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    Joachim Śliwa - Some Remarks Concerning Victorious Ruler Representations in Egyptian Art

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    SOME REMARKS CONCERNING VICTORIOUS RULER REPRESENTATIONS IN EGYPTIAN ART Joaching Siva (Krakéw) ‘The visual representation of a ruler’s triumph over his enemies is found in Egyptian art from very aneient times. Large relief compositons of the XVII—XX dynasties commemorating the pharaohs’ victories, in almost every case adapted to monumental conceptions this old representations. Composi- tions of that type played a fundamental political and propagandistic role in New Kingdom art. In this paper, the various conceptions of contrasting a victorious ruler’s supremacy with his enemy's humilitation are divided into the following five groups: 1, The ruler smiting his defeated enemies. 2, The eulee as a sphinx triumphing over his enemies. 3. The king supervising the counting of prisoners and of enemy dead. 4. Scenes of conducting the captured enemies: a) a commander conducting prisoners into the presence of the rulee. b) the ruler conducting prisoners to gods. 5. The ruler riding in a war chariot. The groups of representations mentioned were formed in different historical epochs under the influence of different factors, but their common object was to glorify the rules, to show his superhu- man power and the divine character of the king’s authority, and to support his imperialistic policy of conquest. Different symbols and inscriptions supplementing the composition played an important part. The groups distinguished here do not exhaust all the possibilities and variants of triumphal re- presentations in Egyptian art. They include, however, the basic repertoire of scenes pertaining both tomonumental art and to artistic handicraft!. Some of the conceptions represented here (groups 1,2) assumed the rank of an emblem ot even a symbol of extreme importance in the ideology propagated atthat time, while others (groups 34,5) have more narrative and decorative character. The represen- tations distinguished above often formed part of large battle scenes mainly decorating the walls of temples and palaces of the XVII—XX dynasty rulers. "A eclatively large number of publications has called attentioa to the victorious ruler’s representations and thesiumerous scenes of his triumph, but they weee usually marginal obtervations only (cf. L. Borchardé, Das Grabdenmnal des Konigs Ne-user-re. Leipzig 1997, p. 45—48: L. Borchard!, Das Grabdenkmal des Kénigs Sahu-te.lI, Leipzig 1913, P. 1o=14, 1516, 1819, 21—22; ef. also WA III, Text, p. 29§~ sox). The only exception heing R. Ansher'relabo- ration (Die Vorfihrung der gefangenen Feinde vor den Kénig. ZAS 63, 1930, p. 26—35) who concentrated his, attention, however, on the scenes of the conducting of the enemies. The problem of the representations of the vic« torious ruler and the scenes of triumphal representations were also the subject matter of Vf. Asdiyer's morc extensive laboration (Religioznoje opravdanic vojny v drevnecgipetskom iskusstvie, Sceny triumfa. VDI 4/9, 1939, - 103 to 117). He mainly stressed the function af the scenes and their social motivation in his interpretations. /¥. Sebifer, Das ‘Niederschlagen der Feinde. Zur Geschichte eines agyptischen Sinnbildes, WZKM 54, 1957 (= Festschrift H. Jun- ker, p. 168—176) was occupied with the problem of the victorious ruler’s representations and their evolution and ic changes but has not finished his work and only a sketch containing his most important remarks was pub- lished posthumously. 7 Fonch. «Bes Bd 6 7 Fig. 1, Narmer’s slare-palette (side A). I dynasty (ANEP 296) 1. The ruler smiting the captured enemies. ‘The oldest representations, symbolic pictures of the victories of Egyptian rulers, appear simulta- nously with the inscriptions that tell about the first pharaohs” war of conquest. ‘The series of represen~ tations beginning with the famous scene from the Narmer’s slate palette (fig. 1) belong to this group. ‘The ruler in a stiff attitude raises a mace gripped in his rigth hand, while his left hand seizes the hair of a defeated foe kneeling at his feet, The enemy’s face is turned toward the ruler; both arms bent * J. B, Quill, Hierakonpolis 1 (Egyptian Research