M.R. PHILLIPS MR. LEWIS MR.

GHENT

The Day of Discontent

First of the Series of Cosmopolitan Table-Talks in which Vital Problems
are Discussed in a Vital Way

ºy invitation of the editor of highly

he

represented and the result was

a

COSMOPOLITAN, Alfred
on

§§º
the interesting argument the question
of

Henry Lewis, W. J. Ghent our social discontent, its cause and its
\ and David Graham Phillips Cure.
* met at luncheon
At

in a room in the beginning

of

the three-cornered

ºff
the Hotel Astor, New York, interview, Mr. Ghent was asked his
in
if

day to discuss opinion there was any valid reason for

º the other

º,
the

º%)
the restive state of the masses.
in

social unrest America

by

“I

he

—an unrest admitted the suppose,” replied, “that the best

on

generalization the subject

of

most optimistic
of

our latter that

is
s

day philosophers. The gentlemen represent Alfred Russell Wallace. He says that
ed

Mr. Ghent, absolutely

as

opinion. our civilization

of

various shades condemned

is

the author of “Benevolent Feudalism” and by the fact that while fifty years there
in

“Mass and Class,”

of as

well known one has been hundredfold increase wealth,

in
is

the leading scientific socialists the luxury

of

to

to

the the sole result has been add

Mr. Phillips few, while the great mass
as is of
as

day. known writer

of

the workers
is

a
a

stirring political novels

as

deeply steeped poverty and misery

to in
of

of

reform
as a

nature and Mr. Lewis not only an au ever. According Frederic Harrison,
thor but as strenuous individualist. ninety per cent.
of

all the workers have no

a

Each these gentlemen was prepared call their own beyond the end
to
in of

home
urge radical manner the principles the week. They are doomed con
to

to
of
a

603
6O4 Cosmopolitan Magazine

dition in which food, warmth and necessary coming revolt.

of
Do you think the rich
clothing are simply not obtainable. This are contented

P
condition has been particularly evidenced GHENT: know all. But

at
don’t

I
during the last ten years in Germany,

of of be
of
their kind discontent would not the
France and England, and to a certain extent sort we mean when we are speaking the
in America. It is due in great part to the the poor.

It
of
discontent that the

is
expansion of factory production, poor man living the margin

at

of
the existence.
dislodging of the country people and the LEWIS: Don't you know that there are
forcing The rich men living the margin

at
of them into the towns.

of
thousands
newcomers gravitate to the meanest, the walking

of
existence? Because man

is
a
most squalid quarters, like our East Side down Fifth Avenue, well dressed, and well
here, and there have to battle for jobs with fed, does that mean that

he
contented

is
a
those already on the ground. It is shown man? Also, you speak

of
the starvation
that in London, year after year, one person the East Side;

on
and the sickness have

I
out of every four dies in an almshouse or gone through the East Side many times,
hospital, or on some form of public charity.” the children.

of
and looked into the faces
“How about this country?” asked Mr. They were healthy, happy-looking chil
Phillips. dren; they didn’t seem dis

be

or
to
sick
“Well,” said Mr. Ghent, “Mr. Hunter contented or starved.
GHENT: Your observation the street

in
and others. have attempted to show the
extent of poverty among us. Out of the would not be worth as much as that of
little statistical material available Mr. hospital doctor who has seen them when
a

Hunter has made a very good book. He they were ill.

peculiar faith

no
shows that there are ten million persons LEWIS: I've doc

in
in America who are constantly living at tors or their observations. have seen

by I
or below the bare margin of normal exist perfectly healthy men killed doctors.
ence. Shortly after the appearance personal im

of
of GHENT: No number

up
Mr. Hunter's work there came up a ques pressions can stand against the figures
hospital
an

tion of the number of underfed school actuary

or
of

of
the records

a
children in New York city. Mr. Hunter which receives poor patients. go
LEwis:
us

asserted that there were seventy thousand Let the discon

D. to
back
of these. The statement was denied up tented man. Take John Rockefeller.
and down by hundreds of persons. He discontented man. He hasn’t
he is

