the skirt of the "Khadem"12 with his left hand. The initiate or his proxy also
holds the skirt of the representative with his left hand and has the white cloth around
his neck. Now all of the participants in the Jam have their right hand free for the Hand-
Kissing ceremony.13
Then the three go round the congregation and one by one kiss the hands of the
participants in the manner already described.14 After this ceremony the Permission-
Prayer is said. Until the end of the Permission-Prayer the initiate holds onto the skirt of
the representative of the Dalil and the latter holds that of the Khadem. After saying the
Permission-Prayer, the representative removes the cloth from the neck of the initiate
or his proxy and presents it to the Pir and the Dalil. The representative will immediately
declare the end of his duty as a "temporary Dalil" and the Dalil will accept it. The
money which has been brought by the initiate will be given to the Pir and the piece of
white cloth to the Dalil as their share.
The Nutmeg-Prayer is said by the Pir. The Yaresan groups have different versions of
this prayer. After the Nutmeg-Prayer the Knife-Prayer is said15:
Tigh-e borra (sharp knife), nafas-e gira (effective breath), va eshareh-ye shah (with the
16
permission of the King)
After this, the Pir (with the permission of the Jam and after seeking the consent of the
initiate) cuts off the top (or "head") of the nutmeg.17 The offerings for the Sar-sepordan
are distributed among the participants by the Khalifeh or the Sayyed himself. Then the
Nazr-Prayer and the Takbir are said.18

12
For this name see section: 6.1.1.b.

13

Elahi, Borhan...op. cit., p. 121.

14 For Hand-Kissing ceremony see section: 6-l.l.c.

15 Elahi, Borhan...op. cit., p. 121.

16 Ibid., p. 105.
17
In the ceremony regarding the cutting of the "head" of the nutmeg it is worth mentioning that the
Yaresan regard the head of the nutmeg as being the point where it joins the stem. In the ceremony of
offering, if the number of Gerdeh and pomegranates is sufficient then each participant will receive one
of them. But this cannot be done in the Sar-sepordan ceremony and in any case all the nutmegs should
be cut into pieces and then distributed among the participants. Elahi, Borhan...op. cit., p. 114.
io
For these two prayers see section: 6.2.3.
 202

After the Pir delivers the conditions (etmam-e hojat), and it is accepted by the initiate,
the content of the conditions is conveyed to the congregation after the Nutmeg-
Prayer. The Pir addresses the initiate and says:
The King of Truth: Soltan Sahak,
The Pir of Truth: Benyamin,
The Dalil of Truth: Davud,
Are all for you. They join the Imamhood of 'Ali and Prophethood of Mohammad.
From here they go through various spiritual stages ('alam-e ma'navi) and reach the
Universe ('alam-e dezz) i. e. the incorporeal world.
In the incorporeal world ('alam-e dezz) the King is Khavankar and the Pir is Jebra'il,
who is in charge of (ma'mur) the guide (hedayat) to salvation.
The Dalil is Esrafil who is in charge of the blowing of the trumpet to waken everyone
on the Day of Resurrection.
The successor of Soltan Sahak is the manifestation of the Light of the Truth incarnate
(jelveh-ye nur-e haqq dar mazhariyat).
The successor of Benyamin is (here the name of the Khandan is mentioned).
The successors of Davud are the seventy two Pirs (or the name of the Dalil in the
same Khandan is mentioned).
The representative of the (the name of the Khandan concerned) in this initiation
Jam is (here the name of the Sayyed who is present is mentioned).
The representative of Dalil is (the name of the Dalil who is present is mentioned)19
After this prayer, the nutmeg is cut into pieces in the tray provided, and like the
offering, distributed among the participants.20 The participants put their offerings on
the palm of their left hand, and if their share is more than a handful, then they put the
rest on the floor. Then they put their share of the nutmeg on the palm of their right
hand, and then place their right hand palm up on the palm of their left hand.21 While
doing so they say first the Nazr-Prayer then the Takbir and the Sofreh-Prayer.22
The Sayyed gives his permission and the participants either eat their share of the
nutmeg or put it on the palm of their left hand with their offering. Now they have their
right hand free for the Hand-Kissing ceremony.

19
Elahi, Borhan...op. cit., p. 124.
20
See section: 6.2.3.
21
Elahi, Borhan...op. cit., p.121.
22
For these prayers see section: 6.2.3.
 203

7.1.4. Some variations in the performance of the "Sar-sepordan"

There are the following variations regarding this rite among the various branches of
the Yaresan community:
I. Some tie the white cloth around the head of the Dalil's proxy.23
II. Some keep the white cloth under the instruments used for cutting the nutmeg.
III. Some do not use a white cloth and coin in this ceremony.
IV. Some perform the sacrifice or Khedmat ceremony for the initiation rite without an
interval. This means that from the beginning of the offering ceremony (the Nazr,
Khedmat and the like) until the ceremony of "Ab-charkh-jam" and the washing of
hands, everything is performed as usual. But in this case, after the Hand-Washing
ceremony no permission is given to eat the nutmeg, instead it and the related
instruments are brought into the Jam, and the ceremony is continued till the end of
the Sofreh-Prayer. Then the Hand-Kissing prayer and Permission-Prayer are
performed once only for both offerings and the nutmeg.
V. Some groups first perform the offering (Nazr) ceremony and say the second Nazr-
Prayer. Then, without giving permission to eat, they bring the nutmeg and its related
instruments into the Jam. They perform the nutmeg ceremony and then have, only
once, the "Ab-charkh-jam", the Hand-Washing prayer for the Nazr, Hand-Kissing
prayer and Permission-Prayer.24

7.1.5. Group initiation

It is also possible to have a group initiation ceremony. In this case all the nutmegs,
pieces of white cloth, coins and offerings are mixed together without identifying them
with the initiates who brought them. Only the names of the initiates are read, and one
single initiation ceremony is performed for all of the initiates at the same time.25 When
the sermon is read the names of the initiates are not mentioned, instead only the word
"group" is used. The nutmeg is cut and the cloth tied around the initiates' neck
irrespective of whether they were the ones brought by him or not.

23
Elahi, Borhan...op. cit., p. 122.

24
Ibid., p. 123.

25
Ibid., p. 124.
 204

If the initiates have different Pirs and Dalils, then the Pirs and Dalils elect two from
among themselves to perform the ceremony. But these two initiate each of the
initiates in the name of their Pir and Dalil.26

7.1.6. Types of membership and recruitment

The members of the Yaresan community can be divided into two main groups:
a) "Chakideh", or "those who have been dropped", is a term used for those who are
born into the community. But both male and female children who are born from
Yaresan parents are formally accepted as full members of the community only after
they have gone through the initiation ceremony.27
b) "Chasbideh" which means "those who are attached", is a term used for the people
who join the community from outside.

7.1.6.a) The "Chakideh"

Theoretically, each new member should go through the various stages laid down in
order to be accepted in the community. But those who are born into the community
are exempted from them if the following conditions are fulfilled:
i. The child should be brought up in the atmosphere of a Yaresan family under the
supervision and training of Yaresan parents.
II. The child learns and puts all the Yaresan religious rules into practice.
According to Elahi, a person who has satisfied these conditions and has these
qualities does not need to go through other stages of training.28 Thus all the children
born in the community are accepted for initiation. But when they are grown-up they
can decide whether to remain or to leave the community.29

26
Ibid., p. 125.
27
Their initiation takes place after they have been given names and this should not be more than seven
days after their birth. It is the duty of the legal proxy of the child to perform the initiation ceremony for
him or her. If it is not possible to perform the ceremony within seven days, then the proxy of the child
makes some offerings and extends the period. This kind of offering is called "Mohlataneh" ("Mohlat"
means respite, grace, period, moratorium). The extention can be made only for one year. Again if the
child's legal proxy, due to financial problems, was not able to cover the expenses of a complete initiation
ceremony then he is allowed to perform the ritual without offering a sacrifice or Khedmat. These can
be made at a time when the finances of the legal proxy allow it. Elahi, Borhan...op. cit., p. 122 -123.
28
Ibid., p. 53.

29
If a member decides to leave the community, his/her parents or a legal proxy who has performed
initiation ceremony for him/her have no spiritual or social responsibilities. As it is a personal decision
no one else should be blamed for what he/she has done. If a child dies before having been initiated
 205

7.1.6.b) The "Chasbideh"

Outsiders are eliQible to enter the Yaresan community if they fulfill the following
conditions:
I. The person should be of age and have the mental capacity to distinguish, for
example, between good and evil.30
He or she should pass through the stages of the "Shari'at". This means that he or she
should learn and practise the common Islamic rules.
II. He should go through two phases of mystical learning and practice known as
"Tariqat" and "Ma'refat". This is done by being a member of the Khaksar Dervish
order.
III. After this he can be elevated in his position and climb the hierarchical ladder by
keeping the rules under the necessary supervision (moraqebat) of a competent
person. It is only after achieving perception of the Truth that the initiate can join the
Yaresan.31
When a branch of the Yaresan gains a new member, he will be initiated by the Sayyed
of that branch. He will be regarded as a follower of that branch or Khandan in which
he has been initiated, and other branches are not allowed to recruit him.32 There can
also be people who are regarded as members although they have not been Chakideh
or Chasbideh. These are people who with the approval and the aid of God, reach the
highest and last stage of enlightenment. It is said that most of the Yaresan leaders
were of this type.33

7.2. Social Structure of the Yaresan Community

7.2.1. The "Khandans"

The Yaresan community are divided into two groups, namely the Sayyed families and
the common followers, all divided into eleven branches or Khandans, at the top of

then his/her father or his/her legal proxy should offer some sacrifice or Khedmat or Niyaz for the
salvation of his/her soul. Elahi, Borhan...op. cit., pp. 122 -123.

30
Ibid., p. 123.

31
Ibid., p. 52.

32
Jayhunabadi, Haqq ol-haqayeq...op. cit., p.564.

Elahi, Borhan...op. cit., p. 53.

 206

which there is one Sayyed family. The eleven branches are known under the following
names:

1. Shah Ebrahim 2. 'Ali Qalander 3. Baba Yadegar 4. Sayyed Abolvafa 5. Mireh Sur 6.
Sayyed Mostafa 7. Babu'Isi 8. Zolnur 9. Atash-bagi 10. Shah Hayasi 11. Baba
Haydari.

1. Shah Ebrahimi Khandan

The Sayyeds of this branch of the Yaresan are descendants of Shah Ebrahim, who
himself was one of the Haftan and a son of Sayyed Mohammad, one of the
Haftavaneh in the Sahak period. Shah Ebrahim had four sons called Mireh Bayg,
Qanun Bayg, Qalandar Bayg and Cherag Bayg. Among his companions were
Qoshchi Oghli and Jonayd. The former was the translator of the Kurdish Kalams into
Turkish. The Yaresan texts do not give the name of the individual families in this
Khandan who at present function as Pirs and Dalils.34

2. 'All Qalandar Khandan

'Ali Qalandar, who was one of the Haftan, is regarded as the leader of this Khandan.
At the time when Sahak established the Yaresan Khandan, 'Ali Qalandar was already
dead. He did not leave a child behind as he had never married. So, the Soltan
selected two persons as his successors, namely Dadeh 'Ali and Dadeh Hosayn. The
present Sayyed family of the Khandan are descendants of these two. The
descendants of Dadeh 'Ali act as Pirs and those of Dadeh Hosayn as Dalils.

3. Baba Yadegar Khandan

Baba Yadegar, who was one of the Haftan in Sahak's period, also did not have a child
and thus two people called Khayal and Vesal were selected as his successors. The
descendants of these two constitute the Sayyed family of this Khandan and act as
Pirs.

4. Sayyed Abolvafa Khandan

Sayyed Abolvafa was one of the Haftavaneh and after his death his son, Sayyed 'Ud,
and then his grandson Sayyed Shaykh 'Ali became leaders of this Khandan. After the

34
Jayhunabadi, Haqq ol-haqayeq...op. cit., pp. 501 - 503, 503 - 505, 506 - 508; Elahi, Borhan...op. cit., p. 62
-63.
 207

death of Sayyed Shaykh 'Ali there was conflict between his sons Khalil, Sayyed Reza
and Sayyed Akaber, also known as Sayyed Khamush. 35 At this time the succession of
the leader of this Khandan used to be sanctioned by the Sayyeds of the Shah
Ebrahimi Khandan. In this case they decided to make the youngest son, Sayyed
Khamush, the leader which made the other two brothers angry. Sayyed Khalil
withdrew from his Sayyed family and went to live with the "Jomur", a nomadic tribe.
Sayyed Reza migrated to Lorestan but did not break his spiritual contact with the
Yaresan community.
In the case of this Khandan and the following four, the role of the Pir and the Dalil have
not been defined by the Yaresan texts.36

5. Mireh Sur Khandan

Mireh Sur was one of the Haftavaneh in Sahak's period and his descendants are the
Sayyed family of this Khandan.

6. Sayyed Mostafa Khandan

Sayyed Mostafa is one of the Haftavaneh in Sahak's period and his descendants are
the Sayyed family of this Khandan.

7. Babu'lsi Khandan37

Babu 'Isi was one of the Haftavaneh in Sahak's period and his descendants are the
Sayyed family of this Khandan.

8. Zolnur Khandan

As mentioned above, a conflict which arose in the Abolvafa Khandan caused the
migration of Sayyed Reza to Lorestan, after which one of his grandsons, Zolnur
Qalandar, established a new Khandan. Zolnur was the son of Asmareh (a daughter of
Sayyed Reza), a virgin who had been pregnant by the Divine Essence. Zolnur is
supposed to have performed many miracles that attracted a large number of
followers. 38 Zolnur did not marry, so that after his death the descendants of his

35 Jayhunabadi, op. cit., p. 526, 523; Elahi, op. cit., p. 63.

36 Jayhunabadi, op. cit., pp. 524 - 525.

T7

It seems to be the name "Isa" which is pronounced by the Yaresan as "Isi".

Jayhunabadi, Haqq ol-haqayeq...op. cit., p. 529.

 208

grandfather Sayyed Reza became his successors and they constitute the present
Sayyed family of this Khandan. Zolnur prohibited the consumption of rooster for the
Sayyed family of his Khandan.39

9.Atash-bagi Khandan & 10. Shah Hayasi Khandan

In this section we discuss two Khandans whose origin and development are related to
each other.
Some time in the 17th or the 18th century a man called Shah Vays-qoli appeared in
the village of Darziyan in the region of Shahu, and created a new Khandan. Some of
his companions were Pir Qanbar, Kaka 'Arab, Kaka Rahman, Kaka Pireh and Khatun
Zarbanu.
According to various traditions he was born some time between 810 after Hijra and
the beginning of the eleventh century after Hijra. He had told his followers that after his
death two persons would come and would both independently occupy the position of
the Shah Mehman.40 According to this prediction, which apparently did come true,
one man came from a region called "Tan" in India. The other was a certain
Mohammad Bag, known as Mohammad Nurbakhsh, who first emerged in the
Bakhtiyari region and then in Lorestan. The Indian, with the name of Shah Ayaz, did
not marry. So, another person called Shah Hayas became his successor, whose
descendants constitute the Sayyed family of the newly formed Shah Hayasi Khandan.
Atash Bag, son of the abovementioned Mohammad Bag, established another
Khandan under the name of Atash Bagi.
In the Shah Hayasi Khandan the descendants of Shah Hayas are regarded as
successors of the Soltan. The descendants of Pir Qanbar (who was the father and
companion of Shah Vays-qoli) act as Pir, and the descendants of a certain Baba
'Abdollah, nicknamed Baba Golab, act as Dalil.
In the case of Atash-bagi Khandan, the descendants of Atash-bag and his three
brothers Jamshid-bag, Abdal-bag and Almas-bag constitute the Sayyed family. But
only the descendants of Atash-bag himself are believed to be Shah-Mehman.41

11. Baba Haydar Khandan

With the approval of Shah Hayas, the founder of the Shah Hayasi Khandan, another
Khandan called Baba Haydar was established. Baba Haydar was a descendant of Pir

-ÎQ

Jayhunabadi, op. cit., p. 529, 530; Elahi, op. cit., p. 64.

40 For "Shah Mehman" see section: 4.1.3.

41 Jayhunabadi, op. cit., p. 549,550, pp. 533 - 534, 551 - 553, p. 560; Elahi, op. cit., pp. 65 - 67.
 209

Rostam, the leader (sar-halqeh) of the "Seventy-Two-Pirs". His descendants act as

Pirs and the descendants of the rest of the "Seventy-Two-Pirs" act as Dalils among the
followers of this Khandan. 42

In addition to these last three Khandans, which were formed later, there were two
other persons who appeared and declared that they were the Shah-Mehman, but did
not establish Khandans.
One was Baba Jalil who appeared some time after Shah Vays-qoli but before Atash-
bag and Shah Hayas. Among his companions were Mir 'Attar, Mir Hayas, Mir Jouzi,
Dadeh Baktar, and Mirza Qoli.
The other one was Sayyed Farzi, who was a descendant of Sayyed Khamush, who in
turn was both the leader of the Khamushi Khandan and a Shah-Mehman. He was a
contemporary of Atash-bag and Shah Hayas. Among the companions were Shaykh
Amir (an interpreter of the Saranjam Kalams), 'Abdin, Nader Vays, Gol Mohammad,
Salim, Qorkeh (Qorka) and Sayyed Jouzi who was the son of Farzi himself.43 It is
worth mentioning that the two Khandans of Shah Hayasi and Atash-bagi are the only
Khandans that have successors for the King, i. e. they always have a Shah-Mehman.
Therefore they attribute Divinity to their leaders. For the same reason the duties of Pir
and Dalil have been given to other members.
The other branches of the Yaresan do not have apparent successors of the King, and
thus they have only Pirs and Dalils.44
It seems that all the male members of the Sayyed families can function as Pirs so that
there will always be someone available for conducting ceremonies in different places.
But the eldest son in direct line of descent is supposed to become the leader of the
whole branch.

7.2.2. The "Sar-sepordan" of the "Khandans"

In this section we describe the initiation of the members of the Sayyed families.
As already explained, the common followers of the Yaresan have to symbolically offer
their heads to the Sayyed family of their Khandan-one of eleven.

42
Elahi, op. cit., p. 67.
43
Jayhunabadi, op. cit., pp. 532 - 533,538 - 539; Elahi, op. cit., p. 69.
44
Elahi, op. cit., p. 70. Jayhunabadi states that the Baba Haydar Khandan like Atash-bagi and Shah
Hayasi, have Shah-Mehman. Jayhunabadi, op. cit., p. 561.
 210

Performing and attending the Jam and Sar-sepordan is regarded as a requirement for
everyone. Therefore, the Sayyed families are not exempted from these two
ceremonies and all members of these families should participate in these rites.
The importance which the Yaresan attach to the assemblies is so great that it
overshadows even the significance of the Divinity.
We find this in a story stressing the necessity of observing the rules and rituals:
After the third theophany disappeared from His followers, he was ready to come back
under the condition that Benyamin would become His Pir. He argued that if He, as a
theophany, became a disciple he must, according to the rules, obey Benyamin as his
teacher. Because He, as a disciple, has the power to carry out any order given by
Benyamin as a Pir. But Benyamin, as a disciple, does not have the power to carry out
all the commands of the Deity as a Pir.45
At the time of Sahak, the Haftavaneh were initiated and their Pir became Benyamin
and their Dalil Davud. In addition Sahak said: "Because everyone should have a Pir
and a Dalil, therefore the members of the Khandans should offer their heads to one
another." Since then, the members of the Sayyed families choose Pirs from among
other Sayyed families. They are empowered to choose their Dalils either from among
the Dalil of their own Khandan or the Dalils of other Khandans.
Dalils choose their Pirs from their own Khandan. But their Dalils in turn are chosen by
their own Pirs. These Pirs can choose a Dalil for the Dalil of their Khandan, either from
the Dalils of their own Khandans or from Dalils of the Khandans of their own Pirs. In
other words, the Pir can choose a Dalil from the Khandan into which they themselves
have been initiated.46
For the initiation of the Sayyeds the same rite as for common followers is performed.
The choice of a Pir and a Dalil by one Khandan from another Khandan does not affect
their status in any way, they remain equal.
All the Khandans are of the same spiritual rank and level. According to Elahi, the
ceremony of Sar-sepordan among the Khandans is only for the sake of ceremonial
and hierarchical connection (tashrifat-e payvand-e selseleh marateb) to the principal
source or origin (mabda'-e asli).

Pittman, The Final Word...op. tit., p. 156; Minorsky, Notes sur la secte...op. cit., p. 31; Idem,
Mat6riaux...op. cit., p. 119; Ivanow, An Ali-Ilahi...op. cit., p. 182 (text) and 174 (trans.). There is an
aetiological myth supporting this ritual. According to it the Creator created a nutmeg from His own
sweat, which, as a symbol of His head, was presented to Benyamin. This is intended to stress the divine
origin of the ceremony. (Ivanow, An Ali-Uahi...op. cit., p. 165,175,182).

46
Elahi, Borhan...op. cit., p. 71.
 211

It is worth mentioning that, as a Pir chooses a Pir and a Dalii for himself and chooses a
Dalil for the Dalil of his Khandan, usually the chosen Dalils belong to the same
Khandan.47 Because they usually choose their Dalil from the Khandan of their own Pir.
It should also be mentioned that the choice of Pirs and Dalils is fixed by tradition and
traditionally certain Khandans offer their heads to certain other Khandans. This would
mean that generally the mode of selection of a Pir and a Dalil does not change. Inspite
of this, changes were made earlier on, e. g. a Khandan that changed its Pir and turned
to another.48
At present, the Khamushi and Shah Ebrahimi Khandans offer their heads to one
another. The 'Ali Qalandar Khandan previously offered their heads to the Shah
Ebrahimi Khandan, but later on changed over to the Atash-begi Khandan. The Mireh
Sur and the Sayyed Mostafa Khandans offer their heads to one another.49 The Baba
'Isi Khandan offer their heads to the Mireh Sur. The Sayyeds of the Zolnur Khandan
offer their heads only to one another. This is also the case with the Khandans of
Atash-bagi, Shah Hayasi and Baba Yadegar which were formed later. The Sayyeds in
each of these Khandans offer their heads to the Sayyeds in the same Khandan.50

7.2.3. Early formation of the "Khandans"

Three Khandans were formed by three members of the Haftan during the time of
Sahak. These three Khandans are Shah Ebrahimi, Baba Yadegar and 'Ali Qalandar.
Of these Shah Ebrahim and Baba Yadegar were companions of Sahak. Baba
Yadegar was a re-incarnation of Ayvat nicknamed "Hashar" or "Hoshyar". "Hashar"
refers to "Hashr" or "Ruz-e hashr", i. e. the Day of Resurrection. Some of the meanings
of "Hoshyar" are vigilant, aware, and conscious.
In sections 4.2.3 and 4.2.5 of our study we have dealt with the last two members of
the Haftan and their "Maqam" or position in the Yaresan system of beliefs. 'Ali
Qalandar was not one of the Haftan, but is supposed to have had the Ayvat "Maqam:

47
Ibid., p. 72.
48
It is possible that although traditionally the Sayyeds of a Khandan offer their head to another fixed
Khandan, there is still freedom in the choice of individual Pirs and Dalils.
49
Elahi, Borhan...op. cit., p. 72.
50
Ibid., p. 73.
 212

Table No. 1. The Khandans formed by three members of the Haftan

and division of the Pir and Dalil roles among their
descendants.

Four other Khandans were formed by or in the name of four members of the
Haftavaneh, viz. Sayyed Abolvafa (Khamushi Khandan), Mireh Sur, Sayyed Mostafa
and Babu 'Isi. As explained earlier, a conflict that arose among the descendants of
Sayyed Abolvafa became the reason why this Khandan developed into two distinct
branches. As the Sayyeds of these two Khandans are descendants of Abolvafa, they
are both included among the Haftan Khandan. However, it should be mentioned that
only the first seven Khandans were established by direct order of the Soltan.
 213

Table No. 2. Formation and development of Baba Haydari Khandan

and division of Pir and Dalil roles among descendants.

The three last Khandans are supposed to have been established sometime between
the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. As mentioned earlier the Atash-bagi and
Shah Hayasi Khandans have the Shah-Mehman. This means that in addition to the Pir
and Dalil, they also have someone who acts as the successor of the Soltan. But
although the Baba Haydari Khandan was established under the influence of the Shah
Hayasi Khandan, they only have Pirs and Dalils and do not have anyone to act as the
successor of the Soltan. It is worth mentioning that this Khandan was established
without sanctioning the institution of Shah-Mehman. However, some personalities
appeared who were Shah-Mehman without founding a new Khandan.
 214

Table No. 3. Formation and development of Khamushi, Shah Hayasi

and Zolnur Khandans.

The other three Khandans which were established later were not descended from the
Haftan and the Haftavaneh. Shah Vays-qoli established a Khandan out of which two
Khandans developed, namely Atash-bagi and Shah Hayasi. These two Khandans,
contrary to others, regard their Pirs as successors of the Soltan, which is why the Pirs
of these two Khandans enjoy a higher status. Shah Hayas formed another Khandan
and designated as the Pir the descendants of Pir Rostam, who was the leader of the
Seventy-Two Pirs. This Khandan was named "Baba Haydari" (cf. table No. 2).
 215

Table No. 4. Formation and development of Atash-bagi and Shah

Hayasi Khandans and division of Pir-Dalil roles and Shah Mehman
"Maqam" among descendants.

The early pattern of relationship among the original seven Khandans is supposed to
be as illustrated in table No. 5. In this early formation the Khandans were all related to
one another through the institution of Sar-sepordan. The Khandans which emerged
later did not follow this system and prefered to have independent units in which they
offered their heads only to their own Khandan.
 216

THE HAFTAN

B. Yadegar > > Sh.Ebrahim < < A.Qalandar

The Haftan &

the Haftav aneh

Khamushi

The Haftavaneh

THE HAFTAVANEH

> -
< -
B. Isi Mireh Sur S. Mostafa

LATER KHANDANS

B.Haydar
< > Sh.Hayas
< > < Zolnur
> Atash-bag
< >

Table No. 5. Pattern of Sar-sepordan among eleven Khandans: The

seven early Khandans and the four formed later.

7.2.4. The significance of the Yaresan institution of "Sar-sepordan"

Due to outside pressure and threat which a social movement or a millenarian

community constantly faces, it is necessary for them to take a defensive position. In
addition, for the survival of such a group a strong and cohesive social organization is
needed. By social organization we mean a "concrete goal-oriented system in which
such features as a division of labor, a hierarchy of leader and functionaries, and a
system of discipline have been consciously devised and are explicitly recognized and
legitimated".51
The efficiency of a social organization depends on their capacity or ability to survive in
the existing environment and the resistance they put up to outside pressure.