Account, IV), London 1900, pl. XIX: ef. J. Vandier, Manuel @ archéologie égyptienne. Vol I, 1. Paris 1952, p. 505—509. The oldest instance of an analogous conception prece= dling the scene from Narmer’s slate palette was found in the predynastic period already in one of the tomb paintings in Hicrakonpolis: (J. E. Quibeil, W..F, Gree, Hireakonpolis II (Egyptian Research Account, Vj London 1902, ple 08 ping the raised mace, gets ready to smite, He stands with his legs astride, His left hand raised, as in the former object, scizes the enemy’s hair. In the same hand he holds a long stick. As H. Schifer has ob- served, the author of the object just managed to give the representations of triumph the final expres- sion and suitably animated them, Now, the ruler really smites, the heel of his foot is raised, the weight of the body moved forwaed. Ever since, the foe’s raised hands have begged for mercy or pushed away the blow. Fig. 5. King Udima’s plaquette, I dynasty (ANEP 293) ‘The triumphal representation of King Semerkhet, cut in the rock of Wadi Maghara on the Sina Peninsula, also.comes from the period of Idynasty®, Onthe other hand, the representation of King Snefru (IV dynasty) smiting his kneeling enemy was discovered on a cock wall in Serabit el-Khadem (in the Sinai as well)f. The prisoner’s body is turned away from the victorious pharaoh with only his head facing him; a hand is raised in a protective gesture’. Similar eepresentations, though, badly preserved, are known from king Sahure’s' and Niuserre’s? (V dynasty) funerary temple reliefs, We know * H, Schafer, Das Niederachlagen «.. WEKM 54, p- * AH. Gardiner, T. E, Peet, The Inscriptions of to 858, fig. 572. «1. M. F. Purie, Researches in Sinai. London 1906, fig. 0; A. H. Gardiner, T. E. Pet, op. cit. pl. Il, 5 EME 303 WA IIL, Text, p. 297, fig. 139, 4): ANEP 295. * CLH, Sebifer, Finger und Daumen, Abwehr und Fingerzcig, die ,Taustelle". MDAIK 9, 1940, p. 151-154. The igesture becomes mare and mote important inthe representations discussed and isa common one in the scenes dating from the XVII—XX dynanty (ef fig. 5). " L. Borchardi, Das Grabdenkmal des Kénigs Sahu-re. II. Leipzig 1913, Blatt 2. * LD Il, 152 4; ef. alto L. Borcherdt, Das Grabdenkmal des Kénigs Ne-user-te. Leipaig: rp07. p86, fig. Gq (frag ments). Londen 1917, ph Ij ef J Vandler, Manuel ... 1, 2 ps 836 100 similar representations of Pepi I! and a fragment of an analogous seene from Pepi II's! temple (VI dynasty) In the scenes mentioned above, there was a tendency to demonstrate the pharaoh’s supethuman strength, to emphasize the divine character of his authority, (and to indicate that the ruler was divine incarnation in human shape)". For this reason his silhouette is accompanied by a set of symbols and religious emblems! and, because of a conception like that, his figure does not change. ‘Then the scenes. of a nuler’s victory and triumph over his enemies assumed the rank of a canonical symbol as early as the Old Kingdom period, TT ser TT i | Fig. 4. Amenemhat’ TIE pectoral. XII dynasty (J. de Morgen, Fouilles i Dahchour 1894, Vienne 195, pl. 21) Another example is found in the temple of Mentuhotep I in Gebelein**, In the Middle Kingdom the motif of a king’s triumph over his foes is also seen in a few jewels, Two antithetically placed silhouettes of the ruler holding a mace in his right hand and seizing the kneeling enemy's hair with the left one (fig. 4)®* are found on Amenemhat III's pectoral from Dahshur, In this case the emblems predominate LD 8G, Jépmer, Le monument funcraire de Pepi II, Fovilles & Sakkarah, If, Le Caire 1938, pl. 8 and 36; II, Le Caire 40, pl 36. 2 CE. 1/1. Avie, Religioznoie opravdanie ... VDI4, P. 104 2 V/.4. Ander (op. cit.) has elucidated them rather exentensively. More detailed elaborations are dedicated to separate symbols e.g, G; Raman, Det Geier auf dem Schlachifeld, Bererkungen za cinem altorientalischen Machtsymbol. WZMLU XIV, 1965, Gesellschalts- und Sprachwissenschaltlche Reibe, Heft 7, p. 435—465, pl. I-VI, WP, F, son Birding, Denkeniler bgyptischer Sculptur, pl. 33 A, b, In another relief in the same temple (Biting, as above, pl. 35 Ava) che ruler raises his mace to smite asinglefoe. Three silhouettes oflneclingenemies withhelplesly drooping placed behind him. J¥, Sebajor (Das Niederschlagen ... WZKAI 4, p. 173) is convinced that the latest date for the introduetion of a larger number of captured foes isthe end of the Old Kingdom period. He has also called attcation to the number theee of enemies appearing (op. cit. p. 160). The number three denoted mul- tirade both in the Egyptian art and hieroglyphic writing. 