Since
a

investigations wants; trying get more.

he

then three different have all to

is
is,

shown that Mr. Hunter probably spoke The fact can’t find contented man
a
I

very conservatively. There is a rising savagery. con

of

outside never saw a

I

wave of discontent, due to this privation, tented white man.

which expresses itself in many ways. Still,
do

you think
of

GHENT: What social

the great majority of the workers of Amer ism, Mr. Lewis?
ica live in a sort of hope that by some means LEwis: the first place, think so
In

I
by

they are going to beat the game.” cialism hampered the term. You
is

PHILLIPs: You really think then that try cover too many eggs
to

at

once.
is
It

there is a deep discontent in this country? good for the public

do

some things, good

to

GHENT: Not only among the workers, for the individual do some things.
to

be

but among the middle class as well. The Speaking socialism, axio
to
of

take
it
I

matic that everything the public does

as

middle class feel that they are being put

is a

out of business. body socialism. The post-office

is

PHILLIPS: At whom is this discontent socialism. police force socialism.

is
A

aimed P saw something the other day from Minot

J. I

GHENT: It is very largely an instinc Savage telling his congregation not

tive and uninformed revolt, not at all cer vote for “municipal ownership.” He
to

point, but
its

tain of general against suggested that the Post-Office Department

in

is is
it it

didn't pay. This non-paying element

he

present conditions. Of course, greatly

by

an

the exposures think argument against

to
of

aided the insurance seemed

investigation and others that kind. government ownership
of
a of of

such trinkets
on

LEWIS: You speak Of

as

discontent railways. course doesn't pay.

it

the poor Neither does the army pay. you are

as

the part probable cause

If

to
of
 The Day of Discontent 605

speak of money, nothing that the govern working-class

of
mulators the demands.
ment does ever pays. That, however,

so
The revolt against existing conditions,

in
far as cer

at
is not a proper argument. conscious and directed

is
it

a
GHENT: To what do you attribute the tain goal, remains working-class move

a
different political uprisings of late years? for

its
ment, even though philosophy

is
LEwis: To the wolf in the man. A

by
mulated and expressed men from
man is selfish. Also he is destructive as another class. These men come into the
a matter of instinct. working class and accept

its
instinctive
GHENT: nearly every year,
We have attitude as that of their own.
whether or not there is any unusual suf

as
PHILLIPs: But think programme

a
I
fering on the part of a section of the public, at

an
to as
precise the socialist programme

no is
a political uprising. We had a People's tempt prophesy. And I've great
party in 1892 which polled over a million faith prophecy, especially politics.

in

in
votes, and in 1894 nearly two million

so
GHENT: Not more predict

to
than
In 1896 we had something like general terms the overthrow the capi

of
votes.

in
six and a half million persons who voted production and the installa

of
talist mode
for a radical candidate for President. coöperative production. There

of
tion
Last year the Socialistic candidate, Debs, no scientific socialist the world who

in
...
is
polled more than four hundred thousand will attempt give you more than guesses

to
votes. What could these instances mean

no
He can tell you

of
at
the details. more
follow than Wash

to
of
other than a vote of discontent against the details what

is
existing conditions? ington Franklin could have told

or

at
the
PHILLIPs: The reason the farmers raised the American Revolution.

of
outbreak
the uproar in 1892—when they elected LEWIS: Our Revolution worked no tre
Cleveland, and again in 1896—when, in mendous change, beyond providing for
my opinion, Bryan was elected—the reason self-government. We have got Senate and

a
for the farmer revolt appeared in the enor they England House Lords, and they

a of
in

a
mous number of farm mortgages. It is have king, we have president. Our
a

not among the very poor that you now president has forty times

as
much power
find, or will find in history, the discontent don't see anything
as

their king. I
that makes itself effective. The French very democratic this government.
in