51
Wilson, Introduction...op. cit., pp. 156 -157.
 217

An important part of the social organization of a social movement or a millenarian

community is division of labour and power in an efficient manner.
One of the most interesting features of our community is its power structure. As
already explained, the Yaresan division of labour and power structure is not
pyramidal. Thus, there are at least eleven different sources of power and decision-
making centres.
For a community which is geographically dispersed over a large area with little
possibility of communication, a single pyramidal structure would be a disadvantage.
There are many examples of Iranian movements with such power structure that were
destroyed as soon as their leaders were killed or captured. In addition to that, schism
is a great danger, usually dividing a community or a movement into rival groups. This
often prepares the destruction of the community by weakening it from the inside and
by reducing its ability to resist outside pressure.
We have already noticed that in the case of the Yaresan, the schism which occured
during the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries did not create a great problem, as it
might well have done in the case of a pyramidal structure. In fact all that happened as
a result of this schism was that the number of Khandans was increased from seven to
eleven and the structure was not changed basically.
But a non-pyramidal structure may have the disadvantage of the gradual separation
and independent development of the branches. The Yaresan have solved this
problem with the help of the institution of Sar-sepordan which connects the
Khandans. This institution performs several functions,52 among them is the
legitimation of the division of labour and the hierarchy of leaders. It goes even further
than legitimation, as it creates strong vertical loyalty between the leaders and their
followers. So it adds to the already existing religious loyalty.
It is not only the relationship between a spiritual master, or Pir, and his followers that is
established, but also a relationship that is like a blood-relationship. The relationship
between the master's physical children and spiritual children is that of brothers and
sisters. Therefore all rules regarding blood relationship also apply to them.
Sar-sepordan between the Khandans creates horizontal loyalty. In this way, the role
and position of various Sayyed families are recognized by others, and finally these
branches are tied to one another. This is in addition to the already existing marital ties
between the members of the Sayyed families.
The Yaresan religious stories emphasize the divine origin of the Sar-sepordan. In one
of the important Yaresan stories stress has been laid on the necessity of observing

52
This type of initiation rite seems to have been a universal feature of social movements in pre-industrial
societies. Even during the nineteenth century the European secret brotherhood used to perform very
complicated initiation rituals, with very sophisticated symbols. Cf. Hobsbawm, Primitive Rebels...op.
cit., pp. 154 -158.
 218

the rules and rituals.53 Another story indicates that in certain critical situations, the
loyalty and devotion of the members towards each other were essential for the
survival of the community: Once Mohammad Bag asked some of his followers to
prove their loyalty by entering his tent one by one to be immolated. Three men
entered one after the other prepared to be sacrificed, instead he sacrificed a wild
goat. 54
With reference to the significance of initiation Elahi says the following:
The initiation is compulsory for all members of the Yaresan community. So, even
those who have the position of sainthood (oula al-amr), such as the true King
(padeshah-e haqiqat), the Pir and the Dalil also should go through this ceremony.
Initiation has two important aspects:
a) The first aspect concerns the heart and conscience (bateni) which can be regarded
as a special spiritual position (maqam-e ma'navi va mansab-e khas). This position is
reached after passing through several stages.
b) Another aspect of initiation concerns the apparent position. This position is
achieved through the accomplishment of duties according to the rules and on the
basis of the Perdivari Bayabas.
Having a spiritual position (maqam-e bateni) depends completely on the observance
and respect of religious principles as well the order that is apparent (ehteram-e arkan-
e dini va zaher amri).
In addition to that, justice and equality, which are important bases of Yaresan religion,
should be dominant and protected.
The saints are spiritually connected to the Imamhood of 'Ali and prophethood of
Mohammad, and from these two sources they receive the light of unity (nur-e vahdat)
from the source of godhood (mabda'-e robubiyyat) and reach the position of
manifestation (of Divinty) (maqam-e mazhariyyat).
Similarly, He (i. e. the Divine Manifestation) chooses apparent Pir and Dalil for the
followers so that the latter can perform their religious duties and ceremonies. But the
positions of the Pir and Dalil are merely ceremonial and it does not influence the
position and superior rank of the true Pir-Dalil relation (i. e. the relation between the
follower and the Divine Manifestation).
Even those people who have reached the level of apparent Pir and Dalil have their
inner (bateni) Pir, which is the chain of association (reshteh-ye soluk) with the
sainthood. Their Dalil is "the obedience of the order of sainthood". Even if an apparent
Pir or Dalil was selected by the sainthood, he should follow the orders (motatabe')
regardless of the superiority or inferiority of his spiritual position. For example, Soltan

53
See section: 7.2.2.

54
Ivanow, Majmu'eh...op. cit., p. 128; Pittman, The Final Word...op. cit., p. 162.
 219

Sahak was superior to Benyamin and Davud, and still he made them his apparent Pir
and Dalil. Similarly, although the Haftan were all equal, on the order of the Soltan they
chose Pir and Dalil from among themselves.55

7.2.5. Initiation rites in Iran

The ancient Iranians used to observe initiation ceremonies even in the pre-Zoroastrian
period.56 Since then it has continued to be an important part of the Zoroastrian
community.
At present they observe two types of initiation ceremony. One is called "Nouzudi"57,
which is the initiation ceremony for new priests.
Another initiation is held for all the members of the community. This ceremony is
called "Sodreh-pushi". Each male and female should be initiated between the age of
seven and ten.58
At the time of initiation some offerings are made which, along with a censer of fire, are
put on a table-cloth. Some of the offerings are those that are also used in the sacrifice
rite, such as "Avishan"59 and "Lork"60. In addition to these, they put some rice mixed
with "senjed", which is the fruit of a kind of tree resembling the mountain-ash. The

55 Elahi, Borhan...op. cit., pp. 59 - 60.

56 Geiger, Ostiranische Kultur, op. cit., p. 239. It is believed by the Zoroastrians that the initiation rite was
first performed by the legendary king of Iran, Jamshid. This is mentioned in the Zoroastrian texts
"Dastan-e dinik" (chap. 39, parts: 19, 22,23) and "Sad dar nasr". Reichelt, Avesta Reader...op. cit., p. 99;
Purdavud, Khordeh avesta...op. cit., p. 66; Azargoshtasb, Marasem...op. cit., p. 163.

57
Indian Parsis use the term "Nayjote" for the initiation . This must be the same word "Nouzad" in
Gujarati, which was adopted by the Parsi migrants.
CO , , ,
Some initiates are between the age of six and eleven. Usually the girls are initiated between the age of
six and nine. If the ceremony can not be held due to sickness or some other difficulty, then the age can
be extended up to fifteen. It is evident in most of the Zoroastrian texts that previously this ceremony
used to be held at the age of fifteen. Only in one Avestan text called "Vechrkart-e dinik" is the age seven
mentioned. In Vd. 18, 20 (2), it is said "wenn dem jungen Mazday. sieben Jahre vergangen sind, soll
man ihm den Gürtel um die Hüften legen, worauf ihn die Männer (als ihres gleichen) achten". Reichelt
speaks of the age of eight for initiation at present and refers to Yasht 8. 13, and concludes that in the
past initiation took place at the age of sixteen. Cf. Azargoshtasb, Marasem...op. cit., p. 164; Purdavud,
Khordeh-avesta...op. cit., p. 67; Christian Bartholomae, Altiranisches Wörterbuch, Strassburg, 1904
(Nachdruck: Berlin/New York, 1979), (aiwyanhana), p. 98; Geiger, Ostiranische Kultur, op. cit., pp. 238
- 239; Reichelt, Avesta Reader...op. cit., p. 303.

59 For "Avishan" see section: 6.2.6.

®® Lork is a mixture of the following dry fruits: Pistachio, almond, apricot, coconut, "senjed" (= a fruit
resembling mountain-ash), etc.
 220

initiate takes a bath and for the first time puts on a shirt which is called a "Sodreh". 61
The origin of this word is not clear. 62 In the Avesta it is called "Vohumanu Vasta" and is
regarded as the "dress of the good thought", 63 and in Pahlavi texts it is called
"Shapik"64. It is a white cotton shirt without sleeves and collar. On the front there is a
small pocket called a "Kofreh", for good deeds.
The initiate stands facing the direction of the sun. The priest stands facing the initiate
and recites the Avesta (Ohrmazd Yasht). After that he goes and stands behind the
initiate and ties a "Koshti" round his waist over the abovementioned shirt. 65 The
"Koshti" is a cord which is made up of seventy two woolen threads. 66 While the priest
is tying the Koshti, the initiate holds the sleeves of the priest with both hands. Once
more verses from the Avesta are recited and then the offerings are distributed among
the participants. 67

* In India, the head officiating priest, who is seated face to face with the child, puts a Sodreh into the
hand of the child. They all then recite the Patet, or the atonement prayer. The child generally recites a
prayer called "Yatha Ahu Vairyo". Then the officiating priest gets up from his seat and the child stands
before him. After that follows the investure proper which consists of the child's saying the Confession of
Faith (Din no Kalmo) (or with the priest). Then the child puts on the Sodreh with the help of the priest.
And finally while prayers are said (Nirang-e Koshti and Hormazd Yasht) the priest ties a Koshti over
the child's Sodreh. Finally the Mazdayasno Ahmi (Yasna XII, 8 - 9), formula of the the Article of Faith
and Tandorosti", or the final benediction are said.
62
Azargoshtasb gives the pronunciation of this word as "Sedreh" instead of "Sodreh".

Azargoshtasb, Marasem...op. cit., p. 161. But Purdavud says that there is no word for Sodreh in Avesta.
According to him, some think that the word "Vastra", which means cloth and dress, is the same as
"sodreh". It is improbable that the word Vastra was changed to Sodreh. Purdavud, Khordeh-avesta...op.
cit., p. 61.

^ According to West and Hoshang Jamasp, this word is the same as the Persian word "Shabi", which
means night dress. West, Pahlavi texts...op. cit., p. 286; Dastur Hoshang Jamasp, Avesta text with
Pahlavi translation, Volume II: Glossarial Index, Bombay, 1907, p. 209.
65
Azargoshtasb, Marasem...op. cit., pp. 165 -166.

66 "The Kushti, being prepared from the wool of a lamb, which is considered to be an emblem of
innocence and purity, is held to remind a Zoroastrian of the purity of life which he has always to
observe. The 72 threads composing the Kushti, symbolize the 72 has or chapters of the Yasna. The 24
threads which make up each of the three tassels at each end of the Kushti, symbolize the 24 Kardahs or
sections of the Visparad, a part of the liturgical prayer; the six strands, each of twelve threads, into
which the 72 threads of the Kushti are divided at the time of weaving, are said to symbolize the six
religious duties of a Zoroastrian; the twelve threads in each of the six strands symbolize the twelve
months of the year; the six tassels symbolize the six season festivals (Gahambars) of a Zoroastrian year;
the hollow of the thread symbolizes the space between this world and the next; the doubling of the
thread in the beginning symbolizes the connection between the present corporeal world and the future
spiritual world; the turning of the Kushti, inside out, symbolizes the passage of the soul from the
corporeal to the spiritual world; the final uniting of all the threads into one symbolizes universal
brotherhood or union. Jivanji Jamshedji Modi, The Religious ceremonies and Customs of the Parsees,
Mazagon/Bombay, 1922, pp. 185 -186.

67 Azargoshtasb, Marasem...op. cit., p. 166.

 221

There is a structural similarity between the Yaresan and Zoroastrian initiation

ceremonies. Both prepare a table-cloth on which some offerings are placed. In both
cases these offerings are items which can be consumed or first cooked. Indian Parsis
also use pomegranate seeds which are mixed with rice, raisins and almonds. The
Yaresan "Shad" is comparable to the Zoroastrian "Sodreh". In addition, the Yaresan
like the Parsis put some money on the table-cloth which in both cases is kept by the
Pir and priest after the ceremony. Again, like the Yaresan, the Parsis recite a prayer as
their Confession of Faith.68
We do not possess much information about initiation ceremonies as practiced by
Iranian social movements. But it is quite possible that they observed such rituals. The
doctrine of spiritual parenthood and brotherhood existed among various Iranian social
movements as well as among the Dervishes. But there are also some indications by
historians about the existence of various kinds of initiation ceremony among social
movements. For example historians have recorded an interesting rite performed by
the Khoramdinis when Babak came to power. An ox was sacrificed and its skin
spread on the floor. Then bread and wine were set around it. Each participant
stepped on the ox skin, put a piece of bread in the wine and ate, after which they said:
"O Babak's soul we join you as we joined the soul of your predecessor, Javidan." After
that each kissed Babak's hand. 69 Similarly, the Ismailis had a certain rite called '"Ahd",
or oath of allegiance, whose symbolism corresponds to the Yaresan "Sar-sepordan".
Ghazali and others who had intended to refute the Ismaili doctrine, had recorded the
texts used in their ceremony, called "Initiations-Eid", in Goldziher's German
translation. 70
It is possible that the initiation rite practiced among the Iranian Dervishes, is a heritage
of an earlier social movements. According to the information collected by Ivanow, the
offering of a handkerchief and coins, similar to the Yaresan, was practiced among
various Iranian Dervish orders. 71
In addition to the Yaresan, there are also some other religious groups among whom
initiation rites play an important part.

®® The Zoroastrian prayer of the Confession of Faith runs as follows: "Praised be the most righteous, the
wisest, the most holy and the best Mazdayasnian Law, which is the gift of Mazda. The good, true and
perfect religion, which God has sent to this world, is that which Zoroaster has brought. That religion is
the religion of Zoroaster, the religion of Ahura Mazda communicated to holy Zoroaster." Modi, The
Religious Ceremonies...op. cit., p. 19.

69
Nafisi, Babak...op. cit., p. 11.
70
Goldziher, Streitschrift...op. cit., pp. 40 - 41.
71
Ivanow, The Truthworshippers...op. cit., p. 91.
 222

The Yazidis initiate their children in two chambers in their main temple, where their
sacred springs flow.72
Another religious group who practice initiation rites are the Baktashi. They have a
detailed initiation ritual which is regarded as their most important ceremony. It is
interesting to note that the Baktashis call this ceremony "A'in-e Jam" (Aynicem), which
shows that it is related to Iran and the Yaresan.
In this "A'in-e Jam" ceremony there is a guide called Rahbar whose function is like the
Yaresan representative of the Dalil. He directs the "Taleb" of the seeker to be initiated
by the "Morshed" or the master. There are many terms used in this ceremony similar
to those of the Yaresan, but for different purposes. In the Baktashi rite the seeker is
initiated by tying round a girdle, which is called a "Tajband".73

7.3. The Brotherhood and Brother-sisterhood Contract

7.3.1. The brother-sisterhood contract among the Yaresan

A contract is made among the members of the Yaresan community after which the
persons involved will be regarded as brothers, or brothers and sisters. This contract is
called "Shart-o Eqrar", generally refering to a contract of firm allegiance. This term also
refers to the "Sar-sepordan", irrespective of whether this contract is made between the
common members and their Sayyeds or among the Sayyed families.
It was mentioned in section 6.3.6. that all types of "Shart-o Eqrar" are regarded by the
Yaresan as sacred. Elahi points out that to the Yaresan "Shart-o Eqrar" also means
"confessing and believing in the conditions of the basic principles of the Perdivari
Bayabas". Thus according to him, the story of the cow and the fish and the stone on
which the world rests is also "Shart-o Eqrar". The cow is covenant (shart) and stands

72
Edmonds, A Pilgrimage...op. cit., p. 19.

Birge, The Bektashi...op. cit., p. 175ff; John P. Brown, The Danishes or Oriental Spiritualism, London,
1927, p. 206ff. As against what Birge writes, "A'in" is not an Arabic word. It is an Iranian word meaning
custom, rule, manner, etc. It is possible that "Jam" is the Arabic word "Jam"', meaning crowd, company,
union etc. In this case the letter "ain" has been omitted. A second possibility, as suggested by some
scholars, may be that it refers to "Jam" or "Jamshid", the legendary king of Iran. Jamshid is reputed to
have established the Nouruz, or Iranian New Year festival, which is observed by both Baktashi and the
Yaresan. Ziya Bey, a Turkish scholar, sees it in this sense and says that "A'in-e Jam" is an old ceremony
related to Jamshid. The Kamus ol-'alam mentions that the term "A'in-e Jam" was used for an ancient
ceremony before Zarathustra's day. There was also a song in ancient Iranian music which was called
"A'in-e Jamshid". (Cf. Birge, The BektashL.op. cit., p. 176; Ziya Bey, Article "Bektasilik", in: Yeni Giil,
No. 21, Feb. 15,1931; 'Amid, Farhang...op. cit., p. 33.
 223

on the fish which is firmness and the fish stands on the stone which is the Bayabas
which is eternally valid, (bayabas-e mon'aqedeh-ye azali va abadi). 74
The "Shart-o Eqrar" for brother-sisterhood is a contract between at least two or
several men and one woman. Brotherhood is a contract between two or more men.
But in another Yaresan religious text it is written that the group that makes a contract
should be composed of four members. 75
The contract is regarded to be eternal and unchangeable. The group is responsible
for the deeds of their 'brothers' and 'sisters' to the extent that on the "Day of
Resurrection" they share one another's good and evil action. 76
The contract is made through a detailed ceremony in the "Jam". The institution of
"Shart-o Eqrar" is supported by a religious story according to which a similar contract
was made among some of the Yaresan angels. 77
The contract receives formal recognition in a ceremony similar to Sar-sepordan. Thus,
in this case, the nutmeg ceremony is also performed. 78
After the contract is made the persons concerned are regarded as real brothers and
sisters, which is why marital contracts between them are strictly forbidden.

7.3.2. Significance of the brother-sisterhood contract

We have already partly indicated the significance of the Jam and Sar-sepordan. Here
we shall briefly go into the importance of the institution "Shar-o Eqrar", or brotherhood
and brother-sisterhood contract.
Both the Jam and the Shart-o Eqrar have been the cause of accusations against the
community. 79 But due to the necessity of these rites and institutions for the
community, they have not been discontinued.
As explained in the section 7.2.2. the Sayyed families are connected to one another
with the help of the institution of the Sar-sepordan of the Khandans. But these families
are related to one another by other ties as well. Among these are marital relations

74 Elahi, Borhan...op. cit., p. 52.

75
Ivanow, Majmu'eh...op. cit., p. 84; Also cf. Gobineau, Trois...op. cit., p. 361; Minorsky, Notes sur la
Secte...op. cit., p. 30.
76 Ivanow, Majmu'eh...op. cit., p. 84.

77
Minorsky, Etudes...op. cit., p. 94.

78 Elahi, Borhan...op. cit., p. 91.

79
Even some contemporary scholars, such as Saki, have followed the same line of argument against the
Yaresan, without providing a sound reason for it. Cf. Saki, Joghrafiya...op. cit., p. 79.
 224

which create new ties between two families. Similarly the institution of Shart-o Eqrar
can function as a channel to connect various families.
In other words both the Sayyeds and common members of the community are
connected to one another through various channels:
a) Firstly they can be connected through marital relations.
b) Secondly, through religious loyalty which is repeatedly emphasized in the Jam
rituals.
c) Thirdly, between common member, by having one and the same spiritual master or
Pir.
d) Finally, through the institution of Shart-o Eqrar.
As a matter of fact, it is not only a contract between the individuals, but also indirectly
between the families to which these individuals belong.
Here, both between the various Sayyed families who make a contract among
themselves, and the commoners who also do it among themselves, a kind of
horizontal loyalty is created. It is supposed to create a loyalty apparently as strong as
blood relations.
Certainly several factors are taken into consideration for establishing such a contract.
We can assume that the agreement of the families of the participants must be an
important prerequisite.
It is true that the importance of this institution is not limited to the functions mentioned
above and it must have some other roles to play in the social life of the community.
The consequent easier social inter-action brought about between the families and the
individuals may at the same time encourage other relations, such as economic
relations.80
The Yaresan have a strict moral code to prevent any misuse of the institution.
Through religious myth and its close connection with the female angel, Razbar, Shart-
o Eqrar receives religious sanction and becomes a part of a person's religious
duties.81

Minorsky points out that this institution could have a moral function by easing contact between the
male and the female members of the community. Actually it may be only one of several functions of the
Shart-o Eqrar. Minorsky, Notes sur la secte...op. cit., (1920), pp. 30 - 31; Idem, Etude...op. cit., p. 94.

Myth, in so far as it consists of an explanation of rituals, has only secondary value, because as was
common with ancient religions, the myth was derived from the ritual and not the ritual from myth.
Robertson W. Smith, Ritual, Myth and Dogma, in: Robert E. Park and Ernest W. Burgess,
Introduction to the Science of Sociology, Chicago, 1969 ( 1 1924), p. 823.
 225

7.3.3. The brother-sisterhood contract in Iran

We have reason to believe that similar types of brother-sisterhood contracts used to

be made among the Iranian socio-religious movements.
This institution is probably the development of an ancient idea in the "Ordial Yasht" 8,
and other passages in the Avesta. Herzfeld says that the term "rvatha" i. e. "amicitiae"
had aimed at a covenant of mutual help on the Day of Judgement. At this time a
person must produce a witness who can testify his words.82
It seems that the same idea re-appeared among the Assassins or the Persian
Ismailis.83
Historians report about accusations made against some groups such as the
Khoramdinis which may be due to the existence of similar contracts among them.84
We come across a similar phenomenon among the movements of later periods.
Minorsky refers to an interesting document discovered by M. A. Danon which
"nous fournit une preuve de ce que les unions fraternelles étaient en usage au début
du dix-septième siècle parmi les sectateurs des Chahs Séfévis, et que les personnes
liées par ces unions s'appelaient Haqq-qarandach, c'est-à dire "frère resp. soeur (par
la grâce) de Dieu".Tchechmi Efendi voulait évidemment faire de ces pratiques le point
de résistance de son réquisitoire contre les adeptes du "Chah égaré" et, à tort ou à
raison, il interpréta les relations entre les frères et les soeurs comme une cohabitation
purement charnelle. Quel que soit le sens intérieur des rites qu'il décrit, les détails sur
leurs formes extérieures et surtout la terminologie semblent avoir été puisés aux
dépositions des inculpés mêmes".85

82
Ernst Herzfeld, Zoroaster and his World, Princeton, 1947, pp. 289 - 291.

Ivanow, The Truthworshippers...op. cit., p. 41.

84
Accusation of immorality against heterodox groups has been a universal phenomenon. Some historians
have, for example, recorded that the Khoramdinis were accused of immorality. Ghazali condemns all
socio-religious movements under the name "Bateniyyeh" who practice, as in Goldziher's German
translation, "schrankenlosen Libertinismus" and "geschlechtlichen Kommunismus". The movements of
later periods were similarly accused. During early Safavid period there was a booklet, discussed by
Minorsky, in which accusations were made against the Safavid and groups similar to the Yaresan and
the Yazidi. Cf. Wladimir Ivanow, The Alleged Founder of Ismailism, Bombay, 1946, p. 133ff; Nafisi,
Babak...op. cit., p. 14, pp. 24 - 25; Goldziher, Streitschrift...op. cit., p. 37, 48; Minorsky, Shaykh Bali-
Efendi...op. cit., p.450; Dietrich, Die Lehre...op. cit., p. 132; Frederick Forbes, A Visit of the Sinjar Hills
in 1838, with some account of the Sect of Yezidis, and of various places in the Mesopotamian Desert,
between the Rivers Tigris and Khabur, in: The Journal of the Royal Geographical Society of London,
Vol. 9,1839, p. 425.

85 Minorsky, Notes sur la secte....(1921), op. cit., p. 231; Also cf. Idem, Shaykh Bali-Efendi...op. cit., p. 450.
 226

A s in the case of initiation rites, we find an institution resembling the Yaresan Shart-o
Eqrar among other religious groups in the region. This institution has survived among
the Yazidis and plays an important role in their communal life. The Yazidis have a
legend about the establishment of this institution. In the religious poems of the
Yazidis, it is emphasized that being "brother and sister of the hereafter" is a weighty
obligation. 86
In the case of the Baktashis, we come across the term "Eqrar" (Ikrar Ayini). But
apparently they use this term as another name for the "A'in-e Jam", or initiation
ceremony. 87

7.4. Social Divisions in the Yaresan Community

The Yaresan also have certain social divisions.

Jayhunabadi speaks about a kind of grouping among the Yaresan. According to him,
two Khandans may be of the same "Takht", i. e. throne. It appears that those
Khandans which belong to the same 'Takht", have also the same religious laws.
According to Jayhunabadi, the Khandan of 'AN Qalandar and Yadegar are of the same
Takht, as in the case of Shah Ebrahimi and Zolnur. The Khandans of Mireh Sur and
Atash-beg are of the same Takht, as are the Khandans of Baba Haydar and Shah
Hayas. The other Khandans namely, Khamushi, Babu'lsi, and Sayyed Mostafa do not
admit others in their Takht. 88
Each Khandan is an independent unit and others are not allowed to interfere in its
internal affairs. Therefore a set of rules has been created to regulate the relations
between these independent units. There are some rules concerning all members of
the community, such as the prohibition of taking by force or the stealing of the
property by the members of one Khandan from the members of another. 89
There are also rules concerning each Khandan as a whole. For example, one
Khandan can not recruit members from other Khandans. An exception is made in the
case of those Khandans which are of the same Takht. Among the eleven Khandans in
the community, there are four groups, each consisting of at least two Khandans,
which are allowed to recruit members from each other. 90

86
Klippel, Unter Drusen...op. cit., p. 117; Edmonds, A Pilgrimage...op. cit., pp. 40 - 41.

87
Birge, The Bektashi...op. cit., p. 175.
go

Jayhunabadi, Haqq ol-haqayeq...op. cit., p. 561.

89
Ibid., p. 563.

90
Ibid., pp. 563 - 564.
 227

A major social division exists between the Sayyed families and the common followers
of the community. No relations or marital contracts are allowed to exist between the
Sayyed families and the commoners. Similarly no such relations and marital contracts
may exist between the Pirs and their "Morids", i. e. those people who have presented
their heads to these Pirs. This means that not only are such contracts prohibited
between the Pir and the common followers, but also between those Sayyeds who are
connected through "Sar-sepordan".
If a Pir marries a woman from the family of his Morid, or when a Morid marries a
woman from the family of his Pir, it is considered an offence. The only way to clear this
offence is the cancellation of the contract of allegiance with the Khandan concerned.
Then, both male and female offenders should offer their head to another Khandan. It
must be the same Khandan.91
Both Sayyeds and commoners are allowed to marry outsiders. Those men and
women who are married to the members of the Yaresan and wish to join the
community, should offer their heads to the Pir and Dalil of their partners.
In addition to the prohibition of the marital contract between Pir and Morid, the same
prohibition exists between those who have held brother-sisterhood contracts, as
mentioned earlier.