1 J. de Morgen, Fouilles 4 Dahchour 1894. Vienne 1895, pl. 21, A small number of monumental scenes from the Middle Kingdom period is explained by the fact thae most temples erected by the Pharaohs of that time were destroyed. to1 over the scene of triumph and transform the whole representation into a schematic hieroglyphic com- position; this is perfectly consistent with the apotropaic function of the pectoralt®, ‘Unlike the almost sacral character of the silhouette of the victorious pharaoh, the prisoner's figure, although it constituted an essential part of the composition, was executed with less respect for the rigid canonical rules. Hence the silhouette of the latter is more varied and the Egyptian artists tend to render the figure of the prisoner begging for mercy in a less constrained way, although still within the framework of the general concept”. The king is always the invariable symbol of the Egyptian power, while the representations of the defeated foes are often characterized by far-stretched realism and a tendency to discriminate the ethnic features and to represent clearly specific ethnic groups*. In the realistic representations of enemies there sometimes appear grotesque and comic elements'®, This is in clear contrast to the teligious dignity of the pharach’s figure. The conception of a ruler’s triumph, formed. in carlicr periods, was used in the New Kingdom as « fundamental clement of large relict compositions. On Amon’s temple in Karnak, for example, one sees Tuthmosis III bent overa whole crowd of captured Syrians seizing their hair with his left hand, while the right is raised to smite (fig. 5)*. ‘The hands of the kneeling enemies are raised in an apotropaic gesture. ™ Gh Vi Le Ades, op. city pe 105. See also E. Feachi-Putg, Dic kéniglichen Pektorale, Motive, Sinngchalt und ‘Zweck, Bamberg 1967, p. 31—35- 1 ULL, Andiger, ibid. 19 ‘The tendency is characteristic of the New Kingdom representations, ef. V7. Andis, op. cit., p. x07. Consistently with #7, Sehafe’s observation (Das Niederschlagen ... WZKM 54, p. 170) some differences in the ruler’s and priso- net's face representation are already visible an Narmer’s slate palette. CL ViL Adin, op. city p. 111112, % Karnal, Amon’s Temple, pylon Vil. Cl. J. Capert, Thebes, Bruxelles 1925, p. 46, fig. 26; WA I, s84a; ANEP 513 102 ‘The conception from Ramses II’s temple in Abu Simbel (fig. 6)" is slightly modified in comparison with the older scenes, The ruler holds an already defenceless Libyan with his left hand, while the right is poised to strike with a spear. Simultaneously, he treads upon another foe lying in the ground. The two defeated foes raise theie hands in a protective Sincethe time of Tuthmosis III the conception of siting the foes seized by the hair (a single one or their whole groups) came into the constant repertoire of the pharaoh’s representations, especially those of Seti 1, Ramses II, and Ramses III. The scene takes place in the presence of a god, presumably it is a sacrifice in his honour. In the New Kingdom the number of enemies seized by the hait in- ig. 6, Ramses Il smiting a Libyan. Abu Simbel. XIX dynaety (WA TI 182) creases to several dozen. Their attitude, however, resembles that on older representations. One hand is raised in a protective apotcopaic gesture and the other holds a weapon (a bow, battle axe, rarely a dagger). The unusually numerous foes with the hair seized by the ruler are carefully arranged in the scene: a perpendicular line formed by the stick held by the ruler runs down from his hand, dividing the prisoners into two symmetrical parts in which their faces are arranged in successive layers visible one after another (fig. 5). One of the frontal figures, which plays to a certain extent the role of « model" is wholly visible, The faces of the others are sometimes seen not in profile but en face™, 81 WA IL, 182. As 7. Andiger (op. cit p. 112) believes that in spite of ditinct references to scenes representing the ra- lee smiting