Fugitive from Injustice

My story as patient zero of the

DOJ’s Biden family coverup

Gal Luft

©Copyright, Gal Luft, 2024

 “The DOJ has the obligation to have an open door to anybody who wishes to provide us
information that they think is relevant.” Attorney General Bill Barr

“The Justice Department works for the American people. Our job is to follow the facts and the law,
and that is what we do.” Attorney General Merrick Garland

“Our message to the world remains: Call us before we call you.” Damian Williams, US Attorney for
the Southern District of New York

“You have built your partisan house of cards on the lies told by the likes of Gal Luft…”
Hunter Biden

“The arrest in Cyprus and subsequent disappearance of an American Israeli defense and energy
analyst who claims he has information that could ‘bury Hunter Biden’ evokes a Hollywood thriller
starring the likes of Peter Lorre.” New York Sun
Introduction
Even though I lived in Washington for ten years, from 1998 until 2008, I never met Hunter
Biden, the “true sheikh of Washington,” as he was referred to by James Gilliar, one of his business
partners. I also never met any of the other Biden family members. But for about two years, the
Bidens and I simultaneously orbited around the same cast of characters in a mysterious Chinese
energy and finance conglomerate called CEFC China Energy Company, or in its Chinese name
Huaxin, which in just a few years rose from complete anonymity to the largest private company in
Asia with a turnover bigger than Chevron’s. The meteoric rise of the enigmatic then 39-year-old
Chairman Ye Jianming from a small businessman in a fishing town in China’s Fujian Province to
heading a Fortune 500 company and, in Hunter Biden’s words, “the richest man in the world,” was
made possible, we are told, thanks to his strong relationships in the Chinese Communist Party. But
few Americans knew that Ye’s rise in China was enabled by his connections outside of China, not
only to the Biden family but also to a vast network of some of the most powerful people in the
world, many of them Washington dwellers.

Ye’s whole shtick was to use his connections abroad to impress Chinese bankers to fund his
investments in China and around the world. With the money he made, he could continue to pry
open the outside world, impress other high-level foreigners and make them believe that
partnering with him would allow them to partake in the creation of a Chinese version of Goldman
Sachs. In China nobody could understand how one man could open so many doors in so many
countries and rub elbows with so many world leaders and other towering figures.

The Bidens were not the only ones who fell for Ye’s fairy tale. There were many others in
multiple countries, who were ready to open their kimonos - and rolodexes - hoping to benefit from
Ye’s largesse. In the US alone, I can recall three former national security advisors, a former CIA
Director, a former NSA Director, a former Chairman of the Fed, former cabinet secretaries, former
senators, retired generals, CEOs and the list goes on and on. CEFC’s enablers in Washington were
willing to go to great lengths to enrich themselves by parking under Ye’s gown. In today’s climate of
hostility toward China, it sounds almost inconceivable that Washington would roll out the red
carpet before an unknown Chinese billionaire or that a group of retired top defense officials would
make two pilgrimages to him to ask him for billions of dollars to finance the construction of civilian
nuclear reactors in the Middle East. But until circa 2016 this was exactly the norm.

I know it all too well. In 2014-2017 I got a front row seat in Ye’s Byzantine court. In addition
to his position as Chairman of CEFC, Ye was also Chairman of an NGO called China Energy Fund
Committee with which my Washington think tank interacted. I spent many hours with Ye and
Patrick Ho, the Secretary General of the CEFC NGO, a man Hunter Biden baselessly referred to as
the “spy chief of China.” From the sidelines, I watched Ye and his lieutenants operating in at least
20 countries as they were cruising the globe on board his private jet whose tail number was,
ironically enough, VP-CIA. Interestingly, in almost every country, Ye was received by the president
or prime minister as if he were a world leader. The myth and the mystery were bigger than the
man.

From my unique vantage point, I was able to gather some inside knowledge about the
Bidens’ relations with Ye and his men. But my story is not really about the Bidens. It’s about the
Praetorian Guard protecting them and the biggest state-sponsored coverup operation since
Watergate.
 On March 28-29, 2019, about a year and a half before the 2020 presidential elections and a
month before Joe Biden announced he was running for president, two prosecutors from the DOJ’s
Southern District of New York (SDNY) and four FBI agents flew to Belgium to meet with me at the
US Embassy in Brussels. Presumably when the justice system sends so many people abroad, it has
confidence that the witness facing them is credible. Why else waste so much time and money? In a
two-day session, I shared information about top CEFC executives’ relations with the Biden family:
exact dollar figures that were paid to each Biden, names of Biden associates involved, my
knowledge of a meeting between Hunter and Joe Biden and Ye at the Four Seasons Hotel in
Washington DC, and, perhaps most importantly, a leak to Ye from SDNY/FBI of law enforcement
information about a case against CEFC executives. I also alerted the DOJ about a potential mole
within the FBI who may have provided the information. As Washington Free Beacon journalist
Chuck Ross noted “many of the details [Luft revealed in Brussels] line up with stuff that wasn’t
publicly known at that time.”

Tea with Chairman Ye

At the time of the Brussels meeting, Joe Biden was not even a candidate for the presidency.
He was still pondering his political future. Had the FBI investigated my claims and alerted him
about the skeletons in his closet it might have been Bernie Sanders clashing with Donald Trump
over the results of the 2020 elections. Who knows, perhaps the biggest tragedy of our time, the
Ukraine War, would have been avoided. But the DOJ didn’t do its job. Instead, it did all it could to
obstruct, derail, confuse and slow-walk its investigation while prosecuting and harassing those who
tried to uncover the truth.

I decided to travel to Brussels to talk with the SDNY out of a sense of civic duty and the
ethos of “if you see something, say something.” What I saw at the time as an act of patriotism
aimed to prevent the US from sliding into yet another “Russia-collusion” hoax, turned into a
nightmare. Over the four years that followed Brussels, me, my family, my friends and my co-
workers were harassed, intimidated, and probed by the conviction machine known as Southern
District of New York. I became enemy of the state, the Deep State.

Eventually, in February 2023, I was arrested while on a short visit to Cyprus on an

extradition request from the SDNY for allegedly violating the Foreign Agent Registration Act (FARA),
conspiring to violate the Arms Export Control Act, and the International Emergency Economic
Powers Act (IEEPA) and for allegedly making false statements in Brussels. The entire package
carried a maximum sentence of a nice and round 100 years in prison. Interestingly, DOJ never
asked for my extradition from Israel, a country with which the US shares a bilateral extradition
treaty and where I have been living since 2008. It targeted me in Cyprus, a small and coercible
country which I had visited for few days.

After my arrest, news about the Brussels meeting spilled into the open. House Oversight
Committee Chairman James Comer, who was leading the Biden probe in Congress referred to me
as a “very credible witness,” suggesting that my testimony would be important. But after blatant
interference of the US government in my extradition proceedings in Cyprus, I vanished only to
resurface again on July 6, 2023, with a 14-minute video in which I detailed some of the information
I had revealed to the SDNY and FBI. I called on the DOJ to release both my indictment as well as
the minutes from the Brussels meeting so that every American could read them and judge for
him/herself what the DOJ and the FBI knew in early 2019.

Four days later, the DOJ retaliated against me by unsealing my eight-count indictment. The
mainstream media that had been suppressing the Hunter Biden story and my claims had a field
day. Liberal talking heads were quick to impugn my credibility, calling me “Chinese spy,” a “grifter,”
and other libelous adjectives. House Democrats celebrated my indictment. “We are concerned that
an official committee of the House of Representatives has been manipulated by an apparent con
man who, while a fugitive from justice, attempted to fortify his defense by laundering unfounded
and potentially false allegations through Congress,” Rep. Jamie Raskin and former SDNY prosecutor
turned politician Rep. Dan Goldman wrote to Comer. Even National Security Advisor Jake Sullivan
was asked at a press briefing about my indictment: “What’s the White House’s take on potential
[FARA] liability for the first family and the president?” to which Sullivan deflected, “I’ve not seen that
and cannot comment on it.”

While the DOJ was quick to release my indictment, it refused to share the Brussels minutes.
Two days after the unsealing of my indictment Chairman Comer sent a letter to FBI Director
Christopher Wray, demanding that the FBI submit to Congress within a week a copy of the notes
(FD-302). The FBI did not comply with the request. But on September 28, a redacted version of the
document marked “Exhibit 400,” handed to Congress by IRS whistleblower Joseph Ziegler, was
made public by the House Ways and Means Committee. In his December 5 testimony Ziegler said:
“Information from [Luft’s] interview was corroborated. In this interview, Luft recalled payments
between Hunter Biden and CEFC, all of which were validated in evidence obtained throughout the
investigation.”

However, not everything was revealed. There were many redactions in Exhibit 400. Behind
them a story more sordid than anything the Bidens could have done. It happened not in Delaware
but in New York. All the information I told the FBI and SDNY about the leak of US law enforcement
information to Ye from sources in the justice system was redacted from the FBI minutes. Just stop
and think. Information about an active SDNY prosecution as well as arrest warrants got into the
hands of a Chinese company the US government claims was closely associated with the People’s
Liberation Army, and seven years after the event the American public is still in the dark. It took the
FBI 22 years to discover that its agent Robert Hanssen was leaking classified information to the
Soviet Union and Russia. Could there be another Hanssen in the system? I don’t know, but what I
do know it that the identity of the mole has not been publicly identified until today, and it is the
responsibility of the DOJ to reassure the American people that the hole has been plugged.

Since I’m facing criminal charges, I could have released this report anonymously, but this
isn’t how I roll. I want to stand behind my words even though I know what’s coming next.
Democrats, spearheaded by the Raskin-Goldman duo will dismiss this report as just another made
up story by a man who has been charged for lying to the government. The “mainstream media”
will argue that just like the Hunter Biden laptop, this report “bears the hallmarks” of a Chinese or
Russian disinformation campaign aimed at interfering in the 2024 elections. My prosecutors will
cook up another indictment with an additional hundred years in prison. The playbook is all too
known. I don’t care. At 58, after a 15-year career as a combat officer in the Israeli military, I’ve
dealt with worse. I’m not a Republican and not a Democrat. If I really wanted to interfere in the US
elections, I could have come out with my story in October 2020 when the content of the Hunter
Biden laptop that John Mac Paul Isaac handed over to the FBI became known to all. I stayed silent.
I had no intention of being dragged into the circus that presidential elections in the world’s leading
democracy have become. If not for the SDNY’s ambush of me in Cyprus I would have taken my
story to my grave. Not anymore, now it’s yours to read.
A little bit about myself
I consider myself a soldier-turned-scholar. After a career as a combat officer in the Israel
Defense Forces, I got my doctorate from Johns Hopkins University School of Advanced
International Studies (SAIS). Since then, I spent more than two decades as an energy security
activist and analyst and co-director of the Institute for the Analysis of Global Security (IAGS), a
think tank focused on energy, security, and economic trends. For many years, I was one of the
leaders of a bipartisan movement to set America free from its oil dependency. Fareed Zakaria
called me a “tireless and independent advocate of energy security.” Esquire Magazine included me
in its list of America's Best and Brightest. I authored and co-authored six books including Turning
Oil into Salt: Energy Independence Through Fuel Choice (2009) and numerous studies and articles. I
was also among the first to warn America about the looming decline of the US dollar as global
reserve currency. My book De-dollarization: The Revolt Against the Dollar and the Rise of a New
Financial World Order (2019) was a call to action to avoid financial decline. Since 2008 I have
resided in Israel. Despite the DOJ and media’s attempt to portray me as an arms and oil dealer, I
never bought, sold, shipped or financed one bullet or a barrel of oil. In fact, even my 58-page
indictment does not claim I actually trafficked in arms or traded oil.

Me according to...