7.5. The Social Structure of the Yaresan Community

Up to now we have made a detailed description of various Yaresan rites and

institutions. Due to the existence of several detailed rites among the Yaresan, we can
regard it as a ritualistic community.
These rites and institutions can be studied from different points of view. In this study,
however, we have concentrated only on the part these rites and institutions play in
creating a solid social structure. We have attempted to show that through various
social organizations and institutions, and rituals creating solidarity, the Yaresan have
been able to create a cohesive social structure capable of resisting the outside
pressures which usually threaten social movements and millenarian communities.
By social structure we mean the "Gesamtbild" of a group, including the roles, status
and various social relations which make up a group, regardless of whether or not
factual arrangement is formally recognized.
Taking the above into consideration, the social structure of the Yaresan community is
reflected in tabel No 5. Here we notice that not only is there an efficient arrangement
of the roles and positions but the members are also connected to one another
through a number of ties. These ties are both horizontal and vertical. These loyalties

91
Ibid., pp. 564 - 565.
 228

are created through voluntary and compulsory relations. This means that in addition
to certain loyalties into which an individual is born, other types of solidarities are
created in which he has, to some extent, a choice.
Among the loyalties into which an individual is born, tribal and communal loyalties can
be mentioned. But there is a certain amount of freedom in the case of marital
contracts and the Shart-o Eqrar.
A closer look at the social structure of the community makes it clear that with these
additional solidarities an almost unbreakable social body is created.

Marital relation
The "Shart-o Eqrar"
The "Sarsepordan" ***********

Sayyed Family < > Sayyed Family

n Pir
< * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * > •
• * *
•
* <Dalil> *
*
1 \ *
*
*
*
*

* * * *
Dalil ** * * * * ** Dalil
* * * *
* *
* *

** <Pir & Dalil> ** ** <Pir & Dalil> **

• • • •
• • • •
Member Family Member Family Member Family Member Family

Table No. 6. Social structure of the Yaresan community and

internal relationships resulting from various institutions.
 229

8. SOCIAL MOVEMENTS AND SOCIAL CONFLICT

8.1. Original Context for the Emergence of the Yaresan

In the presentation of Yaresan religious tenets it was indicated that in its structure, it
is an independent religion. By that we mean that in its main tenets and the
combination of these main tenets, it is not similar to any of the main religions of the
region. Like any other religion the Yaresan religion is a combination of many
borrowed ideas with probably some innovations. We have tried to pinpoint those
ideas borrowed and their probable sources.
In the case of the remaining ideas we can suppose that they either belong to
known sources or are the result of natural development and innovation. More
important than the individual tenets though is their combined effect, to the extent
that this religion is no longer comparable to any other.
We can continue this argument on the basis of two definitions made by Spiro and
Bellah. According to Spiro, religion is "an institution consisting of culturally
patterned interaction with culturally postulated super-human beings".1 From this
definition we can conclude that there are three main components to a religion
namely, belief in super-human beings, interaction between man and super-human
being and finally an institution. According to Bellah, religion is "a set of symbolic
forms and acts which relate man to the ultimate condition of existence".2 This
definition points at two aspects of religion, both of which can be included in the
"interaction" of Spiro's definition, with the difference that in the second definition
man's ultimate condition of existence is emphasized.
On the basis of the above mentioned components of religion, we can propose that
Yaresan is basically an independent religion.
The first component is the belief in super-human beings. This, according to Spiro
"is the core variable which ought to be designated by any definition of religion".3 In
chapter four of our study we have made a detailed description of the Yaresan belief
in super-human beings which is based on Divine Manifestation, angel worship and

Melford E. Spiro, Religion: Problems of Definition and Explanation, in: Michael Banton,
Anthropological approaches to the Study of Religion, London, 1966, p. 96.

Robert N. Bellah, Religious Evolution, in: American Sociological Review, Volume 29, No. 3, June
1964, p. 359.

Spiro, Problems...op. cit., p.95.

 230

dualism. It is shown that all three these important tenets have ancient Iranian
origins, which have been able to have their own development.
The second important component is the nature of the inter-action between man
and super-human being. The main outer manifestation of this interaction is a ritual
system or a set of symbolic forms and acts. Chapter six of this study is devoted to
the description of the ritual system of the Yaresan and shows that it is independent
and different from other religions of the region.
The third component of religion is its institution. Religious institution is one of the
most important parts of all the main religions of the world. Durkheim has gone so
far to insist that there can be no religion without a church.4 Here we shall consider
the social aspect of religion or the social structure of a religious group. As
described in chapter seven, the Yaresan not only have their own social structure,
but its composition is different.
Finally, in chapter three where the belief in the doctrine of metempsychosis is
considered, we see that the way this religion envisages the ultimate condition of the
existence of man is again different. This also applies to the Yaresan story of the
creation.
Although the combination of Yaresan religious components is unique, we show
that the majority of religious tenets were current among other groups.
In the comparative study of Yaresan religious tenets we have seen that most of
them either have parallels in post-Islamic religious movements, or that many tenets
have their origin in the religious ideas which were current in pre-lslamic Iran.
Here two questions arise: First, why are there similar religious ideas among social
movements and second, why do they stem from pre-lslamic times.
In the following sections, we try to find some answers to these questions.

8.2. Yaresan as a Social Movement

Throughout our presentation of Yaresan religious ideas, we have been able to

show many parallels between the Yaresan and Iranian social movements.
Certainly, more similarities most probably did exist, but it is sufficient to indicate that
there is a surprising degree of parallelism. Sociologically, so much parallelism can
not be considered as accidental. These ideas could not have been adopted by the
early Yaresan without there being causal and functional similarity to other social
movements.

Emile Durkheim, The Elementary Forms of the Religious Life, Glencoe/Ill., 1954, p. 44.
 231

Although contemporary sociologists and anthropologists suggest that the main

religions have their origin in socio-religious movements, we are still in a position to
continue our discussion on the basis of causal and functional similarities to show
that Yaresan originally was a social movement like other Iranian movements.
For that we first refer to the main characteristics of Yaresan and other Iranian
movements on the basis of their orientation and goals. Here we find out that both
the Yaresan and other Iranian movements share common characteristic features,
namely millenarism and egalitarianism, nativism and dualistic perspectives. Here
too there is a clear cause and effect relationship. First, we should remember that
common characteristic features of the Yaresan and other Iranian movements can
not be regarded as accidental. Secondly, it should be noted that these
characteristics are the logical reflection of the causes. By that we mean that these
features and orientations at the same time explain the circumstances in which
these movements were born. It is, for example, mostly where inequality reigns that
an egalitarian movement emerges. Below we propose that the dualistic perspective
of these movements shows that conflict about certain values and interests has
induced these movements to adopt these mentioned main characteristics. Further
we would like to argue that these conflict situations were the result of certain factors
standing in the background.
We first start with the main features of the Yaresan and other movements. This
would indicate that there are functional similarities between the Yaresan and other
movements, which can help us to search for the causes of the similarities. We shall
find that in our argument, both cause and effect explain each other. At the same
time we will try to find out, to which group of movements Yaresan belonged if
indeed it was a social movement.

8.3. The Main Features of the Yaresan Social Movement in Relation to Other
Iranian Movements

8.3.1. Nativistic tendencies

In our presentation of the Yaresan religious tenets, we showed that while they have
parallels in other Iranian movements, all these ideas have their origin in pre-lslamic
times. We also raised the question why the origin is to be found precisely then.
As a matter of fact they survived very unfavourable circumstances. So, are these
only the remnants of old beliefs or were there some revivalistic activities in action?
Here we want to suggest that the latter seems to be more probable. For the
support of this claim various arguments can be made. But first of all we repeat our
 232

definition of nativism as "any conscious, organized attempt on the part of society's

members to revive or perpetuate selected aspects of its culture".5 Now:
I. This definition consists of two parts, namely "conscious and organized attempt"
on the one hand, and "revival and perpetuation" on the other. In our description of
Yaresan ideas we have clearly pinpointed that the latter did in fact take place. All
that remains to be seen is whether the attempt was conscious and organized. The
first argument in support is based on the assumption that we are dealing with a
social movement, which means that at a certain point in time there were organizers
who consciously created a social organization and systematized its ideological
background.
In the chapter on the historical background we notice that not only at the beginning
was there a conscious organization of the movement, but also in the course of time
its social organization and religious system were revived and modified several
times by new leaders, such as Shah Khoshin and Sahak. Therefore we find that the
requirements of our definition of nativism are fulfilled.
II. In addition to the abovementioned arguments some other proofs to support our
assumption can be provided. It can be said that many of the early Iranian
movements had a nativistic tendency.
In the same chapter on the historical background we have seen that all the
movements which emerged in the early Islamic period had strong nativistic
tendencies. According to Yaresan traditions they also emerged during the same
period. The whole set of ideas adopted by the Yaresan are those especially current
during early Islamic times. This confirms the date given in their tradition. It was
during this period that the "nationalistic" movements of the Sho'ubite was started
and was experiencing its highest point in Western Iran.
III. A clearer indication of a conscious attempt at cultural revivalism is what is
related to two of the Yaresan leaders. There are two Yaresan leaders who clearly
speak about the revival of the ancient religion and culture. The poems containing
these claims are attributed to the early leaders of the Yaresan who are supposed to
have lived during the early Islamic period; which was characterized by waves of
nativistic movements.6
In addition to these two it will be explained later on that the emergence of such
nativistic tendencies could also have been a natural consequence of existing
cultural and historical background of the movement. Ghazali, a well-known anti-
Ismaili thinker, had already observed that the first groups which were attracted to

Linton, Nativistic Movement, op. cit., p. 230.

See chapter 2.2.4.d.

 233

the opposition movements were those groups which had a tendency towards
"Menschen-vergötterung" and "Nationalismus" (Perserabkömmlinge, die die
7
Herrschaft für ihre Nation zurückerlangen möchten).

8.3.2. Egalitarian tendencies

In our description of the Yaresan ideas and rituals we have observed that
egalitarianism stands at a high level of religious and moral judgement. Similarly we
have noticed that among other Iranian movements egalitarianism has also been an
important orientation.
It should be taken into consideration that egalitarianism is a relative term and that
there is usually a difference between the idea and its practical application. It also
depends on how people envisage egalitarianism, as it may differ according to place
and time.
We see that among very egalitarian movements like the Qarmatian 8 and
9
Sarbedaran, slavery was not abolished.
Among the Yaresan we observe that the position of the Sayyeds is much higher
than the common people. As a matter of fact, the creation of these families is a later
phenomenon. In its present form, importance should be given to the influence of
these egalitarian ideas on the social life of the community, as well as their
millenarian expectations.

8.3.3. Millenarism

Millenarism can be connected on the one hand to egalitarianism and on the other
to the emergence of the movement itself. It is a combination of a desire to be free of
the miseries of life and the belief in the emergence of super-natural agencies who
will bring about change. It is clear that the egalitarian norms of the group alone do
not bring about a great change in their lives. Change should be total "so that the
new dispensation will be no mere improvement of the present but perfection

Goldziher, Streitschrift...op. cit., p. 42.

Naser Khosro, who visited the Qarmatian state in 1051, observed that there were 30,000 black slaves
doing agricultural work, which indicates that the egalitarian system of the Qarmatian probably did
not include the slaves. Naser Khosro, Safar-nameh, op. cit., p. 82.

Petroushevsky, Nehzat...op. cit., p.56.

 234

itself"10. In short it is a longing for Utopia and the end of the present unhappy world
filled with inequalities. The landscape of the millennium to be is painted in the
dominating colours of abundance and egalitarianism. In the Zoroastrian Utopia the
realm of the first king Yema (Jamshid or Jam) "is not excessively cold nor
excessively hot, but gladdening in spirit. There is no pain nor old age there, no
hunger, thirst nor anything disagreeable. There is no misery or fatigue, nor any
perversity. All desires are fulfilled there, those which are divine and those which are
human. The food and drink are full of flavour and abundant".11
Iranian millenarian culture is saturated by different versions of this Utopean picture.
Whether it emerges under the name of "Behesht-Gang" in an Iranian national
epic,12 or is called "Jabarsa", where the Mahdi dwells, it is always characterized by
the perfection of egalitarianism: The buildings are equal in height, so that none may
overlook another, and that none may cut off the fresh air from another. They have
no king to reign over them as they are just to one another and give what is due to
themselves which is why they need no one to deal out justice. They all sow and
reap and every one takes as much as he needs and leaves what is left for his
brother. There is no sickness and the wild beasts and reptiles pass them by without
hurting them.13
The discrepancy between this ideal and the real world is the source of inner conflict
in a world of conflict, which gives way to revolutionism and the emergence of social
movements. Yaresan millenarian hopes reflect "a profound and total rejection of the
present, evil world and a passionate longing for another and better one".14 It has
provided ideological justification for revolts against existing injustice. We have
already shown that as in case of other Iranian movements, revolutionism is an
inherent part of Yaresan millenarism.15
It is especially evident in the poems of Taymur of Banyaran, the Yaresan leader
who was executed after his revolt in the 19th century.16 In his Divan we clearly see

10
Cohn, Medieval Millenarism...op. cit., p. 31; Also see section: 1.3.2.
11
Boyce, On the Antiquity...op. cit., pp. 62 - 63.
12
Ibid., p 65.

Cf. Browne, A traveller's narrative...op. cit., pp. 17 -18.

Hobsbawm, Primitive Rebels...op. cit., p. 57; Also see section: 1.3.2.

15
See section: 5.2.1.
16
See section: 5.2.1.
 235

that millenarian ideas take a very strong revolutionary colour.17 It is due to this that
a millenarian community can be considered a movement even if it is not involved in
direct action at a certain period.

8.3.4. Dualistic world view

Dualism is one of the main features of the Yaresan and many other Iranian social
movements, and is typical of the Iranian way of thinking. We have already explained
how dualism manifested itself in various religious ideas of the Yaresan and other
movements. It still is extended to various aspects of the life of a movement.
Actually, dualism includes nativism, millenarism and egalitarianism that are only a
few aspects (among many other) of a dualistic world. In other words, they are
manifestations of a dualistic world view. This dualistic world view is the reflection of
an environment characterized by various types of conflict.
Below we first give an explanation for some of the main aspects of this
environment, and show how it is characterized by various types of conflict. In this
way we want to connect the emergence of the Yaresan, and other Iranian
movements with the abovementioned characteristics, to their environment-through-
conflict.
In order to present the main aspects of the Yaresan community we review briefly
their social and economic background, then we explain the particularity of the geo-
political situation of their region, which is followed by a short note on general
historical background. In another section we show that each of these
environmental aspects has created a certain kind of conflict, paving the way for the
emergence of the Yaresan as a social movement.

8.4. The Main Environmental Aspects of the Yaresan Background

8.4.1. Social Aspects

The origin and social position of the Yaresan in the past is a complicated subject.
Minorsky suggests that during the rule of the Turkoman rulers of Qara-qoyunlu a
favourable climate of unorthodoxy prevailed which helped the development of the

17
Afeali, Daftar...op. cit. Volume VI: Daftar-e Taymur.
 236

Yaresan.18 But Minorsky gives only one reason for this. He mentions that the
inhabitants of a small district of Maku, in the province of Azarbaijan, bear the name
of Qara-qoyunlu and are of the Yaresan persuasion.19 It could be merely accidental
that this group of Yaresan have a name similar to the Turkoman dynasty.20
Actually, it can be said that due to the absence of historical facts the link between
the Yaresan and the Qara-qoyunlu remains obscure, and we have no reason to
believe that Yaresan has ever been the religion of a ruling class or has been
favoured by such a class.
On the other hand we have enough reason to believe that Yaresan, as it is now,
has always been the religion of the underprivileged sections of Iranian society,
mainly peasants and artisans. As mentioned earlier, the religious texts of the
Yaresan are in Gurani and a group of semi-nomadic members of the community
are also called Guran. We have also mentioned that the name "Guran" has been
used to designate the poor peasants of Kurdistan. In addition to this, studies by
Oskar Mann attempt to show that the entire Gurani group of dialects spoken in
various parts of Kurdistan is apparently non-Kurdish. This group of Gurani dialects
includes so-called "Zaza" or "Demli", spoken in the extreme north and north-west of
Kurdistan (now in Turkey).21
On the basis of these findings and place-names, Minorsky makes another
proposition regarding the Yaresan. With the help of speculation about the
etymology of some words, such as the name of the town "Gahvareh", Minorsky
suggests that these people probably migrated from near the Caspian Sea to
Kurdistan in pre-lslamic times. There is also a town in Kermanshah region called
"Gilan", which is also the name of a Caspian province.22 Nevertheless, it is difficult
to believe that this kind of similarity can show that these people are originally
migrants from near the Caspian Sea. We often come across similar place-names in
Iran and elsewhere. It is also a matter of dispute whether the Gurani group is in fact

18
Minorsky, Jihan-shah...op. cit., p.276. In the middle of fifteenth century the whole of north-west Iran
was subject to the Turkoman Qara-qoyunlu dynasty. Jihan-shah, the second of the independent line,
ruled in Tabriz and Baghdad from 1437 to 1467.
19
Minorsky, Notes sur la secte...op. cit., (1920), p. 40.

20
See also Ivanow, The Truthworshippers...op. cit., p. 153.

21
Oskar Mann and Karl Handak, Mundarten der Guran, besonders das Känduläi, Auramani und
Badschälani, Berlin, 1930, p. Slff: Also cf. Idem, Mundarten der Zaza, hauptsächlich aus Siwerek
und Kor, Berlin, 1932. Wilson and Rawlinson had already pointed at the similarity between Gurani
and Persian: And on the basis of the above assumption Rudolph divides the non-Kurdish dialect of
south Kurdistan into Ouramani and Gurani which, according to him, are connected to each other.
Wilson/Rawlinson, Kurdistan...op. cit; Rudolph, Die westiranischen Kurden, op. cit., p. 36.
11
Minorsky, The Guran, op. cit., p. 88; Idem, The Tribes...op. cit., p. 79.
 237

non-Kurdish. Still, it is not impossible that a group of people with the name of Guran
once migrated to this region from another part of Iran. This type of migration has
often occured in Iranian history. There was, for example, the flood of refugees, from
the Iranian plateau to the Kurdish mountains, who escaped from Turkish and
Mongol invaders. "There is no doubt that the flight took place over a long period of
time."23 It seems that the peasant population of Azarbaijan, whose territory was on
the main route of the Turks and Turkomans, escaped into the Zagros mountains in
such large numbers that this region was depopulated.24 It has been suggested by
Markwart, that Zaza,25 spoken in north west Kurdistan (now in Turkey), is the
original language of Azarbaijan.26
Another possibility to be taken into consideration is that, the Guran, instead of
being the migrants, were originally from the autochthonous population, who before
the migration of the Avestan tribes were inhabiting most parts of western Iran.
But even if we accept that the Guran people were migrants from some other part of
Iran, it still does not prove that Yaresan is a religion that emerged among a migrant
community:
We should remember that although the Yaresan religion was re-established among
the Gurans, it already existed in north Lorestan, apparently among the Laki
speaking population. In addition to that the names of the companions of Bahlul,
which are accompanied with the title "Lorestani", indicate that they were from
Lorestan region rather than Guran.27 But the most important reason for believing
that the Yaresan first emerged in Lakestan is that this is where Shah Khoshin (who
was the main Yaresan leader before Sahak) appeared. There is still another
reason, namely that although Gurani was the language of Yaresan texts this does
not mean that the movement first emerged among a Gurani speaking people. First

23
Ivanow, The Truthworshippers...op. cit., p. 15.
24
Ibid., p. 16. According to Rashid od-din other provinces such as Yazd and Esfahan had to face the
same fate.
25
As already mentioned, Zaza is related to Gurani.

J. Markwart, NP. adina "Freitag", in: Festgabe Josef Szinnyei zum 70. Geburtstag, Berlin/Leipzig,
1927, p. 78. These people call themselves "Demla", which according to Minorsky, is derived from
"Daylam". Ivanow prefers to consider this name to mean "a subject of the Daylamite", i. e. of the
Buyid state. (Minorsky, Kurds, Kurdistan, op. cit.; Ivanow, The Truthworshippers...op. cit., pp. 16 -
17). The process of Turkification of Azarbaijan was slow. Persian maintained its hold even after the
second great phase of Turkish incursions, but what was decisive in the process took place during
sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, when numerous Turkoman nomads from Anatolia retreated to
the Safavid domain. (F. Sumer, Azerbaycanin tiirklesmesi tarihine ummumi bir bakis (A general
view at the history of the Turkification of Azarbaijan), Belleten, XXI, 1957, pp. 429 - 447.
27
Cf. Buraka'i, Doureh-ye haftavaneh...op. cit., p. 34.
 238

of all, we still need to know more about this language. Secondly, majority of the
present speaking followers of the Yaresan do not speak this language. Whereas
many of the Yaresan themselves do not speak Gurani, their neighbours in
Ouraman (Houraman) and Kanduleh (Kanuleh) speak some version of the Gurani
language.28 But surprisingly the people of Ouraman are of Sunni persuasion and
the people of Kanduleh, Shiite. As a matter of fact, the Yaresan, due to their
religious language, would have had more reason to preserve the Gurani. The third
argument in this direction is that Gurani for a long time has been the only literary
language in South Kurdistan. It was the literary and court language during the long
reign of Baban dynasty in their principality, located in the presently official province
of Kurdistan, north of Kermanshah.29 Gurani was also used by many Kurdish poets
as a literary medium. Even the great Kurdish poet and zealous Horufi, Molla
Parishan, wrote his poems in a Gurani version with many Laki words.30 The
existence of many Laki and Kurdish words in the Yaresan texts, can also be a case
like the abovementioned Molla Parishan. It is possible that the Laki or Kurdish
writers of these poems used words from their mother dialect whenever they did not
know their equivalent in Gurani.
Therefore, we find that it is more probable that the Yaresan, as a socio-religious
movement, was born in a South Kurdish social background. It was revived at least
twice in the same region, and found most of its followers here.
In addition to that, we have some reason to believe that previously a larger portion
of the population of this region were Yaresan followers:
As already mentioned, there are many enclaves of the members of the community
in different parts of Iran and the Near East. It is quite possible that they migrated
from South Kurdistan. But in South Kurdistan itself, there are islands of Yaresan
followers in various parts of the region, who have been living there for a very long
time. There can be two explanations for this. One is that the movement possibly
was able to recruit followers dispersed throughout the whole region. Another
possibility is that a greater part of the region had been populated by them and were
then gradually reduced in such a way that only scattered communities survived.
There is one report in support of the second proposition, viz. one written by
Rabino, who worked in the British Consulate in Kermanshah and published his

28
Also cf. E. B. Soane, A Short Anthology of Guran Poetry, in: Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society of
Great Britain and Ireland, January 1921, p. 59.
29
Ibid., pp. 57 - 58.

30
Ghazanfari Amra'i, Golzar...op. cit., p. 82.
 239

diplomatic and consular report in 1903. According to him, until the 19th century the
majority of the inhabitants of the provincial capital were followers of the Yaresan.

8.4.2. Economic aspects

The economic background of the Yaresan is uncomplicated. The Yaresan is a faith

of the poor. Up to the present the followers of the community have remained limited
to the unprivileged classes of Iranian society. Earlier in the chapter about the
Kurdish and Yaresan economy we explained that originally Yaresan must also have
been born and must have grown up among the peasant and artisan population of
the region.
In the above section we said that the early followers were from the autochtonous
population of the region. As a matter of fact, in most parts of Kurdistan the
agricultural "Ra'yat" or peasantry often represent the ancient inhabitants of the
country.31 We have already explained the miserable situation of the peasantry in all
Kurdish areas. So, here we need only to point at another phenomenon regarding
Iranian social movements, namely that it typically recruited its members from the
peasantry and artisans:
Al-Moqana' is said to have been a washerman when he was young.32 From various
records we can conclude that Babak, the leader of the Khoramdini movement, was
a son of an oil-seller of Ctesiphon (Mada'en) who migrated to the frontiers of
Azarbaijan where he died soon after his marriage. Babak was brought up by his
mother who worked as a domestic servant. Babak's following consisted of poor
peasants who, when they did take to arms, needed some time to learn how to
fight.33 Babak himself made his living through a variety of menial jobs.34 Among the
officers of the Zanj-slave movement were freed black slaves, weighers of grain,

31
See section: 2.1.2.
-27
Razi, Commentary...op. cit., p. 189.

Browne, A Literary History...op. cit., (Volume I), p. 324, Nafisi, Babak...op. cit, p. 8. We have some
contradictory reports about the Khoramdinis. One of these says that when Babak's brother,
'Abdollah, was arrested, he said that only a "Dehghan" (i. e. Iranian landed nobility) was in a
position high enough to arrest him as he himself was a "Dehghan". It is possible that 'Abdollah, after
the military successes of the Khoramdinis had pretended to be a Dehghan. Another report about the
Khoramdinis indicates that they were agriculturists, which is why they were unable to fight in the
beginning. In addition to that, we possess a report by Moqadasi which mentions the poverty of the
Khoramdinis. Cf. Razi, Commentary...op. cit. p. 201; Nafisi, Babak...op. cit., p. 13.
34
E. Ashtor, A Social and Economic History of the Near East in the Middle Ages, Berkeley/Los
Angeles, 1976, p. 77.
 240

butchers, phlebotomists (a despised profession),35 artisans,36 and the movement

was also supported by the peasantry.37
These were the active movements during the period in that the Yaresan movement
also appeared. But even the later movements consisted of similar strata of Iranian
society. For example, during Saljuq Turkish rule, "die Abwendung der Gefahr
musste als umso dringender erscheinen, als sich die Erfolge der batinitischen
Propaganda bis in die niedrigsten Klassen der Bevölkerung erstreckten. Auch die
ersten Versuche der Batinijja, die Propaganda der Karmaten, hatten ja zuallererst
im Bauernvölke Wurzel gefasst".38 Ghazali realized that the Ismaili doctrines were
especially attractive for the '"Avamm", the common people and unprivileged
classes.39 It is worth mentioning that artisans gained the highest positions among
the Assassins (the Iranian Ismaili). The Da'i abu Hamzeh was a shoe-maker, who
siezed at least two fortresses, 40 and Abu Taher, a goldsmith, succeeded the Ismaili
chief, Al-Hakem al-Monajjem.41 The Assassins even claimed that the assassination
of the great Saljuq minister, Nezam al-Molk, was revenge for a carpenter whom the
minister had executed. When the Saljuqs discovered the importance of economic
factors in the development of the Ismaili movement, they shifted their propaganda
from theological to economic aspects in order to refute Ismaili doctrine. 42 Even the
later movements of Horufi and Noqtavi had a working class background. 43

35 Ibid., p. 118.

36 Heinz Halm, Die Traditionen uber den Aufstand Ali ibn Muhammads, des "Herrn der Zang": eine
quellenkritische Untersuchung, Dissertation, Bonn, 1967, p. 44ff.