the captured foes they should be dealt with asa fragment only of « general picture of the batile. A modified conception of a typical scene of triumph like that isin the temple in Beit el-Wali as well. Ramses II holds « khepesh in hhis right hand and his left seizes the bow and the hair of a Libyan kneeling in front of him (WA II, 164a). The ‘enemy's body is bent back in the opposite direction with his head turned towards the ruler and both hands raised in apotropaic gesture, The ruler is in striding attidute, both his feet being placed flat on the ground, # ‘Seti relict in Karnak (WA Tl, 53a) may be an example, morcover the scene representing. Ramecs I! smiting enemics in Amon-Re presence and offering the roler the sword of victory in Karnak as well (K. A. Kitdber, G. A. Gaballa, Ramesside Varia Il. ZAS 96, 1965, p. 24, pl. VIl a) and a similar but better preseevedscenein Karnak with Memeptah’s representation (Kitshen.Gabelis, op. cit. p. 23, pl. VIII). © CEH. Scbifer, Das Niederschlagen ... WZKM 54, p. 174. * Eg. in Tuthmosis [II triumphal representation of Amon’s temple in Karnak — pylon VIL. Ct, note 20 and fig, 5. 103 ‘The motif on the battle axe of king Ahmose, who liberated the country from Hyksos rule, is an exception’, Here we see the king striding and seizing with his left hand the hair of the kneeling foes, while with his right hand lowered he strikes with a dagger™. “The scenes of triumph, worked out in the Old Kingdom and widely used later, disappear only in Amenhotep IV’s reign’; they were especially popular with the XIX and XX dynasty pharaohs. The scenes where the last kings of Egypt are represented in the traditional attitude of 2 ruler triumphing ‘overhis enemies are also known in later periods of Egyptian history®. Objects making use of such a motif are found as late as the third and fourth centuries A. D."*. The images of a ruler smiting his defeated foes passed on to Meroitic art as well (fig. 7)". ‘The conceptions, which have been discussed above, were characterized by extraordinary vitality as they visualized in a perfect way the king triumphing over his enemies. Simultaneously, they made use of religious symbols which, by their dignity and importance, strengthened the communication of this extraordinarily essential iconographic motif in Egyptian art. % W, Frown Birtng, Bin thebanischer Geubfund aus dem Anfang des Newen Reichs. Berlin 1909, pl. 1: ANEP 310. © HT. Schafer (Das Niederschlagen ... WZK M $4, p. 175) does not associate the representation with a group of symbol triumph nor docs he believe it 2 scene of sacrifice but rather a battle scene. ® CE. c.g. H. Sehafer's opinion (Das Niederschlagen ... WZKM » 175176). % FE. Chassinet, Le temple d’Edfou, 1, Paris 1897, pl. 1V;G. Bénddite, Le temple de Philae. x. Pasis 1895, pl. XXXVI; HZ. Jonker, Det grolle Pylon des Tempels der Iss in Phils. Wien 1938, p-9, fig. 4- ® CE eg. terracotta of the Betlin Museum (Inv. at 22737) eepeesenting + man in Roman armour seizing the defeated foe’s hair with his left hand. L. Castiglione (Diocletianus und die Blemmyes. ZAS 96, 1970, p. g0— 103) dated the object to the period of Tetrarchy (284—324 A.D.) suggesting it was Diocletian's representation as victor of Blemmyes (298 A. DD. » CL, P.Hintze, U, Hintze, Alve Kulturen im Sudan. Leipzig 1966, pl. 112, 104 2. The tuler asa sphiax triumphing over his enemies. ‘The oldest examples of the Egyptian scenes of triumph going back to the predynastic time; they represent the victoriousrulerasa bull or a lion referting to the totemic Egyptian belicfs. On the slate palette of Louvre the pharaoh represented as a bull, treads down the prostrate enemy and attacks him with horns". A similar representation is found in the bottom stripe of the decoration on the reverse of Narmer’s palette (fig. 2)**. The ruler, represented as a bull,” attacks with his head bent down an Fig. 8, Slate palette, British Museum. Predynastic period (F. Legge, PSBA 31, 1999, pl. 42) enemy fortress; he treads down with his hoofs the for knecling at his feet™. At a later period this kind of totemic representation disappeared, but representations of the pharaoh asa lion continued to develop*. Iewas from these that the motif of a king as a triumphant royal sphinx was derived. Already in the predynastic period a prototype of a similar conception is found on a slate palette in the British ‘Museum**. The centre of the scene is occupied by a lion attacking a supine man (fig. 8). Such a a J, Vandier, Manuel ... 