Republicans Democrats
“A very credible witness on Biden family “An apparent conman” Rep. Dan Goldman
corruption” […] House Oversight Committee
Chairman Rep. James Comer
“It looks like he may be innocent.” Tucker Carlson “You have built your partisan house of cards on the
lies told by the likes of Gal Luft […]” Hunter Biden
“Dr. Luft might be better known as ‘David’ for he “A Chinese spy” Joe Scarborough, MSNBC
now faces alone the Goliath of a US government
determined to crush him to protect President Joe
Biden.” Frank Gaffney
“Brave whistle-blowers, like Gal Luft, shouldn’t have “Gal Luft wants to use the Republican Party exactly
to go into hiding trying to avoid intimidation by the the same way Donald Trump is using the Republican
government.” Rep. Ben Cline Party - as a shield from […] accountability.” Rep.
Jamie Raskin
“The government doesn’t get the benefit of the “Multinational conman” Keith Olberman
doubt in this case.” Richard Grenell, former Director
of National Intelligence
“Is DOJ trying to silence Dr. Gal Luft from publicly “Gal Luft’s story is not simply fishy; it has the smell
exposing Biden family corruption? The American of a foreign disinformation campaign.” Daily Kos
people deserve the truth and Dr. Luft must have the
chance to testify before Congress.” Senator Ron
Johnson
“No one should be surprised here. I don’t trust the “Unscrupulous political fixer” New York Times
DOJ or the FBI. They are trying to silence our
witnesses” Rep. Nancy Mace
Cast of characters
CEFC China Energy Company (Huaxin)
Conglomerate based in Shanghai.
Ranked 222 on the Fortune 500 list of 2017.
Chairman: Ye Jianming
President: Chan Chauto
Executive Director: Zang Jianjun

China Energy Fund Committee (referred to as

CEFC NGO) – An NGO registered in both Hong
Kong and Virginia with Special Consultative
Status at the UN. CEFC NGO was approved by
the IRS as 501c3 organization which effectively
gave donors tax deduction under US law.
Chairman: Ye Jianming
Secretary General: Dr. Patrick Ho

CEFC International (Also known as AnAn)

Singapore listed company wholly owned by
Ye Jianming and Zang Jianjun via Northern
International Capital (HK)
Chairman: Zang Jianjun
CEFC
Chan Chauto – President of CEFC.
Dorian Duçka – Former Albanian Deputy Minister of Energy and Industry, a CEFC consultant.
Ye Jianming – Chairman of both CEFC and CEFC NGO. Hunter Biden’s business partner. Was
arrested in China in early 2018 and has disappeared since then. He was sold to Hunter Biden by his
colleagues as “one of the 10 wealthiest Chinese businessmen.”
Dongwen Gong (Keving Dong) – Ye’s special representative in New York.
Marvyn Yan – A US-based associate of Ye, who was part of Hunter Biden’s business dealings.
Dr. Patrick Ho (Ho Chi Ping) – Former Minister of Home Affairs of Hong Kong. Secretary General of
CEFC NGO. Had no official position with the CEFC company. Was arrested in the US in November
2017 for violating the Foreign Corrupt Practices Act and was sentenced to three years
imprisonment. Ho’s court documents reveal that he was under US surveillance since 2015.
Referred to as CC-1 in my indictment.
Andrew Lo – Patrick Ho’s deputy at the CEFC NGO. Died mysteriously in mid-February 2018 shortly
after Ye’s arrest.
Zang Jianjun – Executive Director of CEFC. He was Hunter Biden’s main Chinese business partner.
Was with Ho in Chad and was the main conspirator but he was never charged. Referred to as
“Executive-1” in Ho’s indictment.
Zhang Ya – Patrick Ho’s executive assistant. Referred to as CC-1 in Ho’s indictment.
Raymond Zhao (Zhao Runlong) – Zang Jianjun’s interpreter.

DOJ/FBI
Geoffrey Berman – US Attorney at the SDNY 2018-2020. Authorized the Brussels meeting.
Catherine Ghosh – Assistant US Attorney at the SDNY. Prosecuted both the Ho case and my case.
Represented the SDNY in Brussels.
Richard Donoghue – US Deputy Attorney General, December 24, 2020 – January 20, 2021.
Charles McGonigal – Former head of counterintelligence in NY Field Office of the FBI.
In December 2023 he was sentenced to 50 months in prison for conspiracy to violate US sanctions
on Russia. In February 2024 he was sentenced to another two years for taking hundreds of
thousands of dollars from a businessman with ties to the Albanian government.
Thomas McNulty – Special agent at the FBI. Was present in Brussels and investigated the Patrick
Ho case.
Daniel C. Richenthal – Assistant US Attorney at the SDNY. Prosecuted both the Ho case and my
case. Represented the SDNY in Brussels.
Joshua Wilson – Special agent at the FBI’s Field Office in Baltimore. Was present in Brussels and
retrieved Hunter Biden’s laptop.

Team Biden
Joe Biden – President of the United States.
Hunter Biden – Son of Joe Biden. Described by his partner James Gilliar as the “true sheikh of
Washington.” Referred to by his investigators as Sportsman.
James Biden – Brother of Joe Biden.
Tony Bobulinski – Former US Marine. Business partner of Hunter Biden.
James Gilliar – Business partner of Hunter Biden.
Rob Walker – Former Clinton administration official. Business partner of Hunter Biden.
Others
Oleg Deripaska – A sanctioned Russian billionaire and business partner of Ye Jianming.
Cheikh Tidiane Gadio – Former Foreign Minister of Senegal, the DOJ’s key witness against Ho.
Robert Henoch – My attorney. Former partner at Kobre & Kim LLP. Former federal prosecutor with
the US Attorney's Office for the Eastern District of New York and a former Manhattan Assistant
District Attorney. Was with me in Brussels.
Vuk Jeremić – Former Foreign Minister of Serbia, former President of the UN General Assembly, a
CEFC consultant.
Edward Kim – Patrick Ho’s attorney. As of December 2023 he is Chief Counsel to US Attorney for
the SDNY Damian Williams.
Nancye Miller – James Woolsey’s wife. “Individual-2” in my indictment.
R. James Woolsey – Former CIA Director, founding member of IAGS. “Individual-1” in my
indictment.
1. Entrapment: Patrick Ho’s arrest
The leak
On the night of July 30, 2017, Patrick Ho, Secretary General of CEFC NGO, was in his room at
the Residence Inn Hotel in Manhattan. In the middle of the night, the phone rang. It was a call
from Shanghai. On the line was Chan Chauto, the president of CEFC China Energy Company. Chan
conveyed an urgent message from his boss, CEFC Chairman Ye Jianming, telling Ho to “get out of
the US and come back to China immediately.” Ho asked why, but the message was repeated, and
Ho was told to obey without questions.

The next day Ho caught the first flight to Hong Kong and from there he flew immediately to
Shanghai to meet with Ye. In the meeting Ye told him that he had received reliable information
from sources in the US that there was a sealed warrant for Ho’s arrest as well as for the arrest of
two other Chinese and a foreigner. Sealed arrest warrants are classified information, and their leak
could jeopardize investigations and derail arrests. Ye would not tell Ho what the charges were. Nor
did he tell him who the other indicted individuals were. Ye just told him that the arrest warrant had
nothing to do with the CEFC business and that he should not worry. He said he had powerful
friends in the US and that he would take care of the problem. Until then Ho should refrain from
traveling to the US.

Around the time of Ho’s flight from New York back to China, a WhatsApp conversation took
place between Hunter Biden and two of his Chinese business partners in CEFC - Dongwen Gong
(Kevin Dong), Ye’s US representative, and Zhao Runlong (Raymond Zhao) who was the interpreter
for Zang Jianjun, CEFC’s Executive Director and Hunter’s business partner. At the time of this
communication, Hunter and his partners were already 1.5 years into their business relationship
with Ye and they had already made at least $3 million from him and agreed to enter a multimillion-
dollar partnership. In the WhatsApp conversation Hunter refers to a “highly confidential and time
sensitive” issue and demands immediate payment of millions of dollars. He sent Zhao a
threatening message which later became one of the triggers of an impeachment inquiry against
President Joe Biden:

“Z [Zhao] - Please have the director [Zang] call me […] I am sitting here with my father, and
we would like to understand why the commitment made has not been fulfilled. […] Tell the
director that I would like to resolve this now before it gets out of hand. And now means
tonight. And Z, if I get a call or text from anyone involved in this other than you, Zang or the
Chairman I will make certain that between the man sitting next to me and every person he
knows and my ability to forever hold a grudge that you will regret not following my
direction.”

The next day Zhao wrote to Hunter:

“CEFC is willing to cooperate with the [Biden] family. He [Zang] thinks that now the
priority is to solve the problem mentioned last night.”

In any rules-based country Hunter’s message would be viewed as an extortion attempt, a

crime. One can only imagine the outrage of Americans had the son of the vice president of China
sent a similar blackmail message to an American executive.
 The message worked. Two days later, on August 2, Hunter, behind the backs of his American
business partners, signed a contract between Owasco PC, his private law firm, and Hudson West III
LLC. According to the contract Hunter would be eligible for monthly compensation of $100,000 and
his uncle James Biden would receive $65,000. In addition, Hunter was to receive a one-time
retainer fee of $500,000. Nowhere in the contract was there any mention of what the partners
were supposed to do for the money. All they really had to do was breathe and carry the name
Biden.

The next day, August 3, the first monthly payment of $100,000 was sent from CEFC
Infrastructure Investment (US) to Owasco PC and on August 8, $5 million was sent from Northern
International Capital in Hong Kong, a company run by Zang and Ye, to Hudson West III. On the
same day $400,000 of this money was transferred to Owasco PC. Some of this money, $40,000 to
be exact, was later routed to Joe Biden’s personal account.

These facts are all known. What is still not clear is what was the “highly confidential and
time-sensitive” issue Zhao and Hunter discussed? Did it have anything to do with the
information Ye received around the same time about SDNY’s secret indictments? If not, what
else could have triggered such urgency for Ye and Zang to immediately send the Bidens $5
million?

My meeting with Ye
In mid-August, I was in Hong Kong and visited Patrick Ho at the Convention Plaza Office
Tower, the building next door to the Grand Hyatt Hotel in Wanchai. Ho told me about the late-night
phone call in New York and the secret arrest warrants. He still had no idea why he was being
indicted in the US. He could not think of anything he had done wrong.

That evening, Ho and I went to see Chairman Ye in his private Bel Air mansion in Pok Fu Lam
in Hong Kong. We waited outside his study while he was meeting with Peter Thomson, then
president of the UN General Assembly. Ye finally received us and in a low voice repeated the story
about the warrants, reiterating that they had nothing to do with the CEFC business. We asked him
about the authenticity of his source. He refused to provide specifics, but just said that he had
“reliable undercover connections.” Ye said he planned to be in the US later in the month, and he
would work with his “partners” in the US to “make the problem go away.”

Hunter to the rescue

On August 27, Ye was in New York. He invited Hunter and James Biden to lunch at his new
Manhattan apartment at 15 Central Park West. It was then and there that Hunter agreed to
represent Ho for a fee of $1 million. On August 30, Dongwen Gong sent Hunter a WhatsApp
message summarizing the understanding: “Engagement letter will be signed, and $1 million
payment will be made soon.” On September 18 Hunter messaged back: “Letter signed. I approve
the hire.” All of this happened without Ho’s knowledge.

The next day, Dongwen Gong sent Ho a draft two-page attorney engagement letter signed
by Hunter and asked Ho to sign and execute it. In the letter Ho agreed to retain Hunter for a sum of
$1 million. Ho, who had never met Hunter in his life, signed it into effect on September 22, and the
$1 million was sent from one of Ye’s entities in China to Ho’s Hong Kong account. On October 10,
Ho’s deputy Andrew Lo wired the money to Biden’s company Owasco LLC (Note: Owasco LLC and
Owasco PC are two different companies. The first is a holding company while the second is a sole
proprietorship law firm. This distinction will soon prove to be important).
 Normally one hires a lawyer, let alone for a hefty retainer of $1 million, when there is
clear indication that one has been charged or is about to be charged. The fact that Ye agreed to
hire Hunter for such a fee, and to pay in advance, suggests that he knew that Ho had been
indicted. It also indicates that contrary to what he had told Ho and me, he knew that the
indictment was related to CEFC. Why else would he agree to travel to New York, deploy his top
contact in the US, and pay so much money upfront to “make it go away”?

The Bidens in Hong Kong

On November 8 Hunter sent a message to Dongwen Gong with a draft letter to Ye that said:
“I look forward to seeing you at your home in New York next week.” In the same email Hunter
wrote to Gong: “let me know when our Hong Kong friend is free.” The friend was Ho.

On the same day Ho received a message from Gong that Hunter and James Biden were
planning to come to Hong Kong to meet with him. The Bidens arrived on November 11 and stayed
at the Grand Hyatt Hotel for the next three days.

Shortly after their arrival Ho met with Hunter at the business center of the nearby
Renaissance Hotel. Uncle Jim was waiting in the lobby with Ho’s assistant. Ho told Hunter what he
had learned from Ye, the arrest warrants, and described his predicament. Hunter listened quietly,
took Ho’s personal information, and asked to be provided with two new iPhones, presumably to
communicate covertly with his contacts in the US about the matter. Ho immediately sent his
assistant to buy the phones. The next day, he hosted the Bidens for a sumptuous lunch and gave
them the phones. Before they parted ways Jim gave Ho his business card, and Hunter said: “if you
have any problem call Jim.”

The following day Ho received a call from Jim, informing him that from his investigation in
the US he was able to establish that there was no warrant for his arrest. Ho was not satisfied with
the answer, and he asked the Bidens to probe deeper. Jim agreed and said he would go through
another channel to verify. Two days later, he called Ho again, and confirmed that there was no
warrant and congratulated him as he was free to go to the US.