37 Ibid., p. 58ff.

38 Goldziher, Streitschrift...op. cit., pp. 23 - 24.

39 Ibid., extract 2:14,15,16.

40 Hodgson, The Order...op. cit., p. 76.

41 Ibid., p. 91.

42
Lewis, Origins...op. cit., p. 93.

43 Horufi was mainly a movement of artisans and the urban population. Astarabadi, the founder, was a
hat-maker from the city of Astarabad. A Horufi assassin called Ahmad the Lor stabbed a Mongol
ruler, Shahrokh, while pretending to present a petition to him. The assassin was immediately killed,
but in his pocket they found a key through which they discovered a house which was a gathering
place for artisans, especially hat-makers. The house which was regularly visited by many artists,
scholars and freethinkers of Herat. It seems that Horufi propaganda was mostly directed at the
urban working population. Khwandamir, Tarikh...op. cit., pp. 323 - 324; Browne, A Literary
History...Volume III, p. 366.
 241

The similarity between the economic background of the Yaresan and other social
movements is of great importance. As we have seen earlier, in Kurdistan they were
exploited not only by the ruling classes but also by the Kurdish nomadic tribes.

8.4.3. Geo-political aspects

The location of the Kurdish region has always played an important role in the life of
the people who live there. As already mentioned it is the gate-way to Asia and the
point where three continents meet. The mountains of Kurdistan have been the
natural borders between empires. We have already noted in the historical
background of the region that all the invading armies passed through this region.
Even at times when other parts of the country were experiencing a certain degree
of peace, Kurdistan was where campaigns between empires were fought out. Due
to the geo-political importance of this region, powerful states have always tried to
set foot in a part of Kurdistan for the sake of their political interests. This goes back
to the period when Kurdistan was the main battle ground for the numerous wars
between the Roman and Persian empires. From this early period up to the present
it has been the stage of conflict and competition between both regional and world
powers.
In the long period of Ottoman rule, they dominated the Western part of Kurdistan
from where they undertook numerous campaigns against various Iranian
regimes.44
In addition to that, since the time of the Persian and Roman empires, the warring
regimes tried to make use of the native population of the region to achieve their
goals. Therefore, they followed the policy of using one group of inhabitants against
the other. The history of the region is saturated with conspiracies, the bribing of
tribal chiefs by powerful states to use them for their own purpose, tribal wars
encouraged by the outside powers, etc. The recent history of the region shows that
nothing has changed and that the geo-political situation of Kurdistan has remained
the source of suffering for its people.

44
See here chapter 2.2.7.
 242

8.4.4. Historical aspects

Here we refer only to those historical events which strongly affected the life of all
Iranians as a whole, and brought about changes in the cultural, political and
economic life of the people.
As we have described in the chapter concerning the history of Kermanshah, the
history of this region, like that of Iranian and Mesopotamian history, has been
subject to repeated invasions by the nomadic tribes of Arabia and Central Asia.
Each invasion was followed by the establishment of centralized or decentralized
rule which deteriorated after a few generations and culminated in a period of
anarchy.
While discussing the Iranian economy, we have already explained the destructive
effect of these events on the general economy followed by the pauperization of the
working population.
In the political field, it is worth mentioning that after each invasion the tribal chiefs
founded a new dynasty. As they were no longer able to move with their tribes, they
had to reduce their military dependence on the tribe by forming a mercenary
army. 45 But this could not have been of much use to them as a country which was
already destroyed, depopulated and drained of its resources, could not have
provided enough surplus to support a large army and bureaucracy as well as a
luxurious life style for the ruling class. But it should be mentioned here that even
with maximum impoverishment of the peasantry, through taxation and land
farming, the limit had already been reached (probably during the Saljuq period) and
an army and bureauracy could in no way be supported by the ruler's limited
income. Therefore, contrary to what was supposed, the study of Iranian history
shows that with the exception of brief periods, as under Shapur I (240 to 271 A. D.)
and 'Abbas I (1587 to 1629 A. D.) and their immediate successors, a high degree
of centralization did not emerge. 46 This speaks against the theory of centralized
despotism, and the consequent economic stagnation. 47 Ironically enough, Iran did

45
For the first time in the post-Islamic period, contingents of Turkish mercenaries were formed by the
Abbasid Caliph Al-Mo'tasem (833 to 842 A. D. ) for his security, though they became a source of
insecurity for his successors. Sourdel, The Abbasid...op. cit., p. 125.

46
Cf. Charles Issawi, The Economic History of Iran 1800 -1914, Chicago, 1971, pp. 1 - 2.

47
The second ruler of the important Safavid dynasty, had such a weak hold on power that when the
Ottoman Soltan Solayman attacked the western borders with 90,000 men, Shah Tahmasp (1524-
1576) could raise only 7,000 men, and even the loyalty of any of these was suspect. After Baghdad
had been invaded and Tabriz occupied on several occasions by the Ottomans, Tahmasp was only
 243

experience some progress in the field of agriculture, industry, and commerce as

well as in the communication during the abovementioned centralized periods,
although it could not reach the high level of economic development which existed
before the Mongol invasion.48
Another important effect of these invasions was in the cultural field. Each invasion
introduced new elements into Iranian culture. The second most important invasion,
(after that of the Arabs), which increased the heterogenity of Iranian culture, was
made by the Turkish Oghuz tribes. As they moved with their families, they settled
among the indigenous population and influenced the composition of Iranian
society, as well as its culture and language.49
In society, ethnic tension and confrontation became a part of daily life. The rulers
generally followed discriminatory policies based on religious and ethnic affiliations.
During Umayyad rule, religion still remained the basic criterion for discrimination
between subjects, although super-imposed on this was the question of whether
they belonged to the Arab race or not. 50 The Saljuq minister, Nezam ol-Molk,
quotes a speech by his Turkish master, Alp Arslan (1063 -1072), to his attendants:
"We are foreigners in a land which we have taken by force. We are pure Muslims
and these Iranians (eraqi) have a bad religion and favour the Shiites."51
"In official documents relating to the period Turks and non-Turks (tajiks) are usually
both mentioned, which suggests that there was a clear division between these two
elements, as there had been formerly between Arab and non-Arabs or Persians
('ajam)."52
But ethnic and cultural tension was not peculiar to early Islamic and Saljuq periods.
During the Mongol period there was "ethnic antagonism between the Persian on

able to transfer his capital from Tabriz to Qazvin. And before the Safavids came to power the
country was ruled by about 24 small rival dynasties. (Cf. Savory, Safavid Persia, op. cit., p. 404; N. W.
Pigoleskaja and Others, Tarikh-e iran, Tehran, 1970, Volume II., p. 498; Lambton, Persia...op. cit.,
pp. 434 - 437). Abrahamian calls the Qajar rulers "despots without the instruments of despotism"
and their army according to Keddie was, a paper organization, "whose pay was appropriated by its
officers, while the men were essentially untrained and scarcely armed, and had to make their living
at various trades. (Ervand Abrahamian, European Feudalism and Middle Eastern Despotisms, in:
Science and Society, Volume 39, No. 1, 1975, p. 135; Idem, Oriental Despotism: the Case of Qajar
Iran, in: International Journal of Middle East Studies, Volume 5, 1974, p. 11; Keddie, Iran:
Religion...op. cit., p. 139).

48
Pigoleskaja, Tarikh...op. cit., Volume II, pp. 564 - 581.

49
Spuler, Iran...op. cit., p. 239; Minorsky, Iran...op. cit., p. 187.

Laura Veccia Vaglieri, The Patriarchal and Umayyad Caliphate, in: The Cambridge History of
Islam, Volume I, Cambridge, 1970, p. 76.

Nezam ol-Molk, Siyasat-nameh, op. cit., p.163.

Lambton, Landlord...op. cit., p. 57.

 244

the one hand and on the other hand the Turks and Mongols, who were at that time
coalescing with one another on Persia because of a common adherence to Islam
and the use of Turkish as their colloquial language".53
We find the same kind of antagonism during the periods of Safavid,54 Afghan,55
Afshar56 and finally Qajar rule. A European traveller who visited Iran in 1821 - 1822,
describes Fath 'Ali Shah (d. 1834) as a ruler who never considered Iran to be his
native land, which he loved and wanted to protect. For him Iran was like a land on
which he had an unlimited lease, and the population of the country was nothing
more than a defeated nation whose resources could be drained.57
Attempts were made to describe the situation in which the early followers of the
Yaresan lived. The position of these people as the native, sedentary, working
population of a border region under the abovementioned situation is quite clear.
They were involved in a situation of conflict directly affecting their lives. A protest
movement to which these people took resort, was the natural reaction and position
taken in this conflicting world. We will try to show the types of conflict born in this
situation and which at the same time correspond to the main characteristic features
of the movement. In other words, these conflicts are reflected in the main features
of the movement.

8.5. Social Conflict as a Consequence of the Existing Situation

On the basis of the existing situation, several types of conflict can be identified with
which members of the Yaresan have been confronted.
First of all, there was economic conflict, in which the peasants and artisans and the
other working population were directly involved.
Secondly, there was cultural conflict, as the invaders of the region had a different
cultural and historical background.

53
Spuler,The Disintegration...op. cit., p. 167. When the Mongols appeared many Turkish soldiers who
should have defended Khorasan deserted to the Mongols, because there were Turks in their ranks.
(Ibid., p. 162).
54
Savory. Safavid...op. cit., p. 407.

55
Ibid., p. 428.

56
Minorsky, Iran...op. cit., p. 197; Also cf. Sykes, A History ...op. cit., pp. 260 - 261.
57
James B. Fraser, Narrative of a Journey into Khorasan in the year 1821 and 1822. London, 1825
(Repr. Delhi, 1984), p. 199.
 245

Thirdly, there was power conflict, whether between the invading army and the
established regime or between native principalities, or between empires, all of
which the people of the region were caught up in.
Coser defines social conflict as "a struggle over values or claims to status, power,
and scarce resources, in which the aims of the conflict groups are not only to gain
the desired values, but also to neutralize, injure, or eliminate rivals".58 Although this
definition may not be able to cover all kinds of social conflict, it serves the purpose
of including the main types of conflict which existed in our region. Now we shall
take a closer look at these various types of conflict:

8.5.1. Economic conflict

The general definition of social conflict by Weber as actions oriented "intentionally

to carrying out the actor's own will against the resistance of the other party or
parties,"59 makes conflict a normal and institutionalized process, but does not
include one crucial factor, viz. the struggle for scarce resources. The repeated
invasions of the Kermanshah region was only a part of the great invasions of Iran
by the nomadic tribes of Arabia and Central Asia in search of pastures. The great
conflict between nomads and the settled population has always been over land, a
scarce resource and source of life for both nomadic and agricultural populations.
One of the main factors that induced nomads to flood the whole Middle East was
scarcity of pastures. This was made worse by increase in the nomadic population
and therefore the conflict was created by natural factors rather than intention.
The attitude of the nomadic tribe is based on the belief that all the land belongs to
the tribe and the concept of private ownership, so important among agricultural
people, did not exist in the nomadic way of thinking. They clearly showed their
dislike of and even strong aggression against any sign of agricultural life.60 The
success of the nomads, in their conflict with the settled population, was mainly due
to their military superiority.61

CO

Coser, Continuities...op. cit., p. 232.

5 9 Max Weber, The Theory of Social and Economic Organization, New York (Repr. 1966), p. 132.

6 0 See section: 2.1.1.

6 1 The hard nomadic way of life makes it necessary for them to develop military skills. It also
influences tribal organization and encourages customs and traditions that bind the members
together. These are the qualities, observed by Ibn Khaldun, that made the nomads victorious in their
war against a settled population. The nomadic mode of production requires a strong sense of
cooperation, which encourages a more egalitarian and democratic social structure unknown to
 246

The conflict between nomadic and settled peoples is one of the oldest conflicts. Its
persistence was one of the most decisive factors in the shaping of Iranian history.
Iranian dualism as well as Iranian mythology and the epics are directly influenced
by the continuous struggle between Iranians and their nomadic neighbours. 62 One
of the main reasons for this has been the survival of the nomadic mode of
production due to climatic and geographic conditions. In addition to that
nomadization of the settled areas has had the effect of gradual nomadic invasions.
The settled population of Kermanshah has not only faced nomadic invasions from
outside but also from the nomadic Kurds. Many of these must have taken to
nomadic life under the influence of foreign nomadic invasions and other crises. In
various parts of our study we have shown the manifold exploitation and extortion of
the peasantry and working population under existing circumstances. In short, they
were plundered by invading armies, the central power, local principalities as well as
Kurdish nomadic chiefs. As we have explained earlier, many peasants took to
nomadic life to escape this situation.63

It has already been observed in different parts of the world that the peasant
community is also generally egalitarian although probably not as much as nomadic
one. In normal situations they try to ensure that all members are guaranteed a
minimum livelihood and create institutions to keep wealth and social differences
down and to check individual ambitions. 64

peasant societies. (Cf. Ibn Khaldun, The Muqaddimah...op. cit., Volume I, pp. 249 - 310; Keddie,
Iran: Religion...op. cit., p. 141; Ernest Gellner, Doctors and Saints, in: Nikki R. Keddie, Scholars,
Saints, and Sufis, Berkeley, 1972, p. 312ff.; Al-Haidari, Zur Soziologie...op. cit., p. 103 - 104). The
records preserved show that these nomads possessed some other military advantages, to mention
only the desert dromedary of the Arabs, which enabled them to penetrate arid regions, whereas
Turkish mountain camels were very efficient in mountainous areas. Like the Arabs the Mongol were
able to keep on moving because they had large number of horses at their disposal, and when on the
way for three or four days, could take fresh mounts each day. They possessed advanced war
equipment and practised new techniques of warfare. (Xavier de Planhol, The Geographical Setting,
in: The Cambridge History of Islam, Cambridge, 1970, p. 447; Idem, Aspects...op. cit., p. 302; M. J.
Chapman, Bactrians and Dromedaries, in: Journal of the Royal Society for "Asian Affairs", Volume
XVIII, Part III, October 1987, pp. 276 - 282; Boyle, The Mongol-op. cit., pp. 8 - 9).
62
Emanuel Sarkisyanz, Die Rolle der Nomadenstämme in der Politik Persiens, in: Aussenpolitik, Heft
8, Jhg IX/8, II. Halbjahr 1958, p. 519; Lambton, Landlord...op. cit., p. 10. Geiger points at the early
"settlement" of the Avestan people and says: "Man kann wohl mit Recht sagen, dass sie überhaupt
den Mittelpunkt ihres ganzen wirtschaftlichen, religiösen und politischen Lebens bildeten. Die
sesshaften Ackerbauern und Viehzüchter auf der einen und die heimat- und ruhelosen
Wanderhirten auf der anderen Seite: das sind die zwei grossen, schroff sich gegenüberstehenden
Parteien, in welche die Bewohner des alten Irans zerfielen." Wilhelm Geiger, Ostiranische Kultur im
Altertum, Erlangen, 1882 (Nachdruck: Aalen, 1979), p. 400,also cf. Ibid.,p. 405.
63
See section: 2.1.1.
64
Cf. Manning Nash, Primitive and Peasant Economic Systems, San Francisco, 1966, pp. 78 - 79; Eric
Wolf, Types of Latin American Peasantry, in: American Anthropologist, volume 57, No. 3, 1955, p.
458.
 247

Among the artisans, most of the guilds also played a role in ensuring some security
for their members. The development of egalitarianism among such communities is
a result of the fact that the rank and file among them believe that through normal
work and performance there would be no "domlnator" and "dominated", and that
great class differences would not exist. Therefore, where there is strong economic
conflict with consequent exploitation of peasants and artisans, a movement created
by them is characterized by egalitarianism. In short, the egalitarian tendency of the
Yaresan, and several other Iranian movements, is the reflection of economic
conflict.

8.5.2. Socio-cultural conflict

We have already spoken about the cycle of historical events which affected Iranian
society in various fields. The economic effects of these invasions were explained in
the previous section. Another important effect of these invasions was in the socio-
cultural field. Therefore, like all other native Iranians, the Yaresan were confronted
with incursions of new cultural and ethnic elements accompanied by the use of
force, which affected religion, language and the whole world view.
As we have already mentioned, the nomads had different concept regarding
ownership and land because of their mode of production. But that was not all; the
invading nomads were also of a different ethnic, cultural and historical background
which resulted in cultural conflict, the greatest occuring after the Arab invasion
when Iran was dominated by two Arab dynasties, the Umayyads and Abbasids, for
about four hundred years. The most critical confrontation was in western Iran,
especially in Mesopotamia, which was mostly populated by Iranians in the early
Islamic period.
Among all the people incorporated in the Arab empire, the Iranians "had historical
traditions such as the national heroic epos, which kept alive the sentiment of a
national past of Iran, from the mythical times till the times of the Sassanid
dynasty".65 In addition to this, the cultural difference between the Arab and the
Iranians was greater than between Arabs and other conquered "nations" in the
Middle East and North Africa. Iranian culture was still vital and was not related to
the Arab culture as in the case of other subject societies. As the invading culture
was completely alien to the Iranians, their resistance to it was greater. As a result,
numerous movements emerged that shared an important feature, viz. nativism with
its conscious attempt to preserve Iranian culture. The most important revivalistic

65
Stern, Ya'qub...op. cit., p. 537.
 248

movement was the Sho'ubite movement, which played an important role in the
cultural and political life of Iran.
Cultural conflict continued to exist, even later when Iran was occupied by other
alien people from Central Asia. Due to foreign invasions the Sho'ubite movement
appeared again and again and the socio-religious movements continued to
manifest their nativistic tendencies, but not so strong when compared to the anti-
Umayyad and anti-Abbasid movements.66
We have already shown that the people of western Iran were active in most of
these movements, and we have spoken about the traces of these nativistic
tendencies which survived in the religious literature of the Yaresan.67

8.5.3. Power conflict

Due to the geo-political situation of Kurdistan, this region has always been the
stage of conflict between the powers. It was caught in the power conflicts between
the empires which emerged in both sides of its mountains. In the chapter on the
history of South Kurdistan we noted the repeated military campaigns which have
been going on in this region throughout the centuries.68
The power conflict between the empires was also instrumental in increasing conflict
among the tribes of the region. It is partly true that the tribe (and even its later
stage, the chiefdom) has a very fragile social body and the struggle mainly for
basic, scarce resources plays an important role in its formation and survival.
But this existential conflict was a very useful instrument in the hands of the rulers.
Curzon provides us with an example of this policy of creating and encouraging
conflict among the tribes. He refers to the Qajar, Fath 'Ali Shah and his successors:
"One tribe has been pitted against another tribe, one chief against another chief,
and thus the animosities of individuals or communities have served the purpose
while relieving the purse of the sovereign."69

66
a . sections: 2.2.4.d; 2.2.4.e.
fn
Cf. sections: 2.2.1; 2.2.2; 2.2.3. An interesting text was found among the Ismailis of Pamir and was
published by Ivanow in 1936. This book which is called "Omm ol-ketab", is a non-Ismaili book
explaining some religious ideas somehow similar to those of the Yaresan. The oldest part of the text
seems to have been introduced by the Mavalis and represents the religious world of this non-Arab
population of Mesopotamia. Cf. Wladimir Ivanow, Ummu'l-Kitab, in: Der Islam, 1936, pp. 1 - 107;
E. F. Tijdens, Der mythologisch-gnostische Hintergrund des "Umm al-Kitab", in: Acta Iranica VII,
1977, p. 241ff.
68
Cf. 2.2.4.e; 2.2.5.b; 2.2.6.; 2.2.7.
69
Curzon, Persia...op. cit., p. 272.
 249

Due to the strategic importance of this region, the central powers on both sides of
the mountains could not afford to permit any type of political unity of the tribes.
Therefore we find that inspite of their large population, the Kurds have not played
an important role in the history of the Middle East, except in a few cases such as at
the time of Salah ed-Din (1169 - 1193) and Karim Khan (1750 - 1779).70 Barth
relates this failure to a considerable extent to problems inherent in the political
organization of the Kurdish society. According to him, the Kurdish social
organization is based on the endogamious, close family marriage under which "no-
supra-lineage political authority is developed, and no interaction between a lineage
and other groups is necessary, except for a certain minimum of trade".71 This
Kurdish political organization (contrary to that of the Arabs), is based on territory
rather than lineage. 72 But even if we accept this assumption, it should be taken as
only one of the factors contributing to political disintegration. The policies of the
central power regarding Kurdistan, as compared to Arabia and Central Asia, have
been an important factor in preventing the political integration of the tribes. We
should take into consideration that "long before recent European colonialism, not
to say neo-colonialism, the Roman, the Chinese and other expanding state
societies had grasped the essentials of divide and rule...There have been examples
in which 'tribes' have been consciously synthesized to advance a scheme of
external political control".73

In short, we observe that the geo-political situation of Western Iran has involved the
inhabitants in two types of conflict. One was the conflict between the central
powers, which had converted the region into a field for military campaigns, and the
other the tribal conflicts that were caused or encouraged by these powers.
The experience of this conflicting world affects the consciousness of such a
society, and, consequently, its movements. A dualistic world view is the reflection
of a conflicting world, although not every conflict situation results in a dualistic
world view. This is the reason why a world filled with conflict reflects a dualistic
world view.

70
As early as 1857 Peter Lerch commented: "Die Kurden, wo sie auch in der Geschichte auftreten,
erscheinen niemals als ein starker Volksverein mit staatlichen Einrichtungen, sondern wir sehen nur
einzelne ihrer Stämme aus dem geschichtlichen Dunkel hervortreten, theils um das Geschick ihrer
Heimath zu bestimmen, theils um in das der benachbarten Völker und Staaten, mitunter nicht ohne
Erfolg, einzugreifen." Peter Lerch, Forschungen über die Kurden und die iranischen Nordchaldäer,
(Erste Abtheilung: Kurdische Texte mit deutscher Uebersetzung), St. Petersburg, 1857, p. V.
71 Fredrik Barth, Principles of Social Organization in Southern Kurdistan, Oslo, 1953, p. 139.
72
Bois, Kurd, Kurdistan, op. at.; Idem, The Kurds, op. cit., p. 32.
73
Morton H. Fried, On the concept of "Tribe" and "Tribal society" in: June Helm (Ed.), Essays on the
Problem of Tribe, Seattle/London, 1968, p. 18.
 250

Up to now we have shown that the social, economic, geographical and historical
situations of Western Iran were characterized by various conflicts. In most cases
the inhabitants of the region were not merely the observers of these conflicts,
rather were involved in one side or the other. As they belonged to the peasantry,
and sometimes to the artisans population of the region, they did not possess the
means to protect themselves and to safeguard their interest. As a result, they were
the weaker party in this conflict, always being exploited and oppressed more. Their
movements have been the response, creating instruments to bring about some
change in the balance of power.
 251

9. SURVIVAL OF THE YARESAN

In the previous chapters we showed that the Yaresan movement has been one of
many Iranian social movements which emerged from the conflict situations that
prevailed over many centuries. At the same time in our detailed religio-historical
study of their religious tenets, we tried to show that in the course of time the
Yaresan have been able to establish an independent religious system. At this stage
an important question arises, namely: How have the Yaresan survived?.
In the history of Iran there were surprisingly large numbers of social movements
which appeared at various times. Inspite of this there is no trace of them today.
Even movements such as the Qarmatians and Sarbedarans, which came to power
and established independent states, did not survive.
We only know of a very small secret community, consisting of a few villages, which
is supposed to be the remainder of the Khoramdini or some similar movement.1 A
small group of Nezari Ismailis or Assassins survived on the edge of the great
Iranian desert till the nineteenth century, when they migrated to India, where they
had the opportunity to develop and converted many Indians.
Apart from these small groups, most other movements that had emerged in Iran,
by nineteenth century, have completely disappeared. Twelver Shiism was the most
successful movement in Iran and other Islamic countries.2
Although it may contribute to the survival of a movement, exploitation and
oppression cannot be regarded as the only factors. In fact, a large number may be
involved in the continuation and development of a movement. Similarly, the
existence of certain factors may bring about the early end of a movement.
Compared to other Iranian movements we do not possess much historical
information on the Yaresan except for a few minor reports. The following is an
attempt to find out why the Yaresan have been ignored by the historians and how
they have been able to survive:

Rahim Ra'is-niya, Az mazdak ta ba'd, Tehran, 1358 H., pp. 154 -156.

Before the Safavids succeeded in making twelver Shiism the national religion, a twelver Shiite
movement could establish an independent state in the city of Sabzavar, in Khorasan. This
movement, known as Sarbedaran (1338 - 1381), was strongly nativistic. They proclaimed that they
were going to ensure that not a single Mongol and Tartar would even set foot on Iranian soil again.
Cf. John Masson Smith, The History of the Sarbadar Dynasty 1336 -1381 A. D. and its Sources. The
Hague/Paris, 1970.
 252

9.1. Factors Contributing to the Survival of the Yaresan

9.1.1. Political non-radicalism

The survival of the Yaresan was certainly not due to their religious ideas, as they
paralleled most of the extremist groups.
Jamal al-Din Qazvini, who completed his polemical writings against the Assassins
in 1156 A. D., declared that the only polemical discourse possible with a Shiite, i. e.
an Ismaili, was sword. "Im Sinne der obligaten Lehre des orthodoxen Islam müssen
sie, ebenso wie die, die an Inkarnation und Seelenwanderung glauben als
Apostaten (murtaddun) behandelt werden."3 It was clear that the Ismailis, who did
not have extremist religious ideas as such, had to be treated as extremists, namely
with the sword. That is why the Sevener Shiites and later the Sarbedaran Twelver
Shiites, were treated with an iron hand, as was the case with the Khoramdinis and
others. What motivated the behaviour of the ruling class was the military and
political strategy of the movements. The ruling class has always reacted harder
towards political extremism than the religious variety, because the former is more
dangerous to them.
The level of radicalism in each movement is affected by factors such as class
background or the transfer of the movement from one class to another, as in the
case of the Sho'ubite.4 Militancy changes, also with the transfer of a movement
from one community dominated by one mode of production to another community
with another dominant mode of production, as in case of nomads and peasants.
But militancy does not depend only on the nature of a movement, it depends more
on the reaction of the ruling class, which, we should bear in mind is mainly
responsible for initiating violence. Subsequent radicalization of movements also
depends on the coercive methods applied by ruling classes through their military
and police forces.5

Goldziher, Streitschrift...op. cit., p. 48.