1, 1, p. $92— $94; ANEP 291, 202. C8. I/F, Andiger, op. cit., VDI 4, 1939, p- 103. ™ CE note 2. ‘™ The victorious ruler is called a bull _ mn meee ret 'b; Pyr. 809 c) from the time of V—VI dynasty as well. CE. VE. Andiyer, op = Fi clatir (Die Voxlubrang - ZAS 45, +990, p30) Auiagubbed treading dowa a dead fc ly dhe els, 100, though it appears in one inscription only ia its pure form. CE. EME 456, 474. 8 G, Rublmann (Der Lowe im altagyptischen Triumphalbild, WZMLU XIII, 194, Gesellsehafts- und Sprachwissen- schaftliche Reihe, Heft 9/10, p. 651—638, pl. I= VII) made a thorough study of the lion motif and the part it played in che Egyptian scenes of triumph. * B Leas The carved sean this etocs dcovei, PSBA 51, 1909, p. 297-310, ps XLIL. Ch. J Vandier, e+ Ty 15 Bs 384—587- 105 representation of a lion symbolized the ruler on the battle field®. In the Old Kingdom perioda griffin trampling foes was pictured in the temples of Sahure and Niusecre™, There is a lion with a falcon's head treading down the defeated Libyans on the pectoral of Sesostris ITI (XII dynasty). The king’s cartouche is placed in the centre, and two lions with falcon’s head silhouettes are antithetically arranged in hieratic attitude at both his sides. Each triumphs over two enemies: a Libyan lies supine under the lion’s paws and shields himself with his hands, while the other kneels with his head tuened toward the Fig. g. Tuthmosis’ IV throne decoration, XVIII dynasty (ANEP 593) lion the left hand rests on thellatter’s knee while the right one is raised in an apotropaic gesture, One of the lions’ fore-paws rests on the enemy’s head while the other touches his leg. ‘The examples quoted above should be consulted when one analyzes the representations of lions with human face treading down foes. These are quite numerous in the New Kingdom. It is enough to mention here the decorations of Tuthmosis 1V’s chariot or his throne carvings (fig. 9)", Interesting examples of an analougos motif ate found on Amenemhat-Surara’s Theban tomb decorations. A * CEG. Ribtmann (Det Lowe ... op. cit. p.651) where the author has represented some scholars’ doubt concerning ‘such an interpretation of the scene discussed. % L, Bersbords, Das Grabdenkmal des Kenigs Sabu-re. I. Leipzig 1913, Blatt 8. The fragment of the relief with lion's paw visible and pressing Thaw defeated head to the ground isin the Berlin Museum (lnv. at. 7919). L. Borchardl, Das Grabdenkinal des Konigs Ne-uter-te. Leipzig 1907, p. 46, fig. 29, Blatt ™ J. de Morgan, Fouilles & Dahchour 1894. Vienne 1895, pl. 19. See also E. Fesebi-Pute, op. cit, p. 31-33 See U. Scbweitzer, Lowe und Sphinx im alten Agypten. Gluckstadt 1968. *\ HGarier, P. E, Newberry, op. cit, ple Vl; ANEP 393 (the royal sphinx treads dawn Asiatics and Libyans in this ‘tepresentation). 106 sphinx trampling defeated enemies is visible on the flat relief of the king’s throne socle (alternating with a picture of the ruler smiting foes seized by theit hair) as well as on the sides of the throne (fig 10)". In the last examples we have dealt with the canonical motif. The representations from ‘Tutankha- mon’s chariot ace also of similar type. The ruler striding as a sphinx treads upon an Asiatic prisoner lying on the ground and begging for mercy, while four prisoners with tied hands (a Negro, a Syrian, a Negro, a Libyan) kneel in line before the sphinx. The scene is repeated symmetrically on the chariot and supplemented by suitable symbols**, Fig. 10, The ruler as a sphinx triumphing over the defeated foes. Decoration from the Theban tomb No. 48 (Amenemhat Surara), XVIII dynasty (EME 795) ‘The pictures of the royal sphinx in hicratic attitude treading upon defeated enemics are also visible on the shorter walls of Tutankhamon’s box“. They are similar to pectorals from the Middle Kingdom.” ‘The representations of triumphant royal sphinx survived for a very long time in Egyptian art, They preserved their traditional form, though they were never as populac as the group of represen tations with which we have dealt previously (the raler smiting his defeated foes), 3. The ruler supervising the counting of prisoners and of enemy dead, The oldest example of this type of scene is found on the reverse of Narmer’s palette (fig. 2)®. This kind of representation goes back to the remotest times of Egyptian history when other conceptions, more popular in later times, were being formed, ‘The ruler in his followers presence inspects the battle field where decapitated enemy bodies lie alongside their heads. © EME 791 ® EME 195. 