The Bidens left Hong Kong the next day. Ho texted Ye about the findings and informed him
that he would be attending a UN meeting where CEFC NGO was planning to present a $1 million
UN-CEFC Energy Grant in the presence of UN Secretary General Antonio Guterres.

But here it gets interesting. Unbeknownst to Ho, Jim Biden hired a private security company
called Lowery & Associates to run a “world watch” service on Ho’s travel from November 10-19,
the week before his arrest. Why would Jim Biden run a world watch on Ho in the days leading up
to Ho’s arrest if he truly believed Ho had no legal problems?

In his February 21, 2024 Congressional interview Jim Biden presented a strange narrative
about his involvement in the Ho case. He admitted he was with Hunter at Ye’s apartment in New
York on August 27 where the agreement about Ho’s representation was reached, but then he
claimed that he “wasn’t involved with Patrick Ho,” “I didn't know if [Hunter] was representing Ho,”
and “I didn't pry into what [Hunter] was doing.” The good uncle Jim was just a companion to
Hunter on the long trip to Hong Kong, a babysitter, because Hunter “didn’t want to go by himself.”
Jim Biden denied that Ho provided him and his nephew with phones, but because the Lowery &
Associates invoice was in the public domain he had to admit that he hired a private investigator to
monitor Ho because Ho’s “name was invoked in the meeting with the chairman” and “because I’m
going to be having lunch with this guy.” In other words, Jim Biden wants us to believe that he flew
all the way to Hong King with Hunter, not knowing what for, but because he is a prudent guy he
paid thousands of dollars to a private detective to spy on Hunter’s million-dollar client. Any
buyers?

The arrest
On November 17, 2017, believing he was free to go to the US, Ho boarded a Cathay Pacific
flight from Hong Kong to JFK. Before departing Hong Kong, he got a message from Ye’s office that
upon his arrival he should join Hunter and Ye in Ye’s Manhattan apartment. But this never
happened. Ho was arrested by the FBI upon arrival on the morning of November 18. A few hours
later, Ho’s assistant Zhang Ya, who was waiting for him at the airport, went to Ye’s apartment to
inquire what had happened. Ye answered the door and yelled at her to go away and never come
back. Did Ye, Hunter and Jim know about Ho’s arrest in advance?

Ho was taken to the FBI field office at JFK where he was informed of the charges in his
indictment by the SDNY – violating the Foreign Corrupt Practices Act (FCPA) and money laundering
in two bribery schemes in Chad and Uganda on behalf of CEFC. His phone and iPad were seized,
and their passwords were illegally obtained by the FBI. Jim Biden’s business card was in his wallet,
and Ho asked the FBI agent to call him. Ho talked with Jim briefly and asked him to come to his
rescue.

Ho was taken to the Special Housing Unit of the Metropolitan Correctional Center (MCC) in
Manhattan. In the same cell, he was surprised to find Cheikh Gadio, former foreign minister of
Senegal, his co-conspirator, who later turned to be a witness against him under a deal with the
DOJ. On the same day, Zhang Ya and Andrew Lo were taken separately for an FBI interrogation.
They were both allowed to leave the US shortly after. In the following days, several other CEFC
employees were interrogated including David Wen Riccardi-Zhu who later became a witness in
Ho’s trial.

The next morning Ho was taken to a jail conference room. Shortly after, a lawyer named
Edward Kim came in with two colleagues. Kim had left the SDNY shortly before Ho’s arrest and
opened a private practice. He told Ho that he was sent by Hunter Biden who was on his way to the
MCC. Half an hour later, Hunter joined the meeting. He was delayed at the entrance to the MCC
because there were some problems with his credentials as he was not a registered lawyer in New
York. When Ho disclosed to his lawyers that Ye had warned him about the arrest warrant way back
in July, the lawyers (except Hunter who heard about it three months earlier) were shocked and
exclaimed that there must be a mole in the DOJ. Did any of them alert the SDNY about the leak as
I ultimately did?

On the afternoon of the same day, Edward Kim asked Hunter in an e-mail to “get the names
of the FBI agents you talked to, that would be helpful.” Hunter replied, “Working on it.” Why was
Hunter talking with FBI agents?

After Ho’s arrest I contacted Ho’s Hong Kong-based deputy Andrew Lo. He sounded deeply
distressed as both the CEFC NGO and the CEFC company were disintegrating in light of the scandal.
He asked me if I could come to Hong Kong to discuss a “very important matter” in person. I was in
Israel at the time and unable to travel, but I promised to visit Hong Kong as soon as possible. But
on the afternoon of February 15, 2018, Lo, a perfectly healthy, 66-year-old man, was suddenly
hospitalized and a few hours later died. The official cause of death: “suspected flu.” What was the
important matter he wanted to share with me?

Meanwhile in New York Ho declined a plea agreement. Prior to his jury trial it became
apparent to him that he had been electronically monitored under a Foreign Intelligence
Surveillance Act (FISA) warrant from at least 2016. He would not get any access to the surveillance
material, presumably due to his communication with the Bidens. In addition to his legal team
headed by Edward Kim, Ho retained Andrew Levander and Benjamin Rosenberg from Dechert. Of
all his lawyers, only Rosenberg was allowed to review the FISA materials. But even then, Ho was
not allowed to review his communications, and when he wanted to include exculpatory
information related to the Bidens which was captured through FISA surveillance all of his
submissions of evidence were rejected by the court on the grounds they were “classified” and
“inadmissible.” During his trial when the defense wanted to present an email with the name Biden,
SDNY prosecutor Daniel Richenthal told the judge that he did not want jurors to see “the name of
that individual” because this “could introduce a political dimension to this case that we don’t think
is worth dealing with.” The judge agreed to redact the name.

The fleecing
Despite charging a $1 million retainer to represent Ho, Hunter Biden did almost nothing to
justify his pay. He did not participate in strategy sessions; he did not draft papers; and he did not
even visit his client in the 30 months of his imprisonment. In fact, he was not even sure who
represented Ho. According to a US Senate Committee on Homeland Security and Governmental
Affairs report, Hunter stated that “Boies Schiller Flexner is co-counsel for Dr. Patrick Ho’s case [and]
will represent [him] at trial.” This was a lie. Hunter never mentioned the firm to Ho, and neither
Hunter Biden nor the firm participated in Ho’s legal defense. Suffice to read the exchange from
Hunter’s court hearing in Delaware when Judge Maryellen Noreika questioned Hunter about the
$1 million paid to Owasco LLC for Patrick Ho’s legal representation:

Judge Noreika: Were you doing legal work for [Ho] separate and apart from the law firm?

Hunter Biden: Yes, Your Honor. Well –

Hunter lawyer Christopher Clark: That wasn't through Boise Schiller, Your Honor, Mr. Biden
was engaged as an attorney.

Judge Noreika: Right. So that’s why I asked. You were doing work for him—

Hunter Biden: My own law firm, not as counsel.

Judge Noreika: So you had your own law firm as well?

Hunter Biden: I think Owasco PC acted as a – acted as a law firm entity, yeah.

Judge Noreika: Okay.

Hunter Biden: I believe that's the case, but I don't know that for a fact.
Putting aside the fact that Hunter lied to the judge by claiming that Owasco PC was the law firm
when it was Owasco LLC that got the money, one might expect that at a minimum an attorney
would know if his company is a law firm.

In March 20, 2018, Hunter wrote to Dongwen Gong about the $1 million retainer: “Such
funds held by Owasco LLC solely for the purpose of the representation of Dr. Ho and necessary
expenses incurred in relation to that representation. If at any point Dr. Patrick Ho Chi Ping wishes
to terminate representation by Owasco LLC the remainder of these funds will be transferred to
party he so designates.” But Hunter did not have a licence to represent clients in New York, the
jurisdiction where the indictment was issued. He never disclosed this fact to Ho, who believed he
had a lawyer who could represent him in New York. Hunter never provided Ho with details of how
the money was used and never reimbursed him for the unused funds as the engagement letter
stipulated. He simply pocketed a million dollars without offering any noticeable service in
exchange.

Ho’s trial began on November 26, 2018 and ended on December 5 with conviction. On
March 25, 2019, Ho was sentenced to three years in prison. A few days later, his prosecutors Daniel
Richenthal and Catherine Ghosh were on a plane to meet with me in Brussels. As for Edward Kim,
in December 2023 he returned to SDNY as Chief Counsel to US Attorney Damian Williams.

Summary:
1. Sensitive SDNY information was leaked to Ye, warning him of arrest warrants against his
executives, including Patrick Ho.
2. Hunter Biden received $5 million after discussing something “highly confidential and time
sensitive” with CEFC executives. He received another $1 million via Owasco LLC for representing
Patrick Ho even though he had no license to represent clients in New York and Owasco LLC was
not a law firm.
3. Hunter and Jim behaved suspiciously in Hong Kong. They requested burner phones, and they
hired a private investigator to monitor their client without his permission.
4. In Ho’s trial SDNY prosecutor Daniel Richenthal opposed any mention of the Bidens “to avoid
adding a political dimension to the case.”
2. Rendezvous in Brussels
My dilemma
After Ho’s arrest, I visited China and Hong Kong several times and met with former CEFC
and CEFC NGO employees who provided me with information about the Biden family’s dealings
with Chairman Ye and Director Zang. Ye had mentioned his “friendship” with the Bidens, but I
never really knew about the depth of the relations and the financial engagements. Now that the
company was defunct, my former colleagues felt free to spill the beans. I learned about the
communications between Hunter and James Biden and their partners, Rob Walker, Tony
Bobulinski, and James Gilliar, including the financial transactions between them and what Ye was
hoping to receive in return. I also learned about Joe Biden’s involvement and even about his
meeting with Ye at the Four Seasons Hotel in Washington DC. I was also informed about Hunter
Biden’s relations with FBI employees including a very senior one who my Chinese colleagues
nicknamed “One Eye.” CEFC employees told me they met One Eye together with the Bidens in
Europe in 2017.

I was not quite sure what to do with all this information. I was spending a lot of time in
China, CEFC was dead, and my instinct told me to let sleeping dogs lie. But things began to change
for me in December 2018 when the New York Times ran a story about Hunter Biden and CEFC,
concluding “it is unclear whether Hunter Biden struck any business deals with CEFC or Mr. Ye.” I
was shocked. I had been interviewed by two of the reporters, at least one of them actually
travelled to Shanghai to interview CEFC employees, and I knew the paper was not telling the entire
truth. After all, Joe Biden was signalling he might run for president, and the progressive
mothership had to be cautious.

In early 2019 it became apparent that Joe Biden was planning to run. Around the same
time Special Counsel Robert Mueller was preparing to publish his report on the investigation into
supposed Russian interference in the 2016 presidential election, an investigation that tore the
American society apart but ultimately discovered no evidence of Donald Trump’s collusion with
Russia. I thought my information was crucially important to prevent a similar scandal, this time
involving China, and I decided to inform the DOJ about Biden’s business dealings and the leak. I
was also troubled by the strange circumstances of Andrew Lo’s death. My attorney Robert Henoch
reached out to the DOJ and reported back: “They are very interested in talking with you.”

Realizing that the information to be provided would be extremely sensitive, Henoch asked
for SDNY’s assurances that they would fully investigate whatever I would convey to them. The
SDNY gave repeated assurances that they would do so. I asked that the meeting be held in Israel
where I have lived since 2008, but SDNY prosecutors Daniel Richenthal and Catherine Ghosh
refused to meet there. According to Israeli law, when US law enforcement meets with an Israeli
resident, a representative of the Israel Police must attend the meeting. DOJ did not want the Israeli
police to hear what I was about to reveal about the Biden family. It was finally agreed that the
meeting would take place at the US embassy in Brussels on March 28-29, 2019. Only later did I
learn that the reason the DOJ insisted that the meeting be held at a US embassy was to assert US
jurisdiction in order to frame me for making false statements.

Because the leak I was about to report to the FBI/DOJ originated from SDNY, I was
concerned that my information would be covered up. After all, how many people in the FBI/SDNY
had access to Ho’s arrest warrant? How could I be sure that the people I would be facing were not
the same people responsible for the leak? I therefore requested that in addition to the
representatives of the SDNY and the FBI there would be someone from another office. SDNY
offered that an agent from the FBI Baltimore Field Office would join the meeting. Only later did we
learn that we were deceived. SDNY never disclosed to us that Wilmington, Delaware, the home of
the Bidens, falls under the jurisdiction of the FBI’s Baltimore Field Office. Nor did they reveal to us
that the supposedly neutral agent was Special Agent Joshua Wilson who, as I later discovered, was
already investigating the Bidens from at least January 2019. The same Joshua Wilson was the one
who eight months after Brussels would receive Hunter Biden’s laptop from computer repairman
John Paul Mac Isaac. This was the curtain raiser of my engagement with the DOJ. But it was going
to get much worse.