Revolution was started, was directed, was there were, the workingman could not
be If

to success by the middle truly referred

so

to
as
carried classes. one whom we
About being cheerful—a tramp is more “always respect and avoid.”
or less cheerful; he is sinking down into PHILLIPs: don’t think that whether
I

the mire comfortably and cheerfully. I man will or will not associate with me
a

think the discontent that amounts to some

do

intimately has anything with his

to

thing is the discontent of the great, intelli democracy,

in
a or

with mine. Association

high and rising
its

gent middle class, with personal taste.

of

that sense matter

is

living and with LEWIS: Mr. Ghent, what better con

its

ever stronger
of

standards
sense that the division property isn't ditions would we have the socialists were
of

if

fair. the justice power?

to

refuses believe
in
It

in

the masses having work for what they staggers the imagination
of

GHENT:
to

It

get, while small class gets more than picture

of

The sense
to

the difference.
a

enough without work. For, you can't security every person from haunting
of

the financiers and their

of

call the chicane privation would itself greatly

of

of

fear
lawyers Swindling—no better human character. There would
of

work. kind
swindling the frightful
be

work.
of

literal starvation
If

definite elimination
is

In on

discontent, the human beings which goes

be of

were the cause our

of

massacre
plutocracy might Our discon peace.
of

secure. all the time under the name

the dangerous anger that has civi the recent Japanese war, according
to

tent the
is

square printed September,

of

lized ideas what constitutes official statistics

in
a

meal. 46,000 men were killed battle, 11,000

in

wounds and 16,ooo died sick

of

LEWIS: There are only nine meals

of

died
between mankind and anarchy. ness; and we look upon this slaying with
GHENT: The intellectual leaders you horror. But we have fatal-accident
a
of,

speak Mr. Phillips, are simply the for American industries every year
of

list
in
Joff Cosmopolitan Magazine

somewhere between sixty-five and eighty personal dignity, the rights man,

of

of

is
thousand. The railroads and trolleys alone the force that will prevent the coming
kill about 12,500 and injure about 150,000 again

of
the conditions into which the
yearly. There is furthermore, under pres happy serfs the feudal age fell soon after

of
ent conditions, a terrible mortality from Mr. Rogers’s “golden age.”
unhealthful occupations at which men, LEwis: The most unhappy man have

I
women and children are forced to work, ever seen was and one of the ten richest

is
and from adulterated foods, drinks and men the world. And yet his trouble

in
medicines. Socialism, by organizing in really his ignorance—the natural ignor

is
dustry coöperatively, and producing for long time.

of
ance one who has been rich

a
social use instead of for profit-making, to-day lies not

of
Most

in
of
the trouble
would simply revolutionize the methods the poor, but

of
the discontent the

in
of production. ignorance the rich.

of
LEWIS: One trouble with socialism is great mass

of
PHILLIPs: We have

a
that it goes on the theory that men are all intelligent people getting more intelligent
alike, and as a matter of fact, the differ all the time. They will correct the ignor
ence between men and men is a vast one. But, go back so

to

to
of
ance the rich.
your socialism
to.
Unless is prepared cialism, Mr. Ghent. Its grave scientific
play the modern Procrustes, it would assur defect that can not suggest how men

is

it
edly fail with man as he Nor do find kept the healthful, necessary

of be
is.

to

at
are
I

fault with that discontent against which routine work, they appoint their own

if
you preach. The way get men work bosses. Take any our government
to

to

of
make them discontented, and even services, for example. And where there
to
is

make one fellow try get more than the them, done by
to

hard work done

in
is

is
it
fear that socialism would pro the poorest paid. The postman has

to
other.
I

work, but not the big fellows.

of

duce lots human canal boats. Present

an
conditions produce steamers. em

as
GHENT: the government
If
GHENT: Admitting, for the moment, lax, the private employer,

on
ployer the
is

discontent does keep other hand, goes

of

that this incentive to

the other extreme.
on
things going, also keeps going this tendency the part all em

of
There
is
it

a to a

frightful mortality. ployers “speed up” machinery

to
the
PHILLIPs: Mr. Ghent, what limit child's capacity
or

to
this
of

man's
is

frightful mortality which you speak? tend it.