See sections: 2.2.4.d and 5.2.4. The study of some of the modern social movements in the West also
indicates that the level of a movement's militancy changes with the transfer of the movement from
one class to another class. Peter Waldmann, Gewaltsamer Separatismus: Am Beispiel der Basken,
Franco-Kanadier und Nordiren, in: Kölner Zeitschrift für Soziologie und Sozialpsychologie, Volume
37,1985.

Oberschall, Social conflict...op. cit., pp. 334 - 336.

 253

This type of radicalism did not exist among the Yaresan. As we have already
explained, as soon as any political radicalism emerged anywhere in the community,
it was forcibly suppressed by the authorities.6 There are among others, two most
important reasons for their lack of radicalism.
Firstly, the Yaresan are determined by their ethnic background, which limited them
to the Kermanshah region, their religious language could be understood only here,
just like the language of their leaders and missionaries. It certainly was an important
reason for the failure of their missionaries, who were sent outside the Kermanshah
region. Admittedly, there are enclaves of the community in other regions, but they
are mostly migrants from Kermanshah. The other Iranian movements were of
different nature. Their ethnic background and language were accepted and
understood not only among the majority Iranians, but also further abroad, from
Constantinople to Bengal. Therefore it did not become a movement at the national
level to pose a threat to the ruling classes as such. So, the ruling classes might
have prefered to ignore them, which means that one of the factors, viz. over-
reaction and suppression, encouraging political radicalism was lacking. This could
have also limited the political claims of the movement at the national level. It means
that the isolation of the movement could have prevented it from confronting the
national government, and that it has limited itself to local affairs.
The second reason for the lack of radicalism among the Yaresan is found in the
geo-political situation of the region, which on the one hand helped the movement to
survive, but on the other, invited constant social and political control. It seems that
in general they were not in a position to ever pose a real danger to the ruling class.

9.1.2. Social organization

Among the resources that contribute to the growth and survival of a movement,
social organization has a significant role to play. It is like a wall which protects the
movement against outside attacks.
One of the most important functions of the Yaresan social organization is to create
"loyalty" in order to create a coherent community capable of protecting itself
against outside pressure. To achieve this, the creation of loyalties has been
institutionalized, the most important being:
a) Trans-familial loyalty. In the traditional societies familial and blood relations
create such a strong loyalty that very little place remains for outsiders. As already

See section: 5.2.1.

 254

explained, the "Eqrar", or brother-sister contract,7 is an institution which extends

family relationships and loyalty beyond blood relations to the members of another
family or families.
To give this new relationship the status or importance of blood relationship and
deepening loyalty, the "other-worldly" aspect of the relationship is emphasized by
having members believe that spiritual brothers and sisters will share responsibility
for each other's on the Day of Resurrection.8 Thus strong horizontal loyalty is
created to extend beyond the family.
b) Structural and vertical loyalty. For a movement or a millenarian community which
is struggling for survival, the structural organization dares not be loose. Internal
authority should be well defined and the division of labour has to be clear-cut. In a
larger society these two are enforced by military and police forces, which do not
exist in a social movement or a millenarian community. It is possible that a
movement may create some kind of methods of intimidation to control its rebellious
members. But the best form of control is to create acceptance of the communal
structure, its authority and the division of labour.
The Yaresan have achieved a sound structural organization through "Sar-
sepordan", which is accompanied by spiritual sanction and socialization.9
c) Renewal of solidarity and feeling of unity. The "In-group" feeling is emphasized all
the time to prevent a weakening of solidarity among the members. The "Jam"
ceremony does precisely this by emphasizing the unity of the community as well as
one of its goals namely egalitarianism.10
Again and again the importance of the Jam and its function (of bringing about unity
and egalitarianism), are emphasized in Yaresan texts.
d) Inter-sectional solidarity. As we have described earlier the members are
dispersed in enclaves of various sizes over a large area. In such a situation a
pyramidal social structure is not desirable, due to the lack of communication and

See section: 7.3.1.

Bittner maintains that in a movement "internal loyalties must be strong and unquestioned, to be
sure, but they do not consist of ties between individual human beings with intransigent^ unique
qualities. Rather, they are based on the notion that members are a select group, having a mission,
being more deserving on moral or ritual groups than other common social types. Of course, not all
affective attachments will be rooted out, but a member cannot under any circumstances contest the
movement's demand by citing a conflicting personal obligation. To make this possible, it is necessary
to preclude the formation of strong personal attachments even among members". Egon Bittner,
Radicalism and the Organization of Radical Movements, in: American Sociological Review, Volume
28,1963, p. 938.

See section: 7.1.3.

See section: 6.1.1.

 255

regular contact. But a power structure and the division of labour was still vitally
necessary. The Yaresan have overcome this problem by creating Khandans, each
of them being an autonomous unit. These autonomous units are connected to
each other not only by a common religion but also by the institution of "Sar-
sepordan" of the Khandans. This is a vertical loyalty which brings the Khandans
together. 11
It is also possible that the Sayyed families of the Khandans are connected to each
other through marriage or the Eqrar.
The social organization of the Yaresan is like a well woven net which cannot easily
be destroyed.

9.1.3. Military force

The importance of military capacity and use of force in the success of Iranian social
movements was extremely great. One of the main factors contributing to the
success of the Safavid movement was the recruitment of nomadic tribes, whose
way of life encourages the development of military qualities. Their constant struggle
with the natural elements encouraged them to create a tradition based on
toughness and fight. Their mode of production at the same time makes them
natural soldiers.
According to the observations made by Morier during 1810 - 1816, the military
potential of the nomadic tribesmen was very high. "As raw material for soldiers," he
wrote, "nothing could be better than the Eelauts 12 . Accustomed from their infancy
to a camp life, habituated to all sorts of hardships and to the vicissitudes of
weather, they are soldiers by nature. They have undertaken incredible marches
without scarcely any food and without a murmur". 13
Yaresan is a movement of peasants and artisans, but some semi-nomadic tribes
have been attached to them for a long time. Among them there are the Guran tribal
confederacy in north west Kermanshah and some Laki speaking tribes in Lakestan.
There are also parts of other tribes such as the Sanjabi, the Zangeneh, the Kalhor
and the Jalalvand which are now of the Yaresan persuasion. From the reports of
several nineteenth century travellers it can be concluded that earlier an even larger

See section: 7.2.2.

I.e. nomadic tribe.

James Justinian Morier, A second journey through Persia, Armenia and Asia Minor, to
Constantinople, between the years 1810 and 1816, London, 1818, p. 215.
 256

number of these tribes were Yaresan followers. It is interesting to note that even a
Sunni tribe called the "Jaf" has joined the Guran confederacy.
The existence of so many nomadic tribes among the Yaresan can be explained in
two ways:
One is the conversion of existing nomadic tribes as was the case with the Safavids.
Such a conversion would seem to be quite normal and was practised by various
Dervish orders.
Another possibility is that sections of the Yaresan peasantry reverted to a semi-
nomadic life. Nomadization of the peasant communities is typical of this region. It
was caused mainly by the geo-political situation and constant invasion and
oppression by the ruling classes as well as regional nomadic groups. We have
already referred to a report that during nineteenth century three quarters of the
population of the region, both urban and rural, decided to migrate due to severe
oppression. 14 This example shows us that the movement of a large settled
population must have happened many times in such a critical region. It is clear that
such a large number of people did not have anywhere to go and many of them
took to nomadic life. Barth points out that "in times of peace and strong
administration, the flow towards the village increases, while in times of economic
stress and chaos, such as Persia has experienced at regular intervals throughout
her history till today, villagers and even whole sedentary communities may assume
nomadic life".15
In this respect the Kermanshah region has been an extreme case compared to
other parts of Iran. The landscape of the region is spotted by the ruins of villages
and towns from times unknown.
The existence of semi-nomadic tribes among the Yaresan did at least mean that the
community was sometimes protected against dangers. In addition to this, some of
the nomadic Yaresan, the Guran (especially the Qalkhani) and Laks, are known for
their military qualities, which certainly helped to protect the whole community.
This is probably one of the reasons why we do not hear about massacres of their
members as used to happen to the Yazidis on a large scale.16

See section: 2.3.7.d.

Barth, Nomads...op. cit., p. 118.

See section: 4.3.3.

 257

Among the Iranian movements, as already mentioned, the Safavids were

spectacularly successful because they were supported by several nomadic
tribes. 17
On the other hand, peasant and artisan movements found the lack of military
capability a great problem, so most of the movements tried to arm themselves.
Thus the Ismailis created partisan units called the "Fada'i"18, which means "devotee
or volunteer for a dangerous cause".
For the same reason the leader of the Sarbedaran, Hasan Juri, "proceeded to
create an organization of armed artisans and tradesmen who were obedient to a
discipline that was probably derived from the 'futuwwa' (fotowat) and devoted to a
religious mission". 19 In the beginning their military quality did not enjoy high regard.
It is reported that a Mongol chief insultingly used to call the Sarbedaran military
units "a handful of peasants". 20 It is also reported that the Khoramdinis, who were
mostly peasants, needed a great deal of time to learn how to fight.21
It is clear that no peasant group can in one generation achieve the fighting qualities
of the nomadic tribes. Therefore the advantage of having nomadic followers was
almost an unreplaceable resource for a social movement or a millenarian
community.

9.1.4. Trans-communal solidarity

As compared to a secular movement, millenarism, as the ideological background

of a movement, has one advantage which especially concerns our case.
Due to their mode of production and internal organization, peasant and nomadic
communities develop a certain type of "In-group" solidarity. According to Parson:
"There seem to be certain elements of inherent instability in societies where the
overwhelming bulk of the population is organized on the basis of peasant village
communities. One of the reasons for this is the fact that the village community as a

Cf.Hinz, Irans Aufstieg...op. cit., p. 23ff; Glassen, Schah Isma'il...op. tit., p. 63; Sohrweide, Der
Sieg...op. cit., pp. 118 - 122. Another movement of this type was that of the Mosha'sha'i led by
Mohammad Fallah in Khuzestan. The majority of his followers were Arab nomadic tribes who sold
their buffaloes, bought arms and transformed themselves into military units. Kasravi, Tarikh...op.
cit., p. 16; E'tezad os-Saltaneh, Moda'iyan...op. cit., p. 267.

Cf. Hodgson, The Order...op. cit., p. 113.

Smith, The History...op. cit., p. 112.

Petroushevsky, Nehsat...op. cit., p. 38,99.

Browne, A Literary History...op. cit., p. 324.

 258

primary focus of solidarity can only within very narrow limits be an effective unit for
the organization of the use of force. It is, in the face of any more extensive
organization, not a defendable unit. Hence there must always be a 'superstructure'
over a peasant society, which among other things, organizes and stabilizes the use
of force. The question is how far such a superstructure is, as it were, 'organically'
integrated with the self-contained village communities and often the level of
integration is not high."22
Various types of loyalty, similar to what Alavi calls "primordial loyalty"23 (which still
exists in Kurdish society)24 and which prevents the peasants from uniting, must
always have existed among the Iranian peasantry. These were certainly among the
important factors that weakened the peasants and forced them to submit to those
who were in possession of force. But at the same time it should be remembered
that in such an area, with very small scattered settlements (completely conditioned
by natural forces), a social organization on the basis of the village community is the
most effective organization for the survival of the peasant community.
We have already mentioned that the way the Kurds are organized politically is such
that the society is divided into a number of small, closed groups with minimum
group interaction. Instead of any kind of inter-tribal solidarity, enmity and
competition have been the dominant traits throughout the centuries.
Another important reason for this disunity is the geo-political situation of the region,
making disunity a tradition in the society. During nineteenth and twentieth
centuries, this lack of inter-tribal solidarity has been one of the most important
factors contributing to the failure of social movements in all Kurdistan.
The Yaresan have to some extent, been able to bring about inter-tribal solidarity,
uniting nomads, peasants and artisans beyond their group loyalties.

9.1.5. Pre-existing ideas and experiences

The success of social and religious ideas propagated by a movement depends on

the existing cultural background of the society. If the already existing social norms
and culture are not taken into consideration, early failure of the movement may be
expected.

Talcott Parsons, The Social System, London, 1952 (Repr. 1967), pp. 162 - 163.

Hamza Alavi, Peasant Classes and Primordial Loyalties, in: Journal of Peasant Studies 1, 1973, pp.
23ff.

Maarten Martinus van Bruinessen, Agha, Shaikh and State: On the social and political
organization of Kurdistan, Utrecht, 1978, p. 9ff.
 259

Among the factors contributing to the success or failure of a movement are the
experiences and ideas of other movements on the basis of the general cultural
background of the society. Therefore a new movement does not need to start from
the beginning. With the help of the experience and ideas of earlier movements, they
would know how to propagate their ideas, how to recruit members and which
strategy to follow.
The ideas and the way they are propagated would not only affect recruitment but
also define the reaction of the ruling classes. The Horufi movement, for example,
shows that a more efficient strategy and better propaganda tactics could have
prevented their early failure. But it was only after a number of Horufis joined the
Baktahi community, which followed a different strategy, that many of the Horufi
ideas were able to survive. At the same time the Horufi ideas made the Baktashi
doctrine more attractive. The continuity of these ideas, their adoption and
improvement by new movements prove that their value was known to the founders
of the new movements.
Throughout our presentation of Yaresan ideas, we have noted that this movement
to a large extent has adopted the ideas of other movements and utilized their
experiences. Whether these were done consciously or not, does not change their
effect. What is more important is that these were valuable resources available to
them. Another important factor in the case of Yaresan is that the ideas and
experiences adopted by them could easily be adapted to the existing cultural
background. In short we can say that the more the ideas adopted are suited to an
environment, the more likely a movement is to survive. While a completely new idea
usually faces the combined resistence of the environment, revivalistic ideas are not
confronted with such problems as long as their traces still exist in the society. It
usually takes quite a long time before an idea becomes part of an environment, just
as it takes a long time to leave it. As we have seen, the ideas which were chosen by
the Yaresan in one form or another have been a part of their culture since times
unknown.
The survival of other movements, such as the Yazidi, with similar ideas and
organizational background, prove their capability to survive in a Kurdish
environment.

9.1.6.0ther resources

It can be easily assumed that in addition to the above-mentioned resources other

types have been available to the Yaresan which have helped them to survive. But
these examples are probably sufficient to show the important role which these or
 260

similar factors could play in the life of a social movement. But it can by no means
be claimed that the survival of the Yaresan movement can be explained merely in
terms of the resources mentioned here. At this stage of our knowledge of this
community, we are not in a position to take other factors and resources into
consideration. In addition to that, there are some general ecological and
geographical factors which had their part to play. The isolation of some parts of the
community in the mountainous region of Kurdistan or the stage of economic
development of the region are among the factors which cannot be ignored. But one
of the most important factors, whose vital role is taken for granted in this study, is
the existence of a conflict situation which has played the main role in the
emergence of our movement. The continued existence of this conflict situation and
the consequent exploitation and oppression, have also made important
contributions to the survival of the Yaresan.
 261

APPENDIX

Following is a selection of Yaresan religious texts mainly from Jayhunabadi's

voloumious book, Haqq ol-haqayeq which is written in verse. The stories are
summarized in such a way that all of the main points in the stories are preserved,
without altering the style of the original text. The aim of selecting these religious
stories has been to supplement the subjects which have been discussed in the
earlier chapters. At the same time it is meant to introduce the Yaresan style of
religious narration.

I. Yaresan Religious Stories Regarding the Creation

a) Story of the Creation in Pre-Eternity
b) The Creation of the "Haftan"
c) The manifestation of the Divine Essence in the form of "Khavankar" and the
Creation of the Universe, Heavenly Bodies, etc.
d) The Creation of the Two Worlds
e) Another version of the history of the Creation
II. Yaresan Stories Regarding Divine Manifestations, Metempsychosis, and
Other Matters Regarding Theophanles and Angels

Second Period:

a) The manifestation of the Divine Essence in 'Ali b. Abi Taleb, the second
theophany
b) The story of 'Ali b. Abi Taleb killing a dragon
c) The story of 'Ali b. Abi Taleb untying the thumbs of a demon
dS Prophet Mohammad's ascension to heaven
e) The spreading of Mohammad's religion by 'Ali b. Abi Taleb
Third Period:

a) The manifestation of the Divine Essence in Shah Khoshin, the third theophany
b) Three of the "Haftan" that joined Shah Khoshin
c) Shah Khoshin invited by Baba Taher
d) Other miracles performed by Shah Khoshin
e) Eight Commanders of the Darkness in the Na'us (or Navus) period and the
story regarding the consumption of pork

Fourth Period:

a) The manifestation of Benyamin in the period of Soltan Sahak

b) The emergence of Soltan Sahak
c) A miracle performed by Soltan Sahak
d) The story of Sahak's brothers who became his enemies
e) Renewal of the "Spiritual Contract"
f) The story of Mika'il of Dudan and his meeting with Sahak
g) The story of Mika'il who had met God two hundred years earlier and
requested Him to manifest Himself
h) Miracles performed by Soltan Sahak

III. Yaresan Religious Stories Regarding Rituals and Institutions

a) Sacrifice: Story of the sacrifice of the wild goat.

b) Fasting: Story of the "Qavaltas"
c) Fasting: Qadereh's military expedition against Sahak
 262

APPENDIX I

I. Yaresan Religious Stories Regarding the Creation

a) Story of the Creation in Pre-Eternity

In pre-eternity nothing existed except the Godly Essence in the form of "Ya". He
was the only existing being and He was located in a pearl and the pearl was in a
shell (mystery) and the shell was in the depths of the Sea and the whole world was
covered with water.1
The "Ya" looked at the pearl inside the treasury, that is into Himself, and brought
out a pearl from His (right) side and decided that it was to put on the "dress of
appearance" which was luminous like the sun. Then He called the created Jebra'il.
Then God threw Jebra'il into the water. Jebra'il received wings and could fly and
swim. But he was ignorant about the mystery of the Truth (God). Then came a
message from the Truth (God). In the message it said: "Who am I who hides the
mystery from you?". Jebra'il, in his arrogance, said: "I do not know who you are. I
am a free being. I see no one except myself and know no one higher." A flash
sprang from the pearl (treasury) and burnt the wings of Jebra'il. Jebra'il remained
for some years in the whirlpool. Then the Truth pardoned him and he again
received his wings. But he remained in his ignorance and thus when he was asked
(about the mystery) he answered the same, which caused him the same fate as
before. This time the Truth sent a messenger (out of Himself) in the form of a boy
who appeared to Jebra'il.
The messenger taught Jebra'il how to answer the question. The messenger also
gave Jebra'il "life water" (life elixir) to drink. As Jebra'il drank the water he became
enlightened and spiritually intoxicated.5
This time, when he was asked about the mystery, he answered: "You are the
Creator and I am the creature." Then God made him the head and the leader of all
His creatures.6

b) Creation of the "Haftan"

Jebra'il remained alone in that endless sea. So he once asked God: "Alone, I am
not able to praise You. I request You to create some companions for me to be able
to perform this duty." His request was accepted by the Creator. He removed six
pearls from the treasury (out of Himself) and created six beings, one being female,
called Marmuz (Ramz?,Rezwan?). She was created out of God's sweat (Khoy?).7
The other five angels were Mika'il, Esrafil, 'Ezra'il, Ruchiyar and Ayvat (Yar).

Jayhunabadi,Haqq-ol haqayeq...op. cit., pp. 34 - 35; Suri, Sorud-ha ...op. cit., p. 22.

Jayhunabadi, Haqq ol-haqayeq...op. cit., pp. 35 - 36; Also cf. Minorsky, The Sect...op. cit., p. 307;
Idem, Notes sur la Secte...op. cit., p. 25.

Jayhunabadi, Haqq ol-haqayeq...op. cit., p. 36

Ibid., p. 37.

Ibid., p. 38.

Ibid., p.39. In Suri's copy of the Saranjam the story of Jebra'il is very short, but in general it points at
the same sort of event. Similarly in Tazkarat ol-a'ala, the story follows the same lines with some
differences in detail. (Cf. Suri, Sorud-hci...op. cit., pp. 28 - 29j Ivanow, Tazkarat...op. cit., pp. 11 -13).

Jayhunabadi, Haqq ol-haqayeq...op. cit., p. 41.

 263

Mika'il was created out of God's breath, Esrafil was taken out of His mouth, and
'Ezra'il was created out of wrath. Ruchiyar and Ayvat were created from the light of
His eyes, one from the right eve
9
and the other from the left eye.8 Then Jebra'il was
made the leader of the others.

c) The manifestation of the Divine Essence in the form of "Khavankar" and the
Creation of the Universe, Heavenly Bodies etc.
Then the Divine Essence by the request of the Haftan, emerged out of the pearl as
Khavankar.10
Again the Haftan requested the Creator (Khavankar) to create the seven skies, the
moon and the sun as well as the universe. Then they requested Him 11 to create the
heavenly beings, angels, demons, djinns, fairies and human beings. Khavankar
looked at the pearl (treasury) and it gave off a burning flash. As the pearl boiled,
matter (jauhar) was separated from spirit (gauhar). From the pearl flames and
smoke rose. Out of the smoke the skies were created, which became nine orbits
(heavenly spheres) and seven heavenly wheels. From the radiation of the flames
the stars and the heavenly towers were created. From the matter (Khelt) that came
out of the pearl, the earth was created. From the burning fire steam rose and
became clouds in the sky.12

d) Creation of the Two Worlds

Two of the Haftan, namely Ruchiyar and Ayvat (Yar), created from the eyes, were
transformed into two forms similar to a cow and a lion.
Then Khavankar looked through the depths of the endless seas and a large fish
was created (Pisces?) and a large white stone was placed on the back of the fish.
Then the cow stood on the stone and the lion stood on the back of the cow. The
earth was put on the horn of the cow and on the back of the lion the Supreme
Sphere was created.
To create days and nights, two luminous bowls were removed from the13foreheads
of the cow and the lion, which were placed on the sun and the moon. Then the
mountain chains of "Qaf" and "Ghayn" were put around the earth like a barrier to
block the sea.14 Once more Khavankar looked at the pearl (treasury) and it began
to burn and boil. A gem (gauhar) appeared out of it and from the gem the essence
emerged. Out of this essence, particles came from which the luminous beings were
created. From the gem a light appeared out of which the angels were created.

8
Ibid., p. 42.
9
Ibid., p. 43.
10
Ibid., p. 49.
11
Ibid., p. 47.
12
Ibid., p. 56. In Suri's copy the word "stone" is used instead of "pearl". Here, it says: "The King of the
World ordered (hay zadan) the stone to disintegrate and it did, and smoke rose from its pieces. One
piece of stone flew into in the air, and the sky and the stars were created. He created the moon and
the sun and let His own light enter them, and threw them into the sky. He fixed the day and night
and the four seasons, and four angels were put in charge of the rotation of the year." (This was given
sometimes to the "Chartan" and sometimes to the "Haftan"). (Cf. Suri, Sorud-ha...op. cit., pp. 22 -
24).
13
Jayhunabadi, Haqq ol-haqayeq...op. cit., p. 56.
14
Ibid., p. 58.
 264

From the fire and the smoke of the burning pearl the devils, demons and djinns
were created, as well as the evil essence out of the smoke. 15 While from the pearl,
mountains of fire were blazing in the air, Khavankar looked at them and they were
diffused into particles. Khavankar decided to put them together and then
imprisoned them inside the "Zemehrir" well. After some time, "Jan" was created
from the fire. Then from under the arms of "Jan" a female called "Marjaneh" was
created. 16

e) Another version of the history of the Creation

The Creator first created a pearl in which there were five images of His likeness.
One of them explained that His decision was that 18,000 worlds should be created.
He gave an order and from the world of Might a Charter of the Unutterable Mystery
with 1001 seals was drawn up in the name of the Lord of the World, and indications
of its being issued by the Lord. Then, in His Perfect Might, He turned again into a
single person, and that pearl also disappeared, so that the Eternal Deity remained
One and Alone. 17
70,000 years passed, and the Lord of the World created a second pearl in which
He saw Himself in the form of seven persons. After this, twelve persons appeared,
and after this fourteen. Then the pearl also disappeared, and the Lord of the World
saw Himself as One in the Spiritual World.
Again 70,000 years passed, He again created a pearl from the Spiritual World. He
saw in it Himself in the form of 17 persons, then 37, later 47 and still later 72. Then
this pearl also disappeared, and He became One and Alone.
70,000 more years passed and he issued an order. A pearl was created, in which
He saw Himself among 360 persons, then 444, and then it also disappeared by His
order, and He saw Himself One and Alone.
Again 70,000 years passed, and by the order of the Lord of the World another pearl
was created in which He saw Himself in the form of 70,000 persons and then by His
order it disappeared.
70,000 more years passed, and the Lord of the World again created a pearl in
which He saw Himself among 999 persons and subsequently 124,000, etc... After
this He talked to Himself for many thousands of years, moving about in order to
show Himself to all creation, producing from His own pure light a pearl in the form
of a lamp. He, by His pure substance, in the course of 60,000 years contemplated
that which could not be generally understood. 18
At last, in His perfect generosity, He let fall four drops of His pure light, and they
were Jebra'il, Esrafil and 'Ezra'il, while that lamp became water (?). From that light
(?) He created four drops of light in the form of unperforated (i. e. perfect) jewels,
one of them being water. All that is now the world was then water. For 60,000 years
more the whole world was water, and He moved on that water.
After this He created "Saj-e Nar" with the help of which He began to boil the water,
so that it turned into foam. He then calmed the foam, and vapours rose from the
water and became clouds, floating in the air, awaiting His orders.
From the air of that water He created wind which would drive the clouds, so that the
movement and resting of the clouds depended on it. The wind has the same
functions as the spirit in the human body. The surface of the clouds was like a sieve
for the purpose of carrying (i. e. distributing) water.
Then ordering the foam to remain steady, He created from it the earth. From three
substances He created mountains to serve as the anchor (i. e. backbone) of the

15
Ibid., p. 61.

16
Ibid., p. 73.

17
Ivanow, Majmu'eh...op. cit., pp. 5 - 7; Idem, The Truthworshippers...op. cit., pp. 102 -103.

18
Ibid., pp. 7 - 8; pp. 103 -104.
 265

earth, and hillocks for collecting water used for irrigation. The earth was still not
quiescent and was ultimately appeased by the promise that it should become the
place of residence of saints, so that no part of it should remain unused for the
offering of prostration in worship. And in addition, it was to become covered with
flowers.
From a spark of the "Saj-e Nar", He created fire giving it also a place on earth, so
big that it cannot be described, and named it Hell. From other substances He
created the heavens, i. e. the Higher World whose beauty is greater than that of the
earthly world. From a particle of His pure light He created the stars, sun and moon,
adorning each of these with beauty. He appointed day and night in order to
introduce variety, as also hours, and seasons.19

Appendix II

Yaresan Stories Regarding Divine Manifestations, Metempsychosis, and

Other Matters Regarding Theophanies and Angels

Second Period:
a) The manifestation of the Divine Essence in 'AM b. Abi Taleb, the second
theophany

When Fatemeh was pregnant by the Truth and wanted to give birth, she went to the
Kaaba. When she had entered the House, all the entrances were closed for three

b) The story of 'All b. Abi Taleb killing a dragon

Once a dreadful dragon came down from the mountains and went towards the
Kaaba. 2 1 He was a giant monster three "Farsakh" long.22 His breath made the
"Khara"23 rock soft like wax (mum), and the smoke of his breath, darkened
everything around up to three "Farsakh" away. As he moved towards the Kaaba
people fled in fear of death. Accidently, the dragon came near a house in which 'Ali
was, apparently, sleeping in a cradle. People, who had gathered there, saw that the
cradle did not move at all. The hands of 'Ali came out of the cradle and took the lips
of the dragon and lifted the monster and cut him in two, from the tail to the head. 4

19
Ibid., pp. 8 -11; pp. 104 -105.
20
Ibid., p. 187.
21
Ibid., p. 192.
yy

Unit of length equal to 6.24 kilometres.