The Brussels meeting

On the morning of March 28, 2019, I arrived at the US Embassy in Brussels with my lawyer
Robert Henoch and a paralegal. A delegation of six government officials was waiting for us in the
conference room of the embassy: SDNY prosecutors Daniel Richenthal and Catherine Ghosh, and
four FBI agents - Joshua Wilson, Thomas McNulty, the agent who had led the Patrick Ho
investigation, and two agents from the National Security Division. We signed a proffer agreement
which stated: “In any prosecution brought against client by this Office […] the Government will not
offer in evidence on its case-in-chief […] any statements made by Client at the meeting except (a)
in a prosecution for false statements […] or (b) if, at any time following the meeting, Client
becomes a fugitive from justice.” This explains why SDNY had to manufacture two false statement
charges at the meeting and try to frame me as a fugitive four years later even though I have been
living outside of the US since 2008.

Henoch opened the Brussels meeting by saying: “We are here out of patriotism. We trust
you. My client wants to do the right thing and we have faith in the Justice Department and the FBI
to do the right thing.” SDNY prosecutor Richenthal cut to the chase: “Thank you. First, let’s start
with Hunter Biden.”

The meeting lasted two days. The first day focused entirely on the Bidens. SDNY’s goal was
to find out everything I knew about the Biden-CEFC relationship. The second day aimed to
incriminate me as an insurance policy in case the Biden investigation were to flare up as it finally
did in 2022. The decision to send to Brussels no fewer than six people was indicative of the
importance DOJ attributed to the meeting. It also indicated that DOJ thought I was a credible
witness who had important information to share. Only later, when its coverup was about to be
blown, the DOJ decided to impugn my credibility by charging me with two counts of making false
statements which they manufactured in Brussels. If the government charges you with making a
false statement, it means you are a liar. Nothing you say to them can be taken seriously, right? But
interestingly the DOJ’s accusations were a blessing in disguise. As my indictment shows, the SDNY
never charged me for making false statements on anything related to the reason for which we all
met in Brussels to begin with – the Bidens. My alleged false statements were on unrelated issues
which implies that on the issues of the Bidens and the arrest warrants leak the DOJ believed I was
telling the truth.

My impression from the meeting was that the DOJ knew a lot about the Bidens’
relationship with CEFC. I could tell this from their questions. For example, I was asked specifically
about CEFC Infrastructure Investment (US), the same company that had paid Hunter the monthly
retainer of $100,000 starting in August 2017. I was also asked about Zhao, Zang, Ye, and Zhang Ya.
The investigators knew them all. On the other hand, the DOJ and FBI officials seemed surprised by
my revelation that Hunter’s Chinese business partners had advance warning about Ho’s arrest.

A few of the items I shared with the DOJ and FBI required their follow up. For example, I
informed DOJ about the involvement of Rob Walker as Hunter Biden’s money man. I also told them
about the monthly retainer of $100,000 to Hunter and $65,000 to Jim Biden as well as a meeting
between Joe Biden with Ye at the Four Seasons Hotel in Washington DC, something that Walker
later confirmed during his Congressional deposition. This begs the question why did it take the
DOJ/FBI three entire years before interviewing Walker and 3.5 years before interviewing Jim
Biden? Furthermore, given the depth of knowledge the DOJ and FBI had in March 2019 their lack
of follow up and – worse – their silence in the face of claims the following year that the Hunter
Biden laptop was Russian disinformation was indicative of an intention to cover up for the Bidens.

The Donoghue meeting – My second attempt to get DOJ’s attention

I never heard back from the DOJ until my arrest in Cyprus four years later. The FBI agents
told me in Brussels that they would be in touch, and I expected them to follow up with additional
questions. More importantly, I was hoping their first order of business once back in New York
would be to meet with Patrick Ho who was in a New York prison at the time to corroborate my tip.
However, no one from the SDNY or FBI approached him. The SDNY/FBI had 15 months - from
March 2019 until Ho’s release in June 2020 – to speak to him. Ho was incarcerated just a few
blocks away from the SDNY building. They didn’t. Their lack of curiosity about a potential
national security vulnerability was an astounding dereliction of duty.

After the Hunter Biden laptop surfaced in October 2020, a letter was signed by 51 former
intelligence officials, claiming that it was part of a Russian disinformation campaign. We later
learned that the letter was initiated by two Biden shills, Antony Blinken and former Acting CIA
Director Michael Morell, the former hoping to be Secretary of State and the latter CIA Director. It
should come as no surprise that neither of them was investigated or charged with election
interference. I knew that the letter was a lie, and the SDNY’s silence confirmed my suspicion that
the fabled office buried the information I had provided in Brussels. Therefore, it was time for me to
find out if someone higher than SDNY got my information.

My attorney Henoch went to Washington to meet with Richard Donoghue, then Acting
Deputy Attorney General, to apprise Main Justice about my information. Henoch knew Donoghue
from the time they both worked at the Office of US Attorney for the Eastern District of New York.
“He is as red, white and blue as they come,” he assured me. On October 14 Henoch emailed
Donoghue: “I have a guy with a story involving the White House/election etc.- very big stuff. And
we have told our story to law enforcement, and they did nothing, and I suspect they did nothing on
purpose. […] The story is about corruption at the highest level of government/politics and I think it
can all be corroborated.”

He asked Donoghue that a representative of the DOJ Public Integrity Section be present at
the meeting, but Donoghue wanted the meeting to be held with just the two of them present and
outside the DOJ building at a nearby Starbucks. Interestingly, while Henoch wrote to Donoghue’s
doj.gov email, Donoghue answered from his private email account. In their meeting Donoghue
assured Henoch that the DOJ was investigating my tips, “and thank you for coming.” It was later
revealed by IRS whistleblowers Gary Shapley and Joseph Ziegler that a month prior, on September
4, Donoghue had ordered the Delaware US Attorney to suspend the criminal investigation into
Hunter to avoid leaks in the two months before the elections. Why did Donoghue feel the need to
hide his communication with Henoch? What did he do with the information revealed in
Brussels?

The fight over the FD-302

In February 2023, nearly four years after the Brussels meeting, I was arrested in Cyprus. As
mentioned before, on July 12, 2023, 48 hours after my indictment was unsealed, Chairman Comer
sent a letter to FBI Director Christopher Wray requesting “an unredacted copy of the FBI report
(FD-302 form) that was created following the March 2019 meeting in Brussels.” The letter
requested that Wray produce the document by July 19, 2023. The FBI never complied with the
request. But then, in September 2023, a redacted version of the 7-page FD-302, titled Exhibit 400,
which was in the hands of IRS whistleblower Joseph Ziegler was made public by the House Ways
and Means Committee. If not for Ziegler the public would never have known the content of the
Brussels meeting. My information was officially corroborated by the FBI itself.

The redacted sections of the FD-302 are revealing. All the information I provided to the FBI
and DOJ about the leak of law enforcement information was redacted. This was clear from the
location of the redactions. For example, on page 2 after large redactions on page 1, there is a
reference to CHAN without providing his first name, title or context. This is where I described CEFC
President Chan Chauto’s late night call to Patrick Ho, telling him to leave the US immediately.
Similarly, on pages 3-4 there are references to ZHANG, again without providing first name, title or
context. This is where I talked about Patrick’s assistant Zhang Ya who also knew about the leak.
Clearly the names and titles of Chan and Zhang were hidden in the redacted bloc on page 1.

The FD-302 makes no reference to any of the violations alleged in my indictment. There is
no mention of anything related to FARA, so-called weapons deals or oil deals. How can the DOJ
claim two false statement violations when the FBI report from the Brussels meeting makes no
reference to any of the topics related to my alleged violations? The document reflects only items
related to the Biden family/CEFC relationship. Furthermore, the FD-302 was dated April 26, 2019,
one day after Joe Biden announced his candidacy for the presidency. Could it be that after Biden
entered the race the FBI divided the original FD-302 into two separate FD-302s – one containing
only Biden-related information and another one sanitized of any mentions of the Biden name? It
seems that the DOJ intentionally segregated the information so that in the case I were indicted,
any mention of Biden would be excluded from the court proceedings. Why? I can only quote SDNY
Daniel Richethal’s explanation when he was prosecuting the Ho case: this “could introduce a
political dimension to this case.”

One can only assume that none of the content of the Biden-related FD-302 was disclosed to
the grand jury that handed down my indictment. Moreover, the DOJ’s request for my arrest and
extradition from the Republic of Cyprus omitted all mention of the Brussels meeting. Cyprus was
asked to extradite me, but DOJ never revealed that there was a highly political Brussels meeting
and what its purpose was, denying me the ability to argue that the case against me was politically
motivated.

The FBI document proves that the DOJ slow walked the Hunter Biden investigation. It took
the FBI three years following Brussels to interview Rob Walker and 3.5 years to interview James
Biden. Hunter Biden was never interviewed. The DOJ exhibited an astounding lack of curiosity in
investigating the tip I gave them about the leak of Patrick Ho’s arrest warrant. What – or who –
stopped them from speaking to Ho while he was still in the US? The same lack of curiosity cannot
be said about the IRS. My FD-302 landed in the hands of IRS investigators Gary Shapley and Joseph
Ziegler and it helped them build the foundation for their investigation into Hunter’s taxes. That
they were ultimately blocked from completing their investigation by the DOJ’s political operatives
is now widely known.

Summary:
1. I provided the DOJ - twice - important information about the Bidens and the leak of sensitive
information first in Brussels, a month before Joe Biden announced his candidacy, and then again,
three weeks before the 2020 elections to Acting Deputy Attorney General Richard Donoghue.
2. The FBI/SDNY had 15 months to approach Patrick Ho, who was imprisoned in New York until
June 2020, to verify my information about the leak. They chose not to do so.
3. The FBI redacted all information related to the leak from the Brussels FD-302.
4. The FBI refused to comply with the House Oversight Committee’s demand of FBI Director
Christopher Wray to provide the Brussels FD-302 to Congress.
5. The FBI divided the FD-302 from Brussels into two separate FD-302s – one containing only
Biden-related information and another one sanitized of any mentions of the Biden name so that
in the case I were indicted, any mention of Biden would be excluded from the court proceedings.
6. To this day, the leaker has not been identified let alone prosecuted.
7. Hunter Biden knew about the leak. So did James Biden. So did Edward Kim and two of his
partners. I was the only one who alerted the authorities that the US justice system may be
compromised. No good deed goes unpunished.
3. Goodfellas: McGonigal-Duçka-Deripaska-Ye-Hunter
The McGonigal-Duçka connection
Charles McGonigal was Special Agent in Charge of the New York FBI Field office from
October 2016 until his retirement in September of 2018. As part of his work in New York he was
among those who investigated the Patrick Ho case. McGonigal pled guilty in August in a New York
court to charges related to violations of US sanctions against Russia, as a result of working after he
retired for sanctioned Russian billionaire Oleg Deripaska, whom he had previously investigated.
According to the DOJ, McGonigal knew Deripaska was sanctioned before Deripaska knew it. He
pleaded guilty on two separate indictments and was sentenced to 6.5 years in prison.

At the time of the leak of Ho’s arrest warrant, McGonigal was working with Dorian Duçka,
former Albanian Deputy Minister of Energy and Industry who was also an unofficial adviser to
Albanian Prime Minister Edi Rama. In the McGonigal indictment, Duçka is referred to as “Person B”
who was also “employed by a Chinese energy conglomerate.” Indeed, Duçka was an adviser to
CEFC, which had a long-standing relationship with Rama, and both Ye and Zang met with Duçka
and with Rama several times.

Starting early 2017 McGonigal began working with Duçka and other Albanians in the hope
of developing business after his retirement. We do know from court documents that McGonigal
was in close touch with Duçka and that the two met in Albania on September 9-10, 2017. On June
13, 2017, Duçka flew to Washington and met with Patrick Ho at the National Press Club, where he
informed him that he had been interviewed by the FBI with regards to an SDNY investigation
against CEFC. Duçka didn’t know what the focus of the investigation was, and Ho didn’t take the
whole story too seriously. Duçka also informed Ye about the matter. Could it be that Duçka
learned about the arrest warrant from McGonigal and passed it on to Ye?

The Duçka-Biden connection

The Biden business team also had relations with Duçka. According to Rob Walker’s FBI
interview, of the $3 million received from Ye to his company, Robinson Walker LLC, on March 17,
2017, more than $1 million went to James Gilliar who, in turn, paid “a guy named Dorian who […]
did some work with CEFC. He’s Albanian.” What did Dorian Duçka do to deserve the payment?

Furthermore, we know that the Bidens were eager to deepen their relations with Dorian
Duçka. James Gilliar sent an email to Hunter saying: “Dorian has been a real help early on, so we
need to explore how to bring him in” to which Hunter replied: “No way we don’t do it and if
majority says no I’ll take it out of my salary.” Duçka was obviously an asset for Hunter, who was
not normally known for his generosity, but what was his actual contribution to the partners?