of

GHENT: According Mr. Booth's PHILLIPs: But the same time,

at
to

I
investigation London and Mr. Rown don't think hard work killing any class.
in

is

York,
shown that about one LEwis:
in as

pale faces many

in
tree's
of in

is

see
it

Shifting dis
as

third the population Fifth Third.

of

these cities Avenue

of is

constantly below the bare margin trifle, should say that one
or
at

cussion
a

The most recent figures great evil the final influence this tip
in

normal existence.
is

England show ping system, this trying get something

an of

of

of

the Board Trade

to

cul
At

unexampled prosperity. for which you have not worked.

It
of

state
the same time shown that the state of minates finally our McCurdys and
is
it

in

unemployment London worse than Depews. They are only big tip-takers.
in

is

it

has been before since 1882. We can thus And yet, suppose tip-taking and tip
I

hunting are forms

an

pillage natural
of

wealth may attend

to
of

see that increase

the most frightful privation among the our human nature.
poor. Thorold Rogers shows that the best GHENT: Human nature about the
is

day the English peasant and laborer most plastic thing we know of, and under
of

it

was that part the feudal age between goes marked changes along
he of

with the
production and the
so

1480 and 1525; changes

of

has never had much the form

in

food and comfort since. government. Under socialism,

of

form
to be

PHILLIPs: But how about his self where private interest will abolished,
fly
no

respect? He had none. He was well one will feel the impulse
at

the
a

cared-for slave, not

he

man. There never his neighbor. will

of

throat Instead
a

his nature—
of

the history cultivate the better traits

of

was time the world when

in
a

lie dormant within him,

so

of so

self-respect was widespread and traits that now

no

deep to-day. And that sense but which proper which

in
as

have field
is
it
 The Day of Discontent 607

to develop. Under socialism everyone LEWIs: Well, begin Ellis Island.*

at
who works will be secure. He will not PHILLIPS: An occasional bath for the
have that haunting fear for himself or his East Side would be an advancement.
dependents. He will then, instead of GHENT: They take baths there now;
and the death rate for certain

all
seeking at beat out his neighbor, diseases

to
times
aid his neighbor. He will seek has been greatly reduced since the munici
to

to
seek
all,

he
pality opened

as

its
do for the welfare cheap bath-houses. Dirt

of
now seeks
to do for himself

to

of
the detriment others. and the death rate go hand hand.

in
This attitude toward life means

all
different PHILLIPs: But after the principal
change
almost revolutionary human degradation the spiritual degradation

in

is
a

nature and consequently the man himself—cringing before an

of
human conduct.

in
Thus socialism would abolish fear. That

to
other man for chance work.

a
LEwis: Fear inborn, and not from has always existed the world, and what

in
is

the end of

to
the outside. we should most want

is
see
GHENT: The nature of one’s fears that.
depends upon one's environment. Ari LEWIS: Isn’t fact that our Choates

In

it
a
likely cringing?
be

as
zona one would fear Apaches; and Roots are quite
to

like London, where one They are

lot
community parasites,
in

PHILLIPs:

of
a
a

public
on

person out every four dies courtiers, cringers. The hope

of
of

the
most likely
he

be

charity, country lies that great mass that does

to

would fear

in
starvation. not yet cringe and must not learn

to
do so.
LEwis: And yet Shakespeare wrote, LEWIS: have seen but one uncring

I
“He that down need never fear to fall.” ing independent man New York; that
is

in
Now have talked with poor people; was Richard Croker.
I

The man that takes the tip

be

they don’t seem afraid. And PHILLIPs:

to

to

tell
the truth, don’t see why they should be. tip;

he he
to

a to
doesn’t like take forced

is
a
I

by

pinched down one dollar could get

If

to

man the conditions.