4H. Carter, Tut-cnch-Amun. Ein agyptisches Kénigsgrab Il. Leipai V1 Andiger (op. cit., p. 109) has discussed the meaning of the symbols ** H. Carter, A.C. Mace, Tut-ench-Amun, Bin agyptisches K énigegrab. Leipzig 1p24, pl. 44 CE. note 39 and 7.1. Apdiyer, op. © VL Andiye (op. cit p. 116 and fig 3) has quoted the Moscow object with the eepresentation of the fantastic mon- ster Tutu, For other objects with related representations cf. Egyptian Sculptare of the Late Period, 1960, p. 181- © Chenote 2, 107 “The absence of such a conception in later periods does not allow one to establish a continuity of its evolution to the New Kingdom period, when scenes referring to this motif again appear, During the scign of the XX dynasty the scenes of the counting of the hands and phalli cut off as well as the coun- ‘ing of the prisoners, supervised by the pharaoh (fig: 11)®, formed a part of large compositions. 4. Scenes of conducting the captured enemies. ‘The wars of conquest, which the New Kingdom rulers waged on a larger scale than ever before, soon found their reflections in art. Monumental scenes of royal triumphs as well as victorious battles fought by the king appear on palace and temple walls. The size of the representations is much greater Fig, 11. Ramses III supervising the counting of prisoner's hands and phalli that were cut off, The cemple in Me inet Habu. XX dynasty (WA IL x24) than in previous periods; besides transmitting ideology they overwhelm the spectator by their size. New elements are added to them. On Tuthmosis III’s relief in Karnak (fig. ) Amon and the goddess of the West conduct to the ruler defeated towns and countries which are symbolized by prisoners tied by ropes; their trunks consist of cartouches with names written on them'?, Compositions of this kind ‘were found in the time of the XIX and XX dynasties and were successively modified. The relief from the great pillared hall in Karnak dates from the reign of Seti I®%, In front of the image of Amon con- ducting lines of prisoners on a rope (human heads joined by cartouches with names) Seti I raises a mace © Eg, the ruler sitting in an uncorietsined attitude with his back to the horses supervising the conducting of the pei soners and the counting of hands cut off in Medinet Habu (WA IT, 124; a scene from the I Libyan War of Ramses IID, A similar seene of conducting the foes and the counting of hands cut off in the presence of a ruler sitting in his charriot with his back to the horses is in Ramses III temple in Karnak (Mut district). As R. Aniéer has pointed out (Die Vorfahrang ... ZAS 65, 1950, p. 26—2g) they are the copies of earlier scenes coming from Ramses II reign. 4 Cl. note 20. A similar representation from the time of Sheshonk 1 is in Amun’s temple in Karnak (ANED 345). J- Simons (Hlandbook fot the Seady of Egyptian Topogsaphical Lists relating to Western Asia, Leiden 1937) among ‘others is occupied with the problem of the scenes of this type. CE. also E. Uphill, The Nine Bows. JEOL 19, 1967, P. 393-420. 12 P. Barut, Le temple d’Amon-Re & Karnak. Le Caire 1962, p. 78, p. VIII. 108 ‘aver the crowd of prisoners. The lively movement of the pharaoh raising the mace is in striking con- trast to the quietness of the god striding majestically in these pictures*. “The Egyptian astists of the New Kingdom devoted a great deal of attention to the representatives of captured foreign peoples, depicting in some scenes silhouettes distinguished and well defined with characteristic ethnic features, suitable garments and attributes, Ramses III conducts Libyans, Nubians, and Syrians on ropes in the representations of the so-called High Gate in Medinet Habu! Fig. 12, Ramses I receiving the prisoners conducted by Egyptian commanders. Beit el-Wali (WA Il 164 a) Tn the scenes of conducting prisoners from the New Kingdom period an undoubtedly older idea was used, known e.g. from Sahure’s