The Ye-Deripaska connection

Few people know that Oleg Deripaska was one of Ye’s top business partners. On February
22, 2017, Ye and Zang visited Deripaska in Russia. The connection between CEFC and Deripaska
continued to deepen until it culminated in October 2017, when a subsidiary company of CEFC
called AnAn International (Singapore listed company stock code: Y35), formally CEFC International,
took up a third of the $1.5 billion initial public offering of Deripaska’s commodities and energy
company En+. AnAn International was owned by AnAn Group, which was jointly owned by Ye, Zang
and Northern International Capital Holdings (HK) another one of Ye’s companies. Northern
International Capital Holdings (HK) was the same company that in August sent Hudson West III,
Hunter Biden’s joint venture with Ye, and Owasco PC, the $5 million. AnAn’s Chairman and CEO
was none other than Zang Jianjun.

McGonigal’s name appears in an unrelated case having to do with an alleged blackmail ring
in Kosovo which extorted millions of dollars from wealthy individuals targeted for investigation
and/or prosecution by the Kosovo Specialist Prosecutor’s Office. The extortion allegation was
revealed in a whistleblower complaint from John Moynihan, a former employee of the Drug
Enforcement Administration. One of the WhatsApp messages in the whistleblower lawsuit states:
“Charles McGonigal told me through him there is access to the FBI database.” Another message
said: “information received from FBI the agent, then he sold them at a high price.” Could it be that
the bartering of secret law enforcement information on behalf of targeted rich people was a
habitual practice?

Director Zang Jianjun and Albania’s Prime Minister Edi Rama

Summary:
I don’t know who the source of the leak to CEFC was, but the connections between McGonigal,
who investigated the Ho case, Duçka, who flew especially to DC to warn Ho, and Ye, who knew
he may be implicated in the Ho case and who was employing both Ho and Duçka, seem too
coincidental. So is the Hunter Biden connection with Duçka, Ho, and Ye. They all seem to be part
of one big happy family. Why Hunter saw Duçka as so valuable to his team that he even
volunteered to pay from his salary is another mystery. Was McGonigal involved in other schemes
to monetize FBI information for which he was never charged? Was he the source of the SDNY
leak? The DOJ and the FBI owe the American people an answer.
4. The Russia House
The events detailed below all happened during the Mueller investigation into Donald
Trump’s so-called relations with Russia and the Russian interference hoax in the 2016 US elections.

During the height of the bromance between Hunter Biden and Ye, CEFC was in intensive
negotiations with the Russian state-controlled oil company Rosneft with the goal of buying Russian
crude oil as well as purchasing a 14.16% stake in Rosneft for almost $9 billion. Had the deal
materialized, in a single leap, CEFC would have become the third-largest shareholder in Russia’s
national oil company, behind only the Russian Government (50%) and BP (19.75%).

Ye and Rosneft CEO Igor Sechin, who was under US sanctions, visited each other’s
headquarters in June and August 2017 and continued to deepen the cooperation between the two
companies. On August 2, Sechin led a delegation of seven Rosneft vice chairmen to CEFC
headquarters in Shanghai, where the two sides signed a strategic cooperation framework
agreement. CEFC and Rosneft would establish long-term effective mechanisms in areas including
upstream and downstream oil and gas, financial services, infrastructure and other domains.

On August 29, Director Zang met with Vladimir Putin in Budapest. A week later, on
September 3, Sechin and CEFC President Chan Chauto signed a Strategic Cooperation Agreement.
On October 25, Chan was again in Moscow at the annual VTB Capital Russia Calling! investment
forum where he met with Putin.

Nazdarovya, comrade

The Biden team was familiar with their Chinese business partners’ activities in Russia. On
July 4, 2017, Zang was in Moscow accompanying a visit of Xi Jinping. James Gilliar texted Bobulinski
that Zang was “in Moscow with Xi.” Gilliar continued to feed his business partners with information
about CEFC’s adventures in Russia. This did not stop Hunter and James Biden from entering a joint
venture with Ye called Hudson West III LLC and receive $5 million from him. Nowhere in the text
messages among the partners can one find any reservations about the wisdom of partnering with
a company so closely associated with the Kremlin.

Meanwhile Zang’s visa to enter the US was denied. The visa applications for his wife and
children were also denied. Hunter, James and Sara Biden were all mobilized to help Zang with his
visa problem. In September 2017 Sara Biden enlisted a former Obama appointee John Sandweg to
advocate with the US government on Zang’s behalf. The US government really didn’t want Zang
setting foot in the US. Could it be because of his Russia links? Perhaps, but an equally plausible
explanation is that Zang was under criminal investigation in the US and had he been arrested the
whole Biden-CEFC connection would be impossible to contain.

Summary:
Hunter and his partners colluded with Ye and Zang knowing too well that CEFC was entering a
gigantic deal with sanctioned Russian entities and individuals. This despite the fact that the US
political system was laser focused on Russia during the Mueller investigation. Zang, who was
leading the Rosneft deal, was denied a visa to the US. The Bidens – Hunter, James and Sara –
tried to assist him in resolving his problem. In a voicemail message on his laptop Hunter
expressed concern he was suspected of being involved in the Rosneft deal.
5. Lost in Africa: How the DOJ got Zang and Ye off the
hook
What happened in Africa in 2014-2015 and in Ho’s trial in New York is critical to the
understanding of the Hunter Biden case and more specifically how the DOJ protected him and his
partners from criminal exposure.

Ho and Zang in Chad

Around September 2014, a CEFC official asked Ho to arrange a meeting with the President
of Chad, Idriss Déby, in order to seek his help in advancing CEFC business in Chad. CEFC wanted to
expand its oil operations into Chad, and to do so alongside CNPC, a state-owned Chinese company
facing a $1.2 billion fine in Chad for environmental violations. With the help of CEFC consultant Vuk
Jeremić, Ho was introduced to Cheikh Gadio, a former foreign minister of Senegal who knew Déby
personally. Gadio agreed to help. On October 28, Gadio visited Beijing where he met with Ye, Zang
and Ho for lunch at Ye’s guest house.

In mid-November, a CEFC delegation headed by Ho and Zang visited Chad and met with
Déby at his presidential compound in the capital N'Djamena. At the meeting both sides expressed
interest in deepening their relationship and exploring oil development projects. On November 18,
Zang called Ho and conveyed Ye’s instructions to “forge closer contact with [the President of Chad]
and possibly visit [him] again later in the month.”

On December 8, a second CEFC delegation headed by Ho and Zang visited Déby for a follow
up. Both the November and December delegations arrived in Chad on board a CEFC corporate jet.
Both included CEFC employees, and all of them but Ho were from the CEFC company and its
various subsidiaries. All of them but Ho were Zang’s subordinates.

According to Ho’s court documents, during the second visit, the CEFC delegation presented
Déby with wrapped gift boxes. Déby did not open the boxes until after the meeting was over, and
when he did, he found they contained $2 million in cash. He became angry and called Gadio back
to the presidential compound for explanations. The next day Zang and Ho were summoned to
Déby’s office where he confronted them about the gift and asked them to take it back to China. It
was Zang, according to Gadio, who “took the floor to say that it would be humiliating for CEFC to
take the money back […] but he really wants the president to believe him that it was intended as a
donation and that he’s asking the president to be really open and not […] be that tough on them.”
It was finally decided that the money would remain in Chad and that Zang would send Déby an
official letter, clarifying that the money was intended as a donation for the welfare of the people of
Chad.

On January 5, 2015, when Gadio, Ho and Zang were working on the donation letter, Ho
wrote to his secretary: “Work with Gadio and Zang’s office in Beijing. Keep Zang in the picture at all
times.” On May 5, Ho’s secretary sent an email to Gadio: “As Dr. Ho has currently moved into other
projects and this project is in the hands of Zang the decision and related issues of this project are
made by Zang.”
 Group photo from the presidential compound in Chad.
To the left of Déby are Gadio and Ho. To his right Zang.

Zang was the main culprit in the Chad story

There is voluminous evidence that Zang was the main culprit in the Africa bribery case. He
was the driving engine behind the Chad project; he was the top corporate executive in both
delegations to Chad; he and his staff organized the cash boxes; and it was he who organized the
CEFC plane which flew the delegation to Chad. When the crisis with the president happened, he
was the one who insisted that the money would remain in Chad and not be returned to China. He
is also the one who signed the donation letter that allowed Déby to keep the money. In an email
before the second visit Ho wrote to Gadio: “Director Zang of Beijing will be organizing this trip, and
he should have from Beijing all the details regarding our position.”

In his cross-examination at the Ho trial, Gadio confirmed that Ho was not on the plane that
brought the delegation and the cash boxes from Beijing. Ho travelled separately to Chad on a
commercial flight from Paris. In other words, Ho was not arriving with the CEFC delegation and
therefore he could not have been the one organizing and loading the boxes on the plane. It was
Zang.

It was also clear to SDNY that Zang was director of CEFC and that Ho had no official role or
title at the company. Here is an exchange from Ho’s trial:

Prosecutor: Dr. Gadio, to be clear, what was your understanding from what the defendant
[Ho] had told you about Mr. Zang's position in the CEFC company?

Gadio: [Ho] told me that he [Zang] was almost the No. 2 guy in the company, after
Chairman Ye, that he was very powerful in the organization.”
At another point during the trial Gadio said: “Dr. Ho told me several times that Mr. Zang was a key
element in the CEFC, you know, power structure. He told me that he’s running their Beijing office,
and he can be even considered like the No. 2 guy in the organization.”

In addition, Zang had a motive to advance the company’s agenda in Chad. Being an
employee of the CEFC NGO Ho would have gained nothing from the deal had it materialized. But
Zang and Ye, both direct beneficiaries of CEFC’s deals, had much to gain.

On December 13, 2014, Ho emailed his deputy Andrew Lo: “When Ye and Zang were
desperate about their prospective joint venture with CNPC in Chad, they went all out asking me to
gain access to the President and cultivate friendly relationship with him.” This means that Ho was
merely subservient to Ye and Zang’s orders and that they were the real masterminds behind the
conspiracy. Since Ho’s emails and text messages with Ye and Zang were in the hands of US
authorities, Zang and Ye’s role in the conspiracy was fully known to the DOJ.

Yet, despite the clear role Ye and Zang played in the Chad conspiracy, in Ho’s indictment,
Zang, whose fingerprints were all over the operation, was never charged. In fact, he was not
even referred to as a co-conspirator. He was referred to as “Executive-1.” Ye, who approved the
payment to Chad, was also not designated as a co-conspirator. He was referred to merely as
“Chairman.” Prosecutors have the discretion to decide who to charge in a conspiracy and who to
let off the hook. But in the Ho case their prosecutorial decision to let Ye and Zang off the hook
while placing the entire blame on Ho raises questions in light of the knowledge DOJ had about
the CEFC honchos’ relations with the Bidens. Ho was much easier to handle. Other than his
meeting with the Bidens in Hong Kong, he had no relationship with the Biden family and was not
involved in any of the deals. Zang and Ye’s relations with the Bidens were deep and posed the
danger of being revealed in court.

Ye and Zang’s relationship with the Bidens

Ye’s first visit to the US was in December 2015 when he planned to meet with Hunter Biden
but for some reason the meeting did not pan out. Instead, Zang met Hunter. On March 22, 2016,
ten months before Joe Biden left office, Rob Walker and James Gilliar drafted a memo for Hunter
Biden to sign and send to Zang, according to an email on Hunter Biden’s laptop entitled “H to Zang
Draft” demanding to be paid for “work” done in 2015-2016. This demand was finally heeded on
March 1, 2017 when the Bidens were paid $3 million as a “thank you” for services granted in 2016.
This money that was sent to Robinson Walker LLC came from State Energy HK Limited, a company
under Zang’s control. The Suspicious Activity Report (SAR) for this transaction noted that it “was
unclear what the true purpose is behind these transactions and who the ultimate beneficiary is.”
Throughout 2017, Zang and Ye had several meetings with Hunter Biden and his partners in Miami,
New York, Romania, and Monaco. The interactions have been described at length by multiple
witnesses in the House’s Biden impeachment inquiry.