If
is

it
a

and thirty cents

he
be

day, why should decent wage, he

would take any time

in it
a

afraid lose that? Now man drawing place larger sum tips. He
to

of
in

to a
a

cringing and
be
one-hundred-thousand-dollar salary, like doesn't like

to
submit
a

our hysterical James Hazen Hyde, ought to insult and abuse.

be afraid. When William Dean Howells,
to

he loses he'll never

If

GHENT:
it

get another. But why fellow who letter written some years ago, criti
in
is
a

getting one dollar and thirty cents day this city for taking
of

cised the cab drivers

a

afraid,
he

can’t understand;
it be

tips, they held meeting which they

at

should
a
I

can get next door. discussed the matter. Many them of

GHENT:
The chances getting re-em frankly acknowledged that accepting tips
of

ployment decrease all the time. was degrading and asserted that they
if

LEwis: so, then death

be

could get better wages they would stop

that it.
If

is

your only remedy. And why not? What They could not get better wages, and there
do

do you onions when they take tips.

of

to

with bed fore had

a

grow too thick? You thin them out. PHILLIPs: Do the socialists advocate
PHILLIPs (Laughing): This terri or tolerate violence?
is
a

your friend Roosevelt.

on

ble attack This GHENT: The Social Democratic party,

worse than race suicide. wherever the workers have the franchise,
is

LEwis: Mr. Ghent, I'll tell you how the sure means,
as

advocates the ballot

you social philosophers are misled. The about which there can be no mistake, for
go

Of late the
lie

minute you the East Side they capitalism.

of
to

to

the overthrow
They picture themselves general industrial and political strike has
as

you. want,
in

hoping thus make you give them some won favor as another means. The social
to

it,

They will point

as

thing. their poor rooms ists have generally opposed except

to

it a

thinking you will put your hand your last desperate resort, out
of

fear that
in

a
do

pocket. And yet these people are living might more harm than good. But
Bebel, the leader
of
in as

they desire. them have money

of

Most the German Social

the bank. Democrats, his recent speech
at

the
in

PHILLIPs: We want them

to

live
in

immigrant landing-station the port

a

of

of

New
better way. ..The
ork.
 -/ Cosmopolitan Magazine

Jena Congress, has frankly accepted the the Post-Office Department with the graft

in or
general strike as a weapon and has served the three life insurance companies,

in
warning on the German government that take the graft

of

of
hundreds millions
it will be resorted to if the government merely the making and floating

of
the
attempts to withdraw the franchise from United States Steel Corporation. Where

is
Just now we are witnessing there anything equal public

to
the workers. the latter

in
the effects of the general strike in Russia. affairs -

2
Armed violence the socialists have almost LEWIS: What the government appro

is
invariably discountenanced, not out of priation for this year?

it,
any innate scruples against PHILLIPs: About six hundred and eighty

of
but out

a
sense of its uselessness. million dollars, believe.

I
LEwis: they steal the vote they LEWIS: cost only about fifty

In
as
If

1860

to it
did the other day this city, could not five million dollars run this government.
as in

I
regard the ballot much remedy. of Andrew Jackson ran for thirteen million.

it
Moreover voting often accompanied by a Doesn't the difference between now and
is

the hospital wards will indicate. graft?

as

of
violence then smell
GHENT: There were about six hundred PHILLIPs: make one point

to
want

I
thousand votes polled New York, and about the public utilities. Under the present
in

grafters, private
no
so

as

am aware, persons were system we have two sets

of
far
I

killed and but few injured election and government—for our political parties
in

are simply the tools

In

not the point. grafters.

of
rows. But this this Under
is

country Germany, perhaps Bel government ownership we should have only

or
in

in

gium, the overthrow the capitalist sys simply question getting

of
of

the one.