"Khara" is a very hard rock; granite.

24
Jayhunabadi, Haqq ol-haqayeq...op. cit., p. 193.
 266

c) The story of 'Ali untying thumbs of a demon

A demon went to Mohammad with his thumbs tied together with a leaf of the date
palm.25 The demon narrated that he was previously of such a devilish character
that all djinns and human beings ran away from him until his thumbs were tied
together. Six thousand years his thumbs had remained tied and no djinn or human
being was able to free him. Thus the demon requested Mohammad to help him
undo the ties. But Mohammad and his companions were not able to. After a while
Salman came in, carrying 'Ali (who was still a small boy) on his shoulder. When the
demon saw 'Ali he began to tremble. He told Mohammad that the boy was the one
who had tied his thumbs together. The demon requested Mohammad to intercede
for him with 'Ali. At the request of Mohammad, 'Ali with one single move undid the
knots.

d) Prophet Mohammad's ascension to heaven

One day in Yasreb Mohammad ascended to heaven. Jebra'il took him to God. On
the way a lion stopped them and asked for tribute (baj)26. Jebra'il told Mohammad
to give the lion whatever he had brought with him. Mohammad took out his ring
and presented it to the lion. On the way back Mohammad saw 'Ali with angels
27
everywhere. Even on the threshold (of God's palace) Mohammad heard 'Ali's
voice.28
In God's presence Mohammad was served "Shir Berenj"29. When God's hand
came from behind the curtain, Mohammad saw that it was 'Ali's hand. Then God
cut an apple into two pieces and gave one piece to Mohammad and kept the other
piece for/Himself. Mohammad purposely dropped a morsel of the food on those
hands , 30 When Mohammad came back to earth, 'Ali went to him and
congratulated him on his ascension and gave him back his ring (negin)31 and
another piece of apple which God had kept for Himself.32 Mohammad then looked
at 'Ali's hands and saw that there were traces of food on them. From this
Mohammad realised (ba basirat) that 'Ali was the Manifestation of Divinity and thus
asked him for forgiveness.
Apart from Mohammad and his companions no one else was aware of this secrect.
He kept this secret to himself and continued to praise 'Ali.33

25
Ibid., p. 191.
9/1 Paying tribute would mean the prophet Mohammad accepting the superiority of 'Ali.

27 Jayhunabadi, Haqq ol-haqayeq...op. cit., p. 190.

28
Ibid., p. 190, 203.
29 A dish made from rice and milk.

30
Ibid., p. 190, 204.
31
"Negin" is the stone, or bezel, of a ringAnd the expression "zir-e negin daravardan" (to bring under
the negin) means to subdue.
32
Jayhunabadi, Haqq ol-haqayeq...op. cit., p. 190, 204.
33
Ibid., p. 205.
 267

e) Spread of Mohammad's religion by 'AN

Then 'Ali told the Haftan that he had decided to spread Mohammad's religion. So
he went to Mohammad and made a treaty with him. He asked Mohammad to say
all that he wanted. Mohammad demanded that his religion should be spread
everywhere, among djinns and human beings in the world, to which 'Ali agreed. 34
Therefore 'Ali with his famous sword "Zolfaqar" performed masterly tasks which are
beyond description. 35 Mohammad's successors Abu Bakr, 'Osman, and 'Omar,
who had usurped the Shari'at, gained power and spread the religion throughout
the world and misled people. Thus people remained ignorant about the truth of 'Ali
being the Manifestation of the Divinity on earth.36

Third Period:

a) The manifestation of the Divine Essence in Shah Khoshin, the third

theophany

As the Divine Essence disappeared from the "Jam" (Jameh: garment=incarnation)

of Shah Reza in India37, it was manifested in the "Jam" of Shah Khoshin in Lorestan.
One day Jalaleh, a daughter of Amaneh, who was a powerful man in Lorestan, 38
was sitting in a corner and a small particle of the sunray (Zarreh-ye Khorshid) went
into her mouth and she became pregnant. She hid this secret from others. But after
some months her state became clear and people began to accuse her of not being
a virgin. After some time her father's tribe, the nomadic tribe of Lorzan 39 , began to
move towards their winter pastures. 40 Jalaleh, who was accompanying her father,
once remained behind the tribe for some time and could not catch up with it.41
Then three men appeared; they were Kaka Reda, Qazi and Khodadad. They asked
Jalaleh to say what she needed. She demanded to be put on an ox to be able to
catch up with the tribe. The three men congratulated her on being pregnant by the
Divine Essence. 42 Then they helped her to reach her tribe.
Jalaleh's father asked her about how she had become pregnant, and she
explained. When Shah Khoshin was born all the people who had accused her felt
ashamed.

34
Ibid., pp. 199 - 200.
35
Ibid., p. 201.
36
Ibid., p. 207.
"5*7

It is worth noting that in addition to this case which shows that one of the manifestations of the
Divinity took place in India, there are some other Yaresan saints with the names Hendu or Hendi.
•io
Jayhunabadi, Haqq ol-haqayeq...op. cit., p. 274.
ng
"Keh chon an zaman il-e lorzan diyar'keh chador neshin bud-o ahsham bar." It is not clear whether
the word "diyar" (meaning region, territory, country),is a part of the name of the tribe or it is used
only for sake of poetical rhyme. This word also can be read "dayar" which means: Dweller of a "dayr"
i. e. a convent.
40
This is the translation of the abovementioned verse.

Jayhunabadi, Haqq ol-haqayeq...op.cit., p. 275.

42
Ibid., p. 276.
 268

b) Three of the Haftan that joined Shah Khoshin

Three of the Haftan, namely Kaka Reda, Qazi and Khodadad (who had previously
appeared to Jalaleh) joined Shah Khoshin. They thought it was better that they did
not go straight to him. So they made a plan and took some of the flocks of the
people and ran away.43 People sent a girl to waken Shah Khoshin, who was
thought to have been sleeping. He came out of his house and asked people to
bring him a horse. He was told that they did not have any horses any more as they
had all been taken away. 5 Shah Khoshin ordered that a dead horse called "Lareh
Lareh", be brought back to life. When this was done, he took a spear and rode
towards the mountains. When he found the three men, he began to declare his
previous manifestations: (The Mystery, the Pearl, Khavankar, Jadvar, Hushang,
Faridun, 'Ali, Shah Fazl, Mahmud, Shah Reza, and the last Shah Khoshin).46 The
three men prostrated themselves and acknowledged Shah Khoshin's divinity.
Then Kaka Reda began to introduce himself by counting his previous "duns"
(incarnations). The same was done by the others. After these "introductions", Shah
Khoshin renewed the "Spiritual Contract" (ahd-o paiman) with the three men and
they took the flock back to the people.47

c) Shah Khoshin invited by Baba Taher

Shah Khoshin called all of his companions who were scattered everywhere to
come to him. "Nine hundred nine hundred"48 companions gathered around him.
Shah Khoshin stayed among the Lors for some time, and then left for Mount
"Yafteh"49 There other companions revealed their previous incarnations. After that,
Shah Khoshin left Mount "Yafteh" for Mount "Alvand" (near the city of Hamadan)
where Baba Taher was living. One day Baba Taher invited Shah Khoshin and his
companions to a meal. But he had only three pieces of bread and a pot of
"Abgusht" (boiled meat and grain). With his troops Shah Khoshin went into a
(small) house belonging to Baba Taher. Shah Khoshin then performed a miracle

43
Ibid., p. 279.

44
Ibid., p. 280. In another version of this story the girl was in love with Shah Khoshin. But after she
woke Shah Khoshin, he became furious at being woken and thus he killed the girl and annihilated
her clan. Mythological significance of this story has been discussed by M. Mokri.

Jayhunabadi, Haqq ol-haqayeq...op. cit., p. 280.

46
Ibid., p. 281.

47
Ibid., pp. 282 - 286. In the text all previous incarnations of the three angels are mentioned.

48
"Nohsad nohsadeh", means "nine hundred nine hundred" and has been interpreted in various ways.
Elahi gives four: 1. The total number of companions was 100. Each of the nine persons had a high
position. Therefore if a hundred is divided by nine, then ninety nine of them had eleven positions.
The number 100 belongs to "Shah Khoshin himself. 2. The total number was nine hundred, and if
900 is divided by 9, a hundred parts remain. Thus "nohsad bar noh be sad". 3. 900 plus 900 becomes
1,800. Thus the total number of the companions was 1,800. 4. 900 multiplied by 900 is equal to
810,000. Some believe that 100 or 8000 or 1,800 persons were real and the rest spiritual (rejal ol-
ghayb va ruhani). (Cf. Elahi, Borhan ol-haqq, op. cit., p. 28). In verse 5713 Jayhunabadi speaks of
900,000 companions. (Jayhunabadi, Haqq ol-haqayeq...op. cit., p. 295).

49
Jayhunabadi, op. cit., p. 287.
 269

and the house became so large that all the troops could fit in it. Again, thanks to
this miracle everyone ate of the bread and food, 50 which was abundant.
Then the people of Hamadan who saw that a large army had camped outside of
the city, were frightened. They sent a man called Hendu to ask about the reason for
this. When Hendu reached Shah Khoshin he recognized the King and prostrated
himself. Shah Khoshin ordered the man to go back to Hamadan and tell the
inhabitants that he did not want to undertake anything against them, 51 and that he
did not even want to take any tribute from them. Hendu carried this message to the
people of Hamadan. He went back again to the camp and remained there in the
company of Shah Khoshin.
In the camp there were other personalities, namely 'Ayn ol-Qozat 52 and 'Attar.53

d) Other miracles performed by Shah Khoshin

Then Shah Khoshin left "Alvand" mountain for the "Rijab" (K. Rizhau) region, where
people came to him and asked him to perform miracles. There was a graveyard
(nearby) where a good man called "Dojaneh" 54 was buried. Shah Khoshin glanced
at the grave and the dead man rose.
Afterwards an old woman approached him saying that she and her husband had
grown old and did not have children. She requested Shah Khoshin to help her to
become pregnant by means of a miracle. Shah Khoshin cut an apple in two, giving
one piece to the old woman and another piece to her husband. They ate the apple
and she became pregnant. The old woman finally gave birth to a son while Shah
Khoshin was in Mecca, where he stayed for some time. 55 When he came back to
Rijab, the boy was already grown up and was called "Faqih". When Shah Khoshin
arrived, the boy went to him and acted impudently. Shah Khoshin told him: "Be
aware and remember that once you were 'Amreh in Medina, and another time you
were the baker of Mohammad and you oppressed people there. At that time you
plundered people like a thief. I forgave you for the sake of Mohammad (be naz-e
rasul), and in the eternal world your request to be forgiven was granted."56 When
Faqin heard this he became aware of what he was really like.57 Thus he prostrated
himself and attested Shah Khoshin as being "The Beginning and the End". After
some time Shah Khoshin left the Rijab region again for Lorestan, where he travelled
everywhere with his companions. He moved about in the world to every corner,
place and country, 58 until his essence disappeared in the "Gamasiyab" (K.

50
Ibid., p. 295.
51
Ibid., p. 2%.
52
'Ayn ol-Qozat of Hamadan was a well-known scholar who lived in the year 525 Hijra.

Farid ed-Din 'Attar of Nishapur is a well-known Sufi poet who lived in the twelfth century. 'Attar's
great philosophical work, Manteq ot-Tayr, was composed probably in the second half of the twelfth
century. (Cf.Farid ud-Din Attar, The Conference of the birds, London/Henley, 1954).
54
This is an interesting name also appearing in Shiite texts. The structure looks like an Iranian word.
In that case it is probably a combination of the words "do" and "janeh". The former means "two" and
the latter "life". Therefore this combination probably means "the one who has two lives".
55
Jayhunabadi, op. cit., p. 301.
56
"To ra 'afv kardam be naz-e rasul*ze pas dar baqa gasht hajat qabul." Verse: 5850, p. 302.
57
"Faqih chon shanid amr az shah-e din'jali gasht khod ra bedid an chnin." Verse: 5852, p. 302.
CO
"Be gardesh bodi dayem andar jahan'be har marz-o bum dar har makan." Verse: 5861, p. 302.
 270

Gamasiyau) river. After that his companions were dispersed, each leaving for
another country or region (sarzamin).

e) Eight Commanders of the Darkness in the Na'us (or Navus) period and the
story regarding the consumption of pork.
When Na'us declared that he was the Divine Manifestation some people, including
his mother, rejected it. His brother Shiru ridiculed him and demanded that he
should prove his claim.60 Na'us got angry and changed Shiru into a pig which ran
up to the mountains.
There were seven other persons who collaborated with Shiru - together they were
the eight Commanders of Darkness. These seven persons were: Shemr, Ebn-e
Sa'd, Ebn-e Ziyad, Ebn-e Ons, Bol-Honuq, Zarqat b. Sharik (who was in Kerbala),
Ebn-e Kharsheh (who was an enemy of Hosayn in Kerbala). These seven persons
were the re-incarnations of the following Commanders of Darkness:'Osman,'Omar,
Abu Bakr, Talheh, Zobayr, Rahman, Mo'aviyeh.
After these people were transformed into pigs they went up to the mountains. Since
then the consumption of pork has been forbidden (for the Yaresan), and if any one
eats pork he will be punished. If any one touches a pig he should wash his body
(ablution). But if someone suffers from certain diseases such as alphosis, and he
may be cured through eating pork, then he is allowed to do so. But after having
regained his health again, he must stop the consumption and should make
atonement (kofareh dadan).61

Fourth Period:
a) The manifestation of Benyamin in the period of Soltan Sahak

Benyamin (the manifestation of Jebra'il) was working as a day labourer (barzegar)

for a man called Kheder of Paveh (K. Pawa).62 Once he became ill and stayed in
bed. Therefore his master got angry and told him that his wages would not be paid
any more until he had regained his health again. Kheder thus employed another
labourer. Afterwards Benyamin felt even worse and stayed in bed for several days,
till someone informed him about a geomancer who had just come to that region
and who could help him to get cured. Thus Benyamin limped to the geomancer.
The geomancer, whose name was Rokn ed-Din, looked at his "Rami" (instrument of
geomancy). He asked Benyamin to share with him his destiny in return for telling
his fortune, which Benyamin accepted. Rokn ed-Din revealed to Benyamin that he
was a companion (moqreb) of the King of the World and possessed the key to
both Worlds. The geomancer advised him to go to the Mount Shahu as soon as he
had recovered. "On the Mount Shahu," the geomancer added, "God in the form of
a Royal Falcon with feathers and wings would emerge". Rokn ed-Din, the
geomancer, also revealed that he himself was sent by the same Royal Falcon to
make Benyamin aware of the mystery. He also said that there would be three other
men in the Shahu region to whom God would appear. Then Rokn ed-Din gave
Benyamin a handful of water and he was completely healed. All of a sudden,

^ Jayhunabadi, op. tit., p. 303.

Shiru also threatened Na'us and told him: "Either you should make me contemptible (khawr) (to
prove your divinity) or I will cut off your tongue."

61
Jayhunabadi, op. cit., pp. 305 - 307.

62
Ibid., p. 311.
 271

Benyamin's "eyes of knowledge" were opened and he remembered the ancient

times. 63

b) The emergence of Soltan Sahak

After that Benyamin went to Mount Shahu, where he saw a spring. There he sat
down for some time till three dervishes arrived, one being the same geomancer,
Rokn ed-Din, and the others being Musi Siyah and Ayvat. Benyamin asked them
from where they were and he was told that each had come from a different region
(vatan), and had become conscious in a different place of God's (Shah) decision,
and that they were all ordered to come to Benyamin. They said to Benyamin : "You
are our leader and head (mehtar) and we will execute your firman (command).
Benyamin asked them from which places they had come. Musi Siyah said he had
come from Khorasan, Ayvat said he had come from Ardabil 6 4 and Rokn ed-Din
said he had come from Damascus.
Then these four men remained watching and waiting for the Divine Essence silently
in Mount Shahu. After three days and nights it revealed itself as a white Royal
Falcon sitting on a stone. The companions prostrated themselves before Him.
Then the companions requested the Divine Essence to manifest itself in a human
form. 65 The Divine Essence said. "After I disappear from here, you must go to
Shaykh Isi in Barzanjeh 6 6 and plant a garden (bustan=horticulture) somewhere
near his house, and keep Ayvat to watch it. In the middle of that garden put a stick
from a mulberry tree into the earth. This stick should be half burnt. Whenever the
stick sprouts and it smells like musk it will be the sign indicating that the time for my
manifestation is approaching. When the garden bears fruits I will come and sit on
the stick." He continued: "Shaykh Isi is two hundred years old, and there is a young
girl called "Dayerak" who should be fetched and married to (the old) Shaykh Isi.
When the stick has sprouted and I sit on it, Dayerak should unfold her skirt and I sit
on it, then she should again fold and unfold her skirt, and I will be there as a child.
After that you should take me home (khanqah)67 and I will become the son of
Shaykh Isi. Dayerak is a daughter of Hosayn Bag, the chief of the "Jald" tribe, and
he is a re-incarnation of Ruchiyar."68
The Royal Falcon disappeared and the companions began to carry out His
commands. 69 They went to Shaykh Isi and told him that they wanted to seek
Dayerak's hand in marriage to him. Shaykh Isi protested on the grounds that he
was too old and his hair were white like camphor and therefore he did not need a
wife. The companions told him that God (dadar) wished that the girl remained a
virgin. They narrated the story to Shaykh Isi, who was glad about it.
After that the companions went to the house of Hosayn Bag. 70 On the way they
had to go through many trials and tribulations. They stayed some days and nights
as guests there and finally they asked the father to let his daughter marry Shaykh

63
Ibid., p. 321.
64
Ibid., p. 322.
65
Ibid., p. 323.
66
The descendants of Shaykh Isi still live in the same region and are Sunni Moslems.
fn
"Khanqah" actually means monastery, convent. It is usually used as a house of meditation by the
dervishes.
(TO

"Bovad saheb-e il-e jald an amir'be mazhar bovad ruchiyar-e kabir."

69
Jayhunabadi, op. cit., p. 325.
70
Ibid., p. 326.
 272

Isi. Hosayn Bag asked how they could provide him the bride gifts.71 The
companions told him that he could demand anything he wanted. Hosayn Bag
demanded seven camels loaded with pearls and jewellery. The three companions
(Ayvat remaining behind to wait and watch the garden) asked for guidance from
the Truth. They were ordered to go to the mountain and ask the mountain to
provide all those things. The three companions did whatever they were told. When
the night was over and day-light emerged, the camels loaded with pearls and
jewellery appeared, which were directed by seven slaves wearing golden belts. The
loads were given to Hosayn Bag, who was very surprised.72 Hosayn Bag became
conscious of the significance of the mystry after seeing the jewellery, and fell to the
feet of the companions.
The girl was taken to Shaykhlsi's house and there the mystery was revealed to
her. But people began to talk spitefully about her. They said: "The dervishes have
certainly brought this girl for themselves, as Shaykh 'Isi is too old and needs no
wife." Those people even suggested to Shaykh Isi that if he wished, they would kill
the dervishes.73 But Shaykh 'Isi told them that they spoke nonsense. Still people
continued to taunt her, till Ayvat arrived (from the garden) and brought the news
that the stick had sprouted. Thus they all went into the garden and saw that the
Royal Falcon had appeared from the mountain and was sitting on the stick, which
smelled better than musk. Dayerak unfolded her skirt, and the Falcon sat on it. She
again folded and unfolded her skirt and saw that there was a child.74 This was the
Soltan who grew up in Shaykh Isi's house.

c) A miracle performed by Soltan Sahak

Once Shaykh 'Isi was building a "Takyeh".75 To build the roof he cut down many
trees, but they were all too short; therefore the Shaykh was sad and disappointed.
One night Soltan Sahak and Davud made all the rafters (tir) longer and set them on
the walls of the Takyeh. The day after, when Shaykh 'Isi heard about this he was
very glad. Then he asked the name of the person who had set the rafters, Sahak
told him that he had done it. Shaykh 'Isi said: "I am surprised about all the things
you do. Tell me who are your (these) seven companions?." Sahak told him that to
discover this secret, Shaykh 'Isi should go to the Kaaba. So he left for the Kaaba,
and when he entered the House of Kaaba he saw that Soltan Sahak was sitting
there. Everywhere he looked, in the sea and on the earth, he saw Soltan Sahak.
The radiation (light) from Sahak brightened both the earth and the sky. Then
Shaykh 'Isi heard a voice that said: "Don't you know that everywhere you go on
earth or in the sky or in the Kaaba there Sahak will be?. Everywhere he has
camped is the Kiblah for the people. See where he camps and that is the house of
God (bayt ol-haram),76 and where Sahak was that was your own house.77 Why did

71
Ibid., p. 327.
72
ibid.
73
Ibid., p. 328.
74
Ibid., p. 329.
75
A "Takyeh" is a house for religious ceremonies. Baktashis for example call their religious houses
"Tekyeh". Among the Shi'ites of Western Iran Takyeh is a temporary place for the Moharam
ceremony.
"Bayt ol-haram" is actually the name of the temple of Mecca.
77 "Be har ja keh soltan zadeh bargah*bar-e khalq bashad haman qeblehgah. nazar kon keh an bargah
dar kojast'haman khaneh-ye shah-e 'alam panast. keh an khaneh bod khangah-e khodat*keh soltan
hamisheh behamdam bodat." Verses: 6428 - 6430.
 273

you disgrace yourself before the Truth. Therefore you will see that house no more
and you will not see the Friend." Shaykh'lsi regretted having come such a long way
in vain to visit the Kaaba. He then prayed to be able to see the Soltan78 and asked
for forgiveness before he died. But on the way back, the "King of the World" sent
Mostafa Davudan79 to take his soul away. It is the law of (the80 religion of) the Truth
that anyone who hesitates to believe, will not see God's face.

d) The story of Sahak's brothers, who became his enemies

Shaykh Isi had three sons: Qadereh, Kheder and Salamat. After Shaykh Isi's death
they became the enemies of Sahak. These three were re-incarnations of the
Commanders of Darkness. Qadereh was the re-incarnation of 'Omar. Kheder was
the re-incarnation of Shemr and Salamat that of Ebn-e Ziyad. Qadereh once told
the people (qaum) of Chichak that Sahak was a magician and an enemy of the
religion (Islam) and that he should be expelled from that region. The Chichak
people were influenced by these words of Qadereh. When the Soltan heard about
this, he told his companions that those people were misguided and that for this
reason he prefered not to remain there any more. Then Soltan Sahak said to
Qadereh: "You can do whatever you want. I do not need to live in your region
(molk) because these seven friends are enough for me." But in return Qadereh
continued to quarrel with him.81 Then Sahak along with his companions (the
Haftan: Benyamin, Davud, Pir Musi, Mostafa, Ayvat and Tayar)82, left for "Perdivar".
When they arrived in "Marno" and camped there, (they saw) that all the property
and flocks belonging to Qadereh had moved and followed them. When Qadereh
found out about this, he sent a messenger to Sahak and asked for pardon. He
requested the Soltan to send all his belongings back to him. Sahak forgave him
and ordered that the property and flocks be moved back. But Sahak kept three
objects: A flying carpet that could cross the world within a moment, a "Sofreh"
(table-cloth) on which any food that one wished would appear and a spring of
water which accompanied Sahak until he came to Mount "Shender", where he fell
asleep.83 This spring is still said to be (moqim=inhabiting) on the same mountain.

e) Renewal of the "Spiritual Contract"

When Sahak arrived in Marno, he chose a cave where he and his companions got
together. Then the Haftan told him that the time for the reunion with the Friend and
the final period had come. Therefore Sahak called all the heavenly bodies and
angels to be present in that place.85

no
Often the Yaresan use only the name Soltan for Sahak.
79
Mostafa Davudan is also the death angel.
80
Jayhunabadi, op. cit., p. 332.
81
Ibid., p. 333.
82
Ibid., p. 330. Hosayn Bag, the father of Dayerak was also called "Tayar" which means flying
(person). He was given this name because once he flew from his place to Sahak's house in order to
meet him.
83
Ibid., p. 334.
84
Ibid., p. 335.
85
Ibid., pp. 336 - 337.
 274

f) The story of Mika'il of Dudan and his meeting with Sahak

When Sahak and his companions arrived at Mount Shender they disappeared
before the people's eyes and again they renewed their spiritual contract, this being
accompanied by the ceremony of sacrifice. 86
Then Sahak and his companions went and camped on the bank of the Sirwan river.
In this region, there was a man called Mika'il who was one of the leaders of the Jaf
tribe. He was an enlightened Shaykh who was able to perform miracles
(karamat). 87 The Shaykh who was living in Dudan, possessed lions for riding.
One day he received the news that Sahak with his companions has arrived near the
Sirwan river, and that they had decided to stay there and construct houses. Mika'il
became furious because they had not asked his permission. He mounted one of
his lions and took a snake in his hand as a whip, and galloped towards the Sirwan
river. He arrived in a place where Davud was living beside a wall. 88 When Mika'il
saw Davud, he shouted and said: "According to the religious laws, it is forbidden to
build a house on the lands belonging to others. Now, how can you do such a thing
when this land belongs to me. Tell me who you are and who has permitted you to
build a house here ?." When Davud saw Mika'il riding on a lion, he ordered the wall
to move. The wall moved and came near to Mika'il.®9 Davud said: "I am the slave
(gholam = companion) 9 0 of Soltan Sahak. He is the Divine Essence (zat-e haqq)
and all the world is his property. Therefore he can stay anywhere he wishes. 91 You
should repent now. Remember that in ancient times you were the son of Hor, who
along with Hosayn was killed by the non-believers in Karbela. In another period you
were the one (Shaykh Isi) who was killed through a stone thrown by a shepherd. 92
In another period you were Solomon who saw G o d in the world garment (jam-e
jahan)." (When Mika'il heard all this about his previous re-incarnations), he became
aware and remembered that once, about two hundred years earlier, under the
name of Solomon 9 3 he had met God near a spring on a meadow; and thus he
prostrated himself. 94

ojr
Ibid. This story will be reproduced in the next section regarding the Yaresan rites and institutions.
87 "Karamat" also means generosity. In that case it means a "generous man".