By the time the Ho indictment was unsealed in November 2017, DOJ had a clear picture of
Hunter’s relationship with Zang and Ye. DOJ knew about Zang for a long time including his US visa
denial. It was also known to the SDNY that Raymond Zhao, Zang’s secretary and translator, was
liaising with Hunter and his partners on Zang’s behalf as Zang spoke no English. During the Brussels
meeting, the DOJ specifically asked me about Zhao. The DOJ knew that in July 2017 Ye had paid $5
million to the Bidens via the company Northern International Capital which was under Zang’s
control. Since this was public knowledge, the DOJ surely knew that Zang was Chairman of AnAn
Group which was partnering with Oleg Deripaska, that Zang was the architect of the Rosneft deal,
and that he had met at least twice with Vladimir Putin. Surely the DOJ knew of the efforts the
Biden family had made to assist Ye and Zang with their personal issues – from visa applications to
real estate deals.
One can only conclude that the SDNY let off Zang and Ye, who were by any yardstick co-
conspirators in the Chad scheme in Ho’s indictment, presumably to protect the Bidens. Had the US
government wanted to bring Zang to justice all it had to do was approve his visa. It didn’t. US
authorities clearly did not want him arrested. Had Zang and/or Ye been indicted this would have
exposed the Bidens’ relationship with them and in the DOJ’s words could “introduce a political
dimension” to the case.

By his own admission, Hunter was in touch with the SDNY. In a May 11, 2018 audio message
found on his laptop he ranted: “I’m receiving calls from the Southern District of New York, from the
US Attorney himself.” Did US Attorney Geoffrey Berman really call Hunter directly? If so, why?
Could it be that Hunter and his proxies in the justice system were using their influence to put the
full weight of the indictment on Ho in order to get their Chinese partners off the hook? Could it be
that Zang’s visa denial was a way to keep Zang away from the US so he could never be arrested or
questioned about his relations with the Bidens or to prevent him from testifying in Ho’s trial?

Summary:
Ye Jianming and Zang Jianjun were the main conspirators in the Chad bribery case. They had the
motive, the means and the opportunity. They were the main decision makers and potential
beneficiaries of CEFC’s business in Chad. Yet, SDNY decided not to prosecute them. Ye, who
approved the Chad operation and the payment to President Déby, was allowed to leave the US
shortly after Ho’s arrest. Zang was kept out of the US through visa denial. Instead, the entire
criminal burden was put on Ho, the man who had the least to gain from the Chad deal.
Throughout Ho’s trial, SDNY minimized Zang and Ye’s role in the conspiracy presumably in order
to protect the Bidens. They were not even referred to as co-conspirators even though by any
yardstick they clearly were.

Hunter took $1 million from Ye’s company to represent Ho but did nothing to protect his “client.”
The morning Ho was arrested, Hunter was having breakfast in Ye’s apartment, the same Ye who
oversaw the Chad conspiracy and approved the cash money boxes. The fact that Ye felt
comfortable enough to stay in New York while Ho was under arrest on charges which could have
implicated him, indicates that he believed he was being protected by the Bidens.
6. The Great Escape: Ye and Zang’s defection plan
The myth of Ye Jianming
In 2016, Ye became worried about his standing in China. His meteoric rise gave rise to
rumors that he must be a Red Prince, a scion to a top Communist Party family. Some claimed he
was the son of Lt-General Ye Xuanning, head of the Liaison Department of the People’s Liberation
Army General Political Department. Others claimed he was the grandson of Revolutionary War
hero Marshal Ye Jianying, the Chairman of the Standing Committee of the National People's
Congress and Mao Zedong’s Defense Miniter. Yet others speculated that Ye, who came from Fujian
Province, was a protégé of Xi Jinping who had been governor of the province earlier in his career.
Among those who believed Ye’s connection to Xi was Hunter Biden. In his FBI interview James
Biden noted that Hunter portrayed Ye as “protégé of President Xi.”

Ye never confirmed the rumors, but he also never denied them until April 2016. It was
around that time that Ye appeared on Xi Jinping’s radar. In late 2015, Ye convinced the President of
the Czech Republic Milos Zeman to bestow on him the title of “special economic adviser” in
exchange for a basket of acquisitions in the post-Communist country. In March 2016, when Xi
made a state visit to Prague, he was astonished to see the young Chinese businessman in Zeman’s
entourage. For a Chinese national to be an adviser to a foreign leader was frowned upon. It was
then and there that Ye’s downfall began. When Xi learned about Ye Jianming’s alleged family
relations with the famous Ye clan, he got doubly angry. Ye Jianying and Xi Jinping’s father, Xi
Zhongxun, were long-time allies, and Xi knew Ye Jianming had no blood relations to the Ye clan. A
few days after the awkward Prague meeting, Ye issued a public letter refuting the speculation that
he was a grandson of Marshal Ye. From that moment on, Ye’s moves were watched closely by
Beijing.

Xi wasn’t impressed by Zeman’s Chinese economic adviser.

The beginning of the end

In the beginning of 2017, Ye became even more worried upon learning about the opening
of a corruption investigation in China against Yu Haiyan, the vice governor of Gansu Province. This
investigation hit close to home because Ye had bribed Wang Sanyun, Party Secretary of Gansu
Province years before that, as early as 2011. Through his connection to Wang, Ye had channelled
bribes to Hu Huaibang, the chairman of the China Development Bank, in exchange for billions of
dollars in bank loans that enabled him to build his business empire. Ye knew that once Yu, Wang
and Hu were investigated it would only be a matter of time before the fire reached him too. It was
then and there that he began to plan his escape from China.

The Bidens as a full-service relocation company

While the international media featured stories about Ye’s meteoric rise and the CEFC’s
international shopping spree, Ye became pessimistic about his future. In what ended up being his
last big CEFC staff meeting, he warned: “winter is coming.” Like Chinese businessman Lai
Changxing who fled to Vancouver in 1999 after a corruption scandal and from whom Ye bought
many assets at the beginning of his career, and like billionaire Guo Wengui, who moved to New
York in 2015 after getting in trouble with the Chinese government, Ye chose to flee to the US. To
ensure a soft landing, he needed to do three things: to siphon off as much money as possible from
China, to arrange visa permits for his family and confidants, and to buy the grace of the US
government. Aligning himself with the Biden family was the best way for him to accomplish all
three goals. The Bidens may have believed they were building a new Goldman Sachs on the
Hudson River. In reality they were no more than a full-service relocation company.

Ye kept his relationship with the Bidens secret from CEFC employees. Unlike other CEFC
consultants, partners and enablers who were invited to China for lavish events and sumptuous
meals, Hunter and Jim Biden never visited the CEFC headquarters in Shanghai. Ye knew that if the
Bidens visited him in China it would get unwanted attention from Chinese authorities. He and Zang
had a penchant for taking photos with dignitaries and posting them on the CEFC website. Yet, CEFC
posted not one picture of Hunter with his CEFC partners. The partnership was to be kept secret.

To create a bridgehead in the US, Ye began to make some serious purchases. He made a bid
to buy a 20 percent stake in the publicly traded brokerage firm Cowen Group. The $100 million
transaction was ultimately blocked by the Committee on Foreign Investment in the US (CFIUS)
which oversees foreign investments. Presumably, Ye’s dealings with Russia had raised too many red
flags. On November 24, shortly after Ho’s arrest, Cowen announced its withdrawal from the filing
with CFIUS. Ye also bought prime real estate in Manhattan. In his May 2017 visit to the US, he
bought himself a $50 million penthouse at 15 Central Park West. According to the Wall Street
Journal he spent roughly $83 million on New York’s priciest properties and planned to spend $80
million more. None of the acquisitions were approved by the CEFC board.

In the same May visit, Ye hosted a lavish birthday party for his wife Wu Liqiong at the Four
Seasons Hotel in New York to which many of the city’s business and political elite was invited. Later
in the year, Ye moved his family to New York. Jim Biden’s Congressional interview confirms what I
had told the DOJ in 2019 - that Ye and Zang were both planning to move to New York with their
families. With the help of the Bidens and other enablers, both bought luxurious homes in the city,
both admitted their children to elite schools, and both sought residency visas. The fact that the
two top executives of CEFC were planning to move to the US without the knowledge of their
colleagues in the company pokes a big hole in the narrative that the Bidens were in business with
CEFC. No, they were in business with Ye and Zang, who were conspiring to flee from China and
leave their colleagues to deal with the billions of dollars in debt they left behind. This would be
akin to the top two executives of one of America’s top private companies suddenly leaving the
country with hundreds of millions of their company’s cash. This contradicts the narrative that Ye,
Zang and CEFC were agents of the PRC whose aim was to infiltrate into one of America’s top
families with the goal of influencing US policy. Nothing could be further from the truth.
The fall of Ye
In October 2017 it began to dawn on Ye that his plan to move to the US was not going as
planned. His Rosneft deal was falling apart due to an inability to obtain funds, and Ho’s arrest a
month later was the last straw. After all, it was Ye and Zang who orchestrated the Chad bribe. He
finally realized that his dealings with Russia could not be reconciled with his business aspirations in
the US. Everything came crashing down. While in New York, and upon learning about Ho’s arrest,
Ye lawyered up. He retained the powerhouse law firm Skadden Arps in New York to represent him.
And indeed, it didn’t take long for federal agents to show up at Ye’s apartment building with a
subpoena to interview him. Ye believed that FBI agents were following him during his daily strolls
in Central Park. Just before Christmas 2017, Ye was about to leave the US, probably for the last
time. Before his departure on his private jet from a New Jersey airport, Ye was stopped by the FBI.
His Skadden lawyers intervened on his behalf and helped him leave the country on the grounds
there was no arrest warrant against him and thus no grounds for his detention. He was finally
allowed to leave the US.

In a last-ditch effort to escape China’s law enforcement, Ye played his last card – Portugal.
On November 27, 2017, CEFC announced it was going to acquire a controlling stake in Portuguese
insurance company Montepio Seguros, a subsidiary of Portugal’s Montepio Geral Associação
Mutualista pending approval from the company’s shareholders and Portuguese authorities. During
the same month, CEFC announced the acquisition of Partex Oil and Gas Holding. But it was too
late. By the time Ye returned to China, the Chinese government was fully aware of his dealings with
the Biden family. Just before the Chinese Lunar New Year, as he was about to board his private jet
and leave China, he was arrested. The official reason for the arrest was “financial crimes,” but
there was another reason: collaborating with a foreign power. It was not only Ye’s business
adventurism that ultimately brought to his downfall but also his bromance with the Bidens that
ultimately did him in. Ironically, it was also the Bidens’ relationship with Ye that tainted their
“brand.”

Ye’s arrest brought CEFC down like a house of cards. Ye disappeared without a trace, leaving
a debt of $15 billion. Even his closest colleagues in the company are not sure what happened to
him. As for Zang, Dongwen Gong and Chan, they survived the storm by helping the Chinese
government recover and liquidate the assets of the company so debt holders could be repaid. It
will be many years before they are allowed to leave China again.

Summary:
Contrary to popular belief, Ye and Zang were not planning to use the Bidens to influence
Washington on behalf of China, to promote the Belt and Road or to collect information on behalf
of Chinese intelligence. They were merely trying to save their skin ahead of a criminal
investigation against them in China by transferring as much money as they could from CEFC
China-based companies to new companies in the US. I told this to the SDNY in Brussels.
According to IRS whistleblower Joseph Ziegler: “Luft [...] stated that he believed Ye was willing to
make these payments because he was generally aware of a corruption investigation by Chinese
authorities and that Ye was trying to build a political asylum request or parachute for himself,
and that the Biden ‘family’ could assist him.”
7. Kill the Messenger
Arrest in Cyprus
On February 16, 2023, as I was about to board a flight on my way home to Israel following a
one-week stay in Cyprus, I was arrested at Larnaca Airport at the request of the SDNY. My
indictment, dated November 1, 2022, included one count of conspiracy to violate the Foreign
Agents Registration Act (FARA), five counts relating to separate conspiracies to violate the Arms
Export Control Act and the International Emergency Economic Powers Act (IEEPA) alleging I was
seeking to broker arms and oil without a license, and two counts of false statements to federal
officials. The alleged false statements stemmed from the Brussels meeting. Behind those trumped-
up charges were SDNY prosecutors Daniel Richenthal and Catherine Ghosh who interviewed me in
Brussels. These are the same prosecutors who prosecuted the Ho case and who had access to the
leaked investigative material. The charges were manufactured with one goal in mind – to shut me
up.

Breaking news of my arrest

Interference in my bail
Despite US pressure on the Cypriot judicial branch, one week after my arrest, on February
24, 2023, a Larnaca District Judge approved my release on bail. But soon it became clear that that
US authorities were applying pressure on the local justice system to prevent me from meeting my
bail conditions. Two major banks refused to accept my bail money “for fear of the Bidens.” When a
local friend kindly agreed to post his house as collateral, the government’s land registration’s
website was mysteriously hacked for weeks, preventing my release. All this time the US executive
branch, including US Ambassador to Cyprus Julie Fisher, continued to apply pressure on the Cypriot
Ministry of Justice to appeal the bail ruling in the Supreme Court in order to keep me in prison
until my extradition was approved. Indeed, the US government sought to intervene in a sovereign
country’s court decision. How surprising. Why were various branches of the US government
weaponized to fight my bail so hard?