It
is

a
tem may come about like the overthrow directly the grafters.
at
At present, with
private ownership, we have the public utili
be

slavery. by
of

would attended
It

violence, but that would be no fault ties owning the government.

of

ours. We would be
popular majority for the Socialist party better off the government owned the pub
A

if
by

the capital
be

Then, we dismissed the party

in lic

may
of

followed revolt utilities.

if
a
ist

as

power, just Lincoln's election was power, we would dismiss all the grafters.
by

Now, we dismiss only the agents grafters

of
followed the slaveholders’ revolt. The
at

Socialists, who will then represent the and are once saddled with new set.

a
be

government, will suppress GHENT: There great difference be

to

forced
is
a

the insurrection. tween public graft and private graft. Real

LEWIS: do not like the term social public graft amounts little more than
to
I

You try public funds.

to

ism. include too much.

of

occasional embezzlements
I

believe that the government should do for What considered public graft simply
is
is

me whatever can do better and cheaper private interests into the

of

the invasion
it

to all

than the individual. For example: government service. Practically the

I

believe the country should own the rail corruption public servants pri
of

due
is

roads. Even were then robbed as vate interests attempting prey upon the
if

to
I

am now, would rather the plunder went government.

I

the conductors and the other employees graft place

of
to

LEWIS: One sort

In in
is

the Goulds, the Hills, and the making. Take our Treasury.
to

than Martin
Van Buren's time the amount
be

Belmonts. would rather plundered of salaries

I

for thousand men than for one, paid that building was under five hundred
to

am
in
if
a

be plundered. thousand dollars. Now over five mil

is
it

They talk about these public place-making. You

of

PHILLIPs: lion. the result

It
is
by

utilities being run better private enter can run this government with twenty per
prise; where has there been with any the people present employed
it.
in
at
of

cent.
public enterprise any such scandal
as

with The other eighty per cent, means graft.

private enterprises—railroad companies, in PHILLIPs: You sometimes hear that
surance, etc.? there the European govern
less graft
in
is

LEwis: graft that goes ments. But the truth that there more
is

is

Still there
is
a

government. there. As imbedded law and custom,

in

with
is
it

private prey they don't call graft but the right

of

GHENT: That interest the

is

it

ing upon government. upper classes.

PHILLIPs: Exactly. Compare graft One reason why the robbery
in

LEWIS:
 The Day of Discontent 609

called graft is committed in this country is government deserves. public the

is
A
its it
because we won't take the time and trouble legisla

of

If
architect own troubles.

a
to collar the thief. We're too busy getting ture takes bribes, you should not forget that
rich. We see a man stealing, but we won't the public elects the legislature. had

If
I
leave our business to go after him. been McCall the New York Life,

of

I
PHILLIPs: It seems to me that in no would have stood pat. would have said,

by
“I
country in the world is the discontent so have been blackmailed the legisla
keen as it is in this. It is intelligent discon ture, because the public elected black
tent here. It is a very healthy discontent, mailers.” But beyond that, given great

a
and I think it will continue and grow criminal, the public condones the offense.
greater. Our politicians are most amusing that condonation which the great

It
is

is
just now. They are all trying to dodge or both public and private wrong

of
reason
shift the issue. The Socialist party, it must doing. Take the McCalls, McCurdys and
be admitted, is the only one that squarely Depews. What happens these people?

to
faces the issue—which is the distribution of Nothing. Everyone glad

to
see them.

is
wealth, the division of the products of labor. The preacher still calls them “pillars

of
But, eager though the politicians are to They are well off so

as
righteousness.”
keep political discussion to the old, stupid, cially, religiously and professionally,

in
silly lines, they are being forced by the

as
spite their testimony, they ever were.

of
people toward the real issue. That is why GHENT: am disappointed this:

in
I
we are beginning to hear our statesmen dis While you, Mr. Lewis, and you, Mr. Phil
cuss timidly but nervously the taking over

as
lips, admit about all we socialists charge,
of the great public utilities, the railways, the prevalence graft, swindling, op
to

of
is,

no
the telegraphs, insurance. All this
of

pression and hunger, you have remedy

course, socialism. programme
to

offer. We socialists have

a
on

LEwis: And that point my idea would and goal.

a

have the public PHILLIPs: But we do not accept your

do

everything that
be
to

it
do

can best and cheapest. Let every tub remedy.