88
Jayhunabadi, op. cit., p. 365.
89
Mokri who identifies Davud with the Mazdean god Vayu suggests that the word "Divar" (meaning
wall) must have originally been "Div" (meaning demon). Mokri, Le Kalam gourani sur le
Cavalier...op. cit., p. 67.
90
The Arabic word "gholam" and the Persian word "bandeh" both mean slave. In the Islamic
conception all human beings are slaves of God.
91
"Tamami jahan sar be sar mal-e ust*be har ja neshinad gavara nekust." Verse: 7119.
92
"Be digar zaman baz mi a be hush*be chupan namudi to an sang nush." Verse: 7124. The shepherd
was Malekol-Mout.
93
Jayhunabadi, op. cit., p. 366. There is a legend among the Sufis according to which the djinns robbed
Solomon of his seal, and so deprived him of his power for forty days. The ring was found by a fish
and restored to Solomon together with his power. It is also said that later Solomon threw the ring
into the sea so that no one should learn the secret of his power. (Cf Attar, The Conference...op. cit.,
p. 146.
94 Jayhunabadi., p. 367.
 275

g) The story of Mika'il who had met God two hundred years earlier and
requested Him to manifest Himself
Mika'il prostrated himself and appealed to Him (to manifest Himself) weeping : "Oh,
Grandeur! Remember that in pre-eternity You promised all the luminous creatures
that after (the period of) Mohammad You would manifest Yourself among the
Yaresan, and spread the religion of the Truthworshippers. Now (the period of)
Mohammad and 'Ali has passed and the time of Your promise has come.95 The
time for Your manifestation is ripe." The Creator said: "According to the religious
laws there is some time left till that period.96 With this soul and in this garment
(incarnation) you can not experience that period. Wait till another Dun (incarnation)
and you will be able to experience the union with God in human form."97 But Mika'il
insisted and requested the Creator to manifest Himself at that very moment: "You
are able to do whatever You want through Your power".98
But God reminded him that everything has its laws, and that there should be
offering (nazr) and sacrifice to call the Friends (yaran). Whenever the sacrifice is
ready, the Saviour99 will appear out of the mystery (serr). Mika'il asked: "From
where can I bring a sacrificial animal now?." The Judge (God) said: "Look at the
mountain and there are a number of flocks. Go and get a sheep from a shepherd
and bring it here." Mika'il looked at the mountain and saw a flock and a man
walking behind it. Due to God's miracle the sheep were all angels and the shepherd
was Malak al-Mout (the death angel).
Happily Mika'il climbed the mountain and when he reached the flock he saw that
the shepherd was sleeping.100 He thought it was a good opportunity to take one of
the sheep with him, as he did not have any gold to buy one. He thought that the
shepherd certainly would not give him any thing free of charge, and argued: "If I go
to fetch money, perhaps the shepherd will no longer be here, or God may
disappear. Now I can take a sheep, while the shepherd is sleeping, and I will pay
for it afterwards." Thus he went and took a year-old-lamb (shik) and started to climb
down the mountain. With God's intention, the shepherd woke up and saw a man
take a lamb and run down the mountain. He thus took a stone and threw it at
Mika'il which hit him and Mika'il fell down and died. 101
After he was killed by the shepherd, Mika'il came into life in another garment. In the
new garment, he was a powerful man and possessed lions as his ridina animals.
After his encounter with Davud, Mika'il became aware of his state again.102

h) Miracles performed by Soltan Sahak

When Mika'il saw the wall moving and heard Davud's explanations of his previous
Duns (incarnations), he regained awareness again and requested Davud to tell the

95
Jayhunabadi, p. 367. "Mohammad gozasht-o velayat gozasht*rasideh-ast va'deh behaq dar nevasht."
Verse: 7140.

96
Ibid., p.368. "Dar in ruh-o in jam an 'asr ra'nabinid ay mard pakizeh rah." Verse: 7147.

97
Ibid., p. 368. "Tahamol bekon ta be dun.e degar*bebini vesal haqq az an bashar." Verse: 7147.

98
Ibid., p. 368.

99
"Naji" means:"One who escapes or is saved". This word is erroneously used for "Monji" = Saviour.

100
Ibid., p. 369.

101
Ibid., p. 370.

102
Ibid., p. 371.
 276

Soltan that he desired to meet Him. Mika'il said: "When it is proved to me that he is
the master (mehtar) I will become his follower (kehtar), otherwise I will blacken
(ruin) his life and expel him from here."
Davud brought the news to God, and he ordered Davud to spread a carpet on the
water of the Sirvan river. And Davud spread the planet-like carpet on the water.
Then God went and sat on it. He stretched out his hands and took Mika'il, who was
standing on the bank of the river, a hundred feet (qadam) away. When Mika'il saw
the King, he apologised for his mistakes and asked for forgiveness. Then Mika'il felt
hungry and asked for food.103 God put his hand into the water and brought out a
freshly roasted fish in a loaf of bread.104 He ordered Mika'il to eat the fish without
breaking the bones. After that, another fish put its head out of the water and asked
for its mate. So God took the bones in His hand and turned them into a fish again,
and threw it into the water. The fish came to life and went back to its mate.
Mika'il of Dudan again asked for pardon and praised God and gave his head to the
Religion of the Truth (he was initiated).105
Appendix III

Yaresan Religious Stories Regarding Rituals and Institutions

a) Sacrifice: Story of the sacrifice of the wild goat
When Sahak and his companions arrived at Mount Shender106 they disappeared.
To renew the Spiritual Contract the Soltan sent Benyamin to the mountain to fetch a
wild goat (kalboz)107 for sacrifice. There Benyamin saw a yellow goat that did not
run away from him, which surprised Benyamin and he realized that108there must be a
mystery behind it. Benyamin took it by the horns to the Soltan. There, a man
appeared out of the horns of the goat and sat down.
He told the King: "Remember that in ancient times I was directly beside you and my
name was Ahmad. I was the leader (padeshah) of the Cheheltan. Then I was Adam
and the human beings were produced from me. After that I was Ahmad-e Mostafa
(Prophet Mohammad) who was superior to all people (khas-o 'am). Now I have
appeared out of the horns of that goat and my name is Pir 'Ali, and I am ready to
follow your orders." The Soltan said: "Oh, Pir 'Ali, you are the manifestation of my
qualities in the world. I inform you that you should offer your head to the Truth, and
you will join the Truth from stage to stage (tabaq dar tabaq). You should be
obedient to the orders of Benyamin who will help you in the eternal world (baqa'),
because in Medina you requested to offer your head to Benyamin (ruh ol-amin) in

103 "Mika'il pas goft ay dadgar'konun sir kon mar mara zin gozar.Goresneh shodam hai az bu-ye
to'konam za'f az shouq-e an ru-ye to." Verses: 7248 - 49.

104 "Yeki mahi avard az an borun'breshteh shodeh tazeh az andarun. Be-taqdir an padeshah-e
kabir*begalb-e yeki nan khwan bod monir." Verses: 7250 - 51.

105 Jayhunabadi, p. 371.

106 The name of this mountain is spelled in Haqq ol-haqayeq as "Shondar", whereas in Borhan ol-
haqq it is spelled as "Shener". This mountain is located in the border area between Iran and Iraq.

107
The word "boz" means goat and the word "kal" generally refers to a kind of mountain animal
similar to a goat. In some of the Yaresan texts instead of "Kalboz" the name "Quch", i. e. ram, is
used. Haqq ol-haqayeq sometimes uses the word "Mish" which means ewe.

108 Jayhunabadi, p. 351.

 277

order to enter the religion of the Truth. Now the promised time has come." Pir 'Ali
said: "I will do anything you order." 109
The King ordered Pir 'Ali to stand up and offer his head to Benyamin. Pir 'Ali
prostrated himself and kissed Benyamin's hand and said: "I hope I succeed in
uniting with the Truth. You (Benyamin) are now my leader."
Benyamin promised never to be separated from him. Then the King told Pir 'Ali to
recite the Knife-Prayer and slaughter the wild goat which he did. Previously, while
Benyamin was bringing the goat down the mountain, Ayvat had died and his soul,
by the order of God (kebriya) was reincarnated in the body of the goat. As the goat
was the re-incarnation of Ayvat he was sacrificed for the sake of the Truth. 110
After the slaughter all the objects in the court of the King became alive and along
with human beings, djinns, fairies, birds, beasts and demons, in groups, all came
and asked for the grace of the Truth.
The King ordered his companions to cut eight pieces of flesh from the sacrificial
goat and after a prayer each ate a small piece.
Some forbidden parts were separated from the sacrificial goat before cooking. 111
Then the sacrificial food was put before the King and Pir 'Ali said the following
prayer:
"With the contract (shart) of Benyamin and the firmness (eqrar) of the King. 112 In
the way of Reda, Davud the Guide. To the Golden-Pen Musi, the Constant (ba
vafa). To the pure Khedmat of Razbar. By order of God (khodavand) of the earth
and the sky. May this sacrifice be accepted. May our needs be met. May the
friends join the Truth in the eternal world." 113
Then the King ordered that the flesh of the sacrificial goat be consumed without the
joints of the bones being separated. 114 The bones were put into the skin and by an
order of God the goat came to life and went to the mountain.
Then the essence (zat) which had come out of the goat's body went into the body
(jam) of Asghar.
Previously, by the order of God, Asghar was spell-bound (be telesm oftadan) and
was unconscious on the mountain. After Ayvat died, his soul went into the body of
Asghar and he came to life.
Then the Haftan saw that a man came down the mountain and went to the court of
God and prostrated himself. Asghar said: "Gratitude is due to the King that I was
spell-bound and I was unconscious. When I saw the King I became aware of the
fact that I was the son of Alexander and my name was Asghar the Champion.

109
Ibid., p. 352.

110
Ibid., p. 353.

111
These parts are: 1. Blood, 2. Spleen and male organ (seperz and Zakar), 3. Intestines (rudeh), 4.
Sereshk?, 5. Abkhor?, 6. Abgjr?, 7. The four trotters (pacheh), 8. Gall-bladder (zahreh), 9. Paunch
(gadeh), 10. Testicles (khayeh). The meaning of the verses 6887 to 6891 is not clear. These verses
are as follows: Bekhordand ajnas anha be kham*goru-ha goru az halal-o haram. Har an jens khordi
ze 'ozv-e halal'halal gasht az amr-e an zol-jalal. Har an jens khordi ze 'ozv-e haram'haram gasht az
amr-e shah ta qiyam. Valikan goruh-e khabisan chenan'gazandeh aba jens-e darrandagan.
Nabordand qesmat ze fayz-e baqa'shodand randeh-ye dargah-e padeshah. Apparently these verses
mean: They (those creatures appearing in the court of the Soltan) ate all these parts raw, whether
forbidden or not. Those species that ate the lawful parts, themselves became lawful, and those
species that ate the forbidden parts themselves became forbidden. But the groups of malicious
creatures, of biting and stinging creatures as well as rapacious animals did not receive any share and
were driven away from the court.

112
"Shart" and "eqrar" written together is the Spiritual Contract of the Yaresan.

113
Jayhunabadi, p. 354.

114
"Bemanad betun jam' (betun-e jam') an ostekhan*nagardad joda razm-ha-yash bekan." Verse:
6900.
 278

When Alexander conquered the world I was held spell-bound by magic in a cave.
From then until now I have been unconscious (dar khwab) and did not see the
sun."
Then the Soltan gave him the name "Yar Ahmad" and the Haftan, who were glad,
became the Hashtan (the eight bodies). 115 After that the Soltan went to Perdivar
and camped there. In Perdivar the corpse of Ayvat was buried. The Soltan ordered
that on Ayvat's grave a shrine was to be constructed and it became the Kiblah of
the Yaresan.
A s the fame of the Hashtan spread everywhere all the unconscious companions
became conscious (and came to the court of the King). 116 Soltan Sahak said:
"Ayvat will not be destroyed and remain unconscious while being alive. On the Day
of Resurrection he will come to life again and I will manifest myself in his body,
which is beautiful. At that time all the people, will come and line up and Musi will
count their sins and good deeds. The good people will be blessed and the sinful
people will be punished. Then the period of mortality (fani) will come to an end and
the period of immortality (baqi) will begin. The friends (yaran) will join the Truth and
be glad. But from now on, once in each period (dour), I will appear and be a guest
of my followers (gholaman) and renew the contract with the Yaresan. I and Pir will
rotate in the world like the moon and the sun. Night and day we will be present
among the Yaresan and especially in the Jam. 1 1 7

b) Fasting: Story of the "Qavaltas"118

During the Marnovi fasting period seven companions of the Soltan came from
Kurdistan and went to Mount Shahu. These seven companions were: 1. Qoli 2.
Shabedin 3. Shakeh 4. Shah Nazar 5. Morad 6. Salman 7. Pireh.
In their previous incarnations in Medina they were: 1. 'Abdollah b. 'Abbas 2. 'Aqil 3.
Balal 4. Sa'd Vaqas 5. Bu al-Mo'ajem 119 6. Salman 7. 'Adi b. Hatam.
When the Qavaltas arrived on Mount Shahu., they arrogantly asked the Soltan to
come to them to grant their request. Soltan Sahak got angry and determined that
snow would fall on Mount Shahu for three days and nights. So the Qavaltas were
snowed under. Other companions fasted for the sake of the Qavaltas for three
days and nights, until the Soltan pardoned them. Therefore the Qavaltas who had
been dead for three days and nights came to life. 120
The Qavaltas are a symbol of the following qualities:
1. Justice and truthfulness, 2.Generosity, 3. Courage in Jihad, 4. Purity and good
nature, 6. Forgiveness in power, 7. Knowledge (gnostics) and maturity
(perfection). 121

115
Jayhunabadi, p. 356.

116
Ibid., p. 364.

117 Ibid, p. 359.

118 According to Elahi "QavaT is an Arabic word meaning "to make wise or aware" (dana namudan)
or "to order". Tas" has different meanings, among them "good" or "decoration". "Tas" is a Persian
word which has entered several European languages through Arabic. It designates "a copper bowl
used in bath houses". The Qavaltas are seven followers of the Soltan who came from Kurdistan,
which traditionally is the name for the region north of the Kermanshah province.

119
Jayhunabadi, p. 344.

120 From Shaykhan village, where the Soltan was staying, to Mount Shahu is a distance of about eight
'Farsang". The "Farsang" is a unit of length equal to 6.24 kilometres.

121 Jayhunabadi, p. 345.

 279

Due to these qualities God pardoned the Qavaltas, but in each period and in each
incarnation they become arrogant and search for glory and superiority.122

c) Fasting: Qadereh's military expedition against Sahak

Again Qadereh accused Sahak of being a magician and a non-believer. He
managed to recruit an army which he moved against Sahak and his companions.
They surrounded the cave of Marno (where Sahak and his companions were
renewing their spiritual contract). The Haftan who were also there, brought the
news to the Soltan and asked him for advice. 123 Sahak sent Davud, who alone
mounted a horse and rode towards that army. When he reached them he threw a
handful of earth into the troop, and with God's will the whole world became dark
before the eyes of the people. It was so dark that the sun and moon could no
longer be seen.
Three days and nights the companions fasted and were engaged in praising God.
Then they requested Sahak to make the world bright again. ^At his will the world
became bright again and the sun and the moon reappeared; thus the previous
situation was restored. So the companions called that day a religious feast day.
Because of this, from that day it has been a custom for the Yaresan to fast and
celebrate, something they will do till the Day of Resurrection.125 Then Sahak and
his companions left for Mount Shender where they set up their camp. 126

Ibid., p.346; Also cf. Elahi, Borhan ol-haqq, op. cit., p.138.
1
Jayhunabadi, p. 340. "Komin chareh-ye dard ma ra konid'bekharmaneshan atashi afkanid." Verse:
6611.

124 Ibid., p.341.

125 Ibid., p. 342.

126 Ibid., p. 351.

 280

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 303

Ab-charkh-jam\Ab-e Charkh-e 'Avamm, 240/ *

Jam, 1 7 5 , 1 7 7 , 2 0 3 / JT Avishan, 182, 2 1 9 / ¿-¿-^ j T
'Ayn ol-Qozat, 269 / t l i i J I
Abazar, 1 0 0 / T
j -i C l Ayvat "Maqam", 2 1 1 / - i L . C. , I
Abdal,99/¿J I x , I Ayvat, 7 1 , 1 0 2 , 1 0 4 - 1 0 8 , Z l l ,
Abdal-bag, 208 / ( i L J I J - ' 1 1 4 , 1 1 8 , 1 6 2 , 1 9 0 , 262, 263,
'Abdin\'Abedin, 1 0 0 , 2 0 9 / ¿ r i J-i U 271-273,277,278 / C.*-. I
'Abdol Maleki, 64 / ^jSLE. J j Ayaz, 208 / j L I
J l j 1 Ayyas, 100
J « J
'Abdollah b. Harb, 1 3 3 , 1 3 4 / '•'AzazU, 8 7 / c k j
'Abdollah b. Mo'aviyeh, 133 0-J-*J ' J B.Faqih, 99 / »-«¿-i L L
'Abdollah, nicknamed Baba B.Taher, 99 / ~y> IL L L
Golab, 208 / L = »J ' V - Baba 'Ali of Hamadan, 57 / ^ I > - « • ^ l t L L
Abgusht, 268 / , . , Baba'IsiKhandan,211/ ^ I^J U _ j L L
Abol Khatab, 94 / w u * ^ V Baba Bozorg, 7 9 , 9 9 / d ^ j - ; L L
Abol Mo'ajen, 1 0 1 / i-?""-' ' » - * ' Baba Haydar Khandan, 206,
Abolvafa, 196,206, 207, 212 / T-i J l^-j I 208,226,213,214/ aIJUU
Abu Bakr, 119, 2 6 7 , 2 7 0 / ^ . Baba Sarhang, 48, 49, 52 / t & J j , ' L L
Abu Taleb, 100 / 1 ' Baba Taher, 5 7 , 1 0 4 , 2 6 1 , 2 6 8 / ^ L L
'Adi b. Hatam, 101, 278 / - J U j Xt Baba Yadegar Khandan, 206,
'Ahd, 221 / Ajj- 1 211,226/ \xi U. 15";L L L
'Ahd-o misaq, 1 9 5 / j l i o . j J ^ Baban, 2 0 , 2 3 8 / L*L
Ahl-e haqq, 1 , 2 0 , 2 2 , 28, 29, Babu 'Isi, 206, 2 1 1 , 2 1 2 , 226 /
188,189 / O» J A 1 Babu'Isi Khandan, 207/ • 1 j ^j L>, .c L>
Ahmad Havar, 100 /, IaJl-_> I Badusi, 1 9 6 /
Ahmad, 100,107, 276 / j> I Bahlul, 4 2 - 4 5 , 4 9 - ^ 5 2 , 1 2 0 ,
Ahmad-e Mostafa, 276/ .1 237/ JjJ—
Ahmadavand, 63 / Jl1 . X o>. I Bairavand, 68 / . Li
A i Dau Dau, 193 / Ij b , J Bakhtaran, 30 / Ij J j - L
Ain Jam, 182 Balal, 1 0 1 , 2 7 8 / J>L
A'in-e Jam, 222, 226 / Bananiyyeh, 94 / ' b_;
Akaber, 207 / ^ IS" I Bani Jan, 196 / j l >
'Alam-e Dez, 196 / ' j J - J U- Banyaran near Kermansnah,
'Alamgjr, 1 4 1 , 1 4 2 / _ r i 2 J U 65/6 t j L j L
'Ali Qalandar, 106,186,"206, Baqi', 84 /
211,226/ jAiJL» J I t Barzanjeh (K/Barzanja), 57,
Almas, 6 3 , 9 9 , 1 3 8 / U I 271 / ( » j ü . j j , ^ ) » ^
Almas-bag, 208 / ( ¡ L j - L J I Batul, 100 /
'Amaleh, 40, 67/ »JLt Bayabas, 222 / ^ L_,
Amaneh, 267 / » J L« ' Bayabas-e Khavankari, 196 /
Amanollah, 49 / lj U ' Bayabas-e Perdivari, 196 /
'Amar Yaser, 100 / - L j U Bayabas-e Sajnari, 196/ u > IM UJ
Amir Khan, 62 / ^ L> j ^ * I Benyamin, 1 3 6 , 1 4 3 , 91, 9 9 , 1 0 ^ '
'Amreh, 269 / 113,118,179,180,188,191,
'Anaq, 75 / jJj. 202,210, 2 1 9 , 2 6 1 , 2 7 0 , 2 7 1 ,
Anast, 124 273,276,277/
'Anqa, 78 / !«•.<• Benyamin-Prayer, I9Ö / j Uj
'Anzil, 101 / J_, Bivanij, 39 / ^ r " y r i
'Aqil, 1 0 1 , 1 0 2 , 278 / J ^ i t Bivar Frahvars, 1 1 5 , 1 1 6 / « j 3 » ^ j ^ r l
'Aqiq, 102/ Bivar Gholam, 1 0 1 , 1 1 5 / ^ jy^.
'Aql, 127 / CP-«- . . Bol-Honuq, 270 / i j
Asghar, 107, 111, 277/ J 3 ^ \ , Bolvafa, 100 / ^ ^ '1 j - ;
Aslaheh-ye saz-zan, 163 J . O j j Boteh-khwan, 175 /ü*"
Asmareh, 207 / ' J*-1 , Bozayghiyyeh, 94 /
Atash, 9 9 , 1 3 6 , 1 6 5 / 1 Brakeh (Braka), 22 /
Atash Bag (Khan Atash), 63, Bu al-Mo'ajem, 278 /,
209,226/ l i b JLJ f Bu Moslemiyyeh, 95
Atash-bagi, 187,206, ¿ $ ^ 2 0 9 , "Buzeh" (K. Buza), 108/ ( »
2 1 1 , 2 1 4 , 2 1 5 , 2 1 6 / J>-i J ^ * Chakideh, 204, 205 / « JlA>
'Attar, 269 / Chamari 192/ <jr*->-
 304

Char Gusha Maten (Chahar Esrafil, 71,73,76, 84, 85, 99,

gusheh-ye matan?), 137 121,202, 262, 263,264 / J - J I
Charchivan, 193,197 / 1 'Ezra'il, 71,73,84,85,86,99,"
Chasbideh, 204,205 / i j l A > 121,262,263,264/J^j
Chehelmir, 121 / Faqih, 269 / » ^ J j
Cheheltan, 101,115, ¿0,172, Far-e kayani, 92,"93 / ^ L S ^ j
192/ ^ e U Far-e yazdan" or "Far-e izadi,
Cheleh-ye bozorg,, 1186/
8 6 / ( ¿ j j - t j »-L^j- 92,93/
Cherag Bayg, 206 / V Far-e Yazdan, 93,117; 151,
Contract of Benyamin, 180,187, 154/ • J
188,189,191 / L J . , 1>y. Farash, 171 / j
DaVat-e shahiVpadesnahi, 184, Farhangsar, 1 3 ^ J \ J
185 A« U i L / « A L c - ^ t J Faridun, 105,110,268 . /Tj
Dad Sari 108/ I c j L j I j Farr, 92, 93 / j-» " r
Dadeh'All, 206 / J U » J J Farzi, 209 / ^
Dadeh Baktar, 209 / ^ 5 L - * J J Faskh, 131 / ¿li .
Dadeh Hosayn, 206 / ^.', j j Fatemeh, 99,104¡ 265/ ^ ^
Darin, 1 8 2 / ^ j Fazl-e Vali, 44,45, 59/ &),
Darziyan, 208 / 6 Fekr-o zekr, 160,161,162 L
Dast-e pir-o padeshah, 173 / • '-ijyt-i Gahanbar, 77 / j W , . . r
Davud, 60, 99,108,118,119, Gahvareh (Gavara), 39,236 / ( » j x j & ) • j
179,189,191,202,210, 219, Gamasiyab" (K. Gamasiyau), .
272,273,274,275,276,277, 49,91,269,270 / ( y U IS) w. L - U IS
279/ , Gerdeh, 167,177,178,180,186/
Dayerak, 57,9f, 271, 272 / . til Gerdeh-ye razbari, 186 > - 5 j k i j ¿HjS
Delfan, 39,53,188 / o Geryal, 101 / U "-¿jJ
Dig-jush, 169 / j^jj-tiL-i Ghaybeh, 153 / i - y ^ i
Dinavar, 54,56 / j^-iJ Ghayn, 72,263 / ¿ r ^
Do-zanu, 173 / ' j j •> Gholat, 39 /
Dohol, 192 / <>-> Ghosl, 108 / J—i-
Dojaneh, 269 / Uj J Ghoslan, 108 / ó^.— ¿
Doureh-ye 'abedin-e jaf, 22 / L j _ . Aj l y > ¡ i Gilan, 236 /
Doureh-ye bahlul, 44 / Jy^i J ' Gog Magog, 76,87,88/
Doureh-ye damyari, 22, 91 / i j j ^ ' J t_S » Gol Mohammad, 209 /
Doureh-ye divaneh-goureh, 2 1 » ^ f í l í ' j ¡ jGouhar-Shahi, 187 / ^yb li.
ls.yk
Doureh-ye haftavaneh, 23,78, Guran, 19,39,40, 51,54,63,
79/ ^ I^^a^.j.j 146,187,236,237,255,256/y I j /
Doureh-ye shah khoshin, 21 / v ^ - y * ' -»Gurani, 17, 21, 22,23,40, 60,
Doureh-ye shondori or L; •j ¡ J 140,178,187,188,194,195,
Gelimeh-kul, 21 / 236,237,238 / ^ '
Doureh-ye zolal zolaj. 21,106, Habib Shah, 100,196 / »^M
109,114/ Haft-sardar, 100 / j '->
Dudan, 274/ O Haftad-o-do-tan, 101/ ¿^jJ^
Dun (incarnation), 275/ ú ) i Haft an bukht, 117 / ^
'Ebadat, 160/ C. b U i Haftan, 71, 72, 73,84,99,105,
Ebn-e Kharsheh, 270 / O-t I 10$, 113,114,116,117,118,
Ebn-e Ons, 270 / c r ^ ' ú - í 119,192,194, 206,211, 212,
Ebn-e Sa'd, 270/ ir . I 214,218, 261, 262,263, 267,
Ebn-e Ziyad, 120, 270, 273 / •> W 268,273, 277, 278, 279 /
Ebrahim, 22,105,108,109,110, Haftavad, 117 / •> I y S * .
112,114 186,189,190,1|91, , Haftavaneh (K. Haftawana), 91,
192,206,211/ 100,116,117,118,162,192,
Efrat, 94 / » ' y* I 206,207,210,212, 214 ( t J l ^ i » * )
Eqrar, 226,254, 255 / j 1 Hajat, 160 / C. U 1.
Ertemasi, 189 / ^ U ^ j I Haji Baktash, 182/
Eshaq, 153 / J U-1 Hallaj, 45, 96 / ^U
Esharat, 51 / C. I j U I Ham-namak, 183 / cL»J
Eskandar, 100 / , JJÍ— I Hamim, 100 / U
Esma'il, 61,97 / J ^ j - U - I Hamzeh b. 'Ali, 93^ 135/ ^
Esma'il of Kulan, 1 0 8 j ^ J ^ J - U _ I Hamzeh, 100 / ,