That’s not all. Two days before my bail hearing, on the afternoon of February 22, 2023, a US
embassy official telephoned the Cypriot jail to ask me to meet with US officials at the jail the
following morning. In response, my attorney Henoch wrote to the SDNY prosecutors and to
embassy officials in Nicosia that I had asserted my right to counsel. He made it clear that under the
law no US official or emissary may speak with me. Despite this, the following morning US officials
arrived at the jail and tried to meet with me. I refused to see them. Later that day, US officials
asked that I sign a letter stating my refusal to meet them. I refused. One day later, US officials again
telephoned the jail early in the morning before my bail hearing, asking to meet me. I again refused.
Due to DOJ and Tony Blinken’s State Department interference, I was incarcerated for 40 days until I
finally managed to meet the bail conditions. In early April it was reported that I had left the island.

The unsealing of my indictment – good morning Democrats

On July 6 I released a 14-minute video detailing what I had told the FBI/SDNY in Brussels. I
challenged the SDNY to make public both the charges against me as well as their notes from the
Brussels meeting. The DOJ was quick to respond to the first request. Four days after my video was
released it unsealed my indictment but conveniently never released the Brussels notes. The
corporate media, which ignored the story and failed to cover the release of the video, reported
widely about the indictment, calling me a “Chinese spy,” an “arms dealer,” “a grifter,” and “con
man.” Nine days later the House Oversight Committee held its first hearing with IRS whistleblowers
Gary Shapley and Joseph Ziegler.

A larger-than-life photo of yours truly courtesy of Congressman Robert Garcia (D-CA)

calling me “Chinese spy trying to influence US policy while selling weapons to Iran and Libya.”
House Oversight Committee hearing, July 19, 2023

Defusing a loose nuke

The DOJ orchestrated the arrest in Cyprus, not in Israel where I live. This raises questions
about the motive behind the extradition request. If my crimes were indeed real and easily
demonstrable why would the DOJ wait to detain me outside of Israel? After all, the US and Israel
share a bilateral extradition treaty. Israel extradites Israeli nationals to the US to face criminal
charges. Why wait until I’m in Cyprus? The Cyprus extradition request was an “end-run” around
the Israeli judicial system. Cyprus is a small country which relies on US protection and is
susceptible to US pressure. The DOJ needed me behind bars and quickly. That couldn’t happen in
Israel.

The timing of the arrest is also peculiar. Besides the false statement charges which were
manufactured in Brussels, the statute of limitations had expired on all other violations attributed
to me. Why did the SDNY wait all those years and only on November 1, 2022 decide to charge
me?

Prior to the November 2022 midterm elections, Republicans had stated their intent to open
an investigation into the Biden family's dealings with foreign nationals. Polls projected a “Red
Wave.” With Republicans in the majority they would have subpoena power and special
investigative capabilities. They would be allowed to subpoena bank statements and FBI documents
including my Brussels FD-302. They would be able to investigate why the SDNY and/or FBI and/or
DOJ apparently never investigated my tips. Republican investigators would surely want me to
testify and this would have caused my SDNY prosecutors to have to answer lawmakers’ questions
like why they went to Brussels? What did they learn from me? How did they act on the
information? The DOJ would have to explain why in October 2020 when the Hunter Biden laptop
surfaced it did not refute the claim it was “Russian disinformation” when 19 months earlier I had
provided information that matched the contents of the laptop. No wonder my indictment was filed
on the very same week of the midterm elections.

But there was another reason for the peculiar timing. In October 2022, the month before
the sealing of my indictment, IRS investigators Gary Shapley and Joseph Ziegler were already fed
up with US Attorney David Weiss’ lethargic investigation of the Bidens, the DOJ’s foot dragging, and
the sweetheart deal he was concocting for Hunter. In his July 2023 testimony before Congress
Shapley said that on October 7, 2022 he watched Weiss telling a room full of IRS and FBI
investigators that he was “not the deciding person on whether charges are filed.” “This was my red
line,” Shapley said. In other words, when the IRS whistleblowers, who had the Brussels FD-302 in
their possession, filed their complaint, the DOJ knew it was only a matter of time before
information about the Brussels meeting would reach Congress and their coverup would be blown. I
was a loose nuke which could explode at any moment. I had to be defused.

In its request for my extradition from Cyprus, the DOJ did not disclose that there had been
a meeting in Brussels, let alone its politically sensitive content. In the request for my arrest, DOJ
wrote to Cyprus: “In March 2019, when US law enforcement interviewed Luft regarding…”
However, in the indictment unsealed in July 2023 DOJ wrote: “On or about March 28, 2019, in the
Southern District of New York, Belgium…” Belgium? In other words, US authorities were concerned
that my whistleblowing in Brussels would taint the extradition request as politically motivated,
which of course it was. The US-Cyprus bilateral extradition treaty, as do all other extradition
treaties, stipulates that “extradition shall not be granted if the executive authority of the
Requested State [ie Cyprus] determines that the request was politically motivated.” In hiding the
Brussels meeting from the Cypriots, the DOJ tried to prevent me from arguing before the Cypriot
court that the case against me was politically motivated. Recall that my SDNY prosecutors
Richenthal and Ghosh kept Hunter Biden’s name out of the Patrick Ho trial? I assume that the
political dimension of my whistleblowing and the true reason behind the Brussels meeting was
hidden not only from the Cypriot court but also from the New York grand jury that handed down
my indictment. Not anymore.

Summary:
The DOJ orchestrated my arrest in Cyprus, not in Israel where I live. This raises questions about
the motive behind the extradition request. If my crimes were indeed real and easily
demonstrable why would the DOJ wait to detain me outside of Israel?
My indictment was sealed in the week of the midterm elections when it was clear the
Republicans were about to win. The decision to indict me was taken when it became clear to
SDNY that IRS whistleblowers Shapley and Ziegler blew the whistle. The DOJ knew it was only a
matter of time before information about the Brussels meeting would reach Congress and their
coverup would be blown.
The DOJ withheld information from the Republic of Cyprus about the Brussels meeting because
they were concerned that my whistleblowing would taint the extradition request as politically
motivated.
8. Get Trump: Jim Woolsey and the FARA that never was
The 1938 Foreign Agent Registration Act (FARA) is a complicated, arcane, and loosely
worded law which was rarely enforced until the 2016 elections, the subsequent Mueller
investigation and the hysteria about so-called foreign interference in US elections. Since then,
FARA has become one of the main tools in the weaponization of the justice system against anyone
even tangentially connected to Donald Trump including Michael Flynn and Paul Manafort. I believe
the indictment against me is part of this prism.

The Grand Bargain article

In the indictment against me, SDNY claimed that starting in the last half of 2016, I “agreed
to covertly recruit and pay on behalf of principals based in China, a former high-ranking US
Government official (‘Individual-1’)” and that I “was cultivating a relationship with ‘Individual-1’”
who “was an advisor to the then-President elect of the US.” The President-elect was Donald Trump
and Individual-1 was former CIA Director James Woolsey.

The DOJ indictment claims that I, through IAGS (the think tank that I co-directed), caused a
payment to Woolsey of $6,000 per month, and that as part of the alleged scheme I caused
Woolsey to author an article about the future of US-China relations in the China Daily newspaper.

According to SDNY, the article “included information that was favorable to China” and
thereby “advanced the interests of the People’s Republic of China.” The article, which I drafted and
Woolsey edited, advocated for a grand bargain to ensure – horror! – good US-China relations. The
“grand bargain” article stated as follows: “I can therefore see the emergence of a grand bargain in
which the US accepts China’s political and social structure and commits not to disrupt it in any way
in exchange for China’s commitment not to challenge the status quo in Asia. It may not be a spoken
agreement but a tacit understanding that guides the relations in the years to come.”

In plain words, the “grand bargain” means that in exchange for China’s commitment not to
challenge the status quo in Asia the US will refrain from pushing regime-change in China. For some
context, it is worth mentioning that the articles came out at a time US-China relations were
nothing like they are today. Circa 2016 China was not an enemy, not a rival and not even a declared
strategic competitor of the US. There was no China Initiative at the DOJ and very few people in
Washington had even heard about FARA.

My relationship with Woolsey

James Woolsey was CIA Director under President Bill Clinton. He is funny, highly intelligent
and self-deprecating. Hardly the spy chief type. “Remember the guy who in 1994 crashed his plane
onto the White House lawn? That was me trying to get an appointment to see President Clinton,”
he used to joke. After his retirement from government, Jim became involved with several think
tanks. He was also a business consultant and a lobbyist. Shortly after September 11, as a fellow
impassioned energy security activist, Jim joined me in founding the IAGS. Woolsey and I had been
friends for 20 years before my arrest. A man of boundless energy, he worked as a volunteer for
IAGS for roughly 14 years prior to the alleged 2016 FARA “conspiracy.” Jim’s wife, Nancye Miller,
(“Individual-2” in my indictment) was also a friend. Jim and I had many common interests. We
collaborated on books, articles and conferences for many years prior to the alleged conspiracy.
 The SDNY’s painting of Woolsey as a useful idiot who fell into my conspiracy to cultivate and
recruit him in the service of China, wilfully omitting the true nature of our relationship, is false and
ridiculous. Jim is a grown-up man, a former CIA Director. That he could be lured by me into
collaborating with China was not only an insult to his intelligence but also to the intelligence
community.

DOJ claimed I recruited Woolsey in 2016 but this joint oped in the Houston Chronicle dates back to 2006.

SDNY also mischaracterized the relations between Woolsey, myself and Patrick Ho. Patrick
was a friend of Jim and Nancye. They even visited him in Hong Kong. On page 10 of my indictment
SDNY describes how on September 12, 2016 Ho asked me to secure an invitation for him to a
dinner in New York that Woolsey was hosting, painting a picture of him trying to infiltrate into Jim’s
close circle. What SDNY failed to mention is that the event was Woolsey’s 75th birthday and that I
helped organize it at an upscale Manhattan club, which was attended by more than 100 of Jim’s
friends including Henry Kissinger and Senator Joe Lieberman. Patrick Ho had friendly relations with
both Woolsey and Miller. We spoke at events together some of them organized by the Woolseys
themselves, including a Young Presidents Organization annual conference in Dubai in April 2016.

Woolsey, me and Ho committing the “crime” of advocating good US-China relations.

YPO Global Conference, Dubai, April 2016

SDNY knew very well about the nature my relations with Jim and Nancye. During the
Brussels meeting, I told them that Woolsey had been diagnosed with advanced dementia,
something that at the time only a close friend like me could know. By waiting more than five years
before indicting me, the DOJ ensured that in the event the case were brought before a US court,
Jim would already be, to borrow a DOJ phrase, a “sympathetic, well-meaning, elderly man with
poor memory” whose testimony, containing exculpatory evidence, would not be admissible for
medical reasons. How convenient. As for his wife Nancye, she passed away from aggressive cancer
in March 2019, shortly before the Brussels meeting.
 The allegation that the China Daily article aimed to further the interests of the PRC is
beyond ridiculous. The idea of a “grand bargain” which appeared in the Woolsey article was
neither novel nor a pro-China position as DOJ claimed. It’s also clear that nothing in the article
served Chinese interests, not because I say so but because the CIA did. As a former CIA official,
Woolsey had to submit all of his writings to the CIA for prepublication review. The CIA approved
the China Daily article, seeing nothing in it that advanced the interests of the People’s Republic of
China.

The FBI spied on Woolsey and Flynn

On September 16, 2016, 14 years after my relationship with Woolsey started, he joined the
Trump presidential campaign. At the time, Trump was a long-shot candidate and Jim’s decision to
join him shocked a lot of his never-Trump colleagues. Within days he was fired from most of his
board positions and lost most of his income. He did not stay on the Trump team for long. On
January 5, 2017, two weeks before President-elect Trump took office, Jim announced that he
would no longer serve as a senior adviser to Trump.

It has become common knowledge that during the period of 2016-2017 several Trump
advisers including Lt. General Michael Flynn, George Papadopoulos and Carter Page were under
surveillance by the Obama regime as well as by foreign intelligence agencies at the behest of the
US. Since Woolsey was one of the most senior advisers on the Trump campaign’s national security
team, it should come as no surprise if he too was under unlawful surveillance at the time. My
indictment provides evidence of that.

Page 18 of the indictment against me describes a November 26, 2016 email exchange
between Woolsey and me following the 2016 elections in which he sought my advice about the
content of an email he was about to send General Flynn who had been nominated as Trump’s
National Security Advisor and who at the time headed Trump’s national security transition team.
Woolsey, who was trying to burnish his credentials, hoping to secure a top national security job,
shared the email with me as a close friend. I offered some edits which Jim adopted.

To advance its narrative, the DOJ turned the story upside-down, presenting the former CIA
Director as a victim of a sophisticated recruitment operation by a savvy Chinese agent rather than
presenting the truth. The truth is that Woolsey reached out to me, a friend, for advice on an
important personal matter. The DOJ was so desperate to nail me that it stated: “Individual-1
[Woolsey] sent LUFT’s version of the email, including the language quoted above [my edits], to the
advisor [Flynn].” How did DOJ have access to private correspondence between Woolsey and Flynn?