LEwis: You are
its

good thing error, Mr. Ghent.

in
Is

stand on own bottom.

it
a

for the public think For the “oppression” you speak of, offer
to

own railroad
a it
2
a

I
good thing for the public the remedy
of
is.

manhood and individual

to
Is

own
it
a

gas company? independence; for the “hunger,” work; for

is.

think But would

it

I
I

not call these things socialism. the “graft and swindling,” Sing Sing.
PHILLIPs: The socialists were the first any way you will, an
to

There isn't, take

it
by

advocate these things. evil named socialism that honest, an

LEwis: The trouble that the socialists thorough existing law
is

of

enforcement
go

not enforced,
be

too far and grasp too much. Like the wouldn’t cure. the law
If
at

fabled monkey who reached the jar they the public's fault, and
in

that for one shall

sit is

I
up

its
grab fifty propositions once, and then nights protect public from
to
at

not
a

they can't get their hand out. They should own criminal indifference. am aware
I
at as

call themselves socialists; and, that my pose seems one cynicism and
to

of

cease
So

it:

mere American citizens, tackle one thing my

be

of

selfishness. the result

is
it

time. own inquiries and my own experiences.

a

PHILLIPs: There no workable scheme

as

as

ignorant
is

have found the rich are the

as

as

that anybody can devise for government poor. I've found the poor thievish,
privately tyrannical within their nar
as as

the freight rates mendacious,

of

of

control
owned railroads. One little railroad will rower power are the rich. Everywhere,
all

on

rates, and one dependent either poverty

of

at

have volumes and volumes and not

riches, I've found good and bad, happi
be

or

little case can kept the courts for years.

in

talk about government con ness and misery, love and hate, laughter and
to
It

foolish
is

that; Nor shall you ever change these

so

so

as

things intricate,
of

trol subtle tears.

the only possible move things—which are the very reasons life.
of

of

the direction
in

for the government You speak the threat that lurks

in
to

of

solution take over

is

the roads. And no one knows this better “popular discontent”; and when ques
than the crowd that swindling itself into tioned, “popular discontent” would
is

that
by

manipulating freight rates.

be

an

appear individual eagerness

to

to

wealth
LEwis: Every public gets the kind money and better the individual’s
of

make
6 IO Cosmopolitan Magazine

financial condition. You say that socialism stagnation, and stagnation the synonym

to of
would do away with that “discontent”—a humanity putridity—humanity gone

in
its
analysis turns out moral, mental and physical decay.

to
discontent which in As for
more than just fierce spirit Mass versus Class—the so-called laborer
be
no
com

of
a
petition. To my thought, this competition, against the so-called capitalist—I’m free

to
so

is as
this discontent, far from being disaster, say, my observation, that

of
the result

a
health and strength and final but one greater fool than the work
of
the seed there
is

human purity, like the current ingman and that

he
of

*
stream. the fool works for.

is
a
You would eradicate the discontent, para Fools? Yes; fools because neither honest,

is
lyze the current with socialism. What neither upholds the law, while both are
Stagnation, and wolves rending each other
be

to
would the outcome the widest
2

the rottenness and falling limits their jaws, their ignorance and
to

of
destruction
which attend as inevitable corollaries. their opportunities. And now [rising go

to
it

That where you lead me, see my as and speaking that

to
the waiter] where
is

is
your argu I
by

way through, the proletariat who took my

of

of
the torch member
the synonym overcoat and hat?

of
be
to

ment. Socialism
is

Cupid’s Binocular
BY JULIAN DURAND
by

Drawn Ralph T. Willis

Said Cupid, jocular We looked; and She, with laughter that

in
a

And tempting sort way, Approved the magic done,

of

“Pray look through my binocular Remarked me just after that,

to

And see your hearts play.” “Sweetheart, saw but one !”

at