Hanai Mamad bag, 193/
Hanita, 108 / Ix^J 1*
Haqiqat, 99 / v Ka\Kaka Pireh, 187 188 208,
Harut, 101,114 / U 278/ »^ISC/IS
Hasan, 103 / o — *
Hashar, 211 / , Uj.
Hashr or Ruz-e h a w , 211 /
Hashtan\Hashttan, 107, 278 /
Hashtgerd, 39 / J J i x t J *
Havarasht, 197 /
Hayas, 63,136, 208, 214 / „ L >
Haydar, 97,142,208 / j i « .
Hendu, 269 / - j j j »
Holaylan, 39 / ¿ } L _ U
Holul, 96 / J J , "
Holvan,45,54] • I J ,
Hor, 274 /
Hosayn Bag, 271,272 / ¿ L
Hosayn, 103,106,120,270,274/
Hoshyar, 211 / j Ui-A
Hukht, 197 / C-i-^A
Humt, 197/ C - y k
H U T , 102 / j y
Hushang, 92, 268 / t i b ^ y
Ilbagi Jaf, 145 / <_i W ^ h J * 1I
Iraj, 105 / r-j-i 1
'Isi, 57,100,206,207, 271, 272,
274 /
Ja'far Sadeq, 94 / JJ U
Ja'far, 100 /
Jadvar, 268 /
Jaf tribe, 20, 255, 274/ U J j I
J afar San or Ja'far Soltan, 28 / y
Jalaleh, 49, 90,267, 268 / » J ^ f
Jalalvand, 39,255 / Ai
Jald tribe, 271 / J^ '
Jalil, 209 / J^-L>
Jam (Jameh:
garment = incarnation) 107,
267/ ( U)f U
Jam, 49, 58,108,110, i l l , 113,
118,143,156ff.,163,172,174,
175,176,177,179,180,192,
200,254,278 /
Jamkhaneh, 156,158,170,171,
172,173,176,179,180,195 / »J l u >
Jamshid, 92,110,150 / .x-^.y
Jamshid or Jam, 234 / L -J—
Jamshid-bag, 208 / «ilJju^L»"
Jan, 72,196,264 / 0 U
Javanrud (K. Juwanru), 28, 68 /
Jazbiyat, 160 / C. L - j A »
Jebra'il, 70, 71, 72, 75, 84" 85,"
87,91,92, 99,121,179,202,
262,263,264, 266,270 / o M '
Jomur, 207 /
Jonayd, 97,206 /
Jouz-e sar shekastan, ¿30 / ¿Ju^j.j—jy?
Jouzi,209/ ^ j y *
K.'Arab, 99 / IS IS
305
j b U K.Malakjan, 99 / I x i L L t f t f
K.Rahman, 99 /
Ka-Merijan, 99/j IS"
Kaka 'Arab, 208 / Ly* K" 15"
Kaka Mireh, 99 > yt-D li
Kaka Rahman, 208/ O U » , l S 15
Kaka Reda'i, 43,44 / . p. 'JJ ,1Jo, B IS"
Kaka Reda, 267, 268 /
Kaka'i, 39 / j l i K
Kalam,139,157,158,159,176,
195, 206, 209 /
Kalam-e khazaneh, 195 / Ij^Oli
Kalhor, 39,62, 255 / 1
Kanduleh (Kaniileh), 39,238 / »JjJui
Kani Sepi, 122
» Kayumars, 78,79 /
Kerend, 39,66,69,110/
Kermachan, 30 /o ..
Kermanji Kurds, 20 / ^ U 5 ^ U J^S
Kermanshahan, 30 / u ^
Kennanshan, 30 / o <-
Kermashan, 30 /u U
Khadem, 157,158,159,168,
169,170,171,173,177,
180,199,201/
Khaksar, 23,104, 205/
Khalifeh, 157,158,168,172,
173,201/ »-^t-"-
Khalil, 207 /
Khamush, 207,209 / U
' Khamushi Khandan, 205ff., 209,
211,212, 214,226 / ^-y* I JLi U
Khara, 80, 265 / 1 j
Khatabiyyeh, 94 / ^
Khavandegar, 99 / j 3JU
Khavankar, 71,72, 73,77, 84,
90, 91,99,121,169,172,190,
191,194,20Z. 196. 261, 263,
264,268 /j l>
Khavankari contract, 194 /
Khayal, 206 / J Lj»
Kheder of Paveh (K. Pawa).
270,272,273/ ^ LjXi
Khedmat,165,166,167,178,
184,185, 200,203, 277 / C-Ai-
Kheld, 100 / i i »
Khoda-melunan, 91 / ¿j 1.«^.» ' A*
Khodadad son of Jamasp, 52 / >L U - ^ ^ b l j
I jj- Khodadad, 267,268 / i • J • i i
Khoshin, 41,49-57, 79,90,91,
99,104,109,161,179,194,
196, 232, 237,261,267- 269 /
Khwajavand, 64 /Aj ^
Kofreh, 220 / * yi"
Koshti, 220 /
Kousar, 192 / jJy
Kupeh Sa'i, 188 / L
Lahad, 191 /

Lak, 256 / «iL!
Lakestan, 31,39, 41, 49,50, 52,
54,57,63, 237,256 /
Laki, 64,192, 237,238, 255 / Z S ^
Lareh Lareh, 268 /
Lorestani, 237 /
Lork, 219 / <i) J ?
Lorzan, 267 / o ' j ^ J
Ma'refat, 205 / C - i j^u.
Mah, 43 / » l .
Mah-Kufeh, 43 /
Mahidasht, 39 / - - ' . » U
Mahla(Mohla?), 100/
Mahmud Patel, 100 / JL> L o
Mahmud, 268/
Malak al-Mout, 275 /
Malak Taus\Tavus, 75, 82,83,
121,123,124,182 /
Maqdad, 100 / J I j J u
Marjaneh, 72, 264 / L*
Marmuz (Ramz?,Rezwan? ), 71,
262/ (u
Marao, 184,273,279 / y ^
Maraovi, 184,186, 2 7 8 / \ $ y
Marut, 101,114 / C . L .
Mashyaneh, 74,78, 79/ »-1 U -
Mashyeh\Mashiya, 74, 78 /
Maskh, 131 /
Mehr Izad, 182^183 / i y \
Mika'il of Dudan, 261,274, 276
/ ^ I j j j J ^ l i ^
Mika'il, 71,73,84,85, 99,108,
121,179, 261, 262, 274, 275,
276/ J ^ j t S l ^ .
Mir 'Attar, 209/_, 1 _ k t
Mir Hayas, 209 / Lj-
Mir Jouzi, 209
Mir Varcham, 100 /
Mir, 100,196 / j-J.*
Mirakhor-e jahanshur, 142 / j j ^ J
Mireh Bayg, 206 /<iU-;« ^
Mireh Sur Khandan, 207 / j y ~
Mireh Sur, 206,207, 211, 212,
226/j^,^
Mirza Qofi, 209 / J j I
Mo'aviyeh, 103,115,12Ö, 270 / »
Mo'ezat, 160 / o U i t l .
Mobarak Shah, 49 > L t O j '-V
Mohammad Bag, 78, 99, 208,
218 / <iLxȀ.
Mohammad Bag, known as
Mohammad Nurbakhsh,
208/ j t i - . j ^ J X ^ t - j j ^ —
Mohammad Hasan Agha, 142
Mokhtar, 45,103 /_, l l i i -
Mola Parishan, 60,238£, I
Moqadasat, 194 /£. L _ j J u
Moqbel, 100 / <J—Ju
Morad, 101, 278 / J
Moraqebat, 160,161 / O L i
306
Mosha'sha', 98 /
Mosht-e pir-o padeshah, 172 / LjL,
'0-/TV-
j L-SJ Mostafa Davudan, 185, 272 / ¿> b . l
Mostafa, 100,118,190,196,206,
»j^ 207,273 / ^ik-w
Mur, 193 /
Musa\Musi Siyah, 100, 271 / t li-r*
Musi, 186,189,190,191, 277,
278 / ^
Na'us (or Nävus), 120,261,
» L 270/ ( ^ . b j ^ . l b
Nader Vays, 209 f ^ j j i b
^ Nangsar, 131 / ,
Nanu, 187 /
Naqdineh, 175,180 / »J-. j j j
I ciLL Nariman, 100 /¿> U_. y
Nas, 1 2 4 / ^ b
U=(i!JL Naskh, 131/ ^ ;
Nasimi, 44,59,150/ -•
Nasnas, 88,124 / ^ b_l
Nayeb, 157 / b
- Nazr, 164,167,176,201, 203 / jj
Nisti, 194
Niyat-e guran, 185 ji> j y
Niyat-e marnovi, 184,186 / j**
Niyaz, 165,166,167,169,175,
»« f.,. 176,177,178,180,185,190,
200/ j
Nosayr, 99,100,104 /
Nur-e Mohammadi, 93 / ^ -
'Omar, 119,267, 270,273 /
'Omreh, 100/ » j — - t
'Osman, 119, 267, 270/ J
Ouraman (Houraman),
Auraman, 28, 44, 51,52 57,
68,145,238 / ( o l _ I j j U \J} I
Paki,193/l/L
Palavij, 1 6 8 , 1 7 3 , 1 7 5 / ^ y t L
Pari Khanom, 99 / 1»
Perdivar, 105,168,1^9,191,
192, 273, 278 / ;i ^
^ Perdivari Bayabas, 194,195,
198,218,222/ j-i
Pir 'AU, 276, 277 /
Pir Musi, 99, 273 / ^ »-.
Pir of the Shart, 188 / i j
Posht-e Kuh, 39,40, 67 /
Pueh Muri, 193 Xi jj-* » J J - ;
Qa'em, 127/ f ^ * - *
Qabez, 187 / \ > i L i
Qadereh, 120,261, 272, 273,
279/ « j j L - 5
iiLx^. Qaf\Kaf, 72,75,79, 80,129,
143,263/ i - i L i
Qalandar Bayg, 206 / t i U - i j J L - l J j
Qalkhani, 256 / ^ L ü j
Qaltas, 101 / ^ U J j
Qanbar\Qambar, 99,208 /
Qanun Bayg, 206 / u
Qapi,169/^U
 307

Qarapust, 99 /
Q artas, 100 / ^ . Sanjabi, 39, 255 / ^ Ui—
Qasr-e Shirin, 39 / j • - ' Sar-sepordan, 198,200ff., 209ff„
Qavaltas, 100,185,187," 188, 255/ o^j-t—j—
261,278,279/ j - L k L i Sarandib (Sarandil), 73,86 /(J-i '.r-K-i Jl1
Qavaltasi, 184,186,187 / ^ I J J . j Saraneh, 108/ <j—
Qavit (Qavut), 167,178/ (c., ,Ti) . I» Saranjam, 21,162,178,185,194,
Qazi, 267, 268 / Li 195,209/ f 'j—
Qermasan, 30 / ¿ L—«ji Sarjam, 172,173,176,177 / f » j —
Qermasin, 30 / ¿ • .n»J» Sarmaj, 54 /r
Qermezi, 99 / ^ i—• Sarpol, 39 / J-^—
Qimas, 100/ u^W» Sayfur or Fattah, 140/ ^ I—3J- L^ji^e
Qitas, 100 / „ T k j Sayyed 'Ud, 206 /
Qoli, 101,278 / J _ J Sayyed Abolvafa, 206 / Li'^J I I
Qorkeh (Qorka), 209 / Sayyed Mohammad, 196,206 / .
Qoshchi Oghli, 206 / ií?-A3 Sayyed Mostafa Khandan, 207,
Ra"yat, 36,239 / 211, 226 / ^^-Ti»-» IjüU
Rab-e Rab, 28 / '-rj-fj Sayyed Mostafa, 206,212 / ty-w—
Rafa'el, 100/Jj Lij Sayyed Reza, 207,208/ "O
Rahman, 119,120,270/ ú L » j Sejjin, 85 /
Raj'a, 153 Selseleh, 189 /»•
Rami, 270/t>*j Senjed, 167, 219 /
Ramzbar, 57,101,114/j j Sepid-jamagan, 95,132/ _
Rara, 192/ V j ShJamshid, 99 / »L
Raskh, 131 / ¿ - ¡ - j Shabedin, 101,278 / L
Rasti, 193 / 15^- O Shad, 199,221 / —-
Razbar, 57,99,102,114,118, Shah Ebrahimi Khandan, 15,
186,190,191,192, 224, 277 /j Wjj 21,206,207,211,226/ ' • l^j ' J^ U
Razzam, 95 /f J j Shah Fazl, 44, 268 /oU* * Li.
Razzamiyyeh, 95 / 'jj Shah Hayasi, 136, 206, 208, 209,
Reda\Redda, 193,194, 277 / 1 •> j 211,213,214, 215, 226 / L>» Ii.
Reza, 194 / Shah Mehman (Maqam), 91,
Rijab (K. Rizhau), 269/ (.) '>ij) - V i j 209, 213, 215 / * Uuo L - » U.
Rivas, 78 /ur 'j-tj Shah Nazar, 101,2T& / ,—L t Li.
Rokn ed-Din, 270,271/ ¿ r i ^ LH j Shah Reza, 268 / Lij*l_i.
Rostam, 100,209,214/ j Shah-savar, 99 / j I » Li.
Ruchiyar, 71,10Z 104,105,114, Shahab od-Din, 196 / jJ I ^ l^i.
262,263/ Shahab, 100 / w l^-i.
Ruh-khak, 130 / tíJ L» ; Shaial, 101 / J Uj_i.
Sa'd b. Vaqas, 101,278 / »j Ú- Shahrezur (K. Sharazur), 40, 45,
Sagvand, 39 / J^ y — 54,57,137,145/ ( j j j j . ^ L ) ^ ^
Sahak, 21,22, 28, 56-59, 61, 71, Shahriyar, 51-53 / j L. ^ t .
90,91,99,100,105,107,108, Shahu, 106,208, 270, 271, 278 / y*> Li.
120,136,137,161,163,172, Shakeh, 101,278 / »5" Li.
179,185,187,195, 202, 206, Shakh-e nabat, 200 / C- Lij- L i
207,210,211,219, 232,237. Shantiya, 100/ I.U". •
261,270-278, 279 / <il Ui^i) Shari'at, 99, 205,267 / O-v
Sahari, 193 / ^ Shart-o Eqrar, 192,198,222,
Sahneh, 39,69 / ma-« 223, 22A,22g,/j\ß\} iojt.
Saj-e Nar\Sajnar, 113, 264 / L» L/ , b ^ L Shaykh *Adi, 123,182/ ^ X_t
Sajnari Bayabas, 194 / i_S j Shaykh 'Ali, 206, 207 / ^ I j L a
Sak, 131 / <i) L_ Shaykh Amir of Zuleh, 63, 70, "
Salamat, 272, 273 / — 209 / J j -.
Saleh, 101 / J L Shebh-e Nas, 124 ,
Salim, 209 / A- 1 — Shemr b. Zol Joushan, 120 /
Salman, 99,101,103, 266, 278 /, Shemr, 270,273 /
Salsal, 101 / J l~J_ Shender, 273,274, 276, 279 /
Sam, 111, 115 / f L— Shimya, 100/ 1- - • *
Saman, 28 / ¿ li L Shir Berenj, 266 /^
San, 28 / ¿ L_ Shiru, 270 /
Shokraneh, 165.166,168,169, Zarbanu, 99,208 / r 1 ^ J J
180 / 'j5- Zaraa (Zarneh ?), 67
Siro-sedou, 183 ¿ . 11J Zarqat b. Sharik, 270 L
Sirok,183/ Zat-mehman, 90,91 / ú W -
Sirvan\Sirwan, 274, 276/ü Zekr-o fekr, 160,/ i
Sodreh, 220,221 / » Zekri,39/víj5j
Sodreh-pushi, 219 / ^-y-i, » j * — Zemehrir, 72,264 ¡ j - i y f * j
Sofreh (-prayer), 171,174,177, Ziyarat, 173 f ^ j j
178,200,202,203, 273 / tí Zobayr, 119,120,270/ j
Sorna, 192/ ^ ,—• Zohab.39,62,64/ wU->
Suran, 147 / ú ' j J — r Zolal-zolal, 105 / j J* 1
Ta'arof, 159 / - > j ^ Zolfaqar, 144, 267 / j U-iJ I ¡
Tafrit, 94 / " i - T ^ Zolnur Khandan, 205,207,211,
Taha, 100/ w> 214,226/ j ^ J l , i ^ IJÜ
Tajband, 222 / ^ Zolnur, 208/ j ^ V
Takbir, 157,174,176,177,201,
202/ y t - j X :
Takht, 226 /
Takyeh, 272 /
Taleb, 222 / J J L i .
Talheh, 119,120,270 / * j J - J >
Talqin, 191 / é r ^ - b
Tan (in India), 208 / ¿ b
Tan-khak, 130 / <») U ¿ J
Tanasokh, 96 / ¿ - Gj
Tanbur, 161 / j « ^
Tangeh-gol, 43 ¿ ¡ S »SLiJ
Tangsar, 131 / j I - S j j
Tariqat, 205 / O i . Je
Tartibi, 189 / e
Tashar, 189,190 /
Tashbih, 93 /
Tasim, 100 / r IL
Tayar, 273 /
Tayefeh-ye (K. Taifeh) San, 28
/ ó ' (J LJ»
Taymur of Banyaran, 22,140,
146, 234 / ^ '
Taymur, 21,65,140 / ^
Tigh-ebora nafas-e gira va^^Jü^ I
eshareh-ye shah, 168 / « I s. ¡ j t ,
Tork-e Sar-Borideh, 44/ * _> $ ¿
Var, 150/
Varjam, 150 / ^ - » j j
Vays-qoli, 208,209,214/ Jj
Vesal, 206 / J
Ya, 28, 70,71,84, 90,136,262 / L
Yadegar, 21,106-111,114,162,
186,191,206 / j IS i L
Yafteh-kuh, 52, 268 L
Yaqiq, 102/ J - J L .
Yar Ahmad, 2 7 8 / 1 « . I ^ L
Yar, 28,145,263 / L
Yari,144,193 / j j l
Yasin, 100 / o - — L
Yasreb, 266 / J . JL»"
Zakariya, 44 / T j J Í j
Zamiyyeh, 94 /1 :
7airi7am 122 /
Zanab, 88 / « - ¿ j
KLAUS SCHWARZ VERLAG • BERLIN

lieferbare Titel, Stand September 1990

Islamkundliche Untersuchungen
begründet von Klaus Schwarz;
herausgegeben von Gerd Winkelhane

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2
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3
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4
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6
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130. Hochhut, Pia: Die Moschee NOruosmäntye in Istanbul. Beiträge zur

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scher Konsul in Damaskus (1849-1861) dargestellt nach seinen hin-
terlassenen Papieren. 1989. ix, 465 S., 11 Faltblätter. 2 Faltkarten.

137. El-Masry, Ahmad: Die Bauten von Hadim Sulaiman Pascha (1468-
1548) nach seinen Urkunden im Ministerium für Fromme Stiftungen in
Kairo. 1990. ca. 580 S. (in Vorbereitung)

7
138. Hamzeh'ee, M. Reza: The Yaresan: A Sociological, Historical and Re-
ligio-Historical Study of a Kurdish Community. 1990. ca. 410 S.

139. Migeod, Heinz-Georg: Die persische Gesellschaft unter Nasiru 'd-Din

Sah (1848-1896). Mit einer Vorbemerkung von Bert G. Fragner.
1990. xii, 429 S., 1 Faltkarte

140. Fliedner, Stephan: 'Ali Mubarak und seine Hitat. Kommentierte Über-
setzung der Autobiographie und Werkbesprechung. 1990. ii, 364 S.
5 Faltkarten

141. Darabseh, Mahmoud: Die Kritik der Prosa bei den Arabern. (Vom
3./9. Jahrhundert bis zum Ende des 5./11. Jahrhunderts.) 1990.
216 S.

(Nicht aufgeführte Bandnummem sind vergriffen.)

Islamwissenschaftliche Quellen und Texte

aus deutschen Bibliotheken
herausgegeben von Klaus Schwarz
(Diese Reihe ist erschienen im Verlag aku, Bamberg; zu beziehen über Klaus Schwarz
Verlag, Berlin)

1. Winkelhane, Gerd und Klaus Schwarz: Der osmanische Statthalter Is-

kender Pascha (gest. 1571) und seine Stiftungen in Ägypten und am
Bosporus. 1985. 361 S.

2. Guellil, Gabriela Linda: Damaszener Akten des 8./14 Jahrhunderts

nach at-Tarsusis Kitab al-l'lam. Eine Studie zum arabischen Justizwe-
sen. 1985. 447 S.

3. Matuz, Josef: Die Steuerkonskription des Sandschaks Stuhlweißen-

burg aus den Jahren 1563 bis 1565. Unter Mitwirkung von Istvän
Hunyadi. 1986. 395 S.

4. Hoffmann, Birgitt: Persische Geschichte 1694-1835 erlebt, erinnert

und erfunden. Der Ruslam at-tawarih in deutscher Bearbeitung. 1986.
909 S.

5. Schwarz, Klaus und Gerd Winkelhane: Hoga Sa'deddin, Staatsmann

und Gelehrter (gest. 1599), und seine Stiftung aus dem Jahre 1614.
1986. 166 S.

8
Islamkundliche Materialien
herausgegeben von Klaus Schwarz

4. Fragner, Bert: Repertorium persischer Herrscherurkunden aus der

Zeit vor 1848. Publizierte Originalurkunden. 1980. 390 S.

5. Schwarz, Klaus: Der Vordere Orient in den Hochschulschriften

Deutschlands, Österreichs und der Schweiz. Eine Bibliographie von
Dissertationen und Habilitationsschriften 1885-1978.1980.722 S.

6. Zâkir Sükri Efendi: Die Istanbuler Derwischkonvente und ihre Schei-

che. Herausgegeben von M. Serhan Taysi. Mit einer Einleitung von
Klaus Kreiser. 1980. 160 S.

8. Oehring, Otmar: Bibliographie zum Recht und den Internationalen Be-

ziehungen der Türkischen Republik. Titel in Fremdsprachen. 1982.
xv, 233 S.

9. Ayatollah Chomeini: Der Islamische Staat. Ins Deutsche übersetzt

von Ilse Itscherenska und Nader Hassan. 1983. 188 S.

(Bände 1-3 und 7 sind nicht mehr lieferbar.)

Studien zur Sprache, Geschichte und Kultur

der Türkvölker
herausgegeben von Georg Hazai

1. Wannig, Klaus-Detlev: Der Dichter Karaca Oglan. Studien zur türki-

schen Liebeslyrik. 1980. 738 S.

2. Prokosch, Erich: Studien zur Grammatik des Osmanisch-Türkischen

unter besonderer Berücksichtigung des Vulgärosmanisch-Türkischen.
1980. 278 S.

9
Sprachwissenschaftliche Ergebnisse der
deutschen Turfanforschung
Faksimiles der Fragmente zu den von F.W.K. Müller und A. v. Qabain
herausgegebenen Uigurica MV. Zusammengestellt und mit Einfüh-
rung sowie vergleichenden Tabellen herausgegeben von Georg Hazai
und Peter Zieme. Leipzig 1962. Quer-4S. 1983. 195 S.

Materialien zur Afrikakunde

1. Maurer, Barbara und Klaus Schwarz: Hochschulschriften zu Schwarz-
afrika 1960-1978. Deutschland-Österreich-Schweiz, x, 226 S.

Reprints

'Osmanzade Ta'ib Ahmed: Hadiqat ül-vüzera (Der Garten der Wesi-

re). Mit den Fortsetzungen (zeyl) des Dilaver Agazade 'Ömer Efendi,
Ahmed Gavid und Bagdadi 'Abd ül-Fettah Sefqat. Nachdruck der Aus-
gabe Istanbul 1854/1855. 1969. 296 S., broschiert.

Mustafa Selaniki: Tarihi Selaniki (Die Chronik des Selaniki). Unverän-

derter Nachdruck der Ausgabe Istanbul 1281/1864. 1970. vii, 351, 26
S., broschiert.

von Tischendorf, Paul Andreas: Das Lehnswesen in den moslemi-

schen Staaten, insbesondere im Osmanischen Reiche, mit dem Ge-
setzbuche der Lehen unter Sultan Ahmed I. Leipzig 1872.1982. v,
129 S„ broschiert.

10
Bestellungen bitte nur an / please, send your orders to:
Klaus Schwarz Verlag
Inh.: G. Winkelhane
Bergstraße 2
1000 Berlin 41

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