I hope to one day understand why SDNY felt it was important to admit publicly that the FBI
was spying on the communication between Flynn and Woolsey. I also hope to understand why the
FBI never warned Woolsey, who could have become a senior national security official in the Trump
administration, about this alleged recruitment effort. I cannot escape the conclusion that the
Washington regime thinks its job is to “get Trump” and target its political opponents rather than
protect its citizens from potentially dangerous liaisons.

No foreign principal – no FARA

Perhaps the biggest misrepresentation in my FARA charge was that I acted on behalf of a
foreign principal. DOJ argued that I conspired with Patrick Ho, who was described as “Chinese
individual who worked for a Chinese nongovernmental organization.” This is a demonstrable lie. Ho
was not Chinese; he was citizen of Hong Kong. That a Hong Kong man would be the “spy chief of
China” is as realistic as a Haitian becoming the head of the CIA. This can only happen in the mind
of Hunter Biden.

CEFC NGO, or in its full name China Energy Fund Committee (USA) Inc., was not a “China-
based principal” or a “foreign” principal. It was a US-based organization with a 501c3 status
granted to it by the IRS. SDNY knew this perfectly well. In Ho’s trial SDNY itself presented to the
court the articles of incorporation of CEFC NGO which had been submitted to the Virginia State
Corporation Commission on May 1, 2012. The organization had an office on Wilson Blvd. in
Arlington, Virginia, and it had submitted annual reports to the IRS and the State of Virginia since
2014 as required by law. As a 501c3 organization it was able to collect tax deductible donations
from US individuals, corporations and foundations.

In 2016 the US government had so many concerns about CEFC and its association with the
Chinese state that its leaders came under US surveillance. In 2017 it also knew about the relations
between CEFC and Russia and especially Igor Sechin’s Rosneft. Despite the red flags, at no point
was CEFC NGO audited or approached by the IRS to review its 501c3 status. At no point did the
government share its concerns with the multiple top-level current and former American officials
who interacted with the organization. None of CEFC NGO’s engagements, some of them involving
visits of prominent Americans to China and Hong Kong, triggered defensive briefings or other types
of warnings.

If CEFC NGO was a US entity, it was not a foreign principal and therefore those dealing with
it were under no obligation to register under FARA. If anyone messed up, it was the US
government itself which granted the organization legal status and allowed it to operate freely
without any intervention. Furthermore, I was never representing anyone besides myself and IAGS
for which I worked. That the DOJ went to the trouble of seeking my extradition on a trumped up
FARA charge is scandalous.

Two US 501c3 organizations, celebrating the signing of a cooperation agreement.

The Willard Hotel in Washington, December 6, 2015.
Summary:
SDNY presented a false narrative that I was covertly trying to recruit James Woolsey to advance
the interests of China, wilfully ignoring our decades-long relationship.
The US government charged me for representing a foreign principal when CEFC NGO was in fact
a domestic one. If there is no foreign principal, there can be no FARA charge. Furthermore, I was
never representing anyone besides myself and IAGS for which I worked.
It is the US government that approved CEFC NGO as a 501c3 organization and for years failed to
respond to the red flags about the organization.
If the US government had concerns about the organization and believed it was acting on behalf
of a foreign government, it should have warned Woolsey and the multiple other high-level
officials who dealt with CEFC. It didn’t.

A tale of two FARAs - A classic example of a two-tiered justice system

Gal Luft Hunter Biden

Who did he represent? No one but himself. Conducted Top executives of CEFC China
academic cooperation on behalf Energy Company – an alleged
of his think tank with CEFC NGO foreign principal.
– a Virginia registered 501c3
organization
Activity Collaborated on a newspaper Covertly sold access and
article on US-China relations. influence.
Money The non-profit organization he Received millions of dollars
worked for received a donation through shell companies. Much
of $350,000 and the donation of the income was hidden from
was reported to the IRS. the IRS.
Statute of limitations DOJ extended the statute using DOJ slow walked the
creative methods. investigation until the statute
expired.
Ethics Reported the Biden activities to Did not report to the
the DOJ twice as well as the government about CEFC’s
leak of secret SDNY information activities and the leak of the
to Chinese individuals. arrest warrant of his client. Took
$1 million from Ho and did
nothing in return.
Government action Charged with FARA violation. No FARA charges.
9. Body of Lies
Who interfered in the 2020 elections?
The New York Times described CEFC’s Ye and Zang as “[wanting] access to the corridors of
power in Washington.” This may be true but not for the reasons commonly believed and often
touted in the media - spying for the PRC, promoting China’s Belt and Road or interfering in the US
elections. The latter is the most ludicrous one. If we learned anything from the CEFC-Biden story it
is that neither China nor Russia had any intention of interfering in the elections as the media often
suggests. How do I know? Because they could have and they didn’t.

Throughout 2020 both Russian and Chinese intelligence agencies were fully aware of CEFC’s
association with the Biden family. Starting two years before the elections, Ye was under arrest in
China and surely spilled the beans about the relationship. Russian intelligence was on the case at
least from the days CEFC started its work in Russia. Yet, neither country made any use of the
information they obtained. If anyone interfered in the 2020 elections it wasn’t Vladimir Putin or Xi
Jinping. It was Antony Blinken and the 51 former intelligence officials who shamelessly, through
deceit and disrespect to their profession, mischaracterized the Hunter Biden laptop as a Russian
disinformation campaign. It was the FBI and the DOJ which covered up for the Bidens, slow walked
the investigation, failed to follow leads for years and retaliated against whistleblowers and
informants. It was the corporate media and social media companies which wilfully buried the
laptop story. As we approach the 2024 elections the same cast of characters will come up with the
same bag of tricks. Some of them have already started. Make no mistake, it is they, not the Chinese
or the Russians, who are the real threat to the American democracy.

The Bidens never partnered with CEFC

Another myth that deserves a decent burial is that the Bidens were partners of CEFC. As I
explained to the DOJ in Brussels, Ye’s bromance with Hunter Biden had nothing to do with
promoting China’s interests in the US or elsewhere. It was motivated by his agenda to defect from
China and seek asylum in the US before the Central Commission for Discipline Inspection, China’s
anti-corruption authority, closed in on him. What the many investigators who were looking into the
story fail to understand is that the businesses between Ye, Zang and the Bidens had nothing to do
with CEFC Energy Company. Even though they were top CEFC executives, Zang and Ye hid their
dealings with the Bidens from their CEFC colleagues in order to mask their plan to defect to the US.
Their secret operation was aimed to siphon hundreds of millions of dollars out of China in order to
allow them to live in the US comfortably rather than rot in a Chinese prison.

My conversations with CEFC executives after the collapse of the company revealed that the
governing bodies of the CEFC company in Shanghai had no idea about any of the deals Ye and Zang
concocted with the Bidens. They never heard about companies named Hudson West, Oneida,
Owasco, Lion Hall Group or Sino Hawk. The never approved the formation of an entity called CEFC
Infrastructure Investment (US). They never approved the acquisitions of prime real estate in New
York. They never heard about, let alone approved, the Monkey Island LNG deal or any of the
opportunities the Bidens were, as James Biden called it, “seeding.” They had no idea who Tony
Bobulinski, Rob Walker, Dongwen Gong and Mervyn Yan were. Furthermore, none of the money
that went to the Bidens came from CEFC itself or any of its registered subsidiaries. State Energy HK
was personally controlled by Ye and Zang and Northern International Capital which was a 98%-
owned subsidiary of Shanghai Tongtian Investment Holding Co. belonged to Ye. These companies
had nothing to do with CEFC. Members of Congress and journalists debating whether CEFC was a
private company, a state-controlled company, or some hybrid have completely lost the plot - CEFC
never partnered with the Bidens. It was Ye and Zang who did so in their personal capacity and
unbeknownst to the CEFC board of directors and top executives.

The real story is that Ye was a young and overly ambitious Chinese businessman who flew
too close to the sun. He knew the ways of China, but he did not know the ways of the world. He
was neither a spy nor an agent of the PRC, let alone a protégé of Xi Jinping. To the contrary, he was
far from being the darling of the Chinese government which ultimately took him down. In
Washington, Ye found an ethically compromised and cash-starved drug addict son of a former vice
president. It was a match made in heaven.

Two-tiered justice system

The Biden-CEFC saga would never had been such an explosive story if not for the DOJ’s
never-ending effort to cover up for the Bidens. As was the case in Watergate, the coverup is worse
than the crime. But the coverup effort failed spectacularly, reflecting poorly on the many offices
and agencies involved: the FBI, the SDNY, and the Delaware US Attorney’s Office, which showed
extreme lack of curiosity, the IRS, which approved CEFC NGO as a 501c3 and allowed it to operate
in the US for years, and the intelligence community which not only failed to warn high-level
officials about the concerns it had about CEFC but also propagated the false narrative that the
laptop was part of a Russian disinformation campaign.

Throughout the affair, DOJ officials robotically repeated the “we follow the evidence”
mantra. They did anything but that. They waited years before following up on critical leads. They
obstructed justice and they targeted those who dared to tell the truth. If not for Hunter forgetting
to pick his laptop up from the repair shop, the courage of a handful of whistleblowers, and the
persistence of Congressional Chairmen James Comer, Jim Jordan and Jason Smith, the truth would
have remained buried forever.

Much has been reported about the DOJ’s kid-glove treatment of Hunter Biden: slow
walking the investigation, informing his defense counsel of future investigative actions, and
exhibiting reluctance to take investigative actions. The DOJ did all it could to run out the clock on
the statute of limitations of Hunter’s violations. By the time the DOJ came under Congressional
scrutiny most of the serious crimes attributed to Hunter, including FARA and failure to pay his 2014
taxes, could not be prosecuted.

Contrary to the prosecutorial sluggishness that DOJ demonstrated in Hunter’s case, when it
came to my case it exhibited extraordinary prosecutorial zeal. The SDNY showed how creative it
can be if it wants to extend the statute of limitations which is five years for most federal crimes.
For example, the statute of limitations for most of the counts in my indictment expired 18 months
before November 1, 2022, the date my indictment was sealed. The DOJ was so desperate to extend
the statute by an additional 18 months that it resorted to an unusual trick. In the indictment (page
38) it included an email I sent to myself in June 2017, making me probably the first person to be
charged for conspiring with himself.

In addition, the DOJ hid critical information from the Republic of Cyprus, like the fact there
was a politically-charged Brussels meeting, sabotaging my extradition fight. It also did all it could to
keep me behind bars during the extradition proceedings so I couldn’t defend myself, let alone write
this report or testify before Congress.
Last words before I ride into the sunset
I had nothing to personally gain by going to Brussels. I didn’t ask the DOJ for anything in
exchange for my information. Unlike ex-FBI informant Alexander Smirnov, who was charged in
February 2024 for allegedly making false statements to the FBI, I was not a confidential human
source (CHS). I never received a penny from the FBI and had no expectation of anything other than
for the DOJ to investigate my information. But instead of recognizing me for what I really was, the
first person who stepped forward and alerted the government about the skeletons in the closet of
the person vying for the presidency and the security breaches within the justice system, the DOJ
made me public enemy number one.

Had the DOJ thoroughly investigated my claims in time, there is a good chance Joe Biden
may have decided it was not a good idea to run for president and the country would have been
spared this humiliation on the global stage. They didn’t, and the result is that the American justice
system has become a laughing stock in the eyes of the world. Millions of Americans feel in their
guts that something horribly wrong is going on with their justice system. Phrases like “lawfare,”
“dual justice,” and “weaponization,” normally attributed to unsavory regimes, are now applicable
to the US. No wonder trust in the DOJ and the FBI plummeted to 37% in 2023. Among Republicans
the number is an abysmal 17%. Such a low level of trust calls for an urgent shakeup before the
American democracy enters an irreversible death spiral. It’s one minute to midnight.

Finally, I urge Americans to put their political convictions aside for a moment and reflect on
the way we as a society treat our whistleblowers. We talk a big talk about the need to speak out
when we see something wrong. Every company, government agency and nonprofit has a
whistleblower policy, encouraging employees to report suspected misconduct, illegal acts or failure
to act within the system. But the CEFC story is proof that blowing the whistle is a dangerous act.
Every whistleblower who stepped forward and shared information about the Bidens was fired from
his job, prosecuted, imprisoned or had his life threatened. Which is why when I heard on January
10, 2024 that US Attorney of the SDNY Damian Williams had launched the “SDNY Whistleblower
Pilot Program,” inviting whistleblowers to alert his office to “the next Madoff case,” I didn’t know
whether to laugh or cry.
The FBI’s FD-302 of my meeting with them in Brussels