funerary temple (V dynasty) where gods conducted captured en- mies of different nations tied with ropes. ‘The conception was utilized in the New Kingdom in scenes desetibed above; thete were two variants which will be discussed more extensively later, 4) A commander conducting prisoners into the presence of the ruler. ‘Ramses II’s relief at Beit el-Wali (fig. 12) may be one of numerous scenes of a commander's or prince's conducting captured enemies into the presence of the ruler”. The prototype of this popular motif © WL. Andiyes (op. cit., p. 109) has called attention to it. 4 WAI, 160, “ L, Bovchardt, Das Grabdenkmal des Kénigs Sahu-re. If, Leipzig 1915, Blatt 5, p. 18-21, Ch. also WA TIT, 119 and &-R, Anibes (Die Vortithrang ... ZAS 65, 1930, p. 26-34) examined che seenes of conducting of prisoners in the presence of the king in detail attempting to distinguish the essential themes underlying this pe of representations (p. 2930). He also gave their different variants and showed their development in Ramses I and Ramses IMI time. © WATH, 1640, 109 should be sought in the eatlier period. A representation with an identical theme is found on Narmer’s mace (fig. 13)! The ruler sits under a baldachin on a dais and looks at prisoners and spoils brought before him, The captives are presented by a commander or a prince sitting opposite in a sedan chair, The scenes already mentioned from Sahure’s funerary temple**influenced the development of the repre- sentations of that type in the New Kingdom. From Tuthmosis IV’s reign to the end of the XVIII dynasty the scenes of conducting captives into the ruler’s presence appeared in the decorations of private tombs®, Indeed it was not by chance that the theme was adopted in the time of Tuthmosis III's victorious wars of conquest". ‘The scenes of conducting prisoners into the presence of the pharaoh were extremely popular in the time of the XIX dynasty; they formed a part of many monumental compositions (fig. 12)", The repte- Fig. +3. Conducting the prisoners in the presence of the ruler. A scene from Narmer's mace. 1 dynasty (R. Anhes, ZAS 65... 51, fig. @) sentations fram Ramses IlI’s reign, often copies of those from the time of Ramses Il, distinctly refer to them’, ‘An excellent example of the conducting of enemies (Libyan captives) into the presence of the ruler is found on the wall of pylon I of Ramses II’s temple in Medinet Habu (fig. 14)! In another scene in the same temple the heir to the throne! conducts three lines of captured Syrians to Ramses III. An interesting variant of the same type is found in Medinet Habu as well: Ramses TI], treading upon fallen foe, receives a commander conducting a line of prisoners*. * J. E..Quitell, Vierakonpolis I. London 1900, pl. XXVI B; R. Antbes, Die Vorfuheung ... ZAS 65, 1930, p- 31, fig. 4 Of. J, Vandier, Manuel ..« I, 1 ps 602—605. © Chnote 55. © A, Radeon, Die Darstellongen des cegicrenden Konigs und seiner Femilienangehdrigen in den Privatgrabern der 18. Dynastie (Munchener Agyprologische Studies 21). Berlin 1965, p. 67—68 1 Since the beginning of the XVIII dynasty only scenes of tribute by being period by the representatives af foreign peoples appeared on private tombs. Cf. A. Radven, op. cit. p. §2—67. © WA IL, 16a, Consistent with the examples quoted by . Aniber (Dic Voruhrang ... ZAS 6s, 1950, p. 33) the representations of she bate at Kadesh in Ramses Il time played a censiderable part in the propagation of the scenes of the conducting of the enemy. © 2. Antle:, Die Vortthrung .... ZAS 65, 1930. p. 26—29. In this authoe’s opinion no new conceptions of the represen- tations discussed were created in Ramses III reign, only the old models were exlusively used. “ R, Anthes, Dic Vorfubrung ... ZAS 65, 1930, pl. I; WA TI, 139. Cf. R. Anthes’s remarks, as above, p. 34 ‘© U. Holscber, Medinet Habu II (OIP 9). Chicago 1932, pl. 96; WA Il, 148; ANEP 347. “WA II, 142 {in this scene probably the heir to the throne conducts the prisoners as wel 110 b) The ruler conducting prisoners to gods. ‘The next group of representations is analogous to the one discussed above, the only difference being that the seat of honour is taken by gods (most frequently Amon and Mut) and the pharaoh conducts the prisoners. A classical example of this type o scene is found at Abu Simbel in the pillated hall of the Fig. 14. Conducting the captured Libyans in Ramses’ II presence. Temple in Medinet Haba. XX dynasty (B.Anthes, ZAS 65, pl. 1) Fig. 15. Ramses II conducting the captured Nubians to gods. Abu Simbel. XIX dynasty (WA II 180) aan great temple (fig. 15)®. On the right side of the composition Amon sits in a kiosk with Mut behind him protectively embracing the deified Ramses II (as visible traces of recutting indicate, the figure was added later), while the ruler comes from the left side and hands aver two lines of Nubian prisoners, bound with ropes, to the gods. In the scenes from Medinet Habu, Ramses IL conducts the prisoners of the First Libyan War to Amon and Mut. As above, the gods are in a kiosk (Mut, standing behind Amon, places her left hand on his arm) while the king, standing opposite Amon, conducts three lines of Libyan prisoners toward him. Also at Medinet Habu, there is a scene in which Ramses I1I conduets lines of bound Asiaties, Hittites and Libyans to the Theban triad®, 5. The ruler riding in a war chariot. Battle scenes, in which the pharaoh takes direct part from his battle chariot and shooting a bow or fighting with another weapon, rides over a crowd of the enemy, are typical of the New Kingdom, especially of the XIX and XX dynasty period. These representations are single instances of the ten- dency in New Kingdom independent compositions to express ideas analogous to the preceding scenes with elements borrowed from older models, ‘The scenes of hunting with a bow from a chariot known from the XVIII dynasty period were used here", ‘The horses in full gallop raise their fore-legs high: in front of the chariot and under the horses? hooves the game flee. This motif was soon applied to battle scenes. We recognize it in Tathmosis 1V’s chariot decoration (fig. 16). The ruler shooting a bow froma battle chariot is the central point of the composition (moreover, his silhouette is distinguished by supernatural proportions). Two galloping horses with raised hooves rush in the confusion of the battle and ride over the enemy crowd, ‘Typical hunting scenes in which the king from his chariot shoots his bow at desert animals”, and battle scenes of analogous composition, where the pharaoh shoots arrows at foes whirling in confu- sion (fig. 17)" are found on one of Tutankhamon’s painted boxes. Against this background the hie ratic dignity of the victorious ruler is still more intensified. Representations of this type gained considerable popularity during the reigns of XIX and XX dyna- sty kings, The scene, in which Seti | armed in khepesh (in the other hand he holds a bow) fights the Libyans, comes from the temple of Karnak**. Galloping horses ride over a crowd of foes. Ina similar scene at Beit el-Wali, Ramses II shooting his bow, rushes in a chariot drawn by galloping horses througha crowd of Nubians who flecchaotically"®, On the walls of the Theban Ramesseum, Ramses IT's troops attack the Hittite fortress: the ruler, drawn with supernatural proportions, drives through the enemy ranks spreading panic™®. The ruler’s figure, standing in a rushing war-chariot also occupied an important place in representations of the battle of Kadesh between Ramses II’s troops and the Hittite WA, © WAIT, 236. © WA IIL, 150b (V7.1. Andiye’s way of dealing with the scene, op. city p. 114). ™ CE. Rheban tomb No. s6 (Usethat) painting from Amenhotep II time (S. Werig, A. D. Teimy, Dex Sport im alten: Agypten. Leipzig 1969, pl. $5, po. 190). "Hi. Carter, P. E. Nevberry, The Tomb of Thoutmosis IV. Westminster tgag, pl. X; ANEP 314, Cf. another fragment ‘of decoration. of an analogous composition from Tuehmosis IV chariot (H. Carter, P..E, Newberry, op. cit, pl. XI; ANEP 15). The raler does not shootthe bow, however, but he holds an axe raised to smite and his left hand seizes the hair of two foes and a bow. % The box No, 21, The lid of the box: a scene of lion hunting (H7. Carler, A.C, Mace, TuteencheAmun, Ein agypti- sches Kénigsgeab, Leipzig +924, pl. 41); a scene of gazelle and goat hunting (Garse-Mere, op. cit. pl. 40). ™ The longer sides of the box: struggle with the Asiatics (Carter, Mast, op. cits pl, 43): struggle with the Nubians (Carter, Mace, op. city, pl. 42). As regards the shocter walls

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